## The Project Gutenberg eBook of History for ready reference, Volume 7

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Title: History for ready reference, Volume 7

Recent history (1901 to 1910)

Author: J. N. Larned

Release date: May 16, 2024 [eBook #73639]

Language: English

Original publication: Springfield, Mass: C. A. Nichols Co, 1895

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/73639

Credits: Don Kostuch

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE, VOLUME 7 ***

    [Transcriber's notes.
       This work is derived from:
       https://archive.org/details/historyforreadyr07larn

       To provide some "foresight" on the many international
       conflicts mentioned in this work, I suggest reading a review
       of World War I, which commences four years after the
       publication of this work. For example:
       https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/World_War_I

       These modifications are intended to provide
       continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.

    1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly
       brackets "{1234}") are usually placed between paragraphs. In this
       case the page number is preceded and followed by an empty line.

       To remove page numbers use the Regular Expression:
         "^{[0-9]+}" to "" (empty string)

    2. If a paragraph is exceptionally long, the page number is
       placed at the nearest sentence break on its own line, but
       without surrounding empty lines.

    3. Blocks of unrelated text are moved to a nearby break
       between subjects.

    5. Use of em dashes and other means of space saving are
       replaced with spaces and newlines.

    6. Subjects are arranged thusly:

    ---------------------------------
    MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE
       Subheading one.
       Subheading two.

       Subject text.

          See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.

          See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.

          John Smith,
          External Citation Title,
          Chapter 3, page 89.
    ---------------------------------

       Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case
       (as in the original) and are preceded by an empty line.

       Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and
       immediately follow the main title.

       Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles
       (if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented
       three spaces.

       References to other articles in this work are in all upper
       case (as in the original) and indented six spaces. They
       usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in". "See" is
       followed by either "(in this Volume)" or the Volume number
       of one of the preceding six Volumes.

       Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces
       and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in
       Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,
       including URLs of available internet versions.

       ----------Subject: Start--------
       ----------Subject: End----------
       indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other
       large block.

       To search for words separated by an unknown number of other
       characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words
       "first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters:
         "first.{1,100}second"

       A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of
       this file as an aid for finding words with unusual spellings
       that are archaic, contain non-Latin letters, or are spelled
       differently by various authors. Search for:

       "Word List: Start".

       I use these free search tools:
       Notepad++ — https://notepad-plus-plus.org
       Agent Ransack or FileLocator Pro — https://www.mythicsoft.com

       Several tables are best viewed using a fixed spacing font such
       Courier New.

    End Transcriber's Notes.]

    {i}
    HISTORY

    FOR READY REFERENCE

    FROM THE BEST

    HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

    THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE

    SYSTEM OF HISTORY

    FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS, AND
    REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE
    BETTER AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY
    IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

    BY

    J. N. LARNED

    WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL STUDIES
    AND DRAWINGS BY

    ALAN C. REILEY

    REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

    IN SEVEN VOLUMES

    Volume VII.—RECENT HISTORY
    (1901 TO 1910)

    A to Z

    SPRINGFIELD, MASS.

    THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

    1910

    {ii}

    Copyright, 1910,
    BY J. N. LARNED.

    The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A.
    Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company

    {iii}

    PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH VOLUME

       In the preface to the Sixth Volume of this work, published in
       the spring of 1901, it was remarked that the last half-dozen
       years of the Nineteenth Century, which that Volume covered,
       had been filled with events so remarkable and changes so
       revolutionary in political and social conditions that many
       people had asked for an extension of my work to report them.
       The years then reviewed disclosed only the beginnings of what
       the decade since has been developing, in movements and
       achievements so varied, so numerous, in such rapid succession,
       with effects so profound and so problematical, that their
       appeal to our interest seems the strongest that has come to us
       yet from human history. That the interest in them justifies
       this further extension of my compilation of "recent history"
       has been made clear to me by the frequency of the suggestions
       of another Volume which have come to the publisher and to
       myself. In the new Volume I have striven to make a clear
       exhibit of all these strangely pregnant evolutionary and
       revolutionary movements of the present time, which are
       traversing all divisions and institutions of all society,
       occidental and oriental, along all the lines of its
       organization,—international, national, municipal, political,
       industrial, intellectual, moral,—leaving nothing in life
       untouched.

       A few indications of the subjects dealt with most extensively
       in the Volume may convey some idea of its scope, and of the
       aims pursued in its preparation. For example: "Railways" and
       "Combinations" ("Trusts"), treated mainly as the subjects of
       regulative governmental action, occupy 38 pages in all. "Labor
       Organization" fills 25 pages with the incidents of its trade
       unions, labor parties, strikes, mediations, arbitrations and
       industrial agreements. "Labor Protection" receives 6 pages,
       for the account of what has been done in various countries in
       the matters of employers’ liability, industrial insurance,
       hours of work, etc. "Labor Remuneration" receives 9 pages, for
       the reporting of experiments in cooperation, profit-sharing,
       wages-regulation, pensions, etc. Various dealings with the
       problems of "Poverty and Unemployment" are set forth in 8
       pages; similarly the problems of "Crime and Criminology"
       receive nearly 6; those of the Liquor Traffic 9; those of the
       Opium evil, 3. The development of organized work for "Social
       Betterment" is traced in 5 pages; that of reform in "Municipal
       Government" in 12. The "Race Problems," which are troubling
       many countries and people, are depicted in 15 pages.
       Twenty-six pages are given to the Educational history of the
       last decade; recent "Science and Invention" are reported in
       16. "Children under the Law" are the subject of 8 interesting
       pages on recent legislation touching the young.

       The contradictory states of temper in the world on the subject
       of War are depicted under two contrasted headings—"War, The
       Preparations for" and "War, The Revolt against," in
       particulars which fill 35 pages. Of the one great war of the
       period, between Japan and Russia, and the triumph of mediation
       which brought it to a close, the narrative, in about 20 pages,
       is full. The story of the late revolution in Turkey is told
       authentically in 9 pages, and that of Persia in 10. The
       abortive attempts at revolution in Russia, and the sham of
       constitutional government conceded, have their history in 18
       pages. The signs of wakened life in China are described in 12.
       The discontent of India and Lord Morley’s measures of reform
       in the

    {iv}

       British-Indian government, enlarging the native representation
       in it, are set forth broadly in 15. Generally, as concerns the
       British Empire, the interesting conditions that have arisen in
       it very lately, adding South Africa to the group of unified
       Colonial Dominions, which are young British nations in the
       making, and drawing them all into a league with the "Mother
       Country" for organized imperial defense, are amply portrayed.
       So, too, are the agitations in recent British politics at
       home, which have arisen from an increasing antagonism between
       popular interests represented in the House of Commons and
       class interests intrenched in the House of Lords. In American
       politics, the remarkable invigoration and freshening of spirit
       which characterized the administration of President Roosevelt
       are made apparent in a broad exhibit of their many effective
       results.

       As was said of Volume VI., it can be said, I think, with even
       more truth of this, that it presents "History in the
       making,—the day by day evolution of events and changes as they
       passed under the hands and before the eyes and were recorded
       by the pens of the actual makers and witnesses of them."

       As an appendix to the present Volume, a new feature, related
       to the whole work, has been introduced. It offers a
       considerably extensive series of systematic courses for
       historical study and reading, the literature for which is
       supplied in the seven Volumes of "History for Ready
       Reference." This has been prepared in response to many
       requests which the publishers have received. Even for casual
       investigations it will be found serviceable to every possessor
       and user of the work.

          J. N. L.
          Buffalo, New York, May, 1910.

    {v}

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

       I am indebted to the following named authors and publishers
       for permission kindly given me to quote from books and
       periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in connection
       with the passages borrowed severally from them:

       The publishers of
       The American Catholic Quarterly Review,
       The American Monthly Review of Reviews,
       The Associated Prohibition Press,
       The Atlantic Monthly Magazine,
       The Boston Transcript,
       The Century Magazine,
       The Contemporary Review,
       The Fortnightly Review,
       The New York Evening Post,
       The New York State Journal of Medicine,
       The Nineteenth Century Review,
       The North American Review,
       The Outlook,
       The Times (London),
       Messrs. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh,
       Messrs. Doubleday,
       Page & Co.,
       Messrs. E. P. Dutton & Co.,
       Messrs. Harper & Brothers,
       Messrs. Henry Holt & Co.,
       Messrs. Houghton Mifflin Company,
       Messrs. John Lane Company,
       Messrs. Charles Scribner’s Sons;
       Professors Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman (as joint authors);
       Mr. Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
          Lowell High School, San Francisco;
       Mr. George Iles, author of "Inventors at Work",
       Dr. James Brown Scott, Solicitor of the U. S. Department of State.

       I am much indebted, furthermore, to the courtesy of many
       societies and persons from whom I have received reports and
       other documents that were essential to my work; and especially
       do I owe much to the helpfulness of many on the staff of the
       Buffalo Public Library.

    {1}

    HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE

    ABD EL AZIZ, Sultan of Morocco.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1903, and 1907-1909.

    ABDUL HAMID II., Sultan of Turkey.
       His forced restoration of the Constitution of 1876 .
       His faithlessness to it.
       His deposition.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December.),
          and 1909 (January-May).

    ABDULLA MOHAMMED, The Mullah.

          See (in this Volume)
          Africa: Somaliland.

    ABDURAHMAN,
       Ameer of Afghanistan: Death, 1901.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    ABERDEEN, The Earl of: Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ABERDEEN, Lady.

          See (in this Volume)
          WOMEN,  INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.

    "ABIR," or A. B. I. R. COMPANY, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

    ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902 .
       The French in favor.
       Their railway building and plans.

       "Through Abyssinia the French hope to establish a line of
       trade across Africa from east to west in opposition to our
       Cape to Cairo railway from north to south. In this they have
       already achieved some success. They have settled themselves
       along the Gulf of Tadjoura, on the south of which they hold
       the magnificent Bay of Djibouti, while on the north their flag
       waves over the small port of Obok. But their real triumph in
       these regions has been the establishment of a lasting
       friendship with Abyssinia by judicious consignments of arms
       and ammunition—which were used against Italy in the war of
       1896. Finally, they are now in the act of building a French
       railway from Djibouti to Addis Abeba, the capital of
       Abyssinia. This railway will completely cut out the British
       port of Zeila, for in the concession granted by Menelik it is
       stipulated that no company is to be permitted to construct a
       railroad on Abyssinian territory that shall enter into
       competition with that of M. Ilg and M. Chefneux. …

       "At Menelik’s capital, Addis Abeba, there is, to use the
       expression of M. Hugues le Roux, a silent duel in progress
       between the representatives of the various nationalities. We
       are represented by Colonel Harrington. But, although Menelik
       is wise enough to extend a friendly greeting to all, there is
       no reason to suppose that we should enjoy as great a share of
       favour as other nations. Although throughout the war we
       preserved a strict neutrality, we are regarded as a powerful
       and aggressive neighbour, and as the ally of Italy, whereas
       the French have been the truest friends of Abyssinia. The
       Russians are also in communication with the Negus, and their
       efforts are, of course, seconded by France. As for the
       Italians, their position seems now to be as good as that of
       any European nation."

          G. F. H. Berkeley,
          The Abyssinian Question and its History
          (Nineteenth Century, January, 1903).

    ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.
       Treaty with Great Britain.

       A treaty between Great Britain and the Emperor Menelek, of the
       kingdom of Ethiopia (Abyssinia), signed on the 15th of May,
       1902, defines the boundaries between the Soudan and Ethiopia,
       and contains the following important provisions:

       "Article III.
       His Majesty the Emperor Menelek II., King of Kings of
       Ethiopia, engages himself towards the Government of his
       Britannic Majesty not to construct, or allow to be
       constructed, any work across the Blue Nile, Lake Tsana, or the
       Sobat, which would arrest the flow of their waters into the
       Nile, except in agreement with his Britannic Majesty’s
       Government and the Government of the Soudan.

       Article IV.
       The Emperor Menelek engages himself to allow his Britannic
       Majesty’s Government and the Government of the Soudan to
       select in the neighborhood of Itang, on the Baro River, a
       block of territory having a river frontage of not more than
       2000 metres, in area not exceeding 400 hectares, which shall
       be leased to the Government of the Soudan, to be administered
       and occupied as a commercial station, so long as the Soudan is
       under the Anglo-Egyptian Government. It is agreed between the
       two high contracting parties that the territory so leased
       shall not be used for any political or military purpose.

       Article V.
       The Emperor Menelek grants his Britannic Majesty’s Government
       and the Government of the Soudan the right to construct a
       railway through Abyssinian territory to connect the Soudan
       with Uganda. A route for the railway will be selected by
       mutual agreement between the two high contracting parties."

    ACCIDENTS TO WORKMEN:
       In the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION.

    ACHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

          See (in this Volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

    ACRE DISPUTES, The:
       Claims on the region by Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia.
       Its final partition.

       A considerable territory of much richness in the southwestern
       part of the Amazon Valley, around the upper waters of the
       Madeira, the Aquiry, and the Purus tributaries, was long in
       dispute between Brazil, Bolivia, and Peru, and became a cause
       of serious quarrel between the two first named in 1903. The
       then Brazilian President, Rodriguez Alves, in his first annual
       message, May, 1903, stated the situation from the Brazilian
       standpoint as follows:

       "Our former relations of such cordial friendship with Bolivia
       have suffered a not insignificant strain since the time when
       the Government of that sister Republic, unable to maintain its
       authority in the Acre region, inhabited exclusively, as you
       know, by Brazilians who, many years previously, had
       established themselves there in good faith, saw fit to deliver
       it over to a foreign syndicate upon whom it conferred powers
       almost sovereign. That concession, as dangerous for the
       neighboring nations as for Bolivia itself, encountered general
       disapproval in South America As the most immediately
       interested, Brazil, already in the time of my illustrious
       predecessor, protested against the contract to which I refer,
       and entered upon the policy of reprisals, prohibiting the free
       transit by the Amazon of merchandise between Bolivia and
       abroad.
    {2}
       Neither that protest nor the counsels of friendship produced
       at that time the desired effect in La Paz, and, far from
       rescinding the contract or making the hoped-for modifications
       therein, the Bolivian Government concluded an especial
       arrangement for the purpose of hurrying the entrance of the
       syndicate into the possession of the territory.

       "When I assumed the government that was the situation, and in
       addition the inhabitants of the Acre, who had again proclaimed
       their independence, were masters of the whole country,
       excepting Puerto Acre, of which they did not get possession
       until the end of January. Although since January negotiations
       have been initiated by us for the purpose of removing amicably
       the cause of the disorders and complications which have had
       their seat of action in the Acre ever since the time when for
       the first time the Bolivian authorities penetrated thither, in
       1899, yet the Government of La Paz has nevertheless thought
       proper that its President and his minister of war should march
       against that territory at the head of armed forces with the
       end in view of crushing its inhabitants and then establishing
       the agents of the syndicate."

       The Brazilian President proceeded then to relate that he had
       notified the Bolivian Government of the intention of Brazil to
       "defend as its boundary the parallel of 10° 20' south," which
       it held to be the line indicated by the letter and the spirit
       of a treaty concluded in 1867; and that Bolivia had then
       agreed to a settlement of the dispute through diplomatic
       channels. "Upon the Bolivian Government agreeing to this," he
       continued, "we promptly reestablished freedom of transit for
       its foreign commerce by Brazilian waters. Shortly after this
       the syndicate, by reason of the indemnity which we paid it,
       renounced the concession which had been made it, eliminating
       thus this disturbing element."

       In conclusion of the subject, President Alves reported: "To
       the Peruvian Government we have announced, very willingly,
       since January, that we will examine, with attention, the
       claims which in due time they may be pleased to make upon the
       subject of the territories now in dispute between Brazil and
       Bolivia."

       The result of the ensuing negotiations between Brazil and
       Bolivia was a treaty signed in the following November and duly
       ratified, the terms of which were summarized as follows in a
       despatch from the American Legation at La Paz, December 26:
       "Three months after exchange of ratifications Brazil is to pay
       an indemnity of £1,000,000 and in March, 1905, £1,000,000. A
       small strip of territory, north Marso, Brazilero, embracing
       Bahia Negra and a port opposite Coimbra, on Paraguay River,
       are conceded, and all responsibilities respecting Peruvian
       contentions are assumed. The disputed Acre territory is
       conceded by Bolivia. A railroad for the common use of both
       countries is to be built from San Antonio, on Madeira River,
       to Cuajar Ameren, on Mamore River, within four years after
       ratification. Free navigation on the Amazon and its Bolivian
       affluents is conceded. A mixed commission, with umpire chosen
       from the diplomatic representation to Brazil, will treat all
       individual Acre claims."

       Subsequently it was determined in Bolivia that the entire
       indemnity received from Brazil should be expended on
       railroads, with an additional sum of £3,500,000, to be raised
       by loan.

       For the settlement of the remaining question of rights in the
       Acre territory, between Bolivia and Peru, a treaty of
       arbitration, negotiated in December, 1902, but ratified with
       modifications by the Bolivian Congress in October, 1903,
       provided that "the high contracting parties submit to the
       judgment and decision of the Government of the Argentine
       Republic, as arbitrator and judge of rights, the question of
       limits now pending between both republics, so as to obtain a
       definite and unappealable sentence, in virtue of which all the
       territory which in 1810 belonged to the jurisdiction or
       district of the Ancient Audience of Charcas, within the limits
       of the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, by acts of the ancient
       sovereign, may belong to the Republic of Bolivia; and all the
       territory which at the same date and by acts of equal origin
       belonged to the viceroyalty of Peru may belong to the Republic
       of Peru."

       The case was pending until July, 1909, when judgment favorable
       to the claims of Peru was pronounced by the President of the
       Argentine Republic, Señor Figueroa Alcorta. According to the
       award, as announced officially from Peru, the line was drawn
       to "follow the rivers Heath and Madre de Dios up to the mouth
       of the Toromonas and from there a straight line as far as the
       intersection of the river Tehuamanu with meridian 69. It will
       then run northwards along this meridian until it meets the
       territorial sovereignty of another nation."

       The Bolivians were enraged by the decision against them, and
       riotous attacks were made on the Argentine Legation at La Paz,
       the Bolivian capital, and on Argentine consulates elsewhere.
       Worse than this in offensiveness was a published declaration
       by President Montes of Bolivia that the arbitration award
       respecting the frontiers of Bolivia and Peru had been given by
       Argentina without regard to Bolivia’s petition that an actual
       inspection of the territory should be made in case the
       documents and titles submitted were unsatisfactory. "Had this
       been done," said the President of Bolivia, "the arbitrator
       would have been convinced of the respective possessions of the
       two countries. It is inexplicable how the arbitrator, after
       examining the titles and documents, could give such a
       decision. He passed over the elementary principles of
       international rights in awarding to Peru territory which had
       never been questioned as belonging to Bolivia. As a
       consequence Bolivia rejects the award."

       The insulted Government of Argentina demanded explanations;
       diplomatic relations between the two countries were broken
       off, and war seemed imminent. Fortunately the term of
       President Montes was near its close, and a man of evidently
       cooler temper, Elidoro Villazon, succeeded him in the
       Presidency on August 12th. The new President, in his message
       to Congress next day, while characterizing the award as
       unjust, said: "We must proceed circumspectly, and be guided by
       international rights and the customs of civilized nations in
       similar cases. I consider it right to avail ourselves of the
       means offered by diplomacy to obtain a rectification of the
       new frontier line given by arbitration, thus saving the
       compromised possessions of Bolivia."

    {3}

       With this better spirit entering into the controversy, Bolivia
       was soon able to arrange with Peru for a concession from the
       latter which made her people willing to recognize the award.
       This agreement was effected on the 11th of September, and its
       terms, as made known in a despatch from Rio de Janeiro, were
       as follows:

       "Peru surrenders to Bolivia a very small extent of territory
       lying between the Madre de Dios River and the Acre, traversed
       by the rivers Tahuamano and Buyamaro, which together form the
       river Orton, an affluent of the Beni River. This territory,
       with an area of about 6,500 square kilometres, was discovered
       and colonized by Bolivians, who to-day are in possession of
       numerous prosperous industries there. Peru gets possession of
       all the upper course of the Madre de Dios, from its head
       waters to its confluence with the river Heath. Such a slight
       modification as the foregoing from the decision reached by the
       arbitrator in no way disturbs the Argentine Republic."

       As between Peru and Brazil the boundary question was settled
       by a treaty signed at Rio de Janeiro on the 8th of September,
       three days before the Bolivian pacification.

       This probably closes a territorial dispute which has troubled
       four countries in South America for many years, and brought
       quarrelling couples to the verge of war a number of times.

    ADANA, Massacres at.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May), and (April-December).

    ADDIS ABEBA, Capital of Abyssinia.

          See (in this Volume)
          ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

    ADULTERATIONS, Laws against.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.

    AEHRENTHAL, Baron.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    AERONAUTICS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Death of Abdurahman.
       Succession of his son, Habibullah.
       Signs of a progressive spirit in the new Ameer.

       The late Ameer, Abdurahman, died in October, 1901, and was
       succeeded by his eldest son, Habibullah. Early in the third
       year of his reign the new Ameer began to show signs of a wish
       to have his country move a little on the lines of European
       progress, in the march which so many of his Asiatic neighbors
       were joining. His undertakings were disturbed for a time by
       trouble with his half-brother, Omar Jan, and with the latter’s
       mother, the Bibi Halima or Queen of the Harem; but he brought
       the trouble to an end which does not seem to have been
       tragical, and that, in itself, is a notable mark in his favor.
       The Russo-Japanese War interested him immensely, and he
       established a daily post between Khyber and Cabul to bring
       speedy news of events. He then read the reports in public,
       with expositions, to make the listening people understand the
       bearing of what was happening on their own interests, and the
       lessons they should learn from what the Japanese were doing.
       He is said to have done much in the way of improving
       agriculture and horse-breeding in Afghanistan; he has a desire
       to establish a Chiefs’ College, with the English language as
       the basis of instruction, but has met with strong opposition
       in this undertaking; and he has introduced electric lighting,
       with probably other luxuries of modern science, in Cabul. Such
       things in Afghanistan mark a highly progressive man. His
       political intelligence is proved by the cordiality of his
       relations with the British Indian Government. An interesting
       account of conditions in the Ameer’s country in 1904 was given
       by Mr. D. C. Boulger, in the Fortnightly Review of December,
       that year, under the title of "The Awakening of Afghanistan."

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1905.
       The Ameer becomes King.

       In a new treaty between the Government of Great Britain and
       the Ameer of Afghanistan, the latter was recognized as King.

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1907.
       Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to
       Afghanistan.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

    AFRICA:
       Its Colonizability by white peoples.
       The regions habitable by Europeans.

       "There are three obstacles to the white race from Europe
       overrunning and colonising the continent of Africa as it has
       overrun and colonised the two Americas and Australasia. The
       first is the insalubrity of the well-watered regions and the
       uninhabitability of the desert tracts; the second is the
       opposition of strong indigenous races; and the third, of quite
       recent growth, is a growing sentiment which is increasingly
       influencing public opinion, in Europe more especially, and
       which forbids the white man to do evil that good may come:
       namely, to displace by force of arms pre-existing races in
       order that, the white man may take the land they occupy for
       his own use. It is probable that the second and third reasons
       combined may in future prove the more effective checks.
       Deserts, to be made habitable and cultivable, only need
       irrigation, and apparently there is a subterranean water
       supply underlying most African deserts which can be tapped by
       artesian wells. The extreme unhealthiness of the well-watered
       parts of Africa is due not so much to climate as to the
       presence of malaria in the systems of the Negro inhabitants.
       This malaria is conveyed from the black man to the white man
       by certain gnats of the genus Anopheles—possibly by
       other agencies. But the draining of marshes and the
       sterilisation of pools, together with other measures, may
       gradually bring about the extinction of the mosquito; while,
       on the other hand, it seems as though the drug (Cassia
       Beareana) obtained from the roots of a cassia bush may act
       as a complete cure for malarial fever. …

       "For practical purposes the only areas south of the Sahara
       Desert which at the present time are favourable to white
       colonisation are the following. In West Africa there can be no
       white colonisation under existing conditions; the white man
       can only remain there for a portion of his working life as an
       educator and administrator. … In North-East Africa,
       Abyssinia and Eritrea will suggest themselves as white man’s
       countries—presenting, that is to say, some of the conditions
       favourable to European colonisation. The actual coast of
       Eritrea is extremely hot, almost the hottest country in the
       world, but it is not necessarily very unhealthy. The heat,
       however, apart from the existence of a fairly abundant native
       population, almost precludes the idea of a European
       settlement. But on the mountains of the hinterland which are
       still within Italian territory there are said to be a few
       small areas suited at any rate to settlement by Italians, who,
       by-the-by, seem to be getting on very well with the natives in
       that part of Africa. But a European colonisation of Abyssinia,
       possible as it might be climatically, is out of the question
       in view of the relatively abundant and warlike population
       indigenous to the Ethiopian Empire. …

    {4}

       "Then comes Central Africa, which may be taken to range from
       the northern limits of the Congo basin and the Great Lakes on
       the north to the Cunenc River and the Zambesi on the south.
       British East Africa and Uganda offer probably the largest
       continuous area of white man’s country in the central section
       of the continent. The Ankole country in the southwest of the
       Uganda Protectorate and the highlands north of Tanganyika,
       together with the slopes of the Ruwenzori range, offer small
       tracts of land thoroughly suited to occupation by a white race
       so far as climate and fertility are concerned; but these
       countries have already been occupied, to a great extent, by
       some of the earliest forerunners of the Caucasian (the
       Bahima), as well as by sturdy Negro tribes who have become
       inured to the cold. To the northeast of the Victoria Nyanza,
       however, there is an area which has as its outposts the
       southwest coast of Lake Rudolf, the great mountains of
       Debasien and Elgon, and the snow-clad extinct volcanoes of
       Kenia and Kilimanjaro. This land of plateaux and rift valleys
       is not far short of 70,000 square miles in extent, and so far
       as climate and other physical conditions are concerned is as
       well suited for occupation by British settlers as Queensland
       or New South Wales. But nearly 50,000 square miles of this
       East African territory is more or less in the occupation of
       sturdy Negro or Negroid races whom it would be neither just
       nor easy to expel. …

       "The only portion of German East Africa which is at all suited
       to European settlement lies along the edge of the
       Nyasa-Tanganyika Plateau. Here is a district of a little more
       than a thousand square miles which is not only elevated and
       healthy, but very sparsely populated by Negroes. A few patches
       in the Katanga district and the extreme southern part of the
       Congo Free State offer similar conditions.

       "In British Central Africa we have perhaps 6,000 square miles
       of elevated, sparsely populated, fertile country to the
       northwest of Lake Nyasa and along the road to Tanganyika.
       There is also land of this description in the North-East
       Rhodesian province of British Central Africa, in Manikaland,
       and along the water-parting between the Congo and the Zambesi
       systems. Then in the southernmost prolongation of British
       Central Africa are the celebrated Shire Highlands, which,
       together with a few outlying mountain districts to the
       southwest of Lake Nyasa, may offer a total area of about 5,000
       square miles suitable to European colonisation. A small
       portion of the Mozambique province, in the interior of the
       Angoche coast, might answer to the same description. Then
       again, far away to the west, under the same latitudes, we
       have, at the back of Mossamedes and Benguela, other patches of
       white man’s country in the mountains of Bailundo and Shclla.

       "In South Africa, beyond the latitudes of the Zambesi, we come
       to lands which are increasingly suited to the white man’s
       occupation the further we proceed south. Nearly all German
       South-West Africa is arid desert, but inland there are
       plateaux and mountains which sometimes exceed 8,000 feet in
       altitude, and which have a sufficient rainfall to make
       European agriculture possible. … About two-thirds of the
       Transvaal, a third of Rhodesia, a small portion of southern
       Bechuanaland, two-thirds of the Orange River Colony,
       four-fifths of Cape Colony, and a third of Natal sum up the
       areas attributed to the white man in South Africa. The
       remainder of this part of the continent must be considered
       mainly as a reserve for the black man, and to a much smaller
       degree (in South-East Africa) as a field for Asiatic
       colonisation, preferentially on the part of British Indians.

       "Counting the white-skinned Berbers and Arabs of North Africa,
       and the more or less pure-blooded, light-skinned Egyptians, as
       white men, and the land they occupy as part of the white man’s
       share of the Dark Continent, we may then by a rough
       calculation arrive (by adding to white North Africa the other
       areas enumerated in the rest of the continent) at the fol-
       lowing estimate: that about 970,000 square miles of the whole
       African continent may be attributed to the white man as his
       legitimate share. If, however, we are merely to consider the
       territory that lies open to European colonisation, then we
       must considerably reduce our North African estimate."

          H. H. Johnston,
          The White Man's Place in Africa
          (Nineteenth Century, June, 1904).

    AFRICA:
       Agreements between England and France concerning Egypt,
       Morocco, Senegambia, and Madagascar.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    AFRICA:
       British, German, and Congo frontier agreement.

       The following was telegraphed to the Press from Berlin,
       November 29, 1909:

       "An agreement was signed in Berlin during the summer, Reuter’s
       representative learns, whereby various questions affecting the
       frontier lines between British Uganda and German East Africa
       and the Congo, which have been under discussion for years,
       were definitely settled. The agreement is understood to be
       satisfactory to both parties, but the details are not to be
       published as yet."

    AFRICA:
       French Central: A Land-locked Empire.

       "Since 1898, successive expeditions have converged from the
       French Niger Territories, from South Algeria, and from the
       French Congo towards Lake Tchad, which has ever exercised a
       mystic charm over the minds of explorers. Rabah, the usurper
       of Bornou, has been killed, and his son Fadel’allah recently
       met the same fate, so that all the belt of black countries
       stretching from the north of Sokoto, the north of Bornon and
       Baghirmi to the confines of Wadaï, the most easterly limit of
       the French sphere, are now occupied in a military sense. …
       Even if we consider the French as now firmly settled in these
       countries, peopled with timid blacks from whom little is to be
       feared, the succeeding problem, what to do with them, presents
       no seductive outlook.

       "The key to the situation is the question of transport, for
       here we have a vast land-locked empire, the roads to which are
       long, complicated, and difficult. For the present the question
       of a great Trans-Saharan railway may be left out of account,
       and in all probability more mature consideration will convince
       the French of the futility of such a scheme. Three roads
       running through French territory are available; from the
       east by the Niger, from the south by the French Congo, and
       from the north, Tunis or Algeria, across the great Sahara.
    {5}
       Of the three, the only one which can be made of practical
       utility for a long time to come is that across the Sahara.
       From the centre of Africa there are several well-known caravan
       routes, all capable of being commercially used, provided the
       intervening tribes can be brought to acquiesce in the French
       domination. All these terminate in Turkish territory."

          E. J. Wardle,
          The French in Central Africa
          (Contemporary Review, October, 1902).

    AFRICA:
       Subjugation of Hausa Land and occupation of Sokoto.

       Early in 1903 the High Commissioner of Nigeria, Sir F. Lugard,
       sent an expedition against the Emir of Kano, in the northern
       part of the Nigerian Protectorate, within the Sultanate of
       Sokoto, which had never been made submissive to the rule which
       Great Britain claimed. Kano was reached and taken by assault
       on the 3d of February, the Emir and his horsemen escaping
       toward Sokoto. The expedition then proceeded against Sokoto,
       where feeble resistance was offered, and the seat of the
       Sultanate was taken on the 15th of March. These conquests are
       believed to have effected a firm establishment of British
       ascendancy throughout the Niger territory, from the coast to
       the Saharan sphere of the French. The possession of Kano is
       important, as it is the starting point of caravan routes
       eastward and northward and the chief commercial town of the
       Western Sudan.

    AFRICA:
       Rapid development of the railway system.

          See (in this Volume)
          Railways: Nigeria.

    AFRICA:
       French Mauretanie.

          See Morocco: A. D.1909.

    AFRICA:
       French Western: Eradication of Yellow Fever.

          See PUBLIC HEALTH: A. D. 1901-1905.

    AFRICA:
       German Colonies: Cost to Germany.
       Small number of German Colonists.

          See GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

    AFRICA:
       Unpopularity of the Colonial Policy in Germany.

          See GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

    AFRICA:
       Wars with the Natives.

       In the German Parliament, on the 12th of January, 1905, it was
       stated by the Director of the Colonial Department, Dr. Stübel,
       that up to that date 11,000 German troops had been employed
       against the Hereros and Witbois in Southwest Africa, and that
       the campaign of 1904 had cost 42,000,000 marks (about
       $10,500,000). The military estimate for 1905 was 60,000,000
       marks. General von Trotha, Governor of the colony, who had
       been in command of operations, and who had set a price on the
       heads of Morenga and other insurgent chiefs, and had
       threatened the whole tribe with extermination, was to be
       superseded; but the Emperor, notwithstanding, conferred on him
       the Order "Pour le Merite." A similar conflict with the
       natives in German East Africa was opened in August, 1905, by
       the murder of Bishop Spiers and four missionaries and Sisters
       of Mercy. The Wangonis are of the Zulu race, mustering about
       30,000 warriors, and reinforcements of the German troops had
       to be sent out.

    AFRICA:
       Opening of Diamond Fields.

       Diamond discoveries in German Southwest Africa began to
       acquire importance in 1908. As stated in a lecture on the
       subject by Herr Dernburg, the German Colonial Secretary, at
       Berlin, in January, 1909, these diamond deposits lie in
       crescent form around Lüderitz Bay, beginning to the south of
       Elizabeth Bay and extending northwards to the sea-coast in the
       vicinity of Anischab. The full extent of the stretch of
       diamond-bearing sand can only be ascertained by careful
       measurement, but it is even now permissible to describe the
       deposits as very considerable. The diamonds, which are found
       mixed with small agates and other half-precious stones, vary
       from one-fifth to three-quarters of a carat—the average not
       exceeding one-third of a carat. They are almost perfect
       octahedrons of good water. The regular exploitation may be
       said to have begun in September, 1908, the total recovered
       before that date only amounting to 2,720 carats. In September
       the amount was 6,644 carats, in October 8,621, in November
       10,228, and in December 11,549, or in all 39,762, the price of
       which would be about £55,000. The administrative regulations
       introduced stipulate, first, that half the net profit shall go
       to the Southwest African Treasury; secondly, that measures
       shall be taken to secure an adequate market for the new supply
       and to prevent depreciation; thirdly, that suitable conditions
       shall be established for the working of the mines; and,
       fourthly, that their exploitation shall be mainly reserved for
       German capital, and that increased work shall be provided for
       the German diamond-cutting industry.

    AFRICA: Portuguese: A. D. 1905-1908.
       Continued existence of slavery.

       General F. Joubert-Pienaar, one of the prominent Boer leaders
       in the Boer-British War, is the authority for startling
       statements concerning the continued maintenance of slavery in
       Portuguese Africa. He attempted to become a settler in that
       region, and related subsequently what he saw and heard during
       his stay in it. Of an experience at the Island Principe he
       said: "The English director of the cable office took me to
       some of the cocoa plantations, with which the slopes of the
       hills are covered. He told me that it was a terribly unhealthy
       place to live, and that Europeans could not exist there for
       more than a couple of months at a time, and that frequent
       changes have to be made, therefore, in the telegraph
       department. He told me, further, that the year before the
       whole original population of the island had died from malarial
       fever, and that the following year they imported five hundred
       slaves, men and women, to repopulate the island. That was ten
       months before my visit. Pointing to five women walking on the
       street, he said: 'There are all that are left of the women
       imported, and only about a dozen men remain.' I asked him how
       they carried on the work of the plantations. He said it was
       done by simply importing slaves, from time to time, to replace
       those who had died."

       General Joubert-Pienaar declares that he never heard of a
       single case where one of these slaves had returned to his own
       country, while in the coast towns the abnormal proportion of
       native women and children noticeable is due to the fact that
       the men have been sent as slaves to the islands. The method of
       obtaining the slaves and of making the pretense of a contract
       with them is thus described: "When any slaves are wanted in
       the islands, the plantation owner informs the slave-traders on
       the mainland. The slave-trader goes to a strong chief, inland,
       and bargains with him for the number of slaves he requires,
       generally paying him in rifles and ammunition.
    {6}
       This chief will not send any of his own men to the islands,
       but, calling his braves, he goes to some weaker tribe, attacks
       it, and annihilates the tribe, taking the men, women,
       children, and cattle captive. The men, and as many
       women as are necessary, he hands over to the
       slave-trader, the rest of the women and the cattle he
       keeps for himself and his people, and the children he
       sells to colonists for slaves. On these slave-hunting
       expeditions the most terrible cruelties are enacted and
       the most gruesome atrocities perpetrated. …  Arriving at
       the coast, these men—and sometimes women when they are
       required—are brought before an officer appointed for the
       purpose. He reads the contract to them in Portuguese; and
       after the contract has been read to these people, who do not
       understand one word of the language, a black man, who is
       stationed there for the purpose, shouts to these slaves to say
       ‘Yes!’ Of course they all repeat the ‘Yes’ after him, and the
       Portuguese official then certifies that these men have all
       agreed to go and work on the islands under the terms of the
       contract read to them. He then takes a little tin box, in
       which a copy of the contract is placed, and ties it around the
       neck of each of the slaves."

    AFRICA:
       Somaliland: Troubles with the Mullah.

       In 1902 the British in their Somali Coast Protectorate began
       to be harassed by raids from the bordering desert region led
       by a religious agitator who had assumed the character known as
       that of a Mullah. Three years previously the British Consul at
       Berbera had reported to London the appearance of this
       personage, Muhammad Abdullah by name, in the Dolbahanta
       country, and that he was said to be "collecting arms and men
       with a view to establishing his authority over the
       southeastern portion of the Protectorate." He had made several
       pilgrimages to Mecca, and had attached himself there to a sect
       which "preaches more regularity in the hours of prayer" and
       "stricter attention to the forms of religion." He had begun
       the use of force to compel the tribes of his region to join
       his sect, and was evidently gaining power to make trouble. The
       trouble was realized in due time, and became serious in 1902,
       when, in October, Colonel Swayne, with a native levy of
       troops, having driven the Mullah’s raiders back into the
       desert, followed them thither, and suffered a serious reverse.
       He was attacked and compelled to retreat, with a loss of two
       officers and 70 men killed and two officers, with about 100
       men wounded. Troops were then sent to the Protectorate from
       India and careful preparations were made for dealing with the
       Mullah in a more effectual way. He, meantime, sent demands for
       political recognition and for the cession to him of a port.

       Early in 1903 operations against the Mullah were renewed, with
       strongly increased forces from India and from African native
       levies; but the results were again disastrous. A detachment
       from a column which pursued the Mullah into his own region
       ventured too far in the advance and was overwhelmed, losing
       nearly 200 officers and men. There appears to have been no
       success during the year to counterbalance this reverse.

    AFRICA:
       Peace with the Mullah.

       The Mullah was brought at last to an agreement with Great
       Britain and Italy which established comparative peace for the
       time being in Somaliland, with the promise of freedom in
       trade.

       Notwithstanding the pacific agreement with the Mullah,
       effected in 1905, troubles on the Somali border have
       continued, because of his attacks on friendly tribes. Early in
       1909 it was announced that the British forces in Somaliland
       were to be increased, but that there was no intention to
       embark on any expedition against the Mullah. A despatch from
       Bombay, India, on the 3d of January, said: "Further operations
       against the Somaliland Mullah are strongly deprecated. It is
       impossible to conduct a successful campaign, owing to the
       difficulty of obtaining supplies, unless a light railway 200
       miles long is built to Bohotle. The Mullah, who is an able
       man, is not believed to be anxious to engage in fresh
       hostilities with the British, but he is determined to dominate
       the Hinterland. Experts consider that no new movement on the
       lines of the last campaign would produce a satisfactory
       result. The Mullah’s strength is unknown, but it is probably
       great, as his camp sometimes covers ten square miles. His
       mobility is astonishing, and he can always elude our troops.
       Our present advanced outpost is Burao, 80 miles from Berbera,
       where there is a small force of the King’s African Rifles. The
       country is practically worthless, and the best course,
       probably, is to hold the coast and to leave the far interior
       severely alone. The friendly tribes cannot be further
       effectively protected without permanently employing a large
       force. Minor operations are now merely a waste of money."

    AFRICA:
       Sudan: Suppression of a new Mahdi.

       A new Mahdi proclaimed himself in Southern Kordofan in
       November, 1903. He was a native of Tunis, named Mahomed El
       Amin, who had twice made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Colonel
       Mahon, the Deputy-Governor of the Sudan, on hearing of
       Mahomed’s proclamation, started instantly from Khartoum, with
       200 cavalry, sending orders to El Obeid for 200 infantry, with
       Maxims, to meet him near Tagalla. With this force, after a
       five days march, through the desert toward the Tagalla
       mountains, he caught the Mahdi, took him to El Obeid and tried
       and hanged him straightway.

    AFRICA:
       Population.

       Lord Cromer, in his annual report, 1904, estimated the
       population of the Sudan, within the British-Egyptian
       Condominium, at no more than 1,870,000, to which number it had
       been reduced by war and disease from former estimates of
       8,525,000, prior to the Mahdi domination.

          See, also, ALGIERS, CONGO, EGYPT, MOROCCO,
          RHODESIA, SOUTH AFRICA, etc.

    AGLIPAY, Padre Gregorio:
       His secession from the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

    AGRAM TRIALS, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    AGRARIAN INTEREST, in Germany:
       Its triumph in 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    AGRARIAN LAW, The Russian.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

    AGRICULTURAL CRISIS IN RUSSIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.

    AGRICULTURE:
       Coöperative and other unions among farmers.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909;
          AND LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

    AGRICULTURE:
       Dry Farming.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

    {7}

    AGRICULTURE:
       Germany: Decrease of agricultural population.

          See GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

    AGRICULTURE:
       Increasing cooperative organization in Great Britain.

          See LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

    AGRICULTURE: International Institute:
       Its origin and purpose.
       Created under the auspices of the King of Italy.
       Forty nations associated in its membership.
       Its seat near Rome.

       The idea of an international organization for systematizing
       the agricultural production of the world and regulating the
       markets of food products, by constant and authentic knowledge
       of crops and conditions, was conceived some years ago by Mr.
       David Lubin, of California. It was first expressed by him
       publicly at Budapest in 1896, but was the growth of thirteen
       years of thought preceding that date. As the result of Mr.
       Lubin’s efforts to interest governments and peoples in the
       project, King Victor Emmanuel III., of Italy, became its
       hearty patron in 1903, and took the initiative step toward
       effecting an organization as wide as the civilized world, by
       inviting all nations to take part in a convention of delegates
       for the purpose, at Rome, in May, 1905. The invitation, as
       addressed to the Government of the United States by the
       Italian Ambassador at Washington, on the 26th of February,
       1905, was in these words: "By order of my government, I have
       the honor to inform your excellency that His Majesty the King,
       my august sovereign, has taken the initiative in the formation
       of an international institute of agriculture to be composed of
       representatives of the great agricultural societies of the
       various countries and of delegates from the several
       governments. This institute, being devoid of any political
       intent, should tend to bring about a community of interests
       among agriculturists and to protect these interests in the
       markets of the world. It will study agricultural conditions in
       the different countries, periodically indicating the supply
       and the quality of products with accuracy and care, so as to
       proportion production to demand, increase and distribute the
       various crops according to the rate of consumption, render the
       commerce of agricultural products less costly and more
       expeditious, and suitably determine the prices thereof. Acting
       in unison with the various national bureaus already existing,
       it will furnish accurate information on conditions regarding
       agricultural labor in various localities, and will regulate
       and direct the currents of emigration. It will favor the
       institution of agricultural exchanges and labor bureaus. It
       will protect both producers and consumers against the excesses
       of transportation and forestalling syndicates, keeping a watch
       on middlemen, pointing out their abuses, and acquainting the
       public with the true conditions of the market. It will foster
       agreements for common defense against the diseases of plants
       and live stock, against which individual defense is less
       effectual. It will help to develop rural cooperation,
       agricultural insurance, and agrarian credit. It will study and
       propose measures of general interest, preparing international
       agreements for the benefit of agriculture and the agricultural
       classes.

       "Carrying out the intention of His Majesty, the Italian
       Government appeals to all friendly nations, each of which
       ought to have its own representatives in the institute,
       appointed to act as the exponents of their respective
       governments, as organs of mutual relations, and as mediums of
       reciprocal influence and information. It accordingly now
       invites them to participate through their delegates in the
       first convention, which is to be held at Rome next May for the
       purpose of preparing rules for the new institute.

       "The King’s Government trusts that the United States will be
       willing to cooperate in the enterprise, the first inspiration
       of which is due to an American citizen, and that, accepting
       the invitation to the conference at Rome, it will send thither
       a delegation commensurate with its importance as the foremost
       agricultural nation in the world."

       Gratifying responses to the invitation were made by most, if
       not all, of the governments addressed, and the Conference at
       Rome was held at the appointed time. It concluded its sessions
       on the 7th of June by attaching the signatures of the
       delegates of the Powers represented to a final Act, which
       embodies the resolutions on which they had agreed. This Act of
       organization was as follows:

       "Article 1.
       There is hereby created a permanent international institute of
       agriculture, having its seat at Rome.

       "Article 2.
       The international institute of agriculture is to be a
       government institution, in which each adhering power shall be
       represented by delegates of its choice. The institute shall be
       composed of a general assembly and a permanent committee, the
       composition and duties of which are defined in the ensuing
       articles.

       "Article 3.
       The general assembly of the institute shall be composed of the
       representatives of the adhering governments. Each nation,
       whatever be the number of its delegates, shall be entitled to
       a number of votes in the assembly which shall be determined
       according to the group to which it belongs, and to which
       reference will be made in article 10.

       "Article 4.
       The general assembly shall elect for each session from among
       its members a president and two vice-presidents. The sessions
       shall take place on dates fixed by the last general assembly
       and according to a programme proposed by the permanent
       committee and adopted by the adhering governments.

       "Article 5.
       The general assembly shall exercise supreme control over the
       international institute of agriculture. It shall approve the
       projects prepared by the permanent committee regarding the
       organization and internal workings of the institute. It shall
       fix the total amount of expenditures and audit and approve the
       accounts. It shall submit to the approval of the adhering
       governments modifications of any nature involving an increase
       in expenditure or an enlargement of the functions of the
       institute. It shall set the date for holding the sessions. It
       shall prepare its regulations. The presence at the general
       assemblies of delegates representing two-thirds of the
       adhering nations shall be required in order to render the
       deliberations valid.

       "Article 6.
       The executive power of the institute is intrusted to the
       permanent committee, which, under the direction and control of
       the general assembly, shall carry out the decisions of the
       latter and prepare propositions to submit to it.

    {8}

       "Article 7.
       The permanent committee shall be composed of members
       designated by the respective governments. Each adhering nation
       shall be represented in the permanent committee by one member.
       However, the representation of one nation may be intrusted to
       a delegate of another adhering nation, provided that the
       actual number of members shall not be less than fifteen. The
       conditions of voting in the permanent committee shall be the
       same as those indicated in article 3 for the general
       assemblies.

       "Article 8.
       The permanent committee shall elect from among its
       members for a period of three years a president and a
       vice-president, who may be reelected. It shall prepare
       its internal regulations, vote the budget of the
       institute within the limits of the funds placed at its
       disposal by the general assembly, and appoint and remove
       the officials and employees of its office. The general
       secretary of the permanent committee shall act as
       secretary' of the assembly.

       "Article 9.
       The institute, confining its operations within an
       international sphere, shall—

       (a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as possible
       statistical, technical, or economic information concerning
       farming, both vegetable and animal products, the commerce in
       agricultural products, and the prices prevailing in the
       various markets:

       (b) Communicate to parties interested, also as promptly as
       possible, all the information just referred to;

       (c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work;

       (d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear
       in any part of the world, showing the territories infected,
       the progress of the disease, and, if possible, the remedies
       which are effective in combating them;

       (e) Study questions concerning agricultural coöperation,
       insurance, and credit in all their aspects; collect and
       publish information which might be useful in the various
       countries in the organization of works connected with
       agricultural coöperation, insurance, and credit;

       (f) Submit to the approval of the governments, if there is
       occasion for it, measures for the protection of the common
       interests of farmers and for the improvement of their
       condition, after having utilized all the necessary sources of
       information, such as the wishes expressed by international or
       other agricultural congresses or congresses of sciences
       applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies,
       learned bodies, etc.

       All questions concerning the economic interests, the
       legislation, and the administration of a particular nation
       shall be excluded from the consideration of the institute.

       "Article 10.
       The nations adhering to the institute shall be classed in five
       groups, according to the place which each of them thinks it
       ought to occupy. The number of votes which each nation shall
       have and the number of units of assessment shall be
       established according to the following gradations:

       Groups of nations.   Numbers of votes   Units of assessment.

               I                  5                 16
              II                  4                  8
             III                  3                  4
              IV                  2                  2
               V                  1                  1

       In any event the contribution due per unit of assessment shall
       never exceed a maximum of 2,500 francs. As a temporary
       provision the assessment for the first two years shall not
       exceed 1,500 francs per unit. Colonies may, at the request of
       the nations to which they belong, be admitted to form part of
       the institute on the same conditions as the independent
       nations.

       "Article 11.
       The present convention shall be ratified and the ratifications
       shall be exchanged as soon as possible by depositing them with
       the Italian Government."

       In communicating this Act of the Conference to the Government
       of the United States, the Italian Ambassador at Washington
       wrote August 9, 1905: "The final act of the conference was
       signed by the delegates under reservation of the approval of
       their respective governments, nor could it be otherwise. After
       this approval the convention, which constitutes the essential
       part of the act, shall, if approved (as the King’s Government
       does not doubt it will be), assume the character of an
       obligation on the part of the nations which shall have adhered
       to it through the signature of plenipotentiaries appointed for
       the purpose."

       On March 27, 1906, he was able to announce that "the States
       which were represented at the Conference of last year at Rome
       … have now all sanctioned by the signature of their
       plenipotentiaries the Convention drafted at that Conference."
       As appears from a copy transmitted, the Convention had been
       signed by the plenipotentiaries of forty nations, including
       twelve American republics besides the United States. To this
       gratifying announcement the Ambassador from Italy added the
       following:

       "His Majesty the King at the council of January 28 last signed
       a decree, a few copies of which I have the honor to inclose,
       by which a royal commission is established, and whose precise
       duty is to carry into effect, as soon as it becomes operative,
       the convention which will soon be referred to the several
       contracting governments for ratification."

       At the second general meeting of the Institute at Rome,
       December 12, 1909, more than 100 foreign delegates were
       present.

       "His Majesty the King, desiring again to prove how much he has
       at heart the contemplated international institute, has ordered
       that the net income of the royal domains of Tombelo and
       Coltano, amounting yearly to 300,000 lire, shall be turned
       over to the above-mentioned royal commission from the 1st of
       July next until the day when, the international institute of
       agriculture being legally constituted, the administration and
       usufruct of the said domains shall, in accordance with the
       announcement made to the international conference at its
       session of June 6, 1905, be transferred to the institute
       itself.

       "In obedience to His Majesty’s interest, the royal commission
       has decided to apply the sum graciously placed at its disposal
       for the aforesaid period to the construction of a palace,
       where the international institute will have its headquarters,
       and which will therefore be solely due to the munificence of
       the sovereign. The new building that is to stand on the
       village Umberto I., near the Porta Pinciana, and will cover
       10,000 square meters of public property, will, it is fully
       expected, be completed about the end of next year, which is
       the time when the permanent committee of the institute will
       likely be convened at Rome. This munificent act of His Majesty
       the King, whereby the erection of quarters worthy of the
       international institute of agriculture is provided for, thus
       begins the execution of the convention of June 7, 1905."

    {9}

       Transmitting to the American Ambassador at Rome the
       President’s ratification of the Convention, on the 11th of
       July, 1906, Secretary Root made known that Congress had
       appropriated $4800 as the quota of the United States to the
       support of the International Institute of Agriculture for the
       fiscal year 1907, and $8000 for the travelling expenses of the
       delegates to be appointed to the grand assembly of the
       Institute, and for the salary of one member of the permanent
       committee; and to this he added: "In pursuance of the
       authority thus conferred, Mr. David Lubin, of Sacramento,
       California, has been selected to represent this Government on
       the permanent committee, it being understood that he is
       willing to serve without salary."

          Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
          States, 1905 and 1906

    AGUINALDO Y FAMY, Emilio.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

    AHMED RIZA.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    ALASKA: A. D. 1903.
       Settlement of the boundary question.
       Dissatisfaction in Canada dissipated by better knowledge
       of the facts.

       The Alaska boundary question (see in Volume VI. of this work,
       under ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION) was brought to a settlement in
       1903 by an arrangement which submitted it to a Commission of
       six, three representing the United States and three acting for
       Great Britain and Canada. The American Commissioners were the
       Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of War, and senators Henry C.
       Lodge and George Turner, of Massachusetts and the State of
       Washington respectively. The British and Canadian members were
       the Lord Chief Justice of England, Lord Alverstone, Sir Louis
       Jette, of Quebec, and A. B. Aylesworth, of Toronto, Ontario.
       The Commission, meeting in London, arrived at its decision in
       October, signing, on the 20th, an agreement on all the
       questions submitted. "By this award," said President
       Roosevelt, in his subsequent Message to Congress, "the right
       of the United States to the control of a continuous strip or
       border of the mainland shore, skirting all the tide-water
       inlets and sinuosities of the coast, is confirmed; the
       entrance to Portland Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt
       appeared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet and to the
       northwestward of Wales and Pearse islands: a line is drawn
       from the head of Portland Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of
       north latitude: and the interior border line of the strip is
       fixed by lines connecting certain mountain summits lying
       between Portland Canal and Mount St. Elias and running along
       the crest of the divide separating the coast slope from the
       inland watershed, at the only part of the frontier where the
       drainage ridge approaches the coast within the distance of ten
       marine leagues stipulated by the treaty as the extreme width
       of the strip around the heads of Lynn Canal and its branches.
       While the line so traced follows the provisional demarcation
       of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine River, and that of 1899
       at the summits of the White and Chilkoot passes, it runs much
       farther inland from the Klehine than the temporary line of the
       later modus vivendi, and leaves the entire mining
       district of the Porcupine River and Glacier Creek within the
       jurisdiction of the United States. The result is satisfactory
       in every way. It is of great material advantage to our people
       in the Far Northwest. It has removed from the field of
       discussion and possible danger a question liable to become
       more acutely accentuated with each passing year. Finally it
       has furnished a signal proof of the fairness and good will
       with which two friendly nations can approach and determine
       issues involving national sovereignty, and by their nature
       incapable of submission to a third power for adjudication."

          Message of President Roosevelt,
          December 7, 1903.

       In Canada the feeling was very different from that expressed
       by President Roosevelt. There, the dissatisfaction was
       intense. The two Canadian Commissioners had opposed the award,
       while Lord Alverstone cast his vote with the three Americans,
       which provoked the accusation that his decision had been
       given, at the instigation of the British Government, not
       judicially, but diplomatically, for the pleasing of the United
       States, at the sacrifice of Canadian interests and rights. The
       groundlessness of such defamatory suspicions became plain when
       Lord Alverstone made public the reasons for his vote. A recent
       historian of Canada ends his account of the matter with the
       following remarks:

       "In vain did students and experts declare that they had felt
       before the tribunal met that Canada had, in very many
       respects, a weak case. It was pointed out that some of the
       Canadian surveys gave the line as the Americans claimed it,
       that Americans had by long occupation got a hold upon and a
       right of possession to various ports and sections, and that
       against this occupancy there had been no British protest
       whatever. Finally one distinguished citizen reminded the
       Canadians that if they had been allowed to select one man as
       sole arbitrator they would have been glad to accept Lord
       Alverstone. Lord Alverstone was really the one arbitrator and
       judge. Had he decided against the Americans, the case would
       have been deadlocked for years. In time Canadians came to a
       more sober and reasonable attitude on the subject. They came
       to see that Lord Alverstone could not have been prejudiced and
       that his decision was really the only one that was fair and
       unbiased. Some came also to see that the American case was
       much the stronger, and that in this light the decision was a
       just one. But they were not and are not ready to believe that
       the whole scheme was anything but one contrived at Washington
       to get the contest settled to the advantage of the Americans."

          F. B. Tracy,
          Tercentenary History of Canada,
          Volume 3, page 1044
          (Macmillan Co., New York, 1908).

       A full account of the arbitration with the correspondence
       preceding it, and the opinions written by the arbitrators
       severally, is given in the British Parliamentary

          Papers by Command
          (United States, Number 1, 1904), Cd. 1877.

    ALASKA: A. D. 1906.
       Convention to provide for final establishment
       of the boundary line.

       Final proceedings for establishing the boundary line of Alaska
       were provided for in a Convention between the United States
       and Great Britain, signed April 21, 1906. The need and object
       of the Convention were set forth in its preamble as follows:

    {10}

       "Whereas by a treaty between the United States of America and
       His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, for the cession of
       the Russian possessions in North America to the United States,
       concluded March 30, 1867, the most northerly part of the
       boundary line between the said Russian possessions and those
       of His Britannic Majesty, as established by the prior
       convention between Russia and Great Britain, of February 28/16
       [sic] 1825, is defined as following the 141st degree of
       longitude west from Greenwich, beginning at the point of
       intersection of the said 141st degree of west longitude with a
       certain line drawn parallel with the coast, and thence
       continuing from the said point of intersection, upon the said
       meridian of the 141st degree in its prolongation as far as the
       Frozen Ocean.

       "And whereas, the location of said meridian of the 141st
       degree of west longitude between the terminal points thereof
       defined in said treaty is dependent upon the scientific
       ascertainment of convenient points along the said meridian and
       the survey of the country intermediate between such points,
       involving no question of interpretation of the aforesaid
       treaties but merely the determination of such points and their
       connecting lines by the ordinary processes of observation and
       survey conducted by competent astronomers, engineers and
       surveyors;

       "And whereas such determination has not hitherto been made by
       a joint survey as is requisite in order to give complete
       effect to said treaties."

       To make such determination it was agreed that each Government
       should "appoint one Commissioner, with whom may be associated
       such surveyors, astronomers and other assistants as each
       Government may elect."

    ALASKA:  A. D. 1906.
       Election of a delegate to Congress.

       An Act to authorize the election of a Delegate to Congress
       from the Territory of Alaska was approved by the President May
       7, 1906.

    ALASKA COAL FIELDS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC EXPOSITION.

          See (in this Volume)
          SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.

    ALBANIA: A. D. 1904.
       Hostility to the Mürzsteg programme.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

    ALBERT, King of Belgium.

          See (in this Volume)
          BELGIUM; A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

    ALBERT, Marcellin:
       Leader of the winegrowers revolt in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

    ALBERTA:
       Organized as a province of the Dominion of Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

    ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    ALCOHOL: Austria: A. D. 1903.
       Resolution of the National Convention of the Social
       Democratic Party against alcoholic drinks.

       At a convention of the Social Democracy of the Austrian
       Empire, held at Vienna, in November, 1903, Dr. Richard
       Frohlich read an elaborate report against the use of
       intoxicating liquors, concluding with an earnest appeal, in
       these words; "We want to create a new social order: to give
       the world a new face! To lay the foundations for the new
       society is the task of political and industrial organization—
       and there is no greater deterrent to the accomplishment of
       that task than alcohol. In building the new mansion of the
       future we think also of the men who are to dwell in it. Does
       it not bring a blush of shame to our cheeks merely to imagine
       that the men of the future society will be contented because
       they are intoxicated! Contentment in that new order
       will arise from a sound brain and the satisfaction of the
       rational desires which proceed from it. We have enough
       retarding forces to contend with in our struggle for this
       ideal of the future generation. One such force we are able
       to-day to overcome if we will. That is alcoholism, the last
       refuge of philistinism and stupid conservatism. If we really
       want the new world, we must provide the new men to make it.
       The program of total abstinence does not set new ideals for
       us, but it gives us a new weapon, sharp and effective for the
       conquest of our old ideals. The responsibility is upon us to
       use this weapon. Let us do it!"

       In response, the Convention adopted the following resolution:

       "The convention of the party recognizes in alcohol a serious
       detriment to the physical and mental power of the working man,
       and a great hindrance to all efforts of organization in the
       social democracy. Every means should be employed to remove the
       evils which have come from it.

       "The first aim in this struggle must be the economic
       betterment of the proletariat. And that must be accomplished
       by a clear teaching of the effects of alcohol, and by the
       removal of the common toleration of drinking.

       "The convention of the party, therefore, recommends that all
       the party groups and brotherhoods lend their support to the
       crusade against alcohol, and declares that the first step in
       this direction must be the abolishment of compulsory drinking
       in all of the meetings of the organization. Members of the
       party who are converted to total abstinence are recommended to
       form total abstinence clubs, to continue the propaganda and to
       see to it that their members are true to the political and
       economic duties of the party organization."

    ALCOHOL: CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.
       The Canada Temperance Act.

       Under what was known as the Scott Act, of 1878, the privilege
       of local option had been given to counties and cities in
       Canada, and had been brought into exercise by nine cities and
       seventy-three counties, which prohibited the sale of
       intoxicating liquors within their limits; but in most of these
       the supporters of the law were gradually overcome and the
       prohibition removed. In all the provinces except Quebec, a
       referendum vote taken in 1898 showed majorities in favor of a
       Dominion Prohibition Law; but the vote cast was so light and
       the adverse majorities in cities was so large that the
       government did not feel warranted in bringing forward a Bill.
       In 1906, however, the demand for local option in the matter of
       permitting alcoholic liquors to be sold had become strong
       enough to extort from Parliament the desired legislation. As
       amended in 1908, Part II. of this Canada Temperance Act (Part
       I. having prescribed the proceedings for bringing Part II.
       into force) provides that "from the day on which this Part
       comes into force and takes effect in any county or city, and
       for so long thereafter as, and while the same continues or is
       in force therein, no person shall, except as in this Part
       specially provided, by himself, his clerk, servant or agent,—
    {11}
       (a) expose or keep for sale, within such county or city, any
       intoxicating liquor; or,
       ( b ) directly or indirectly on any pretense or upon any
       device, within any such county or city, sell or barter, or, in
       consideration of the purchase of any other property, give to
       any other person any intoxicating liquor; or,
       (c) send, ship, bring or carry or cause to be sent, shipped,
       brought, or carried to or into any such county or city, any
       intoxicating liquor; or,
       (d) deliver to any consignee or other person, or store,
       warehouse, or keep for delivery, any intoxicating liquor so
       sent, shipped, brought or carried."

       But these last two subsections are not to "apply to any
       intoxicating liquor sent, shipped, brought or carried to any
       person or persons for his or their personal or family use,
       except it be so sent, shipped, brought or carried to be paid
       for in such county or city to the person delivering the same,
       his clerk, servant, or agent, or his master or principal, if
       the person delivering it is himself a servant or agent."

       To bring Part II. of the Act into force in any county or city,
       not less than one-fourth of the total number of electors
       therein must petition the Governor in Council for a poll of
       votes on the question, and when the vote is taken there must
       be an affirmative majority; failing which no similar petition
       can be put to vote in the same community for three years.

       On the 2d of May, 1909, the following announcement of the
       operation of the law in the province of Ontario was made: "May
       Day, 1909, will long be remembered by the advocates of local
       option in Ontario. One hundred and forty-two bars passed out
       of existence yesterday, and of the 807 municipalities in the
       province 334 are now without a single license in force. The
       Toronto commissioners have cut off 40 licenses, leaving only
       110 in a city of nearly 400,000 people."

    ALCOHOL:
       Casual occurrences of saloon suppression, showing what goes
       with it.

       Communities in which the liquor traffic is ordinarily favored
       are sometimes compelled by exigencies of circumstance to
       suppress it temporarily, and are forced then to see how much
       of crime and disorder goes with it. During the weeks in which
       military authority cleared saloons from San Francisco, after
       the calamity of 1906, every observer made note of the
       conspicuous freedom of the city "from all kinds of violence
       and crime," though the whole organization of life was upset.
       One trustworthy journal reported conditions six months after
       the calamity as follows: "During the two months and a half
       after April 18 San Francisco was probably the most orderly
       large city in the United States. Violence and crime were
       practically unknown. During that time the saloons and liquor
       stores of the city were closed tight. About the middle of July
       the saloons were permitted to open again. This action of the
       city government was accompanied by the expectation on the part
       of many citizens of an outbreak of violence and disorder.
       Clergymen, and it is said even the police, advised men and
       women to carry firearms for their own protection. For the past
       three months San Francisco has been living under a reign of m.
       In eighty days eighty-three murders, robberies, and assaults
       were registered on the police records. A despatch to
       Ridgway’s, the new weekly periodical, reports the sale in San
       Francisco during one week in October of over six thousand
       revolvers."

       When Stockholm, in the summer of 1909, was undergoing the
       trials of the great general strike, and by general consent of
       all concerned the sale of liquors was stopped, the same report
       went out, that magistrates and police had little to do. And
       that is the standing account of things from the Panama Canal
       Zone, about which an English visitor, Sir Harry Johnston,
       wrote in April, 1909:

       "The whole of the canal zone (ten miles on either side of the
       canal banks) is ‘teetotal,’ except in the actual towns of
       Panama and Colon. No alcohol is sold by the Canal Commission
       at its hotels or boarding-houses. And the general result of
       these stern measures—the improvement in health and the absence
       of crime—amply justifies this anti-alcohol policy. … There is
       singularly little serious crime throughout the canal zone. One
       has the sensation of being perfectly safe anywhere at any time
       of day or night. Petty dishonesty among the lower classes is
       common, especially at the railway stations, where one is
       liable to lose small articles of baggage if they are left
       unguarded. Panama in this respect is worse than the other
       towns of the Isthmus, new or old. But there is no open shock
       to any one’s prejudices or sentiments in the way of flagrant
       immorality (as at New Orleans, for example)."

       So easily can communities solve half, at least, of their most
       troublesome problems, and cure half, at least, of their worst
       social maladies, if they will!

    ALCOHOL: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 .
       Passage of an amended licensing law.
       A moderate reform.

       A Licensing Bill, moderately in the interest of temperance
       reform, was discussed and passed in Parliament during the
       summer of 1902. It made publicans more strictly responsible
       for drunkenness incurred on their premises; strengthened the
       prohibition of liquor-selling to habitual drunkards; improved
       measures for the suppression of public drunkenness; subjected
       licenses to tradesmen for the sale of liquors off their
       premises to the unqualified discretion of justices, and
       facilitated the separation of husbands and wives from a
       drunken mate.

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1904.
       Passing of a new Licensing Bill, providing compensation for
       the withdrawal of licenses on grounds of public policy.

       An agitation in Great Britain which almost equalled for a time
       that produced in the same period by Mr. Chamberlain’s campaign
       for a preferential tariff was stirred up by a new Licensing
       Bill, introduced as a Government measure on the 20th of April,
       1904. The bill provided for compensation to be made, at the
       expense of the liquor trade, for the taking of a license away
       from any public house, on grounds of public policy, no matter
       how briefly the license had been held. A fund for the
       compensations was to be raised by assessment on all engaged in
       the trade. Authority to refuse the renewal or transfer of
       licenses on any ground other than ill conduct or character was
       withdrawn from local magistrates and exercised by the courts
       of quarter sessions (composed of the justices of the peace in
       each county) only. When a public house was thought to be
       superfluous by local magistrates they were required to report
       the case to quarter sessions, where a hearing upon it would be
       given.
    {12}
       If the Bench of quarter sessions decided to extinguish the
       license, it must specify the grounds of its decision in
       writing, and award a compensation, based on the estimated
       difference between the value of the licensed premises and the
       value of the same premises without a license. If no agreement
       on this basis could be reached, the Inland Revenue
       Commissioners should determine the sum.

       The Bill was advocated in the interest of temperance, as being
       calculated to reduce the number of public houses, and to raise
       their character. Mr. Balfour upheld it as "a great temperance
       measure." It should be the aim of Government, he argued, to
       "encourage respectable persons to keep public houses, and with
       that object they should make the trade secure." On the other
       side it was opposed with exceeding bitterness as a measure
       that had the backing and was in the interest of the brewers
       and the whole liquor trade; that created vested interests in
       the trade, rooting it to a new depth; that tended to add value
       to the low class of public houses, and obstructed future
       temperance reform. Repeated attempts to introduce a limit of
       years after which the awarding of compensation for the
       withdrawal of license would cease were defeated, and the Bill
       passed both Houses in August, substantially as it came into
       Parliament four months before.

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1907.
       Drink in its relation to crime.
       Testimony of judges.

       "The following is from a newspaper report of a speech by Judge
       Rentoul, delivered in the Guildhall, Cambridge, on the 15th of
       October, 1907. He happened to be one of the judges of the
       chief criminal courts of this country, and he said to them on
       that platform that 90 per cent. of the cases that came to the
       Central Criminal Court of England came directly through drink.
       The late Lord Brampton, formerly Sir Henry Hawkins, perhaps
       the greatest criminal judge during the past century, had also
       put the figures at 90 per cent. Lord Coleridge, speaking at
       one Assizes, said, ‘Every single case in my present list comes
       from the use of strong drink.’ ‘If it were not,’ said his
       Honour, ‘for alcohol, three fourths of our criminal courts
       would be closed in this country and closed forever.’"

          H. A. Giles,
          Opium and Alcohol in China
          (Nineteenth Century, December, 1907).

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.
       Passage of a new Licensing Bill by the Commons and its
       rejection by the Lords.

       Nothing contributed more to the defeat of the Conservative
       Ministry in the British Parliamentary elections of 1905 than
       the moral repugnance of the country to the Licensing Bill of
       1904 (described above); and the Liberal Government came to
       power with no commission from the people more positive than
       was in the demand for an amendment of that law. In 1908 it
       brought into Parliament and passed through the House of
       Commons a Bill which answered the demand, asserting the right
       and the need and the power in Government to put limitations on
       the granting of licenses for the sale of intoxicating liquors,
       without treating them as vested interests under a sacred
       guard. The limitation, in fact, was made definite and
       mandatory by the first provision of the Bill, which declared;
       "Licensing justices shall, in accordance with this Act, reduce
       the number of on-licenses in their district so that at the end
       of a period of fourteen years from the fifth day of April
       nineteen hundred and nine the number of those licenses in any
       rural parish or urban area in their district shall not exceed
       the scale set out in the First Schedule to this Act as applied
       to that parish or area under the provisions of that schedule."
       The schedule referred to was as follows:

       Persons per acre.

       2 or less
       Exceeding   2 but not exceeding 25
       Exceeding  25 but not exceeding 50
       Exceeding  50 but not exceeding 75
       Exceeding  75 but not exceeding 100
       Exceeding 100 but not exceeding  200
       Exceeding 200

    Number of on-licenses.

       1 to 400 persons or part of 400
       1 to 500 persons or part of 500
       1 to 600 persons or part of 600
       1 to 700 persons or part of 700
       1 to 800 persons or part of 800
       1 to 900 persons or part of 900
       1 to 1,000 persons or part of 1,000

       The Bill provided further for local option in the matter of
       granting new licenses, permitting a majority of voters in any
       licensing district to prohibit further grants; and introduced
       other changes of law in the interest of temperance, but not
       going to any extreme. When the measure went to the House of
       Lords it suffered there the same fate that had been meted out
       to the Education Bill of 1906. How serious an issue between
       the Commons and the Lords was raised by that occurrence is
       intimated in one passage of a speech made by the Liberal Prime
       Minister, Mr. Asquith, in July, 1909. He was reviewing some of
       the significant incidents of recent political history, and
       when he came to the Licensing Bill there was more feeling in
       his remarks than he had shown before. "That," he said, "was a
       Bill, as you know, which was debated for weeks and for months
       and passed through the House of Commons with sustained and
       unexampled majorities. When it reached ‘another place,’ what
       was its fate? It was rejected without even any pretence of
       consideration of its details, it was rejected in pursuance of
       a preconcerted party resolution, it was rejected with every
       circumstance of contumely and contempt. I will not pause to
       dwell upon, certainly not to praise, the provisions of the
       Licensing Bill, which, I may say, was to some extent my own
       handiwork. But in regard to its rejection I will say that it
       has made two things—that rejection and the circumstances
       preceding, following, and attending it have made two
       things—abundantly plain. The first is that it has ruined the
       prospects of any really effective temperance reform on
       anything like a large and comprehensive scale during the
       lifetime of the present Parliament. I will say next the
       circumstances of that rejection have brought into greater
       prominence than ever before the fact that our constitutional
       system is not, or at least that it can be made not to be, the
       embodiment, but the caricature of a representative and
       responsible Government. And the question of the relations
       between the two Houses of Parliament must be for us Liberals,
       at any rate, as I described it at the time, the dominant issue
       in our programme."

    {13}

       The requirement of the Act of 1904 that compensation should be
       paid to every license-holder whose license was withdrawn for
       public reasons, put so narrow a limit on the reductions made,
       that the 138,011 licensed houses in England and Wales in 1904
       had only been diminished by about 3000 in 1908; whereas the
       country demanded a great cutting down of the excessive number.

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908.
       Provisions of The Children Act for the Protection of Children.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS, &C.

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
       Taxation of the Liquor Trade proposed in the Budget.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
       The Decreased Consumption of Whiskey caused by increased tax.

       Speaking in Parliament of the increased whiskey tax in his
       Budget, on the 29th of October, some months after it had gone
       into effect and its yield was being shown, the Chancellor of
       the Exchequer, Mr. Lloyd-George, acknowledged that he had
       greatly overestimated the revenue it would produce. He said:
       "The whole point was to what extent would an addition of a
       halfpenny a glass deter a man from taking his usual share of
       drink. I could no more estimate that than any other member of
       the House. I made a very liberal allowance for decrease in
       consumption, so liberal that nobody either in or out of the
       House agreed with it. Many said it was absurd. … I assumed
       that people who could afford it would not regard the halfpenny
       at all; that they would buy exactly the same quantity of
       whisky as before. The working classes I assumed would probably
       purchase a smaller quantity. Supposing a man says, I spend 2s.
       6d. on drink; he would not spend more; therefore he would
       consume less.

       "I made a rough calculation upon such information as I had how
       that would affect the consumption of whisky as a whole, but I
       find the change has gone beyond that, and my information now
       is not merely that there are thousands of people who drink a
       percentage which is, in proportion to the increase, less, but
       some of them drop it altogether. Some of them are barely
       drinking half what they were before. Altogether a most
       extraordinary effect has been produced upon the habits of the
       people. I am not here to apologize for that at all. In some
       districts, I am told, the drinking of spirits has gone down by
       70 percent, in Ireland, I think. I hear that there are
       districts in Scotland where it has gone down 50 per cent. I
       have a communication in regard to the whisky distillers of
       Glasgow saying that the decrease in Glasgow during September
       has been 36 per cent.

       "People have not even been driven to the consumption of beer.
       It is really almost unaccountable. People have not been driven
       from one form of alcohol to another, but have been driven from
       alcohol altogether. The fact is very extraordinary, and has
       gone beyond anything I have anticipated. … Our anticipations
       now are that the consumption of spirits, both of foreign and
       home manufacture, will go down by something between 20 and 25
       per cent. That means that a smaller quantity of spirits will
       be consumed in this country during this year by eight or nine
       million gallons.’’

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1909.
       Organization of "The True Temperance Association."
       Its aim and appeal.

       Under the name of "The True Temperance Association," a London
       organization headed by Lord Halsbury made the following appeal
       to the English public, in May, 1909: "Let us take what is to
       hand—the publichouse; the regulated refreshment house of the
       people. Let us transform that out of its present condition of
       a mere drink-shop into a house of general, reasonable, and
       reputable entertainment—a place where there will be other
       things to consume besides beer and whisky, and other forms of
       recreation besides mere drink. We should imitate the model of
       the Continental café and German bierhaus; the White
       City and other exhibitions have shown us that they would not
       be exotics in this country; and those exhibitions with their
       wonderful record of sobriety also show us that there is every
       ground to expect that England, with transformed publichouses,
       would be as sober, and withal as bright as are Continental
       countries."

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1900:
       England, United States, France, and Germany.
       Comparative statement of the consumption of alcoholic drink.

       "The consumption of alcoholic drink in the above countries,
       per ten of population, was in the year 1900 as follows:

       Drink-consumption per 10 of population.

       Country.      Beer, spirits,   Beer.    Spirits.    Wine.
                      and wine.
                      Gallons.      Gallons.   Gallons.  Gallons.
       France          336             62         20        254
       United Kingdom  332            317         11          4
       Germany         309            275         19         15
       United States   147            133         11          3

       "Some years agone, the late P. G. Hamerton in his book
       French and English mentioned the increase of drinking
       in France, and we see that French drink-consumption per head
       is now greater than British consumption. The French drink more
       spirits, more wine, and have a larger total consumption per
       head than any of these three other nations.

       "The most striking fact in the above statement is the low
       drink-consumption per head in the United States. The American
       total per head is less than one-half of the total consumption
       per head in any of the three other countries. The superior
       sobriety of the American workman as compared with the
       Englishman has often been noticed, and observation in social
       grades higher than that of the artizan tends to show that
       American superiority in this respect is a general superiority
       not confined to workmen only. The developed alertness and
       prompt energy of the American may, it is quite likely, be due
       in some part to this relative abstinence from alcoholic drink
       which is now illustrated.

       "Looking back over the fifteen years 1886-1900, for the
       purpose of observing the increase or the decrease in
       drink-consumption per head of population, the following
       results have been obtained;—

       Country.     Average yearly drink-consumption,
                    per head of population, during

                     1886-1890.  1891-1895.  1890-1900.
                      Gallons.   Gallons.    Gallons.
       France           26.5      31.5       32.3
       United Kingdom.  29.4      31.1       33.1
       Germany          24.4      26.6       29.9
       United States    11.8      14.3       14.2

       The drink-consumption per   The drink-consumption per
       head during 1886-1890       head during 1896-1900 was
       being taken at 100
                     per cent.           per cent.
       France           100                 122
       United Kingdom.  100                 113
       Germany          100                 123
       United States    100                 120

    {14}

       "In each country the drink-consumption per head of population
       has increased since 1886-1890, and, with the exception of the
       United States, there has been an increase during each
       five-yearly period observed,

       "Comparing the period 1896-1900 with the period 1886-1890, we
       see that the percentage of increase per head of population in
       drink-consumption was smaller in the United Kingdom than in
       any of the three other countries. Germany and France have had
       the largest relative increases per head of population.

       "In the United States, the increase of 20 per cent in the
       drink-consumption per head of population is due to an increase
       in beer-drinking—the consumption per head of wine and of
       spirits has declined."

          J. H. Schooling,
          Drink: in England, the United States, France, and Germany
          (Fortnightly Review, January, 1902).

    ALCOHOL: France: A. D. 1907.
       Revolt of the Wine Growers of Southern France against wine
       adulteration.

          See (in this Volume )
          FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

    ALCOHOL: Germany:
       Temperance requisite in railway employees.

       The dangers to the traveling public that are attendant on the
       use of alcoholic stimulants by railway employees were
       discussed very seriously not long since by a writer in the
       Deutsche Monatsschrift. "The constantly growing demands
       upon transit service for safety and speed," he observed, "call
       for an increasingly higher efficiency of the personnel, not
       only as regards prudence, judgment, decision, and
       clearsightedness, but a sense of duty, all which qualities
       are, it has been proved, vitiated by nothing so readily and to
       such a degree as by indulgence in alcoholic drinks. The chief
       danger, moreover, consists not so much in excessive drink
       resulting in drunkenness, which is easily recognized, as in
       the more moderate but habitual use of liquor, which is harder
       to control, and the after-effects of heavy drinking.
       Scientific investigation has established the fact that even a
       moderate use of alcoholic beverages impairs the acuteness of
       sight and hearing, including the power of distinguishing
       colors. Most of the violations of discipline and duty in the
       German transportation service are due to indulgence in drink,
       besides leading to misery and want in the home."

       The writer alludes to an association of German railway
       officials started by himself, whose object it is to enlighten
       the public regarding the worthlessness of alcoholic drinks as
       a tonic and how they may be dispensed with as a means of
       refreshment. This society, he states, has been most
       encouragingly successful in its efforts. He adds the important
       statement that the Prussian Government, owing to recent
       serious accidents, has issued an order prohibiting all railway
       employees from taking any beverage containing alcohol while on
       duty.

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1902.
       Resolution of Socialist Congress.
       The subject in Prussian schools.

       The German Socialist Congress, sitting at Munich in September,
       1902, adopted a resolution which warned the working classes
       against the dangers from immoderate indulgence in alcoholic
       drinks, but declined to make total abstinence a condition of
       party membership. In the previous March the Prussian minister
       of education had given instructions to the school authorities
       mm of the kingdom which aimed at the enlightening of the
       people as to the deleterious effects, both physical and
       economical, of an excessive use of alcoholic liquors. The same
       subject had been agitated in the Prussian parliament, and
       there was discussion of measures of more strict regulation of
       public houses.

    ALCOHOL:
       International Congress on Alcoholism.

       For twenty-four years an International Congress on Alcoholism
       has held biennial meetings in different European cities,
       beginning at Antwerp in 1885, steadily demonstrating a growth
       of opposition—especially of scientific opposition—even in
       Continental Europe, to the use of alcoholic liquors. The
       meeting of 1905 was at Budapest; that of 1907 at Stockholm;
       that of 1909 at London. The delegates to the latter numbered
       about 1300, coming from nearly every European country, and
       from the United States, Canada, and South Africa. Of the
       strong character of the discussions at the London meeting the
       New York Evening Post said after its adjournment:

       "Men and women from every country, representing varying
       conditions of society, offered evidence tending to show, by
       actual figures of loss, the bad effects of drinking. From the
       standpoint of education, science, medicine, society,
       economics, efficiency, and law, the speakers all reached the
       same conclusion, bringing strong testimony in support.
       Efficiency was the keynote of papers representing public
       service on the part of the post office, the railroad, the
       navy, and the army of Great Britain."

       An interesting figure at the Congress, it was said by an
       American newspaper correspondent, was Judge William J.
       Pollard, of St. Louis, who went as a representative of the
       United States Government, and who was known widely as the
       originator of the pledge instead of prison method of dealing
       with drunkards. When he spoke on that subject he was given a
       double allowance of time, on the motion of a delegate from
       France, and, although under the constitution of the congress
       no resolution could be put, a declaration in favor of the plan
       was signed by practically every delegate in the hall. The
       declaration reads as follows:

       "We, the undersigned members and delegates attending the
       International Congress on Alcoholism assembled in Loudon,
       July, 1909, desire to record our gratification at the
       recognition in statute law by Great Britain, Vermont, United
       States of America, and Victoria (Australia) of the principle
       of reforming drunkards by the probation on pledge method,
       commonly known as the Pollard plan. The possibilities of this
       wise and beneficent policy are so great that we desire to
       commend its adoption throughout the world."

       "Judge Pollard’s plan, established in the Saint Louis police
       court nine years ago, consists in giving the drunkards a
       chance of reform. Instead of sentencing them to prison or
       fining them, Judge Pollard requires persons charged before him
       with drunkenness to take the pledge. If they do so he suspends
       sentence on them, and if the pledge is kept for a certain
       period they hear no more about the matter. If it is broken the
       fine or sentence is enforced."

       One of the results of the Congress was the organization of a
       "World’s Prohibition Confederation," "to better amalgamate the
       forces in various countries working along their respective
       lines towards the one common aim of the total suppression of
       the liquor traffic."

    {15}

       Two sessions were held and the Conference finally decided by
       unanimous vote upon the following outline of the purposes and
       methods of the new Confederation:

       "(1) Name—
       The name of this association shall be 'The International
       Prohibition Confederation (Confederation Prohibitioniste
       Internationale—Internationaler Verbaud fuer Alkoholverbot).'

       "(2) Object—
       (a) To amalgamate the forces in various countries working
       along their respective lines towards the one common aim of the
       total suppression of the liquor traffic,

       (b) To obtain notes of progress, information, and news from
       all parts of the world, and send such information to all
       organizations joining the Confederation and other applicants.

       "(3) Membership—
       The membership shall consist of representatives of temperance
       organizations in all countries approving of the objects and
       such officers as may be elected by the Confederation.

       "(4) Finances—
       The financial support shall be gained from such contributions
       as the various affiliated societies and individual associate
       members may subscribe."

    ALCOHOL: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.
       Twelve years of Local Option.
       Increasing majorities against the liquor traffic.
       The vote of women.

       Under the operation of a local option law since 1896, New
       Zealand has been steadily narrowing the liquor traffic, with
       what seems to be a fair prospect of extinguishing it entirely.
       The law provides for the taking of a vote in each
       parliamentary electoral district once in three years on three
       propositions, as follows:

       "1. That the number of licensed houses existing in the
       district shall continue.

       "2. That the number shall be reduced.

       "3. That no licenses whatever shall be granted.

       "Electors may vote for one of these proposals or for two of
       them. The prohibitionists strike out the top line, and thus
       vote for a reduction of the number of licenses, and also for
       total prohibition in their district. Those who oppose
       prohibition usually strike out the second and third lines, so
       as to vote for the continuance of existing licensed houses;
       while there are others, again, who strike out the first and
       third issues, with a view simply to a reduction in the number
       of licensed houses. An absolute majority of the votes carries
       reduction; but it requires a three-fifths majority to carry
       'no-license.' If reduction is carried the licensing committee
       must then reduce the publicans’ licenses in the district by
       not less than 5 per cent. or more than 25 per cent, of the
       total number existing."

       The local option vote has now been taken five times, with a
       slow but steady increase of majorities given against the
       liquor traffic, either to restrict or to end it,—as the
       following table shows:

             Continuance. Reduction. No-license. Valid votes.
       1896    139,500     94,500      98,300      259,800
       1899    142,400    107,700     118,500      281,800
       1902    148,400    132,200     151,500      318,800
       1905    182,800    151,000     198,700      396,400
       1908    186,300    161,800     209,100      410,100

       The figures here entered of the vote in 1908 are not official,
       but are said to be close to accuracy.

       The New Zealand correspondent of the London Times, from whose
       report the above is taken, adds these particulars: "The result
       of the local option poll taken in December, 1905, was to carry
       'no license' in three new districts and reduction in four
       districts. In 36 of the other districts a majority of the
       votes polled was for ‘no license,’ though the three-fifths
       majority necessary to carry the proposal was not obtained. The
       results of the recent poll were very striking. In six new
       districts ‘no-license ’ was carried, and in some others
       ‘no-license’ and ‘reduction’ were only lost by narrow margins.
       The rapid advance made by the ‘no license’ party is certainly
       remarkable.

       "While the proportion of votes cast for continuance is
       steadily declining, the proportion for ‘no-license’ is
       increasing at an accelerated rate. Already there is a bare
       majority of the total votes in favour of prohibition; while if
       we had national instead of local option the chances are that
       in a comparatively short period the necessary three-fifths
       majority to secure total prohibition in the country might be
       obtained. There are now indications that the ‘no-license’
       party will make a bold bid, not only for a bare majority vote
       on the no-license issue, but also for national option. In this
       event they will alienate the sympathies of the great majority
       of the moderates who now vote with them, so that the
       ‘no-license’ cause may receive, at least, a temporary check.

       "Three important suggestions have been made to save the
       trade—viz., reform from within, State control, and
       municipalization. Judging from past experience, the first idea
       seems hopeless. The trade has had its lessons, but has not
       taken sufficient heed. State control will scarcely be
       tolerated, since most people realize that the liquor trade in
       the hands of a Government might be a dangerous political
       engine, besides which there would always be the temptation
       ever present to a Government to use it for revenue purposes.
       Without very necessary reform from within, therefore, the only
       chance for the liquor trade would seem to lie in the direction
       of municipalization. Under municipal control, with the
       abolition of the open bar in favour of the cafe system, with
       better liquor, and with a thorough system of inspection and
       analysis, the liquor trade in New Zealand might obtain a new
       lease of life. Under the present system there is every
       indication that its doom is sealed."

       The importance of the vote of women, on this question
       especially, appears in the following statements: "In 1902,
       138,565 women, or 74.52 per cent. of those on the rolls,
       voted; in 1905, 175,046, or 82.23 per cent. of those on the
       rolls, voted. The proportion of females to males voting at
       successive general elections also shows a gradual increase
       from 69.57 per cent. in 1893 to 78.99 in 1905. Then there is
       the gradual increase in the proportion of females to males in
       the population of a young country to be considered. At the
       foundation of the colonies the males, naturally, largely
       outnumbered the females; but eventually the sexes will become
       more nearly equal in number. Thus, while in 1871 the
       proportion of females to males in the colony was only 70.52,
       in 1906 it was 88.65. Furthermore, women are taking a keener
       interest than ever in politics. They are beginning to
       appreciate the franchise and to exercise it intelligently in
       ever-increasing numbers."

    {16}

       The warning and alarming effect of the local option vote of
       December, 1908, on the New Zealand liquor dealers was made
       apparent by their action taken soon after, as reported in the
       following Press despatch from Wellington, January 18, 1909:

       "As a result of the large 'moderate' vote cast at the recent
       poll on the question of total prohibition or reduction of
       facilities for obtaining drink, it was unanimously resolved
       to-day, at a meeting of the Auckland Brewers and Licensed
       Victuallers’ Association, representing all the wholesale and
       nearly every member of the retail trade, to abolish barmaids,
       to abolish private bars, and to raise the age-limit of youths
       who may be supplied with liquor from 18 to 20. No woman will
       be supplied with liquor for consumption on the premises unless
       she is boarding in the house.

       "In an interview, the Mayor of Auckland, who is himself a
       brewer, stated that since the trade has to ask the public
       every three years for the continuance of its existence, it is
       necessary for it to be conducted on lines approved by the
       public at large."

    ALCOHOL: United States: A. D. 1904-1909.
       The progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition in the
       five years.

       The following exhibit of the status of state and local
       prohibition in every State of the United States, on the 1st of
       November, 1909, compared with the same in 1904, is reproduced,
       with permission, from the latest leaflet published at the time
       of this writing (January 1, 1910) by the Associated
       Prohibition Press, located at 92 La Salle Street, Chicago:

       "The record at Prohibition National Headquarters, Chicago,
       shows that during the past four years the amount of
       Prohibition territory has been doubled and 20,000,000 people
       added to those living in Prohibition cities, counties and
       states, making an aggregate of over 40,000,000 now by their
       own choice in saloon-free districts.

       "The figures below show that nearly two-thirds of the
       territory and nearly one-half of the people are under
       Prohibition protection:

       "17,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1904.

       "25,000,000 people in the South under Prohibition in 1909.

       "There are to-day 375 Prohibition cities in the United States,
       having a population of over 5,000 each, with a total
       population of more than three million and a half.

       "In 1904 there were scarcely 100 Prohibition cities of 5,000
       or over; there are now 90 Prohibition cities of 10,000 or
       over. There are fifty-five industrial centers in fourteen
       different states of 20,000 population and over, with an
       aggregate of 2,000,000 population, now under Prohibition law.

       "The Prohibition party is organized and at work in practically
       every state in the Union.

       "In 1904 the National Liquor League of the United States was
       organized at Cincinnati, January 7th and 8th, to put the 'lid'
       on the apparent beginnings of a Prohibition renaissance. Five
       years of the 'National Liquor League of the United States' has
       resulted in 20,000,000 people being added to the Prohibition
       population of the country; 250 new Prohibition cities; 6 new
       Prohibition states, hundreds of new Prohibition counties, and
       thousands of new Prohibition towns and villages in all the
       rest of the country.

       "One of the most striking contrasts between 1904 and 1909 is
       seen in the transformation which has been wrought in the
       attitude of the daily and secular press towards the
       Prohibition question. Since 1904 leading daily papers in all
       parts of the country have begun to exclude liquor advertising
       from their columns.

       "The daily press of America is to-day giving ten times more
       attention to and far more friendly treatment of the
       Prohibition issue than was the case in 1904.

       "On November 1st, 1909, the record of state and local
       Prohibition territory in the United States, at National
       Prohibition Headquarters, was as follows:

       The Situation by States.

    State.        1904.           November 1, 1909.

    Alabama    20 Prohibition     State Prohibition;
                  counties.       enforcement legislation
               11 Dispensary.     enacted by Legislature,
               35 License.        August, 1909.
                                  Data shows business prospers,
                                  crime decreasing.
                                  Popular vote on Constitutional
                                  Prohibition November 29, 1909.

    Arizona    No Prohibition     New county Prohibition law bare
               territory.         two-thirds requirement.
               Two-thirds         Four-fifths of Territory "dry"
               majority required. in 12 months is prediction.

    Arkansas   44 Prohibition     57 Prohibition counties.
               counties.          State certain in next
               29 License.        Legislature.
                2 Partially
                license.

    California 175 Prohibition    250 "dry" towns.
                   towns.         Sentiment rapidly growing
                                  for State Prohibition.

    Colorado   Few Prohibition towns.   100 towns "dry."
               No local-option law.     Stricter law enforcement.
                                        Prohibition sentiment growing.

    Connecticut  Half of State        Large increase in no-license
                 local Prohibition.   vote. Legislature passed
                                      several important restrictive
                                      measures.

    Delaware     Few small           Two-thirds of State Prohibition.
                 Prohibition towns.

    {17}

    District of
    Columbia      Apathy dominant.   New high license law.
                                     Sentiment for Prohibition
                                     organizing.
                                     Stricter enforcement.

    Florida    30 Prohibition        35 counties "dry."
                  counties.          Popular vote State
                                     Prohibition November, 1910.

    Georgia      104 Prohibition     State Prohibition.
                 counties out        Supporting sentiment grows.
                 of 134.             Atlanta elects law-enforcement
                 Large cities        Mayor. Crime largely decreasing.
                 all license.

    Idaho        No Prohibition      County law passed.
                 territory.          Seven vote "dry."
                 "Wide-open" State.  State Prohibition campaign on.

    Illinois     8 Prohibition       36 "dry" counties.
                 counties.           2500 "dry" towns.
                 500 Prohibition     23 "dry" cities.
                 towns.              No license fight on in Chicago.
                 "Wide open" Sunday.

    Indiana      140 Prohibition     70 Counties "dry."
                 townships.          "Net Prohibition majority 67,025.
                                     Three-fourths of the
                                     State population under Prohibition.
                                     Sentiment for State Prohibition
                                     very active;
                                     1,780,839 or 65 per cent of
                                     State population in "dry"
                                     territory;
                                     32 "dry" cities (5,000 and over).

    Iowa       25 License counties.    Campaign for State Prohibition
               Lax enforcement         developing great enthusiasm.
               of law.

    Kansas     STATE PROHIBITION.      Legislature passed 1909
               Lax enforcement.        important additions to
               Law enforcement         State law.
               crusade at Kansas       The sale of alcohol in any
               City, Kan.,             form absolutely prohibited.
               a "fizzle."             Strict enforcement the rule.

    Kentucky   47 Prohibition          96 Prohibition counties;
               counties.               1,541,613 or 66 per cent of
               Legislature defeated    total population in "dry"
               very moderate           territory.
               local option bill.      State Prohibition campaign
                                       launched in earnest.

    Louisiana  20 Prohibition          Prohibition sentiment grows.
               parishes out of 54.     Local Prohibition proves
                                       notable success in
                                       33 "dry" parishes.

    Maine      STATE PROHIBITION.      Move for resubmission
               Lax enforcement.        emphatically defeated
                                       by State Legislature.
                                       Sentiment for law enforcement
                                       growing steadily.

    Maryland   15 Prohibition          Some locals gains.
               counties.               New high-license
                                       law for Baltimore.

    Massachusetts. 250 Prohibition     Some local gains.
                   towns and cities.   Twenty-five thousand
                                       State majority against license.
                                       Definite campaign for State
                                       Prohibition;
                                       261 towns "dry" out of 321;
                                       20 cities "dry" out of 33;
                                       26,297 State majority
                                       against license.

    Michigan   2 Prohibition           Thirty Prohibition counties.
               counties.               Important new restrictive
               400 Prohibition towns.  legislation took effect
                                       September 1, 1909.
                                       State Prohibition campaign on.

    Minnesota   400 Prohibition        1,611 "dry" towns.
                towns.                 State wide union
                                       of Prohibition forces.

    Mississippi 65 Prohibition         Enforcement of State-wide
                counties.              law passed February, 1908.
                Legislature defeated   Governor Noel a vigorous
                State Prohibition      prohibitionist.
                amendment.

    Missouri   3 Prohibition           77 'dry' counties.
                counties 1905.         State Prohibition
                                       campaign definitely under way.
                                       Vote November, 1910.

    Montana    No Prohibition          Prohibition sentiment
               territory.              growing with notable increase
                                       of party vote in several
                                       districts.

    Nebraska   200 Prohibition         26 Prohibition counties.
               towns.                  Many local gains.
                                       State capital Lincoln, 50,000,
                                       voted "dry."
                                       State Prohibition campaign on;
                                       48 "dry" county seats.

    Nevada     No Prohibition          Sentiment against gambling
               territory.              and liquor selling growing.
                                       State Prohibition of gambling
                                       effective October 1, 1910.

    New Hampshire. State Prohibition   183 "dry" towns.
                   repealed 1903.

    New Jersey     "Wide-open" State.   Whole year of 1909 filled
                                        with agitation.
                                        Law-defying Atlantic City
                                        ring provokes widespread
                                        public sentiment.
                                        County option expected.

    {18}

    New Mexico    Nothing.               Prohibition forces very
                                         active at legislative
                                         session. Strong sentiment for
                                         State Prohibition growing.

    New York      285 Prohibition towns. Few changes. Concerted State
                  Cities all license     wide campaign on in 300 local
                  by State law.          Prohibition contests.

    North Carolina. Local-option passed 1903.  Success of State
                    Raleigh, capital, had      Prohibition shown by
                    dispensary run by church   official statistics.
                    deacons.                   In force January, 1908.

    North Dakota    STATE PROHIBITION.         Same law. Sentiment
                    Lax enforcement in         back of Prohibition
                    some sections.             law overwhelming
                                               throughout State.
                                               Strong supplementary
                                               legislation passed 1909.

    Ohio            First State               61 counties "dry."
                    local-option law          Campaigns in largest
                    passed.                   cities, and State
                                              Prohibition scheduled
                                              for near future.
                                              Net Prohibition majority
                                              in 70 county contests,
                                              66,132.

    Oklahoma        Few Prohibition towns.    Enforcement of State
                                              Prohibition law
                                              steadily growing success.
                                              Governor Haskell heartily
                                              supporting it.
                                              Prohibition Party
                                              organized September 27,
                                              1909.

    Oregon          No Prohibition            State Prohibition vote
                    territory.                November, 1910.
                    No local-option law.      21 counties "dry."

    Pennsylvania    Prohibition sentiment     County option defeated
                    apathetic.                1909 but sentiment
                                              rapidly growing.
                                              Confident of advanced
                                              legislation at next
                                              session.

    Rhode Island    20 Prohibition towns.     Little change

    South Carolina  State dispensary.         37 Prohibition counties
                    (Abolished 1908.)         out of 42.
                                              Sweeping Prohibition
                                              victories August 17, 1909.
                                              State campaign definitely on.

    South Dakota    Scattering Prohibition    Few local changes.
                    towns.                    Sentiment for State
                                              Prohibition campaign
                                              developing.

    Tennessee*      8 License cities.         State Prohibition passed
                    Liquor men threatened     January, 1909.
                    repeal of Adams           Effective July 1, 1909.
                    local-option law.         Liquor manufacture
                                              prohibition.
                                              Law effective
                                              January 1, 1910.
                                              Remarkably beneficial
                                              effects of Prohibition
                                              immediately shown in
                                              Nashville and other
                                              cities.

       * A proposal to embody state-wide prohibition in a constitutional
       amendment was voted down heavily in Tennessee on the 29th of
       November, 1909.

    Texas           140 Prohibition           154 Prohibition counties.
                    counties.                 State Prohibition
                                              referendum narrowly
                                              defeated by Legislature,
                                              only increased agitation
                                              for that object.
                                              Vote expected within
                                              two years.

    Utah            No Prohibition            County Prohibition and
                    territory.                State referendum
                                              defeated in Legislature,
                                              expected at next session.

    Vermont         Prohibition               216 towns "dry."
                    repealed 1903.            Demand for resubmission
                    138 Prohibition            of State Prohibition growing.
                    towns out of            Prohibition majority
                    240 in 1904.              of 8,819 in whole State.

    Virginia        Local-option law          71 Prohibition counties.
                    passed 1903.              Democratic primary being
                                              fought out on Prohibition
                                              issue.

    Washington      Few Prohibition towns.    Compromise local
                                              Prohibition law,
                                              passed Legislature, 1909.
                                              Prohibition sentiment
                                              growing. Alaska-Yukon
                                              Exposition, Seattle,
                                              first big "dry" exposition.

    West Virginia.  40 out of 54              Some local gains.
                    counties "dry"            Charleston, state capital
                                              "dry" since July 1.
                                              Only three wholly "wet"
                                              counties.
                                              State campaign on.

    Wisconsin       300 Prohibition towns     789 towns "dry."
                                              Prohibition sentiment
                                              growing rapidly;
                                              4,000 business men
                                              cheer argument for
                                              Prohibition in great
                                              debate at Milwaukee
                                              March, 1909.

    Wyoming         No Prohibition            New law effective
                    territory.                January, 1910, puts
                                              whole State under
                                              Prohibition outside
                                              of incorporated towns.

    {19}

    ALCOHOL: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Diminished consumption of whiskey and beer.

       According to the annual report of the Commissioner of Internal
       Revenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1909, there were
       about 5,000,000 less gallons of whiskey contributing to the
       Federal revenue than in the fiscal year preceding, and
       something like 2,500,000 fewer barrels of beer and ale. "This
       seems clearly to mirror the effect of the prohibition movement
       which has lately gained such headway in certain sections of
       the South and West. Ordinarily, the consumption of spirits and
       malt liquor is fairly steady in times of depression; and when
       an industrial revival is under way, their use increases and
       reflects itself in larger revenue returns. The absolute
       shrinkage in consumption in the past fiscal year, therefore,
       is doubly significant."

       ----------ALCOHOL: End--------

    ALCORTA, Jose Figueroa:
       President of Argentine Republic.

          See (in this Volume)
          ACRE DISPUTES.

    ALDERMAN, Edward Anderson:
       President of the University of Virginia.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    ALDRICH, Nelson W.:
       Work on the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    ALEXANDER, King of Servia:
       His murder.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

    ALEXEIEFF, Admiral:
       Appointed Viceroy in Manchuria, 1903.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    ALFARO, General Elroy:
       Made President of Ecuador by a revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          ECUADOR: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ALFONSO XIII.:
       His Coronation.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    ALFONSO XIII.:
       Marriage.
       Attempted assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          Spain: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE, and Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906, and
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

    ALGIERS: A. D. 1896-1906.
       Encroachments on the Moroccan boundary.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1895-1906.

    ALIENS ACT, The English.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ALIENS, Rights of:
       Pan-American Convention.

          See (in this Volume)
          American Republics.

    ALI RIZA PASHA.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    ALL INDIA MOSLEM LEAGUE.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER), and 1907-1909.

    ALLIANCES:
       Franco-Russian.
       Effect of Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

    ALLIANCES:
       Great Britain with Japan.

          See Japan: A. D. 1902, and 1905 (August).

    ALLIANCES:
       The Triple Alliance.

          See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

    ALMENARA, Dr. Domingo.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU.

    ALSOP CLAIM, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1909.

    ALVERSTONE, Sir Richard Everard Webster, Lord Chief Justice:
       On the Alaska Boundary Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

    ALVES, Rodriquez.

          See (in this Volume)
          ACRE DISPUTES.

    AMADE, General d’:
       Operations in Morocco.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

    AMADOR, Manuel:
       President of Panama.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA.

    AMALGAMATED ASSOCIATION, of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers:
       Its strike in 1901.

          See (in this Volume)
          Labor Organization, &c.: United States: A. D. 1901.

    AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:
       In Taff Vale case.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.

    AMALGAMATED SOCIETY OF RAILWAY SERVANTS, British:
       In strike of 1907

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

    AMARAL, Admiral Ferreira do.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    AMBAN, Chinese.

          See (in this Volume)
          TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

    AMERICAN CIVIC ASSOCIATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

    AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.

    "AMERICAN INVASION" OF CANADA, The.

          See (in this Volume) CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

       ----------AMERICAN REPUBLICS: Start--------

    AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
       The South and Central American nations:
       Their recent rapid advance in character, dignity, and importance.

       Among the astonishing. changes that have come upon the
       political face of the world within a few years past, producing
       new arrangements of rank or standing and new distributions of
       influence in the great family of nations, the emergence of the
       South American republics from generally chronic disorder and
       obscure unimportance to a position, almost suddenly
       recognized, of present weight and dignity and great promise to
       the future, is far from the least.

       In 1890, when Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of State, opened the
       first well-planned endeavor of our government to put itself
       into such relations with them, of friendly influence, as the
       elder and stronger in the family of American republics ought
       to hold, there was little appreciation of the importance of
       the movement. Even Mr. Blaine did not seem to be fully earnest
       and fully sanguine in it, or else his chief and his colleagues
       in the government were not heartily with him; for his
       admirable scheme of policy was almost wrecked in the second
       year of its working, by the unaccountable impatience and
       harshness with which President Harrison wrung humiliating
       apologies from Chili for a trifling offense in 1892. The
       seeming arrogance of power then manifested cast a reasonable
       suspicion on the motives with which the great republic of
       North America had made overtures of fraternity to the
       republics of the South, and it freshened an old distrust in
       their minds.

    {20}

       Happily, however, Mr. Blaine, in 1890, had brought about the
       creation of a harmonizing and unifying agency which needed
       only time to effect great results. This was the Bureau of the
       American Republics, established at Washington, by a vote of
       the delegates from eighteen North, South, and Central American
       governments, at an International American Conference, held in
       that city in March of the year named. Its immediate purpose
       was the promotion of commercial intercourse; but the
       information spread with that object, through all the countries
       concerned, has carried with it every kind of pacific
       understanding and stimulation. The common action with common
       interests thus organized must have had more than anything else
       to do with the generating of a public spirit, lately, in the
       Spanish-American countries, very different from any ever
       manifested before. It has wakened national ambitions in them
       and sobered the factious temper which kept them in political
       disorder so long.

       Ten years ago, the Central and South American republics had so
       little standing among the nations that few of them were
       invited to the Peace Conference of 1900, and the invitation
       was accepted by none. Spanish America was represented by
       Mexico alone. At the conference of 1907 at The Hague there
       were delegates from all, and several among their delegates
       took a notably important part, giving a marked distinction to
       the peoples they represent. It was by a special effort on the
       part of our then Secretary of State that they were brought
       thus into the council of nations.

       Mr. Root has had wonderful success, indeed, in realizing the
       aim of the policy projected and initiated by Mr. Blaine. He
       has cleared away the distrust and won the confidence of our
       fellow Americans at the middle and south of the continent,
       bringing them to a friendly acceptance of the leading which
       goes naturally with the power and the experience of these
       United States. The resulting weight in world politics of what
       may be called the Concert of America, paralleling the Concert
       of Europe, is one of the greater products of the present
       extraordinary time.

    AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
       Their Second International Conference, at the City of
       Mexico, in 1901-1902.
       Its proceedings, conventions, resolutions, etc.

       The First International Conference of American Republics was
       held at Washington in the winter and spring of 1889-1890,
       attended by delegates from eighteen Governments of the New
       World.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          American Republics.

       On the suggestion of President McKinley, ten years later, and
       on the invitation of President Diaz, of Mexico, a second
       Conference was convened at the City of Mexico, on the 23d of
       October, 1901. The sessions of this Conference were prolonged
       until the 31st of January, 1902. It was attended by delegates
       from every independent nation then existing in America, being
       twenty in number; but the delegation of Venezuela was
       withdrawn by the Government of that State on the 14th of
       January, and the withdrawal was made retroactive to and from
       the preceding 31st of December. The delegation from the United
       States was composed of ex-United States Senator Henry G.
       Davis; Mr. William I. Buchanan, formerly Envoy Extraordinary
       and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Mr.
       John Barrett, formerly Minister Resident of the United States
       to Siam; and Messrs. Charles M. Pepper and Volney W. Foster.

       The following account of the work of the Conference and its
       results is compiled from the report made by the delegates of
       the United States to the Department of State:

       "Señor Raigosa, chairman of the Mexican delegation, was chosen
       temporary president, and the Conference then preceded to its
       permanent organization by the election of his excellency Señor
       Lic. Don Ignacio Mariscal, minister of foreign affairs of
       Mexico, and Honorable John Hay, Secretary of State of the
       United States, honorary presidents; Senor Lic. Don Genaro
       Raigosa, of Mexico, president; Senhor Don José Hygino Duarte
       Pereira, of Brazil, first vice-president, and Señor Doctor Don
       Baltasar Estupinian, of Salvador, second vice-president. …
       Under the rules adopted 19 committees were appointed and the
       work of the conference was apportioned among them. …

       "Discussion between the representatives of the Republics that
       would constitute the conference began months previous to its
       opening upon the subject of arbitration, and while every
       desire was manifested then and thereafter by all to see a
       conclusion reached by the conference in which all might join,
       unsettled questions existed between some of the Republics that
       would participate in the conference of a character that made
       their avoidance difficult in any general discussion of the
       subject. … This difficulty became more apparent as the
       conference proceeded with its work. … It was tacitly agreed
       between delegations, therefore, that the discussion of the
       subject should be confined, so far as possible, to a
       committee. … There was at no time any difficulty with regard
       to securing a unanimous report favoring a treaty covering
       merely arbitration as a principle; all delegations were in
       favor of that. The point of discussion was as to the extent to
       which the principle should be applied. Concerning this, three
       views were supported in the conference:
       (a) Obligatory arbitration, covering all questions pending or
       future when they did not affect either independence or the
       national honor of a country;
       (b) Obligatory arbitration covering future questions only and
       defining what questions shall constitute those to be excepted
       from arbitration; and
       (c) Facultative or voluntary arbitration, as best expressed by
       The Hague convention. …

       "A plan was finally suggested providing that all delegations
       should sign the protocol for adhesion to the convention of The
       Hague, as originally suggested by the United States
       delegation, and that the advocates of obligatory arbitration
       sign, between themselves, a project of treaty obligating their
       respective governments to submit to the permanent court at The
       Hague all questions arising or in existence, between
       themselves, which did not affect their independence or their
       national honor. Both the protocol and treaty were then to be
       brought before the conference, incorporated in the minutes
       without debate or action, and sent to the minister of foreign
       relations of Mexico, to be officially certified and
       transmitted by that official to the several signatory
       governments. After prolonged negotiations this plan was
       adopted and carried out as outlined above, all of the
       delegations in the conference, excepting those of Chile and
       Ecuador, signing the protocol covering adherence to The Hague
       convention before its submission to the conference.
    {21}
       These, after a protracted debate on a point of order involving
       the plan adopted, later accepted in open conference a solution
       which made them—as they greatly desired to be, in another
       form than that adopted—parties to the protocol. The project of
       treaty of compulsory arbitration was signed by the delegations
       of the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Santo Domingo, El
       Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and
       Venezuela. …

       "By the above plan the conference attained the highest
       possible end, and for the first time each of the American
       Republics, as a result of that action, takes her place by the
       side of the other countries of the world in favor of
       international arbitration; more than this, by the unanimous
       acceptance thus of The Hague convention on the part of the 19
       Republics represented in the conference, it is given that
       force and character which places it to-day as the formal
       expression of the governments of the entire civilized world in
       favor of peace. The delegates of the United States believe,
       hence, that substantial progress and a noteworthy and historic
       step in advance has been taken in the interests of peace, and
       that means have been provided by which wars will be rendered
       less frequent, if not wholly avoided, between the countries of
       the Western Hemisphere. The opening of the doors of the
       permanent tribunal of The Hague to all of the Republics of
       America, as this protocol has done, is of itself an
       achievement of the greatest importance. As a result of this
       action the American Republics now have at their command the
       machinery of that great international body for the pacific
       settlement of any dispute they may desire to refer to
       arbitration. Beyond this the obligations imposed by their
       adhesion to the convention to have recourse, as far as
       circumstances allow, to the good offices or mediation of any
       one or more friendly powers, and to permit these offers to be
       made without considering them unfriendly, is certainly a point
       of great value gained by all.

       "In addition to accepting The Hague convention the conference
       went further. It accepted the three Hague conventions as
       principles of public American international law, and
       authorized and requested the President of the Mexican
       Republic, as heretofore explained, to enter upon negotiations
       with the several American Governments looking toward the most
       unrestricted application of arbitration possible should the
       way for such a step appear open. In addition to the protocol
       and treaty referred to, another step was taken in the
       direction of the settlement of international controversies by
       the adoption and signing, on the part of every country
       represented in the conference, of a project of treaty covering
       the arbitration of pecuniary claims. Under this the several
       republics obligate themselves for a period of five years to
       submit to the arbitration of the court at The Hague all claims
       for pecuniary loss or damage which may be presented by their
       respective citizens and which cannot be amicably adjusted
       through diplomatic channels, when such claims are of
       sufficient importance to warrant the expense of arbitration.
       Should both parties prefer that a special jurisdiction be
       organized, according to article 21 of the convention of The
       Hague this may be done, and if the permanent court of The
       Hague shall not be open to one or more of the signatory
       republics for any cause, they obligate themselves to stipulate
       then in a special treaty the rules under which a tribunal
       shall be established for the adjustment of the matter in
       dispute and the form of procedure to be followed in such
       arbitration. As a supplement to the protocol and treaty above
       referred to, this project of treaty is of great importance and
       will most certainly be of wide benefit to the good relations
       and intercourse between the United States and her sister
       republics of this Hemisphere." …

       "Among the most important recommendations made by the First
       International American Conference, held in Washington in
       1889-1890, with a view to facilitating trade and communication
       between the American Republics, was that looking to the
       construction of an intercontinental railway, by which all of
       the republics on the American continent would be put into rail
       communication with each other. In pursuance of the
       recommendations of that conference, an international railway
       commission was organized, and under its direction surveys were
       made which showed that it would be entirely practicable, by
       using, as far as possible, existing railway systems and
       filling in the gaps between them. … The report of the
       intercontinental railway commission showed that the distance
       between New York and Buenos Ayres by way of the proposed line
       would be 10,471 miles, of which a little less than one-half
       had then been constructed, leaving about 5,456 miles to be
       built. Following up the work of the first conference and the
       intercontinental railway commission, the present conference
       adopted a strong report and a series of carefully considered
       recommendations on this subject. …

       "The resolution … providing for the meeting of an
       international American customs congress in the city of New
       York within a year, to consider customs administrative
       matters, is one of the subjects on which early action should
       be taken by our Government if the success of the congress is
       to be assured. The governing board of the International Bureau
       of the American Republics is to fix the date for the meeting
       of this congress. … This congress will have nothing whatever
       to do with the subject of tariff rates in any of the countries
       represented. Its functions … briefly stated, are to consider
       means for bringing about, as far as may be practicable, the
       adoption by the several republics of uniform and simple
       methods of custom-house procedure and a uniform and simple
       system of port regulations and charges; measures to secure the
       adoption and use in customs schedules and laws of a common
       nomenclature of the products and merchandise of the American
       republics, to be issued in English, Spanish, Portuguese, and
       French, and that it may become the basis for the statistical
       data of exports and imports; to provide for the organization
       of a permanent customs committee or commission, composed of
       persons having technical and expert knowledge, which, as a
       dependency of the International Bureau of the American
       Republics, or otherwise, shall be charged with the execution
       of the resolutions and decisions of the congress and the study
       of the customs laws of the American republics, in order to
       suggest to the several governments the adoption of laws and
       measures which, with regard to custom house formalities, may
       tend to simplify and facilitate mercantile traffic. …

    {22}

       "Another resolution which contemplates that early action must
       be taken by the several Governments is that regarding
       quarantine and sanitary matters. In dealing with this subject
       the object of the conference was to make sanitation take the
       place of quarantine. When the ideal had in view by the
       conference shall have been realized, the cities of the Western
       Hemisphere will have been put in such perfect sanitary
       condition that the propagation of disease germs in them will
       be impossible and quarantine restrictions upon travel and
       commerce, with their vexations and burdensome delays and
       expenses, will be unnecessary.

       "The conference fully recognized the value and importance to
       all the Republics of the International Bureau of the American
       Republics, which was established in Washington in pursuance of
       the action of the First International American Conference. …
       With a view to rendering the Bureau still more useful to all
       the countries represented in its administration, and making it
       still more valuable in establishing and maintaining closer
       relations between them, the conference adopted a plan of
       reorganization, or rather of broadening and expanding the
       existing organization. … The new regulations adopted provide
       that the Bureau shall be under the management of a governing
       board to be composed of the Secretary of State of the United
       States, who is to be its chairman, and the diplomatic
       representatives in Washington of all the other governments
       represented in the Bureau. This governing board is to meet
       regularly once a month, excepting in June, July, and August of
       each year. …

       "In order that the archæological and ethnological remains
       existing in the territory of the several Republics of the
       Western Hemisphere might be systematically studied and
       preserved, the conference adopted a resolution providing for
       the meeting of an American international archæological
       commission in the city of Washington, D. C., within two years
       from the date of the adoption of the resolution. …

       "The conference gave its most hearty indorsement to the
       project for the construction of an interoceanic canal by the
       Government of the United States." …

       "The recommendation of the conference that there be
       established in New York, Chicago, San Francisco, New Orleans,
       Buenos Ayres, or any other important mercantile center, a bank
       with branches in the principal cities in the American
       republics, is in line with the similar resolution adopted by
       the First International American Conference in Washington in
       1889-1890."

       "In addition to the protocol for the adhesion of the American
       Republics to the Convention of The Hague, the treaty of
       compulsory arbitration signed by nine delegations, and the
       treaty for the arbitration of pecuniary claims, the Conference
       agreed to and signed a treaty for the extradition of
       criminals, … including a clause making anarchy an extraditable
       offense when it shall have been defined by the legislation of
       the respective countries; a convention on the practice of the
       learned professions, providing for the reciprocal recognition
       of the professional diplomas and titles granted in the several
       Republics; a convention for the formation of codes of public
       and private international law; … a convention on literary and
       artistic copyrights; … a convention for the exchange of
       official, scientific, literary, and industrial publications; …
       a treaty on patents of invention, etc.; … and a convention on
       the rights of aliens." The treaty on patents and the
       convention on the rights of aliens could not be signed by the
       delegates of the United States, for reasons set forth in their
       report.

       "The delegates desire especially to express their most
       grateful appreciation of the courtesy extended by the Mexican
       Government in preparing for the comfort of delegates and in
       all the arrangements for the conference. Every convenience at
       the command of that Government was placed at the disposal of
       delegates to assist them in the discharge of their labors. …

       "It is the belief of the delegates of the United States that
       the results of the Second International American Conference
       will be of great and lasting benefit to the nations
       participating in its deliberations. … That the relations
       between the American Republics have been improved as a result
       of the conference cannot be doubted. The intimate daily
       association for nearly four months, of leading men from every
       American Republic of itself tended toward this result.
       Delegates learned that, while existing international relations
       made differences of opinion inevitable between the
       representatives of some of the countries, they all had many
       interests in common. As a result, toleration for the opinions
       of others was shown by delegates to a marked degree, and the
       sessions of the conference were remarkably free from
       acrimonious debates and reflections on the policies of
       delegations or their Governments."

          57th Congress, 1st Session 1901-1902,
          Senate Document 330.

    AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
       Their Third International Conference,
       at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1906.
       Proceedings, conventions, resolutions.

       The Third International Conference of American Republics was
       held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from July 21st to August 26th,
       1906. It was attended by delegates from each of the 21
       American Republics, excepting only Hayti and Venezuela. The
       delegates from the United States of America were the Honorable
       William I. Buchanan, chairman, formerly Envoy Extraordinary
       and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Dr. L.
       S. Rowe, Professor of Political Science, University of
       Pennsylvania; Honorable A. J. Montague, ex-Governor of
       Virginia; Mr. Tulio Larrinaga, Resident Commissioner from
       Porto Rico in Washington; Mr. Paul S. Reinsch, Professor of
       Political Science, University of Wisconsin; Mr. Van Leer Polk,
       ex-Consul-General; with a staff of secretaries, etc., from
       several departments of the public service at Washington.

       The Conference was attended also by the Secretary of State of
       the United States, the Honorable Elihu Root, incidentally to
       an important tour through many parts of South America which he
       made in the months of that summer. In the course of his
       journey he visited, on invitation, not only Brazil, but
       Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia; and, as
       stated in the next annual Message of President Roosevelt, "he
       refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only
       because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made
       it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried
       with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong
       desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he
       was everywhere received in the spirit of his message."

    {23}

       In the instructions to the delegates from the United States,
       prepared by Secretary Root, this wise admonition was
       conveyed:—

       "It is important that you should keep in mind and, as occasion
       serves, impress upon your colleagues, that such a conference
       is not an agency for compulsion or a tribunal for
       adjudication; it is not designed to compel States to make
       treaties or to observe treaties; it should not sit in judgment
       upon the conduct of any State, or undertake to redress alleged
       wrongs, or to settle controverted questions of right. A
       successful attempt to give such a character to the Conference
       would necessarily be fatal to the Conference itself, for few
       if any of the States represented in it would be willing to
       submit their sovereignty to the supervision which would be
       exercised by a body thus arrogating to itself supreme and
       indefinite powers. The true function of such a conference is
       to deal with matters of common interest which are not really
       subjects of controversy, but upon which comparison of views
       and friendly discussion may smooth away differences of detail,
       develop substantial agreement and lead to coöperation along
       common lines for the attainment of objects which all really
       desire. It follows from this view of the functions of the
       Conference that it is not expected to accomplish any striking
       or spectacular final results; but is to deal with many matters
       which, not being subjects of controversy, attract little
       public attention, yet which, taken together, are of great
       importance for the development of friendly intercourse among
       nations; and it is to make such progress as may now be
       possible toward the acceptance of ideals, the full realization
       of which may be postponed to a distant future. All progress
       toward the complete reign of justice and peace among nations
       is accomplished by long and patient effort and by many
       successive steps; and it is confidently hoped that this
       Conference will mark some substantial advancement by all the
       American States in this process of developing Christian
       civilization. Not the least of the benefits anticipated from
       the Conference will be the establishment of agreeable personal
       relations, the removal of misconceptions and prejudices, and
       the habit of temperate and kindly discussion among the
       representatives of so many Republics."

       The following account of the Conference and its action is
       derived from the subsequent official report of the Delegates
       of the United States:—

       "The sessions of the Conference were held in a spacious and
       ornate building, erected especially for this purpose by the
       Brazilian Government, and situated on the superb new boulevard
       that for nearly four miles follows the shore of the Bay of
       Rio, and at the end of the new Avenida Central. The building
       is a permanent one, reproduced in granite and marble from the
       plans of the palace erected by Brazil at the Louisiana
       Purchase Exposition, at St. Louis. It is surrounded by an
       exquisite garden, and, facing as it does the entrance to the
       wonderfully beautiful Bay of Rio, the building is a notable
       landmark. It was christened 'The Monroe Palace' by special
       action of the Brazilian Government. The Brazilian Government
       installed in the palace a complete telegraph, mail, and
       telephone service, and telegrams, cables, and mail of the
       different delegations and of individual delegates were
       transmitted free. Recognition is due in this connection to the
       governments of the Argentine Republic, Paraguay, Uruguay, and
       Chili, which officially extended, through the director of
       telegraphs of Brazil, the courtesy of free transit for all
       telegrams sent by delegates over the telegraph lines of their
       respective countries. This marked courtesy on the part of
       Brazil and of the Republics mentioned was greatly appreciated
       by the delegates. In connection with the work of the
       Conference, the Brazilian Government organized and maintained
       at its expense an extensive and competent corps of
       translators, stenographers, and clerical assistants, whose
       services were at all times at the command of the delegates. A
       buffet lunch, for the convenience and comfort of delegates and
       their guests, was maintained in the palace throughout the
       period of the Conference. The palace was elaborately lighted
       and was the center of attraction day and night for great
       crowds of people, and nothing in connection with its equipment
       and administration or that concerned the comfort or
       convenience of delegates was left undone by the Brazilian
       Government. The Monroe Palace now becomes a national meeting
       place for the people of Brazil. It will remain as an adornment
       of the splendid new Rio that has risen from the old city during
       the past two or three years, and as an evidence of the
       progress and energy of the Brazilian people.

       "The Conference was formally opened in the presence of a large
       and distinguished audience on the evening of July 23, 1906, by
       His Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, the distinguished
       Brazilian minister for foreign affairs. The approaches to the
       palace were lined with troops, the public grounds and avenues
       of the city brilliantly illuminated and packed with people. …
       The Conference unanimously chose as its president, His
       Excellency Señor Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the Brazilian Ambassador
       to the United States; as honorary vice-presidents, His
       Excellency the Baron do Rio Branco, and the Honorable Elihu
       Root, Secretary of State of the United States, and as its
       Secretary-General, His Excellency, Señor Dr. J. F. de
       Assis-Brasil, the Brazilian envoy extraordinary and minister
       plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic. The latter selected
       as his assistants one of the most competent and distinguished
       groups of men that has served any of the preceding
       conferences. … These officers left nothing undone toward
       aiding and facilitating the work of delegates, and to them the
       United States delegation feels greatly indebted for the many
       courtesies and the great kindness extended on all occasions.

       "The conference was attended by delegates from each of the 21
       American Republics, with the exception of Haiti and
       Venezuela." …

    {24}

       "The distinguishing note of the Conference was the
       extraordinary session convened to receive the Secretary of
       State of the United States, Honorable Elihu Root, who, as
       stated earlier in this report, had been named one of the two
       honorary presidents of the Conference. The reception accorded
       the Secretary of State by the Conference was one of the most
       notable political events that has taken place in our relations
       with Central and South America, and manifested the feeling of
       good fellowship and sympathy that exists between the American
       Republics. We believe the visit of the Secretary of State to
       South America has resulted in greater good to our relations
       with Central and South America than any one thing that has
       heretofore taken place in our diplomatic history with them.
       The extraordinary session of the Conference to receive the
       Secretary of State was held on the evening of July 31 and was
       one of great brilliancy. In introducing the Secretary of State
       to the Conference, His Excellency Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, the
       Brazilian Ambassador to the United States and President of the
       Conference, delivered a notable address, to which the
       Secretary of State replied."

       It was, indeed, a notable utterance of pregnant and impressive
       thought which Mr. Root addressed to this important congress of
       the American Republics, and it well deserved the distinction
       that was accorded to it by the President of the United States,
       when he appended it to his Message to Congress the following
       December. A considerable part of the brief but richly filled
       address may fitly be quoted here:

       "I bring from my country," said the Secretary, "a special
       greeting to her elder sisters in the civilization of America.
       Unlike as we are in many respects, we are alike in this, that
       we are all engaged under new conditions, and free from the
       traditional forms and limitations of the Old World in working
       out the same problem of popular self-government.

       "It is a difficult and laborious task for each of us. Not in
       one generation nor in one century can the effective control of
       a superior sovereign, so long deemed necessary to government,
       be rejected and effective self-control by the governed be
       perfected in its place. The first fruits of democracy are many
       of them crude and unlovely; its mistakes are many, its partial
       failures many, its sins not few. Capacity for self-government
       does not come to man by nature. It is an art to be learned,
       and it is also an expression of character to be developed
       among all the thousands of men who exercise popular
       sovereignty.

       "To reach the goal toward which we are pressing forward, the
       governing multitude must first acquire knowledge that comes
       from universal education, wisdom that follows practical
       experience, personal independence and self-respect befitting
       men who acknowledge no superior, self-control to replace that
       external control which a democracy rejects, respect for law,
       obedience to the lawful expressions of the public will,
       consideration for the opinions and interests of others equally
       entitled to a voice in the state, loyalty to that abstract
       conception—one’s country—as inspiring as that loyalty to
       personal sovereigns which has so illumined the pages of
       history, subordination of personal interests to the public
       good, love of justice and mercy, of liberty and order. All
       these we must seek by slow and patient effort; and of how many
       shortcomings in his own land and among his own people each one
       of us is conscious!

       "Yet no student of our times can fail to see that not America
       alone but the whole civilized world is swinging away from its
       old governmental moorings and intrusting the fate of its
       civilization to the capacity of the popular mass to govern. By
       this pathway mankind is to travel, whithersoever it leads.
       Upon the success of this our great undertaking the hope of
       humanity depends. Nor can we fail to see that the world makes
       substantial progress towards more perfect popular
       self-government. …

       "It is not by national isolation that these results have been
       accomplished or that this progress can be continued. No nation
       can live unto itself alone and continue to live. Each nation’s
       growth is a part of the development of the race. There may be
       leaders and there may be laggards, but no nation can long
       continue very far in advance of the general progress of
       mankind, and no nation that is not doomed to extinction can
       remain very far behind. It is with nations as with individual
       men; intercourse, association, correction of egotism by the
       influence of others' judgment, broadening of views by the
       experience and thought of equals, acceptance of the moral
       standards of a community the desire for whose good opinion
       lends a sanction to the rules of right conduct—these are the
       conditions of growth in civilization. …

       "To promote this mutual interchange and assistance between the
       American republics, engaged in the same great task, inspired
       by the same purpose, and professing the same principles, I
       understand to be the function of the American Conference now
       in session. There is not one of all our countries that cannot
       benefit the others; there is not one that cannot receive
       benefit from the others; there is not one that will not gain
       by the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all. …

       "The association of so many eminent men from all the
       Republics, leaders of opinion in their own homes; the
       friendships that will arise among you; the habit of temperate
       and kindly discussion of matters of common interest; the
       ascertainment of common sympathies and aims; the dissipation
       of misunderstandings; the exhibition to all the American
       peoples of this peaceful and considerate method of conferring
       upon international questions—this alone, quite irrespective of
       the resolutions you may adopt and the conventions you may
       sign, will mark a substantial advance in the direction of
       international good understanding.

       "These beneficent results the Government and the people of the
       United States of America greatly desire. We wish for no
       victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own;
       for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We
       deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and
       weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much
       respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the
       observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak
       against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor
       desire any rights, or privileges, or powers that we do not
       freely concede to every American republic. We wish to increase
       our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow in wealth, in
       wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to
       accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their
       ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a
       common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger
       together.

    {25}

       "Within a few months, for the first time the recognized
       possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents
       can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged
       rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress
       at The Hague. This will be the world’s formal and final
       acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American
       continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us
       pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of
       the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies;
       so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our
       republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the
       stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show
       that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have
       fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace.
       Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective
       an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence
       international conduct and prevent international wrong, and
       narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands
       from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the
       frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the
       perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and
       prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts,
       and happiness for us all."

       The fruits of the Conference were embodied in four conventions
       and a number of important resolutions. The text of a
       convention agreed to, which establishes between the States
       signing it the status of naturalized citizens who again take
       up their residence in the country of their origin, will be
       found elsewhere in this Volume, under the subject-heading
       Naturalization. Another, which amends and extends the
       operation of a treaty signed at the Second Conference, at
       Mexico, in 1902 (see above) is as follows:—

       "Sole article.
       The treaty on pecuniary claims signed at Mexico January
       thirtieth, nineteen hundred and two, shall continue in force,
       with the exception of the third article, which is hereby
       abolished, until the thirty-first day of December, nineteen
       hundred and twelve, both for the nations which have already
       ratified it, and for those which may hereafter ratify it."

       The third Convention signed was a modification and extension
       of another of the agreements of the Second Conference, at
       Mexico, having relation to patents of invention, literary
       property, etc. The fourth Convention provides for an
       "international Commission of Jurists, composed of one
       representative from each of the signatory States, appointed by
       their respective Governments, which Commission shall meet for
       the purpose of preparing a draft of a code of Private
       International Law and one of Public International Law,
       regulating the relations between the nations of America." The
       more important of the resolutions adopted were the following:

       "To ratify adherence to the principle of arbitration; and, to
       the end that so high a purpose may be rendered practicable, to
       recommend to the Nations represented at this Conference that
       instructions be given to their Delegates to the Second
       Conference to be held at The Hague, to endeavor to secure by
       the said Assembly, of world-wide character, the celebration of
       a General Arbitration Convention, so effective and definite
       that, meriting the approval of the civilized world, it shall
       be accepted and put in force by every nation."

       "To recommend to the Governments represented therein that they
       consider the point of inviting the Second Peace Conference, at
       The Hague, to examine the question of the compulsory
       collection of public debts, and, in general, means tending to
       diminish between Nations conflicts having an exclusively
       pecuniary origin."

       Other resolutions of the Conference were directed to a
       broadening of the work and an enlargement of the influence of
       the International Bureau of the American Republics; to the
       erection of a building for that Bureau and for the
       contemplated Library in Memory of Columbus; to the creation in
       the Bureau of a section having "as its chief object a special
       study of the customs legislation, consular regulations and
       commercial statistics of the Republics of America," with a
       view to bringing them into more harmony, and to securing the
       greatest development and amplification of commercial relations
       between American Republics; to promote the establishment and
       maintenance of navigation lines connecting the principal ports
       of the American continent; to bring about more effective
       cooperation in international sanitary measures; to advance the
       construction of lines that shall form, connectedly, the
       desired Pan-American Railway, extending through the two
       continents.

       The time and place of future conferences are to be determined
       by the Governing Board of the Bureau of American Republics.

    AMERICAN REPUBLICS: The International Bureau:
       Its increased efficiency.
       The gift of a building to it by Mr. Carnegie.

       The International Bureau of the American Republics, instituted
       at Washington in 1890 (see in Volume VI. of this work),
       assumed larger functions and increased importance in 1906,
       after the return of Mr. Root, United States Secretary of
       State, from his tour of visits to the South American States.
       The Honorable John Barrett, who had successively represented
       the Government of the United States in Panama, in Argentina
       and in Colombia, as well as at the Second Pan-American
       Conference, in Mexico, was made Director of the Bureau, and
       entered upon its duties with an exalted belief in the
       possibilities of good to be done in the American hemisphere by
       an energetic promotion of more intimate relations between its
       peoples. At the same time a new dignity was given to the
       International Union of the American Republics, embodied in the
       work of the Bureau, by the provision of a stately building for
       its use. Mr. Root had persuaded Congress to appropriate
       $200,000 for the site and building of such a home, to be
       offered to the Union, and this inadequate sum was supplemented
       by a generous private gift. It was easy to interest Mr. Andrew
       Carnegie in a project which bore so directly on the promotion
       of international friendliness and peace, and he offered an
       addition of $750,000 to the fund for the Pan-American
       Building.

       The site secured for the structure is that of the old Van Ness
       mansion, about half-way between the State, War and Navy
       Building and the Potomac River. It covers a tract of five
       acres, facing public parks on two sides. There the corner
       stone of a central seat of Pan-American coöperations and
       influences was laid in May, 1908, in the presence of official
       representatives from twenty-one American republics, and under
       their assembled flags.

    {26}

    AMERICAN SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

    AMERICAN SOCIETY OF EQUITY.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

    AMERICAN SUGAR REFINING COMPANY (the "Sugar Trust").

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

    AMSTERDAM: A. D. 1907.
       Meeting of International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

          See (in this Volume)
          Elective Franchise: Woman Suffrage.

    AMUNDSEN, Roald: Arctic Exploration.
       Magnetic Pole Researches.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    ANAM: Deposition of the King.

       Toward the end of 1906, France asserted sovereignty over Anam,
       which had been a French Protectorate for many years, by
       adjudging its king to be insane, placing him in confinement,
       and thus ending his reign. He was accused of almost incredible
       atrocities, in torturing and murdering his wives and other
       subjects within his reach. Even cannibalism was included among
       his alleged crimes.

    ANARCHISM IN INDIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1907-1909.

    ANATOLIAN RAILWAY.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

    ANDERSON, Judge A. B.:
       Acquittal of the Standard Oil Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    ANDRASSY, Count.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ANGELL, James Burrill:
       Retirement from Presidency of University of Michigan.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    ANGLE HILL, Capture of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    ANJUMAN,
    ENJUMEN.

       A term which seems to signify in Persia either a local
       assembly or a political association of any nature.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    ANNUITIES, for Workingmen.

          See POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

    ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.

          See POLAR EXPLORATION.

    ANTHRACITE COAL:
       The Railroad Monopoly.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

    ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKES.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

    ANTI-REBATE LEGISLATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,
          and 1903 (FEBRUARY).

    ANTI-SEMITIC DEMONSTRATIONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          JEWS.

    ANTI-TRUST, or Sherman Act, of 1890 .

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

    ANTI-TRUST DECISIONS, in United States Courts.

          See (in this Volume)
          SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.

    ANTUNG: Opened to Foreign Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

    ANTUNG-MUKDEN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909

    APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTION OF THE CURIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

    APPALACHIAN MOUNTAIN FORESTS, Preservation of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    APPONYI, Count Albert.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906; 1908-1909.

    ARABIA: A. D. 1903-1905.
       "Holy War" with the Sultan opened by the Sheik Hamid
       Eddin, of the Hadramaut, claiming the Caliphate.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

    ARBITRATION, INDUSTRIAL.

          See LABOR ORGANIZATION.

    ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL:
       General Treaties, since the First Peace Conference, of 1899.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.

    ARBITRATION, SPECIAL:
       Of the Pious Fund Dispute between Mexico and the
       United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

    ARBITRATION, OF CLAIMS AGAINST VENEZUELA.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    ARBITRATION, Of Alaska Boundary, between the United
    States and Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

    ARBITRATION, Of Brazil and British Guiana:
       Boundary Dispute.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

    ARBITRATION, Of Great Britain and Russia:
       The Dogger Bank Incident.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

    ARBITRATION, Of Fisheries Questions between the United
    States and Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ARBITRATION, Central American Court of Justice.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

    ARBITRATION, Of Casablanca Incident, between Germany and France,
    at The Hague.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

    ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
       of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1902.
       Noble ending of naval rivalries with Chile.
       A model arbitration treaty.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1903.
       The Foreign Population.

       "Statistics of 1903 showed 1,000,000 foreigners in Argentina
       in a total of 5,000,000. Of these 500,000 were Italians,
       200,000 Spaniards, 100,000 French, 25,000 English, 18,000
       Germans, 15,000 Swiss, 13,000 Austrians, and the remainder of
       many nationalities. The number of Americans did not exceed
       1,500, although many are coming now, to go into cattle-raising
       and farming in the country or into all kinds of business in
       Buenos Ayres. English influence is very strong, especially in
       financial circles, with the Germans almost equally active."

          John Barret,
          Argentina
          (American Review of Reviews, July, 1905).

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1904.
       Inauguration of President Quintana.

       Dr. Manuel Quintana, elected President of the Republic, was
       inaugurated on the 12th of October, 1904, and entered on an
       administration which promised much good to the country.

    {27}

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1905.
       A revolutionary movement promptly suppressed.

       A revolutionary undertaking, in Buenos Aires and several
       provinces, had its outbreak on the 4th of February, but was
       suppressed so promptly that the public disturbance by it was
       very brief. Particulars of the affair were reported by the
       American Minister at Buenos Aires, Mr. Beaupré, as follows:

       "On the afternoon of the 3d instant rumors of an intended
       movement subversive of the established government of this
       country came to the Federal authorities from various parts of
       the Republic. These rumors were at first discredited, but
       finally proved so persistent that the President and heads of
       the various departments of the government proceeded to take
       measures of precaution. In the early hours of the morning of
       the next day, the 4th instant, the anticipated outbreak came
       simultaneously in the capital, Rosario, Mendoza, Cordoba, and
       Bahia Blanca, these being the largest cities of the Republic
       and the principal political and military centers.

       "In the capital the plan of the revolutionists seems to have
       been to attack the police stations and military arsenal, with
       a view perhaps of forcing the police of the capital into their
       ranks and of supplying themselves with arms and munitions. At
       the arsenal, by a simple stratagem of the minister of war, the
       malcontents were lured into the building and arrested. About
       the police stations there was some fighting, particularly at
       Station No. 14; but the insurgents proved unprepared and
       insufficiently organized, so that by dawn the movement had
       completely failed in this city. Except that many of the shops
       remained closed throughout the day of the 4th, and except for
       the presence of armed police in the streets, there were no
       evidences of any revolutionary effort. Some half dozen
       fatalities are reported.

       "The prompt and effective suppression of the revolution in
       this city is due in large measure to the energy and judgment
       displayed by the President and his ministers, who spent the
       entire night in the Government House in council. Following up
       the precautionary measures of the 3d instant and the active
       measures of the night of the 3d and 4th, the President
       proceeded at 8 A. M. of the 4th to declare the Republic in a
       state of siege for a period of thirty days, to call out the
       reserves and to establish a censorship of the press and of the
       telegraph service.

       "The movement in Rosario was about as brief and unsuccessful
       as that in the capital, so that by the forenoon of the 4th it
       was known to have failed in the two principal cities of the
       Republic. Here there was also some blood shed.

       "In the meantime the real center of the movement was the city
       of Cordoba, while serious trouble seemed in view in the city
       of Mendoza, where the revolutionists were said to be in a
       strong position, and in the province of Buenos Aires, where
       troops and marines were already in movement from Bahia Blanca
       upon the capital."

       Forces despatched to those points made as quick an ending of
       the revolt there as at the capital. "The revolutionary forces
       at Cordoba had made prisoners of the vice-president of the
       Republic, Dr. Figueroa Alcorta, and other prominent citizens.
       These prominent men they are reported to have proposed putting
       in their vanguard unless concessions were made to them. This
       and the conditions of the revolutionists the vice-president
       telegraphed to the Executive, who did not allow himself to be
       moved by threats or even by sympathy for his colleague.
       Consequently the revolutionists, finding threats and
       resistance vain, fled yesterday before the government troops
       arrived. With the failure of the movement in Cordoba the
       revolution is considered at an end and the country has
       returned to its former condition of peace and tranquillity."

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1906.
       Death of its President.

       Dr. Manuel Quintana, the much esteemed President of the
       Argentine Republic, died in March, 1906, and was succeeded by
       the Vice-President, Dr. Figuero Alcorta, who will fill the
       office until 1910.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1908.
       Dreadnought building.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
       Assassination of Colonel Falcon.

       As Colonel Falcon, Prefect of Police at Buenos Ayres, was
       returning from a funeral, with his secretary, on the 14th of
       November, a bomb was thrown into the carriage and exploded,
       with fatal effects to both. The assassin, a youth of nineteen
       years, was captured. The murder had been preceded by a number
       of bomb explosions in the past six months, all attributed to
       anarchists from Europe, of whom large numbers were said to
       have been collected in Buenos Ayres.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
       Chief food supply to Great Britain.

       "How many readers of The Times (said a special
       correspondent of the London Times writing from Buenos
       Aires, October 15, 1909), if asked to name the country which
       supplied the United Kingdom last year with the largest
       quantity of wheat, of maize, and of refrigerated and frozen
       cattle, would unhesitatingly award the first place to the
       Argentine Republic? How many English people realize that this
       South American Republic is changing places with the North
       American Republic in the exporting of these and other food
       products to the United Kingdom? The Argentine Republic last
       year occupied, and may in the future occupy, the first, whilst
       the United States may have to be content with the second,
       place in the exportation of foodstuffs. The change is partly
       due to the shortage of meat in America, and partly to the fact
       that with their increasing population the United States will
       have less and less surplus provisions with which to supply the
       world. Last year, the Argentine Republic sent England three
       times more maize than the United States did, something like
       four and a half million cwt. more wheat, and considerably over
       twice the amount of refrigerated and frozen cattle. The
       shipments of meat are considerably heavier for the first nine
       months of 1909, so the proportion shipped by the Argentine
       Republic is not likely to be less for the present year."

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
       Arbitration of the Acre boundary dispute between
       Bolivia and Peru.

          See (in this Volume)
          ACRE DISPUTES.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.
       Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.
       Agreement with Uruguay concerning the River Plate.

       The following message came from Buenos Ayres on the 6th of
       January, 1910: "A burning question between Argentina and
       Uruguay, which for two years was seemingly insoluble and
       possibly involved Brazil, has been settled by Señor Roque
       Saenz-Peña.

    {28}

       As Argentine Plenipotentiary he signed a Protocol at
       Montevideo yesterday, of which the following is a summary:
       Recognizing the reciprocal desire for friendly relations,
       fortified by the common origin of the two nations, the parties
       agree to declare that past differences are not capable of
       being regarded as a cause of offence and shall not be allowed
       to continue. The navigation and use of the waters of the River
       Plate will continue as heretofore without alteration, and
       differences which may arise in the future will be removed and
       settled in the same spirit of cordiality."

    ARICA-LA PAZ RAILWAY.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

    ARICA QUESTION.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILE: A. I). 1907.

    ARID LANDS, Reclamation of.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    ARIZONA:
       Refusal of statehood in union with New Mexico.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

    ARMENIANS: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Incursions of Armenian revolutionists from Russia and Persia.
       Exaggerated accounts of massacre.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

    ARMENIANS: A. D. 1905.
       Massacre by Tartars in the Caucasus.

       See (in this Volume)
       RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    ARMENIANS: A. D. 1909.
       Massacre at Adana and vicinity.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY) and (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    ARMAMENTS.
       Armies.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATION FOR.

    ARMOUR & CO.,et al.,
       The case of the United States against.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    ARMOUR PACKING COMPANY:
       Decision against in rebating case.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

    ARMSTRONG, Vice-Consul J. P.:
       Reports on affairs in the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    ARMSTRONG INVESTIGATION COMMITTEE.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    ARNOLDSEN, K. P.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    ARRHENIUS, SVANTE AUGUST.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    ARYA SAMAJ, The:

       This is "an organization founded in Bombay more than 30 years
       ago by a devout Gujerati Brahmin who was born in Kathiawar. So
       far as I am aware, it has few followers in Bombay nowadays:
       but in the last few years it has waxed very strong in the
       Punjab. Originally it was a purely religious movement, based
       upon the teaching of the Vedas. It promotes the abolition of
       caste and idolatry, condemns early marriages, and permits the
       remarriage of widows. At the same time it is violently hostile
       to Christianity. There can be no question that large numbers
       of members of the Arya Samaj are only concerned with its
       spiritual side; but there can be equally no question that the
       organization, as a whole, has developed marked political
       tendencies subversive of British rule. …

       "In the United Provinces it is believed that there are now
       about 40,000 members of the Arya Samaj. I have entirely failed
       to secure any trustworthy estimate of the number of its
       members in this province [the Punjab], but there are
       flourishing branches of the Samaj in every large town and in
       many of the important villages, and proselytism is being
       actively pursued with marked success. The members of the Samaj
       strenuously deny that their organization has a political side.
       The literature of the sect, and particularly the writings of
       their founder, the ardent ascetic Dayanand Saraswati, who came
       from Kathiawar, show no trace of any interest in mundane
       politics. Dayanand was an enthusiast who denounced the
       idolatrous tendencies of modern Hinduism, and advocated a
       return to the earlier, purer faith. … Dayanand’s clarion call
       of "Back to the Vedas" produced a complete revulsion of
       feeling, and he made the Punjab a stronghold of the new creed.
       For that reason, the Arya Samaj is to this day the bitterest
       opponent of Christianity in India; and Punjabi Mahomedans
       declare that it is also their most formidable foe."

          India correspondence of The Times.

    ASHOKAN RESERVOIR.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ASIATIC IMMIGRATION:
       The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia,
       America, and elsewhere.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS.

    ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry, Chancellor of the Exchequer.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

    ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
       On the German attitude toward an international reduction of
       naval armaments.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
       Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907
       on Preferential Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
       Prime Minister.

          See
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

    ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
       On the rejection of the Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

          See (in this Volume)
          Alcohol Problem: England: A. D. 1908.

    ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry:
       On the Budget of 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    ASIA:
       The Asiatic future of Russia as it appeared at the beginning
       of the twentieth century.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA.

    ASSAM:
       United with Eastern Bengal.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of King Alexander, Queen Draga, and others of the Servian
       Court.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Count Alexei Ignatief.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Ali Akbar Khan, the Atabek Azam.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1907.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Ashutosh Biswas.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of the Atabeg-i-Azam.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of General Beckman.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of M. Bogoliepoff, Russian Minister of Instruction.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A D. 1901-1904.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of King Carlos I. and Crown Prince Luiz Felipe.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Sir Curzon-Wyllie.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Premier Delyannis.

          See (in this Volume)
          GREECE: A. D. 1905.

    {29}

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Colonel Falcon.

          See (in this Volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D). 1909.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Fehim Pasha.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER),
          and 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Prince Ito.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Colonel Karpoff.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of President McKinley.

          See (in this Volume)
          BUFFALO: A. D. 1901;
          and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of General Min.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of M. Plehve.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of General Sakharoff.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Count Schouvaloff.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Grand Duke Sergius.

       See (in this Volume)
       RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of Shemsi Pasha.

          See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of M. Sipiagin.

          See RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of ex-Governor Steunenberg, of Idaho.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1899-1907.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of D. W. Stevens.

          See KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Attempted murder of Minister Stolypin.

          See RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST).

    ASSINIBOIA:
       Absorbed in the Province of Saskatchewan.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

    ASSIS-BRAZIL, Dr. J. F.:
       Secretary-general of Third International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    ASSOCIATIONS, Law: French.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

    ASSOCIATIONS, Law: German.

          See GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

    ASSUAN DAM, Completion of.

          See (in this Volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

    ASTRONOMY OF THE INVISIBLE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

    ATABEG-I-AZAM: Premier of Persia.
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

    ATABEGS,
    ATABEKS.

          See (in this Volume)
          Persia: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ATCHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the.

          See (in this Volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.

    ATHABASCA:
       Absorbed in the Provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

    ATLANTA: A. D. 1906.
       Anti-Negro Riot.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

    ATWATER, Professor W. O.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

    AUSGLEICH, Austro-Hungarian.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1907.

       ----------AUSTRALIA: Start--------

    AUSTRALIA:
       The Race Problem.
       Reasons for dread of Asiatic immigration.
       The demand for a white Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS.

    AUSTRALIA:
       Woman Suffrage.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    AUSTRALIA:
       Government ownership of railways.
       Disconnecting gauges in the several states.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       The Tariff Question in the First
       Parliament of the Commonwealth.
       Issue between the Senate and the Representative Chamber.

       "The tariff originally proposed by the government was framed
       on lines of extreme protection, with special reference to the
       languishing industries of Victoria; it was inevitable that the
       opposition, mainly representing New South Wales, should fight
       tooth and nail to prevent its becoming law. The result of the
       struggle, which lasted almost without a serious interruption
       for nine months, has been a compromise which leaves the tariff
       of the commonwealth neither one thing nor the other. There can
       be little doubt that in debating power and political
       generalship the victory lay generally with the opposition; but
       after all the result, so far as it was a victory for the party
       of free trade, was due to the action of the Senate.

       "To many, and apparently not least to the cabinet, the prompt
       and effective interference of the Senate in a question of
       taxation, which was generally supposed to be practically
       placed by the constitution almost as much beyond their control
       as custom has placed it beyond that of the House of Lords in
       England, was a great surprise, and as the first test of the
       respective powers of the two chambers of the legislature it
       can hardly fail to be of great political importance. It was
       provided by the constitution not only that all bills involving
       the taxation of the people, directly or indirectly, should, as
       in this country, originate in the representative chamber of
       the legislature, but further that such bills should not be
       altered or amended in their passage through the Senate. As a
       concession to the less populous states, it was agreed when the
       constitution was framed that while only the chamber, elected
       on a strict basis of population, should impose or control
       taxation, the Senate, in which all the states enjoy, as in
       America, equal representation, should have the right to
       suggest, for the consideration of the other chamber, any
       amendments it thought desirable in any money bill sent on for
       its assent. This provision, mild and inoffensive as it was
       supposed to be, has now been used in a way to upset the policy
       of the government, and practically to compel the assent of the
       representative chamber to the views of a Senate majority. The
       tariff bill as passed by the government majority was subjected
       to an exhaustive criticism by the Senate, and finally fully
       fifty items of the schedule imposing duties were referred back
       to the representative chamber, with a request for their
       reconsideration and reduction or excision.

    {30}

       "The government attempted to meet the difficulty by agreeing
       to a few trifling amendments on the lines suggested, and got
       the chamber peremptorily to reject all the others, sending the
       bill back in effect as it was. To this the Senate replied by
       calmly adhering to the views it had already expressed, and
       sending the bill back again for further consideration,
       allowing it to be pretty plainly understood that, in the event
       of their views being ignored, they would place their reasons
       on record and reject the bill altogether, thus preventing any
       uniform tariff being established during the session. Face to
       face with so grave a difficulty the cabinet gave way, and
       agreed to a compromise which they would not have dreamed of
       doing but for the action of the Senate, with its free-trade
       majority of two votes. The immediate result of the long
       struggle has been the passing of a tariff act which pleases
       neither party, but will apparently raise the required revenue
       of $40,000,000, needed to meet the wants of the federal and
       state governments."

          Hugh H. Lusk,
          The First Parliament of Australia
          (American Review of Reviews, March, 1903).

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
       The "States Rights" temper.
       Question of constitutional relations between Commonwealth
       and States in external affairs, as raised by South Australia.
       Decision of the Imperial Government.

       "State-rights" questions and the provincialistic spirit behind
       them made a prompt appearance in the Australian Commonwealth
       after its federation was accomplished. One of the first
       wrangles to occur between the General Government and that of a
       State was appealed necessarily to the Imperial Government at
       London, because it arose out of a call from the latter, in
       September, 1902, for information about an incident which
       concerned a Dutch ship. The request for information went from
       London to the Commonwealth Government, and from the latter to
       the Government of South Australia, where the incident in
       question occurred, involving some act of its officials. The
       South Australian Ministry declined to pass the desired
       information through the channel of the Commonwealth Ministry,
       but would give it to the British Colonial Office, direct. A
       long triangular argumentative correspondence ensued, in the
       course of which much that seems like a repetition of the early
       history of the United States of America appears. Such as this,
       for example, in one of the letters of the Acting Premier of
       South Australia to the Lieutenant-Governor of that State: "The
       importance to the States, especially to the smaller States, of
       strictly maintaining the lines of demarcation between
       Commonwealth and State power is manifest. Already a movement
       has begun to destroy the Federal element in the Constitution.
       A remarkable indication of this may be gathered from a speech
       made by Sir William Lyne, the Commonwealth Minister for Home
       Affairs, at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, on the 2nd day
       of the present month. Speaking of the Constitution, Sir
       William Lyne said: 'If the population increased in the States
       as he expected, he did not think three of the larger States
       would still consent to be governed by four of the smaller
       ones. He hoped that when the time came there would not be
       bloodshed, but that things would settle themselves in a manner
       worthy of the records of the first Parliament.’

       "Believing, as Ministers do, that the peaceful and successful
       working of the Constitution depends upon the strict
       maintenance of the lines of demarcation between the powers of
       the Commonwealth and those of the States, and that that line
       is drawn clearly in the Constitution, they cannot agree to the
       opinions of the Right Honourable the Secretary of State for
       the Colonies, which increase, by implication, the power of the
       Commonwealth, and which seem to Ministers to tend to
       Unification, and to a sacrifice of the Federal to the National
       principle."

       This communication, transmitted to London, drew from the then
       Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, an unanswerable reply,
       addressed to the Lieutenant-Governor and dated April 15, 1903,
       in part as follows:

       "Your Ministers contend ‘that the grant of power to the
       Commonwealth, notwithstanding the general terms of Section 3
       of the Act, is strictly limited to the Departments
       transferred, and to matters upon which the Commonwealth
       Parliament has power to make laws and has made laws,’ and that
       ‘in the distribution of legislative and consequently of
       executive power, made by the Constitution, all powers not
       specifically ceded to the Commonwealth remain in the States.’

       "They are unable to agree ‘with the contention that there does
       not appear to be anything in the Constitution to justify this
       limitation,’ and argue that the validity of any claim of the
       Commonwealth to any particular power, should be tested by
       enquiring:—Does the Constitution specifically confer the
       power?

       "The view of the Act which I take is that it is a Constitution
       Act, and creates a new political community. It expressly
       declares that ‘the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South
       Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her Majesty
       is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have agreed
       thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a Federal
       Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of Australia.’
       The object and scope of the Act is defined and declared by the
       preamble to be to give effect to the agreement of the people
       of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, and
       Tasmania 'to unite in one indissoluble Federal Commonwealth
       under the Crown of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
       Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby established.’

       "The whole Act must be read in the light of this declaration
       and the provisions of Section 3. So far as other communities
       in the Empire or foreign nations are concerned, the people of
       Australia form one political community for which the
       Government of the Commonwealth alone can speak, and for
       everything affecting external states or communities, which
       takes place within its boundaries, that Government is
       responsible. The distribution of powers between the Federal
       and State Authorities is a matter of purely internal concern
       of which no external country or community can take any
       cognizance. It is to the Commonwealth and the Commonwealth
       alone that, through the Imperial Government, they must look,
       for remedy or relief for any action affecting them done within
       the bounds of the Commonwealth, whether it is the act of a
       private individual, of a State official, or of a State
       government. The Commonwealth is, through His Majesty’s
       Government, just as responsible for any action of South
       Australia affecting an external community as the United States
       of America are for the action of Louisiana or any other State
       of the Union.

    {31}

       "The Crown undoubtedly remains part of the constitution of the
       State of South Australia and, in matters affecting it in that
       capacity, the proper channel of communication is between the
       Secretary of State and the State Governor. But in matters
       affecting the Crown in its capacity as the central authority
       of the Empire, the Secretary of State can, since the people of
       Australia have become one political community, look only to
       the Governor-General, as the representative of the Crown in
       that community."

       The published correspondence ends with this, and it is to be
       assumed that South Australia had no more to say.

          Correspondence respecting the Constitutional Relations
          of the Australian Commonwealth and States in regard to
          External Affairs
          (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1587).

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
       British Colonial Conference at London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.
       The Governor-Generalship.

       The office of Governor-General was resigned by Lord Hopetoun
       in the summer, and he was succeeded by Lord Tennyson.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902-1909.
       Undertakings of irrigation and forestry.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903.
       The Governor-Generalship.

       In August, Lord Northcote, previously Governor of the
       Presidency of Bombay, was appointed Governor-General of
       Australia, succeeding Lord Tennyson.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Resignation of Premier Barton.
       The Deakin Ministry.
       Four months of power for the Labor Party.
       Its influence in the Commonwealth.

       Sir Edmund Barton, who had been the Prime Minister of the
       Australian Commonwealth since its Union in 1900 (see Australia
       in Volume VI. of this work), resigned in 1903 to accept a
       place on the bench of the High Federal Court, and was
       succeeded by Mr. Alfred Deakin, previously Attorney-General in
       the Federal Cabinet. The most important occurrence of the year
       in the Commonwealth was the election of a new House of
       Representatives in the Federal Parliament and of one third of
       its Senate. These were the first federal elections occurring
       since those of 1900 which constituted the original Parliament,
       opened in May, 1901, and the first in which women went to the
       polls. The main issue in the elections was between the Labor
       Party and its opponents, and the rising power of the former
       was shown by its gain of six seats in each House, four from
       the Ministry and two from the opposition in the Senate, and
       all six from the Ministry in the lower House. This threw the
       balance of power into its hands in both branches of
       Parliament. Naturally, in these circumstances, labor questions
       became dominant in Australian politics, with Socialistic
       tendencies very strong.

       The Deakin Ministry was defeated in April, 1904, on an
       industrial arbitration bill which excluded State railway
       employés and other civil servants from its provisions,
       contrary to the demands of the Labor Party. The adverse
       majority was made up of 23 Labor representatives, 13 opponents
       of the protectionist policy of the Government, and 4 from the
       ranks of its own ordinary supporters. The ministry resigned,
       and the leader of the Labor Party, Mr. J. C. Watson, a young
       compositor by trade, was called to form a Government, which he
       did, drawing all but its Law Officer from the Labor Party. It
       is creditable to the capability of this Labor Ministry that,
       with so precarious a backing in the House, it should have held
       the management of Government, with apparently good
       satisfaction to the public, for about four months. It was
       defeated in August on another labor question, and gave way to
       a coalition Ministry of Free Traders and Moderate
       Protectionists, formed under Mr. George Houston Reid.

       An account of the Labor Ministry and its leader, from which
       the following facts are taken, was given by The Review of
       Reviews for Australasia at the time of its ascendancy: The
       average age of the members is only forty-three years, while in
       England sixty is the average age at which corresponding rank
       is attained. The nationalities of the members are as follows:
       One, the prime minister, is a New Zealander, two are
       Australian-born, two are Irish, two are Scotch, and one is
       Welsh. There is not one who was born in England.

       Mr. John Christian Watson, the premier, is but thirty-seven
       years of age. He was born in Valparaiso, where his parents
       were on a visit, but was only a few months old when they
       returned to New Zealand. At an early age he began his
       apprenticeship as a compositor, joining the Typographical
       Union. When nineteen, he came to Sydney and joined the
       composing staff of the Star. Then he became president
       of the Sydney Trades and Labor Council, and president of the
       Political Labor League of New South Wales. In 1894, he was
       returned to a New South Wales Parliament, and took the leading
       place among the Labor members. In 1901, he was returned to the
       first federal Parliament. He was selected to lead the Labor
       party in the federal House, and has won golden opinions in
       that position. He is a born leader of men, and has rare tact.
       He overcame the apprehension caused by his youth. He curbed
       the extremists of his party. Power came to him at once. He
       seized the advantage of leading a third party between two
       opponents. It was he, rather than Sir Edmund Barton or Mr.
       Deakin, who decided what should pass and what not.

       The situation developed in this period is described by an
       American writer, whose sympathies are ardently with the Labor
       Party, as follows:

       "Protectionists and Free Traders (so called) were so divided
       in the Australian Parliament that neither could gain a
       majority without the Labor Party. A succession of governments
       bowled over by labor votes drove this hard fact into the
       political intelligence. The Labor Party was then invited to
       take the government. For five months men that had been
       carpenters, bricklayers, and painters administered the
       nation’s affairs. No convulsion of nature followed, no
       upheavals and no disasters. It is even admitted that the
       government of these men was conspicuously wise, able, and
       successful. But having a minority party, their way was
       necessarily precarious, and on the chance blow of an adverse
       vote they resigned. Some scene shifting followed, but in the
       end the present arrangement was reached, by which the
       government is in the hands of the Protectionists that follow
       Mr. Deakin, and the ministry is supported by the Labor Party
       on condition that the Government adopt certain legislation.
       And that is the extent of the ‘absolute rule of the Labor
       gang.’ The Deakin Government does not greatly care for the
       Labor Party, nor for the Labor Party’s ideas, but it rules by
       reason of the Labor Party’s support, and in return therefor
       has passed certain moderate and well-intentioned measures of
       reform.
    {32}
       Indeed the sum-total of the ‘revolutionary, radical, and
       socialistic laws’ passed by the Labor Party, directly or by
       bargaining with the Deakin or other ministries, indicates an
       exceedingly gentle order of revolution. It has done much in
       New South Wales and elsewhere to mitigate the great estate
       evil by enacting graduated land taxes; it has passed humane
       and reasonable laws regulating employers’ liability for
       accidents to workmen and laws greatly bettering the hard
       conditions of labor in mines and factories. It has passed a
       law to exclude trusts from Australian soil. It has stood for
       equal rights for men and women. In New South Wales it has
       enormously bettered conditions for toilers by regulating hours
       of employment even in department and other stores and by
       instituting a weekly half-holiday the year around for
       everybody. It has tried with a defective Arbitration and
       Conciliation Act to abolish strikes. To guard Australia
       against the sobering terrors of the race problem that
       confronts America, it has succeeded in keeping out colored
       aliens. It has agitated for a Henry George land tax and for
       the national ownership of public services and obvious
       monopolies. And with one exception this is the full catalogue
       of its misdeeds." [The "one exception" is the abolition of
       coolie labor.]

          Charles E. Russell,
          The Uprising of the Many,
          chapter 24
          (Doubleday, Page and Company, New York, 1907).

          See, also, (in this Volume)
          Labor Organization: Australia.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Mr. Deakin’s precarious ministry.
       Power of the Labor Party without responsibility.
       Its principles and its "Fighting Platform."
       Important legislation of 1905.
       The Federal Capital question.
       General election of 1906.

       Mr. Reid, the Free Trade Premier, had taken office on an
       agreement with Mr. Deakin, the Protectionist leader, that the
       tariff question should not be opened during the term of the
       existing Parliament. But the truce became broken early in
       1905, each party attributing the breach to the other, and the
       Reid Ministry, beaten on an amendment to the address replying
       to the Governor-General’s speech, resigned. The
       Protectionists, in provisional alliance with the Labor Party,
       then came back to power, with Mr. Deakin at their head.

       Of the political situation in 1905 it was said by a writer in
       one of the English reviews: "The Labour Party can dictate
       terms to the Ministry, and ensure that its own policy is
       carried out by others. It is strongest whilst it sits on the
       cross benches. During the few months it was in office it was
       at the mercy of Parliament; it left most of the planks of its
       platform severely alone, and it had, during that time, less
       real power than it has had either before or since. It is not
       likely again to take office, unless it can command an absolute
       majority of its own members to give effect to its own ideas,
       and, indeed, it perhaps would be better for Australia that it
       had responsibility as well as power, rather than as at present
       power without responsibility. However, if not at the next
       general election, the party is bound ere long to get the clear
       Parliamentary majority it seeks. Under these circumstances,
       great importance attaches to its aims and organisation. …

       "To quote from the official report of the decisions of the
       last Triennial Conference of the Political Labour
       organisations of the Commonwealth, which sat in Melbourne last
       July, the objective of the Federal Labour party is as follows:

       "(a) The cultivation of an Australian sentiment, based upon
       the maintenance of racial purity, and the development in
       Australia of an enlightened and self-reliant community,
       (b) The security of the full results of their industry to all
       producers by the collective ownership of monopolies, and the
       extension of the industrial and economic functions of the
       State and Municipality. The Labour party seek to achieve this
       objective by means of a policy that they invariably refer to
       as their platform. The planks of what is called the ‘Fighting
       Platform’ are as follows:

       "(1) The maintenance of a white Australia.
        (2) The nationalisation of monopolies.
        (3) Old age pensions.
        (4) A tariff referendum.
        (5) A progressive tax on unimproved land values.
        (6) The restriction of public borrowing.
        (7) Navigation laws.
        (8) A citizen defence force.
        (9) Arbitration amendment."

          J. W. Kirwan,
          The Australian Labour Party
          (Nineteenth Century, November, 1905).

       A strike in one of the coal mines of New South Wales during
       1905 brought the Arbitration Act of that province to an
       unsatisfactory test. The dispute, concerning wages, went to
       the Arbitration Court and was decided against the miners. They
       refused to accept the decision, abandoning work, and the
       court, when appealed to by the employers, found itself
       powerless to enforce the decision it had made. The judge
       resigned in consequence, and there was difficulty in finding
       another to take his seat.

       The Labor Party secured the passage of an Act which gives the
       trades-union label the force of a trade mark. Another
       important Act of 1905 modified the Immigration Restriction
       Act, so far as to admit Asiatic and other alien students and
       merchants, whose stay in the country was not likely to be
       permanent, and which, furthermore, permitted the introduction
       of white labor under contract, subject to conditions that were
       expected to prevent any lowering of standard wages.

       The location of a federal capital became a subject of positive
       quarrel between the Government of the Commonwealth and that of
       New South Wales. By agreements which preceded the federation,
       the Commonwealth capital was to be in New South Wales, but not
       less than a hundred miles from Sydney. This hundred-mile
       avoidance of Sydney was considerably exceeded by the Federal
       Government when it chose a site, to be called Dalgety, about
       equidistant from Sydney and Melbourne. New South Wales
       objected to the site and objected to the extent of territory
       demanded for it. Mr. Deakin proposed a survey of 900 square
       miles for the Federal District. New South Wales saw no reason
       for federal jurisdiction over more than 100 square miles.

       Ultimately Dalgety was rejected and a site named
       Yass-Canberra, or Canberra, was agreed upon and the choice
       confirmed by legislation. It is in the Murray district, about
       200 miles southwest of Sydney.

       A general election in the Commonwealth, near the close of
       1906, gave the Protectionists a small increase of strength in
       Parliament, and the Labor Party gained one seat, raising its
       representation from 25 to 26. The losers were the so-called
       Free Traders, or opponents of protective tariff-making. Their
       leader, Mr. Reid, in the canvass, dropped the tariff issue and
       made war on the State Socialism of the Labor Party. He held in
       the new Parliament a considerably larger following than the
       Protectionist Premier, Mr. Deakin, could muster, but it
       contained more Protectionists than Free Traders.

    {33}

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1906.
       Developing the water supply.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: AUSTRALIA.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
       The "New Protection," under the Tariff Excise Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: THE "NEW PROTECTION."

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
       Statistics of state schools.

          See EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
       Imperial Conference at London.

          See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908 (December).
       Population of the Commonwealth.

       According to a letter to the London Times, from Sydney,
       "the population of Australia on December 31, 1908, was
       estimated at 4,275,304 (exclusive of full-blooded blacks),
       showing an increase of 509,965, or of 13.5 per cent. in the
       eight years of federation. That," said the writer, "is not a
       satisfactory expansion, and we should have fared better. New
       South Wales gained 231,367, or 17 per cent. and Western
       Australia 87,143, or 48.4 per cent. but all the other States
       fared indifferently. There is reason to hope that in the
       change of fashion, Australia will again grow into some favour
       with the emigrant from home."

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
       Change of Ministry.

       Late in the year, the Ministry of Mr. Deakin lost the
       provisional support of the Labor party, which had kept it in
       control of the Government for nearly four years, and suffered
       a defeat in Parliament which threw it out. For the second time
       a short-lived Labor Ministry was formed, under Mr. Andrew
       Fisher.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908.
       The Governor-Generalship.

       After five years of service as Governor-General, Lord
       Northcote returned to England in the fall of 1908 and was
       succeeded by Lord Dudley.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
       Attitude of the people toward immigration.
       Land-locking against settlement.

          See (in this Volume)
          Immigration: AUSTRALIA.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
       A summary of sixty years of growth and progress.

       Sir John Forrest, Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia,
       in his Budget Speech to the Federal House of Representatives,
       in August, 1909, surveyed the position of Australia as part of
       the British nation,—a continent, he observed, containing two
       billion acres, with a coast line of 12,000 miles, no other
       nation having right or title to any part of this splendid
       heritage of the Southern Hemisphere, which was another home
       for the British race. Sixty years ago, said Sir John, the
       population of Australia was 400,000 and there were no
       railways. Now the inhabitants numbered nearly four-and-a-half
       millions, of whom 96 per cent were British. They had
       £112,000,000 deposited in banks and deposits in savings banks
       to the amount of over £46,000,000, the depositors in these
       being one-third of the entire population. They had produced
       minerals to the value of £713,000,000. Ten million acres were
       under crop. During last year Australia had produced 62,000,000
       bushels of wheat. It had exported butter of the value of
       £2,387,000 and wool of the value of £23,000,000. Australia had
       90,000,000 sheep, 10,000,000 cattle, and 2,000,000 horses. The
       oversea trade in 1908 represented £114,000,000.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
       Proposed federalization of state debts.

       On the 8th of September, 1909, the Government introduced a
       Bill in the House of Representatives for the amendment of the
       Constitution so as to enable the Commonwealth to federalize
       the State debts incurred since the inauguration of the
       Commonwealth, in addition to those then existing. The Premier
       urged that if the agreement was carried out the Commonwealth
       would be freed financially, and if the debts were taken over
       the per capita payments would be appropriated to meet the
       interest on the debts, the States making up any deficiency.
       The Bill was passed by the House on the 7th of October.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
       Federal acquisition of the Northern Territory.

       A Bill providing for the transfer to the Commonwealth of the
       vast unpopulated Northern Territory of the Australian
       Continent was before the Parliament of the Commonwealth during
       the last summer. In advocating its passage, the Minister for
       External Affairs explained that "the area to be transferred
       under the Bill was equal to France, Germany, Belgium,
       Switzerland, and Italy together. Port Darwin was nearer to
       Hongkong than to Sydney, and while the Northern Territory
       remained unpeopled it was a perpetual menace to Australia. The
       military authorities, Sir George Le Hunte, formerly Governor
       of South Australia, and Lord Northcote, formerly
       Governor-General of the Commonwealth, had all strongly urged
       its effective occupation, and Mr. Roosevelt had advised the
       Commonwealth to fill its ‘empty north.’

       "By the terms of the agreement the Commonwealth would assume
       responsibility for the debt of the territory, amounting to
       £2,725,000, and the accumulated deficit of the past
       administration, amounting to £600,000. The measure provided
       for the taking over of the Port Augusta-Oodnadatta Railway at
       a price of £2,240,000, and for the Commonwealth to undertake
       the construction of a trans continental line connecting the
       territory with South Australia, at an estimated cost of
       £4,500,000. The latest reports showed that the interior of the
       territory was a fertile and well-watered white man’s country,
       the healthiest in the tropical world, and that it was capable
       of carrying a large population."

          Despatch from Melbourne to The Times, London.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
       Opening of the session of Parliament.
       Programme of business proposed.
       The political situation.
       Coalition under Mr. Deakin against the ministry.
       Its success.
       Resignation of Premier Fisher and Cabinet.
       Return of Mr. Deakin to power.
       His programme.

       The Federal Parliament was opened at Melbourne on the 26th of
       May. In the speech of the Governor-General, Lord Dudley, as
       reported to the English Press, he stated that "notwithstanding
       a decrease in the Customs and postal revenue, arrangements had
       been made to pay old-age pensions from July 1. Large financial
       obligations would be incurred in the near future and would
       demand careful attention. Parliament would be invited to
       consider the financial relations between the Commonwealth and
       the States, with a view to an equitable adjustment of them.
       Proposals would be submitted for the establishment of a
       Commonwealth silver and paper currency.

    {34}

       "The Governor-General went on to refer to the coming Imperial
       Defence Conference and the establishment of a General Staff
       for the Empire. Engagements had, he said, been entered into
       for the building of three destroyers, and Parliament would be
       asked to approve a policy of naval construction including the
       building of similar vessels in Australia and the training of
       the necessary crews. A measure providing for an effective
       citizens’ defence force would be introduced at an early stage.

       "It being recognized that the effective defence of Australia
       required a vast increase in the population, it was proposed to
       introduce a measure of progressive taxation on unimproved land
       values, leading to a subdivision of large estates, so as to
       offer immigrants the inducement necessary to attract them in
       large numbers.

       "Proposals would be submitted for the amendment of the
       Constitution, so as to enable Parliament to protect the
       interests of the consumer while ensuring a fair and reasonable
       wage to every worker to extend the jurisdiction of Parliament
       in regard to trusts and combinations, and to provide for the
       nationalization of monopolies."

          See (in this Volume),
          LABOR REMUNERATION: THE ‘NEW PROTECTION’.

       In an editorial article on the situation at this juncture in
       Australia, which was, it remarked, "as interesting as it is
       obscure," the London Times rehearsed the main facts of
       it as follows:

       "It will be remembered that towards the close of last year the
       withdrawal of its support by the Labour party led somewhat
       unexpectedly to the defeat and resignation of Mr. Deakin’s
       Cabinet. A Labour Ministry was subsequently formed, and was
       enabled by Mr. Deakin’s refusal to combine with the Opposition
       against it to prorogue Parliament and get into recess. It has
       since elaborated a programme, announced by Mr. Fisher, the
       Prime Minister, to his constituents at Gympie, a few weeks
       ago, and recapitulated yesterday in the Governor-General's
       speech, which strongly resembles in most particulars the
       national policy advocated by Mr. Deakin when in power, and
       includes besides one or two additional proposals, such as ‘the
       nationalization of monopolies,’ more exclusively the property
       of the Labour party itself. These latter aspirations are
       probably more pious than practical, and are certainly not the
       issues on which the Labour Ministry is now to stand or fall.
       It will stand or fall by its proposals for the readjustment of
       the financial relations between the Commonwealth and the
       States, the establishment of a local flotilla designed for
       coastal defence, the creation of a citizen army based on
       universal training, and the imposition of a progressive land
       tax calculated to bring about the subdivision of large
       estates.

       "This latter proposal is the only one in which the Labour
       party cannot claim to be carrying out the spirit, if not the
       letter, of Mr. Deakin’s own programme; but, curiously enough,
       it does not seem to be the question on which Mr. Deakin has
       taken immediate issue with them. He is taking issue, we
       gather, first and foremost on the question of defence. The
       Labour Ministry is to be censured for refusing to make the
       offer of the Australian Dreadnought in the name of the
       Commonwealth. In taking this line Mr. Deakin has already made
       it clear that he has not in any way modified his previous
       views on the necessity of providing immediately for the
       creation of an Australian flotilla, but he considers that this
       necessity should in no way prevent Australia from adding in
       emergency to the strength of the British fleet. Speaking at
       Sydney last month, he said: ‘Our defence needs not only our
       own flotilla but a fleet on the high seas as well. It is for
       us to recognize that by joining New Zealand and making our
       offer of a Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy … the
       Commonwealth must do its share to prove the reality of
       Australia’s federal unity, to prove the unity of the Empire,
       to stand beside the stock from which we came.’

       "On this point there is no obscurity. It presents a clear
       difference of view dividing Mr. Deakin and the two sections of
       the Opposition with which he has now coalesced from the policy
       of the Ministry in power. But while it provides a rallying
       ground from which the coalition may defeat the Ministry, it
       provides no subsequent line of united advance. The terms on
       which the coalition has been formed seem indeed to contemplate
       no definite policy at all."

       The coalition against the Ministry of Mr. Fisher, referred to
       in the above, accomplished its purpose on the day after the
       opening of Parliament, by carrying a vote of adjournment which
       the Ministry accepted as a vote of want of confidence, and
       resigned. The former Premier, Mr. Deakin, then resumed the
       reins of Government, with a following that does not seem to
       have been expected to hold together very long. On the
       reassembling of Parliament, June 23, the Prime Minister made a
       statement of the business to be submitted to the House,
       including along with other measures the following: "A Bill
       would be introduced establishing an inter-State commission
       which, in addition to the powers conferred by the
       Constitution, would undertake many of the functions of the
       British Board of Trade. It would also undertake the duties of
       a Federal Labour Bureau, which would comprise the study of the
       question of unemployment and a scheme for insurance against
       unemployment. The commission would also assist in the
       supervision of the working of the existing Customs tariff. …
       An active policy of immigration would be undertaken, it was
       hoped with the cooperation of all the States. … The
       appointment of a High Commissioner in London with a
       well-equipped office was necessary to take charge of the
       financial interests of the Commonwealth, to supervise
       immigration, and to foster trade and commerce. … The Old Age
       Pensions Act was to be amended in the direction of simplifying
       the conditions for obtaining the pensions. … The policy of the
       Government in the matter of land defence would be founded on
       universal training, commencing in youth and continuing towards
       manhood. A military college, a school of musketry, and
       probably a primary naval college would be established to train
       officers. The counsel of one of the most experienced
       commanders of the British Army would be sought for with regard
       to the general development and disposition of Australia’s
       adult citizen soldiers.

       "In view of the approaching termination of the ten year period
       of the distribution of the Customs revenue provided for in the
       Constitution, a temporary arrangement was being prepared,
       pending a satisfactory permanent settlement of the financial
       relation between the State and the Commonwealth."

    {35}

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Federal High Court decision on Anti-Trust Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: AUSTRALIA.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
       The Imperial Defense Conference.
       Defense Bill in Parliament.
       Proposed compulsory military training.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Coal Miners strike in New South Wales.
       See (in this Volume)
       LABOR ORGANIZATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Meeting at Sydney of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.
       The last year of a troublesome Constitutional Requirement.

       Article 87 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of
       Australia (see in Volume VI. of this work), reads as follows:

       "During a period of ten years after the establishment of the
       Commonwealth, and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
       provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties
       of custom and of excise not more than one fourth shall be
       applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.
       The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be
       paid to the several States, or applied toward the payment of
       interest on debts of the several States taken over by the
       Commonwealth." This, which has been known as the Braddon
       section, has imposed a serious handicap on the Federal
       Government. As its working was described recently by an
       English Press correspondent, "it made the Commonwealth raise
       four pounds whenever it wanted to spend one. It made the
       States begrudge the Commonwealth every penny it spent, even
       out of its own quarter—for every penny saved out of that
       quarter was an extra penny for the States. And it prevented
       every State Treasurer from knowing, until the Federal
       Treasurer had delivered his Budget speech, how much money he
       was likely to get from Federal sources for his own spending."

       At the end of the year 1910 the requirement of the Article
       will cease to be obligatory, and the Federal Parliament will
       be free to make a different appropriation of the revenue from
       customs and excise. Meantime the subject is under discussion,
       and in August, 1909, it was announced that a conference of the
       State Governments had come to an agreement—subject to
       ratification by the Federal Government—which provides for the
       annual per capita payment of 25s. in lieu of the three-fourths
       of the Customs revenue which has hitherto been returned to
       them. Western Australia to receive a special extra
       contribution of £250,000, decreasing by £10,000 annually until
       it ceases. Until the arrangement becomes operative, the
       Commonwealth may deduct from the statutory payments to the
       States £600,000 annually towards the cost of old-age pensions.

       The readjustment of State shares in the Customs revenue is
       said to involve an annual loss to New South Wales of
       £1,000,000. According to a London newspaper correspondent,
       "the main effects to the Commonwealth are the abolition of the
       book-keeping system between the States, the power to issue
       Australian stamps, telegrams, &c., and the securing of about
       £2,300,000 a year, or more, additional revenue. The States
       lose revenue to a similar amount, but there is a transfer of
       old-age pensions to the amount of nearly £1,000,000, of which
       they are relieved. In three of the States, all of which suffer
       little by the change, the pensions are new, and a considerable
       boon to the people. But more than half the money sacrifice
       falls upon New South Wales, and it goes to relieve her less
       prosperous neighbours. Well, that is true Federation!
       Naturally the Southern States would have nothing but a per
       capita distribution from the Commonwealth, and the New
       South Wales Ministers agreed to it with their eyes open. At
       present the Commonwealth Government secures the further
       revenue needed. But whether this agreement will so distinctly
       suit that Government as the State populations grow is another
       matter."

       A Bill for the required amendment of the Federal Constitution
       was introduced in the House of Representatives by the Prime
       Minister, Mr. Deakin, on the 8th of September. On the 4th of
       November, in opposition to the Government, an amendment to the
       Bill, limiting the duration of the agreement, instead of
       giving it force in perpetuity, was carried in committee of the
       whole by the casting vote of the chairman. On the 1st of
       December the Bill had its third reading in the Senate.

       ----------AUSTRALIA: End--------

       ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of population compared
       with other European countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902 (June).
       Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

          See (in this Volume)
          TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Notice by Austria of intention to end, in 1904, the
       Customs Union which formed part of the Ausgleich, or
       Federation Compact of 1867.
       Language struggle in Austria.

       The difficulties between Austria and Hungary, concerning a
       renewal of the Ausgleich, or federation compact of 1867, which
       created the dual empire,—some account of which is given in
       Volume VI. of this work,—were compromised in 1900 by an
       agreement which extended the Ausgleich temporarily until 1907.

          See, in Volume VI.
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

       It was stipulated, however, in the agreement, that if no
       permanent settlement of the questions involved should have
       been reached by the end of the year 1902, either party to the
       Ausgleich should be free to dissolve the Customs Union
       that formed part of it after 1904, provided that said party
       should have formally denounced the compact prior to January 1,
       1902. The formal notice or denunciation was given accordingly
       by Austria, whose government gave notice that it would end the
       Customs Union unless better terms from Hungary could be
       secured. In Hungary the Independence party led by Ferencz
       Kossuth, the son of Louis Kossuth, was eager for the break,
       desiring no union with Austria beyond that of the two crowns
       on one head. The tariff question seemed insoluble, because
       Hungary wanted protection for its agriculture, which Austria
       believed to be greatly disadvantageous to herself.

    {36}

       The prime ministers of the two Governments came to an
       agreement which was submitted to the two parliaments early in
       1903, but obstruction in both bodies prevented any effective
       action. On other questions the antagonism was no less
       pronounced. The Hungarian Independence party was resolute in
       determining to separate the Hungarian from the Austrian army,
       making it distinctly Hungarian, under Hungarian officers and
       using the Hungarian word of command. This drew from the
       Emperor, in September, a public announcement that he must and
       would hold fast to the existing organization of the army. At
       length, in December, Kossuth agreed, for his party, to abandon
       obstruction on condition that Parliament should proclaim, as a
       principle, that "in Hungary the source of every right, and in
       the army the source of rights appertaining to the language of
       service and command, is the will of the nation as expressed
       through the legislature." But though obstruction from the
       Independence party ceased then it was continued by a Catholic
       party, on grounds of personal hostility to the Protestant
       Premier, Count Tisza, and the Government, deprived of
       authority to recruit the army, kept in service the men whose
       term had expired.

       An almost equal deadlock of legislation prevailed in Austria,
       where the struggle over language questions between Czechs and
       Germans went fiercely on; while Croatia was full of rebellious
       spirit, excited by the Magyarizing policy of its Hungarian
       governor.

       Twice, during 1903, the Hungarian administration underwent a
       change, the Szell Ministry giving way in June to one headed by
       Count Kuen Hedervary, he, in turn, being displaced by Count
       Tisza in October. The latter was a son of Koloman Tisza, who
       had formerly held the reins in Hungary for many years.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Concert with Russia in submitting the Mürzsteg Programme
       of reform in Macedonia to Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.
       Paralysis of Government in both divisions of the dual empire.

       Legislation in both Austria and Hungary was paralyzed
       throughout 1904 by obstructive oppositions which nothing could
       pacify. In Austria it was the battle of Czech against German
       for language rights; but, in the end, the German Premier, Dr.
       Körber, lost the support of his own race, by allowing Italian
       law-classes to be formed in the University at Innsprück, with
       a faculty of their own. He resigned on the last day of the
       year, and was succeeded by Baron Gautsch.

       In Hungary the obstruction was maintained by a combination of
       three parties,—the Independence Party of Ferencz Kossuth,
       which is irreconcilable in its repudiation of the union with
       Austria, the Liberal-Conservative Separatists, so-called, led
       by Count Apponyi, and a Catholic People’s Party, under Count
       Zichy. The extraordinary attitude of these practical
       anarchists, as they would seem to be, is indicated by a
       performance at the opening of the session of the Hungarian
       Parliament on the 13th of December, 1904, which is described
       in the Annual Register, as follows:

       "They entered the House before the usual time of meeting,
       assaulted the police when they endeavored to prevent some of
       the members from mounting the President’s platform, tore down
       the woodwork, destroyed the furniture, and finally had
       themselves photographed, with the ex-Premier Baron Banffy at
       their head, in the midst of the ruin they had wrought. This
       extraordinary scene was described by M. Kossuth as ‘a symbol
       of the political maturity of the Magyars, who, after asserting
       their rights, refrain from excesses;’ and by Count Apponyi as
       ‘an evidence of the importance attached to continuity of legal
       right in Hungary.’ When the broken furniture was removed and
       the House was restored to something like its former
       appearance, the members returned; but all the attempts of the
       Government to speak were howled down by the Opposition." The
       Opposition which accomplished this paralysis of Government in
       Hungary numbered, in its three divisions, only 190 members,
       out of 451.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904-1909.
       Effects in Europe and on the Triple Alliance of the
       Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.
       Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms
       in Macedonia on Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905.
       Hostility to the Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1902.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Continued deadlock, seated mainly in Hungary.
       Resignation of Count Tisza.
       The Fejervary Ministry.
       Dissolution of the Hungarian Parliament.
       Kossuth and his allies take office.
       Universal male suffrage adopted in Austria.

       The deadlock of political forces in the Dual Empire was
       prolonged through another year, Hungary being the main seat of
       the block. Elections for the Hungarian Diet, in January, went
       heavily against the Ministry of Count Tisza and strongly in
       favor of that section of the Opposition which bore the name of
       the Independence Party and which was led by Ferencz Kossuth.
       Count Tisza resigned, and the Emperor-King endeavored to make
       terms with Kossuth, Apponyi, and Andrassy under which the
       Government might be carried on with parliamentary support.
       This proved impracticable, especially by reason of the
       insistent demand of the Opposition for a separation of the
       Hungarian from the Austrian part of the imperial army, and the
       determination of the sovereign not to yield to that demand.
       Count Tisza and his colleagues were kept in office until June,
       despite a heavy vote of censure in the Diet, and then the
       Emperor appointed as Premier General Baron Fejervary, who
       commanded no more support than his predecessor had done. The
       majority in the representative chamber denounced the Ministry
       as unconstitutional, and issued a manifesto, calling on the
       people to withhold taxes and military service from this
       simulacrum of Government, which had no lawful claim to either.
       This was accepted as good counsel by great numbers of people,
       and grave embarrassments resulted from the non-payment of
       taxes.

    {37}

       In the August number (1905) of The American Review of
       Reviews Count Albert Apponyi, leader of one of the parties
       united more or less in the Hungarian Opposition, gave the
       Hungarian side of the political issues with Austria. In part,
       he wrote: "The writer had the honor of delivering at St.
       Louis, at the Arts and Science Congress of last year, a short
       historical account of our relation with the Austrian dynasty.
       There are to be found the chief facts, which show:
       (1) That our forefathers called that dynasty to the Hungarian
       throne, not in order to get Hungary absorbed into an Austrian
       or any other sort of empire, but, on the contrary, under the
       express condition of keeping the independence and the
       constitution of the Hungarian kingdom unimpaired;
       (2) that this condition has been accepted and sworn to by all
       those members of the dynasty (Joseph II. alone excepted) who
       ascended the Hungarian throne;
       (3) that, nevertheless, practical encroachments on our
       independence, followed by conflicts and reconciliations, have
       been at all epochs frequent;
       (4) but that a juridical fact never occurred which could be
       construed into a modification of that fundamental condition of
       the dynasty’s title to Hungary. …

       The physical person of the ruler is, in truth, the same in
       both countries, but the juridical personality of the King of
       Hungary is distinct and, as to the contents of its
       prerogative, widely different from the juridical personality
       of the Emperor of Austria. Hungary is the oldest
       constitutional country on the European Continent. The royal
       prerogative in her case is an emanation of the
       constitution,—not prior to it,—and consists in such rights as
       the nation has thought fit to vest in her king. In Austria, on
       the other hand, the existing constitution is a free gift of
       the Emperor, and has conferred on the people of Austria such
       rights as the Emperor has thought fit to grant to them. The
       title of ‘Emperor of Austria-Hungary’ … [sometimes used] is
       simply nonsense. The time-hallowed old Hungarian crown has not
       been melted into the brand-new Austrian imperial diadem. That
       imperial title does not contain, to any extent, the Hungarian
       royal title. The Emperor of Austria, as such, has just as much
       legal power in Hungary as the President of the United States
       has. He is, juridically speaking, a foreign potentate to us.

       "On these fundamental truths, no Hungarian—to whatever party
       he may belong—admits discussion. … The Liberal party,
       vanquished at the last elections, does not in the least differ
       from the victorious opposition as to the principles laid down
       in these pages; it only advocated a greater amount of
       forbearance against the petty encroachments which practically
       obscured them. That policy of forbearance became gradually
       distasteful to the country; seeing it shaken in the public
       mind, the recent prime minister, Count Tisza, formed the
       unhappy idea of gaining a new lease of power on its behalf by
       a parliamentary coup d’état. The rules of the House
       were broken, in order to prevent future obstruction, chiefly
       against military bills. This brought matters to an acute
       crisis. The parliament in which that breach of the rules had
       taken place became unfit for work of any sort, the country had
       to be consulted, and down went the Liberal party and the
       half-hearted policy it represented with no hope for revival.

       "The army question, with its ever-recurring difficulties, is a
       highly characteristic feature of the chronic latent conflict
       between the Austrian and the Hungarian mentality. It amounts
       to this, that, as we are a nation, we mean to have an armed
       force corresponding to our national individuality, commanded
       in our language, and serving under our flags and emblems. It
       would be unnatural for any nation, and would be, in fact, an
       abdication of the title of ‘nation,’ to renounce such a
       national claim. The Austrians, on the other hand,—and,
       unhappily, their influence is still prevalent in this
       question,—not yet having abandoned the idea of a pan-Austrian
       empire, uncompromisingly adhere to the present military
       organization, which makes the German language and the imperial
       emblems prevalent throughout the whole army, its Hungarian
       portion included."

       In September, 1905, the Emperor-King summoned the chiefs of
       the opposing coalition to Vienna and renewed his endeavor to
       make terms with them; but his own conditions, relative to the
       army, to the language of command and service in it, to the
       tariff relations between Austria and Hungary, and to other
       matters of dispute, were apparently as uncompromisable as
       theirs, and only intensified the bad feeling in the country.

       A little later the Fejervary Ministry announced a programme of
       policy which offered concessions and many excellent measures,
       but all save one of them were scorned. That one was a proposal
       of universal suffrage, with direct secret balloting, which in
       both Hungary and Austria had now become a subject of wide
       popular demand. The agitation for it became clamorous in the
       later months of the year, especially in the Austrian towns.
       But the leaders of the Hungarian Opposition were supposed to
       be personally hostile to universal suffrage. "As
       representatives of the most educated, wealthy, and powerful
       race in the kingdom, they have long enjoyed absolute political
       control. But universal suffrage," says a contemporary
       journalist, "would so increase the non-Magyar elements in
       Parliament as to deprive the Magyar leaders of much of their
       ascendency. At present these leaders are strong enough to
       defeat the King’s magnificent programme, announced by Baron
       Fejervary. But such a defeat would place them in an
       embarrassing position. They would have definitely assumed an
       attitude which belies their name of Liberal."

       The Fejervary programme was well planned to be troublesome to
       the opponents of the Government. While not surrendering to
       their demand for the Magyar language of command in the
       Hungarian part of the Imperial army, it proposed that the men
       who do not speak that language should be trained in it as far
       as possible. And it included a number of other most important
       measures: for compulsory free education; for compulsory
       insurance of workmen; for small farm grants to the peasantry;
       for the conversion of mortgage debts that weigh on small
       landowners, and for various taxation reforms. Evidently the
       Opposition endeavored to keep public attention and public
       feeling focused on the claim for a distinct Hungarian army,
       with the Magyar language for its word of command. Kossuth, the
       dominating leader of the coalition against the Government,
       defined the argument for this claim. No mention, he said, is
       made of any common army in the agreement on which the Dual
       Empire is founded. The Hungarian Constitution vests in the
       Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary, "all those things
       which refer to the commanding and administration … of the
       Hungarian army."

    {38}

       But the Constitution does not hint that the Hungarian army
       should be commanded in German. It has not specifically
       forbidden such a thing, but in another part of the
       Constitution it is provided that the language of public
       services in Hungary shall be Hungarian. And is not the army a
       "public service"? he asked. Besides, he explained: "A century
       ago the Hungarian magnates, generally, paid for their own
       soldiers, and ours was not, in the beginning, a State army.
       When the combination with Austria came about, the officers
       were of all nations, and the Austrians brought in many of
       their own. To tell the truth, our own Hungarians were too
       lazy—there is no other word for it—to take the trouble to
       reorganize and start a Hungarian army, so they left it to the
       Austrians for the time being. It was for this reason, and with
       the consciousness of this defect, that Article XI. expressly
       left the language of command to be determined,
       constitutionally, later. But we also expressly confined it
       within the limits of our own Constitution … and we spoke of a
       Hungarian army, not a common one."

       The year 1906 opened with the discords of the situation in
       Hungary rather heightened than lessened, and on the 19th of
       February the Emperor dissolved the Hungarian Parliament,
       announcing that he did so for the reason that the parties of
       the Opposition had "persistently refused to take over the
       Government on an acceptable basis without violating the Royal
       rights as by law guaranteed." Disturbances on the occasion
       were prevented by strong forces of soldiery and police. Two
       days later the Austro-Hungarian tariff and a commercial
       treaty, both of which had been refused ratification in
       Hungary, were promulgated as of force, pending future action;
       and by various other arbitrary measures the Emperor-King
       assumed the right to prevent a governmental collapse. This
       attitude on the part of the sovereign appears to have produced
       a change of attitude among his opponents; for early in April
       M. Kossuth and Count Andrassy entered into an arrangement with
       him for the formation of a Ministry by themselves and their
       associates of the Coalition, with the understanding that the
       army question should be put aside until after the election of
       a new Parliament, to meet in May. At that session they
       promised to pass the budget, the new international commercial
       treaties, to maintain in every way the existing condition of
       things between Austria and Hungary, to permit the passage of a
       bill providing for universal manhood suffrage, and then for
       Parliament to terminate its labors, allowing the election of a
       new one under the universal suffrage system, the Cabinet to be
       re-formed conformably to the desires of the parliamentary
       majority. Thereupon the Emperor-King requested Dr. Alexander
       Wekerle, a former Hungarian Prime Minister, to form a Cabinet,
       including in it Kossuth, Apponyi, Andrassy, and Zichy. At the
       election, held soon after, the Independence party won about
       250 out of 400 seats. The new Parliament was opened on the 22d
       of May.

       In Austria, the grand event of 1906 was the franchise reform,
       which extinguished the whole system of class representation
       and established a representative Parliament on the broad basis
       of a manhood vote. "Every male citizen who had completed his
       twenty-fourth year and was not under any legal disability was
       entitled to be registered as a voter after one year’s
       residence. Every male, including members of the Upper House,
       who had possessed Austrian citizenship for at least three
       years and had completed his thirtieth year, was eligible for
       election as a deputy; but members of the Upper House elected
       to the Lower could not sit in both at once. Voting was to be
       direct in all provinces. In Galicia, however, every
       constituency would return two deputies, each voter having one
       vote, so as to permit of the representation of racial
       minorities, the population being composed of Poles and
       Ruthenians. Voting was to be obligatory under penalty of a
       fine wherever a provincial Diet should so decide. This Bill
       was passed, in the face of the opposition of the Conservative
       and aristocratic members of both Houses and of the extreme
       representatives of the various nationalities, mainly through
       the influence of the Emperor. He regarded it as the only way
       to get rid of Parliamentary obstruction, and the best means of
       stimulating loyalty to the dynasty."

       Two changes of Ministry occurred in Austria during 1906, Baron
       Gautsch, as Premier, giving way to Prince Hohenlohe in April,
       and the latter resigning in June, to be succeeded by Baron
       Beck. Count Goluchowski, who had been Austro-Hungarian
       Minister of Foreign Affairs since 1895, resigned in October,
       because of ill-feeling against him in Hungary, and was
       succeeded by Baron Aehrenthal.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906 (January-April).
       At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
       Effects of universal and equalized suffrage in Austria.

       Elections were held in Austria a few months after the passage
       of the law which introduced equal and universal male suffrage,
       and the character and disposition of the elected Reichsrath,
       which met in June, 1907, afforded indications of some
       remarkable effects from the extension and equalizing of the
       franchise. It was expected, of course, to popularize the
       Reichsrath, and break the domination of the upper classes in
       that body; but, according to reports, it has done much more.
       Prior to 1896, the members of the Abgeordncten or lower house
       of the Reichsrath, then numbering 353, were all divided into
       four sections, elected by four classes of people, as follows:
       85 elected by the owners of large landed estates, 22 by
       chambers of commerce and manufactures; 115 by town taxpayers
       assessed for five florins of annual tax, and by doctors of
       universities; 131 by country taxpayers assessed for five
       florins yearly. In that year the membership was enlarged by an
       addition of 72, who were to be representatives of the whole
       people, elected by universal male suffrage, while the old
       classified representation remained as before. The new law has
       swept away the whole system of a classified representation,
       and the representative house is now leveled to one footing, as
       a body of deputies from the people at large.

       The most conspicuous effect of this in the elections appears
       to have been a sudden break of the power which the German
       element in the much-mixed population of the Austrian dominion
       has been able to exercise hitherto. Hence, it must be the fact
       that the Germans hold far more than their proportion of the
       property which the old system represented, and derived from
       that, formerly, a weight in the Reichsrath which their numbers
       cannot give them on the equalized vote.

    {39}

       Altogether, in the various Cisleithan states—the two Austrias
       proper, Bohemia, Moravia, Galicia, Silesia, Salzburg, Tyrol,
       Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Istria, Dalmatia—they form a
       little more than one third of the total population, the other
       two thirds being mainly Slavonic, in many divisions,
       principally Czech, Polish, and Slovene.

       Ten years ago the Austrian Reichsrath was offering a spectacle
       of factious disorder so violent that it drew the attention of
       the world, and was made entertaining as well as interesting by
       Mark Twain, then a resident for some months at Vienna and
       writing descriptions of the scenes of tumult that went on
       before his eyes.

          See in Volume VI. of this work
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

       The specially bitter race quarrel was over a language question
       between the Germans and the Czechs. The Czechs had succeeded
       in forcing the government to give their own tongue its
       rightful public use in Bohemia, where the German had displaced
       it officially for along time past. The determination of the
       Germans in the Reichsrath to undo this change practically
       paralyzed that legislature for a number of years, and seemed
       to be driving the realm of the House of Austria to inevitable
       wreck.

       Indeed, some factions of the Germans made no concealment of
       their wish for such a wreckage, out of which the German Kaiser
       at Berlin might pick the pieces that it pleased him to take.
       They have never doubted the sympathy and countenance of their
       kinsmen in the neighboring empire, and that has emboldened
       them to an attitude which a minority, in other circumstances,
       would hardly take.

       Within the last few years there has been a quieting of the
       antagonism; but most observers of the state of things in
       Austria have looked for serious troubles to arise, whenever
       the great personal influence of the present Emperor is
       withdrawn by his death. The imperial dominion of the Austrian
       archdukes could not be dissolved and its parts redistributed
       without subjecting the peace of Europe to such a trial as it
       never yet has gone unbrokenly through. If the Germans lose
       disturbing power in the Reichsrath, as the late elections are
       said to indicate that they will, and if racial factions give
       place to political parties, as a consequence of the equalized
       and universalized suffrage, then Austria may possibly be
       welded into a nation, and her neighbors may not be tempted to
       quarrel over her dismembered remains.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.
       Final negotiation of a new financial Ausgleich.
       Adjustment of the vexed questions of tariff, joint debt,
       and revenue quotas.

       The long struggle toward a readjustment of the
       Ausgleich or Agreement of 1866 between Austria and
       Hungary, on its financial side, was brought to a close on the
       8th of October, 1907, by the signing of a new agreement that
       day. It continued the common customs arrangement until 1917,
       and provided that commercial treaties concluded with foreign
       powers must be signed by the representatives of both Austria
       and Hungary—a concession by Austria to Hungary. Hitherto the
       Austrian Minister of Foreign Affairs had conducted such
       negotiations. On its part, Hungary made the minor concession
       of conforming its stock exchange laws to those of Austria.
       Previously, excise duties had been common to both states;
       henceforth they were to be left to each state to be determined
       and levied. In the joint fiscal burden, Hungary’s contribution
       was increased from 34.4 per cent to 36.4 per cent. Provision
       was made for a court of arbitration, composed of four Austrian
       and four Hungarian members, who must chose a ninth member as
       chairman.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Hungarian politics.
       The State Bank question.
       Split in the Independence party.
       M. de Justh, a new party leader.
       Attitude of M. Kossuth.
       Deadlock returned.

       The complete deadlock of legislation in Hungary from 1904 into
       1906 was overcome but partially, and not for long, by the
       patched-up coalition which started the wheels of Government
       anew, under Dr. Wekerle, in April, 1906, as related above. In
       the course of the next two years the Wekerle Ministry
       accomplished some useful legislation, besides achieving the
       ratification of the important tariff and commerce agreement
       which settled long-troublesome disputes with Austria; but its
       very slight coherent energy was exhausted soon,—too soon for
       its promise of universal suffrage to be fulfilled.
       Practically, it seems to have been at the end of its
       capabilities for some time before the spring of 1909, when, in
       April, it resolved to resign, and began an effort to escape
       from office which went on through the year without success.
       The Crown could induce no one to take from Dr. Wekerle the
       impossible task of government, and kept that unfortunate
       gentleman in his powerless place.

       In Austro-Hungarian politics a new contention had now been
       developed, which divided the Independence party, led hitherto
       by M. Kossuth and Count Apponyi, so that it acquired on the
       new question a third more extreme sectional chief, in the
       person of the President of the Chamber, M. de Justh. The
       followers of M. de Justh were demanding the transformation of
       the existing joint State Bank into two autonomous banks,
       connected in operation, but distinctly Hungarian in one
       organization and Austrian in the other. This demand was
       opposed in Austria as determinedly as the obnoxious demand for
       army use of the Hungarian language in Hungarian regiments, and
       the Crown would give sanction to neither. Apparently, neither
       Kossuth nor Apponyi would act with M. de Justh on the bank
       question, and the Independence party lost, consequently, its
       advantage as the largest of the various parties in the
       Chamber.

       In November, when a test of numbers occurred at a conference
       of the party, the following of M. de Justh was found to be
       largely in the majority. A resolution demanding the separate
       Hungarian State Bank was adopted by 120 votes against 74,
       despite a declaration by M. Kossuth that he would quit the
       party if it took that stand. According to a Press report of
       what occurred at the conference, the burden of Kossuth’s
       speech to the conference was "that without his name and his
       leadership the party would never have obtained the majority,
       and that many of those who were about to vote against him owed
       their seats in Parliament to his recommendation. His speech
       was indeed a scarcely-veiled threat that when deprived of the
       support of his name his opponents would find themselves
       forsaken by their constituents. The defeated minority
       proceeded forthwith to constitute itself as the ‘Independence,
       1848, and Kossuth party,’ as distinguished from the
       ‘Independence and 1848 party,’ over which M. de Justh now
       reigns supreme."

    {40}

       Immediately after his triumph at the party conference M. de
       Justh resigned the presidency of the Hungarian Chamber and
       presented himself for reelection. In that test he suffered
       defeat, the combined forces of the Andrassy Liberals, the
       Clerical People’s party, and the Kossuth group casting 201
       votes against 157. The Croatian Deputies abstained, owing, it
       is said, to a promise made to them by Dr. Wekerle that, if
       they remained neutral, he would deliver Croatia from the
       oppressive rule of the Ban, Baron Rauch. The political
       situation in Hungary was thus more than ever confused.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
       The "Greater Servia Conspiracy."
       Alleged treasonable movement of Servians in Croatia.
       The Agram trials.

       The following telegram to the newspaper press, from Agram,
       Austria, October 5, 1909, reported the conclusion and the
       result of a long prosecution which had drawn wide attention
       and excited deep feeling in many parts of Europe for a full
       year:

       "After a trial lasting seven months, sentences were handed
       down to-day in the cases of fifty-two school teachers,
       priests, and other persons charged with connection with what
       is known as the ‘Greater Servia conspiracy.’ The prisoners
       were accused of high treason in participating in a movement
       for the union of Croatia, Slavonia, and Bosnia to Servia, even
       carrying the propaganda among the troops of the
       Austro-Hungarian army. Thirty of the accused are condemned to
       terms of rigorous imprisonment varying from four to twelve
       years, and twenty-two were acquitted. The persons condemned
       have given notification of appeal."

       On the 31st of December it was announced from Vienna that all
       but two of the condemned had been set at liberty pending their
       appeal, this being consequent on the revelations of forgery in
       the documents on which they were convicted.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH)
          at close of article.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
       Violence to the Treaty of Berlin.
       The European disturbance and its settlement.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1808-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909.
       The language quarrel in Austria.

       "Amid deafening uproar from the Czech Radicals, the Austrian
       premier has submitted to the Chamber [February 3, 1909] two
       bills for the regulation of the Bohemian language question.
       The bills, which in present circumstances appear to have
       little chance of becoming law, divide Bohemia into 239
       judicial and 20 administrative districts. Of the former, 95
       are German, 138 Czech, and the remainder mixed, while of the
       administrative districts five are German, 10 Czech, and five
       mixed. In the German districts German is to be the predominant
       language, and in the Czech districts Czech, while in the mixed
       districts, which include Prague, the two languages are placed
       on an equal footing. Provision is, however, made for the use
       of either language if necessary throughout the whole
       province."

          NEW YORK EVENING POST.

       A telegram to the same journal from Vienna, March 10,
       reported:

       "The Lower House of the Austrian Parliament, which closed on
       February 5, after a scene of extraordinary turbulence arising
       from old racial ill-feeling between the Germans and the
       Czechs, reopened to-day with every promise of a continuance of
       the disorders. The galleries of the House were crowded with
       partisans of the two factions, and as soon as the ministers
       appeared hostile shouts came from the Czech and radical
       benches, drowning the cheers of the members of the Left party
       and the Poles.

       "Premier von Bienerth, amid an incessant tumult, declared the
       nineteenth session opened, saying he hoped the work would be
       crowned with success and the proceedings not disturbed. His
       statement sounded ironical in face of the unbroken uproar."

       The following is a later Press despatch, November 2, from
       Vienna:

       "The Emperor has accepted the resignations of the two Czech
       Ministers in the Austrian Cabinet, and has sanctioned the laws
       adopted by the Diets of Upper and Lower Austria, Salzburg and
       Vorarlberg, to establish the unilingual German character of
       those provinces. In the name of the Czech people the Czech
       National Council addressed yesterday a telegram to the Emperor
       begging that the laws might not be sanctioned, since, runs the
       telegram, they affect the honour of the Czech people and must
       cause constant racial strife both in the provinces and in
       Vienna, ‘which is not only the capital of Lower Austria, but
       is also the capital of the whole empire and of all its races.
       These laws are a dangerous beginning of constitutional changes
       in your Majesty’s glorious empire.’ A copy of the telegram was
       sent to the Polish leader, Dr. Glombinski, with an 'expression
       of the deepest regret that members of the Polish party should
       have supported as Ministers these anti-Slav laws.’"

       A revival of turbulent obstruction to legislative proceedings
       in the lower house of the Austrian Reichsrath led, at last, in
       December, to the enactment of rules which so enlarge the
       powers of the speaker as to enable him to suppress factious
       obstruction and to suspend deputies who outrage the decencies
       of behavior in the Chamber. The measure was limited in its
       operation to a year, but is expected to be prolonged.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909 (December).
       Alleged plan of a Federated Triple Monarchy.

       "There has been circulated in Paris a curious document, full
       of figures, supposed to be based on authentic information.
       This document relates to the plan attributed to Prince Lentur
       and Count d’Aehrenthal to change the dual monarchy of
       Austria-Hungary into a triple monarchy. Croatia,
       Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Dalmatia, according to the scheme,
       would be united into an independent and constitutional
       kingdom, corresponding to the old Illyria. The double state,
       Austria-Hungary, would be changed into a three-fold
       Austria-Hungary-Illyria. A Slav nation would thus stand side
       by side with the Teutonic nation of Austria and the Magyar
       nation of Hungary. Its extent would be a good deal smaller, a
       little more than one-third, of the other two, and its
       population about a quarter of the Hungarian and one-sixth of
       the Austrian. According to this document, which is declared to
       have strong claims to be considered authentic, this change
       would no doubt be followed by a further one. Bohemia and
       Moravia would also want home rule. The monarchy would thus
       become a kind of Federal state. Hungary alone would remain
       standing strong and united as the centre and leader of this
       federation."

          New York Evening Post,
          December 29, 1909.

    {41}

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1909-1910.
       The Hungarian situation.

       Late in December, Dr. de Lukacs, who had served in the former
       Szell Ministry, was persuaded by the Crown to undertake the
       formation of a Government which might hope to secure some
       measure of parliamentary support, and on the 4th of January he
       was formally appointed Prime Minister; but his undertaking
       ended on the 11th, when he resigned, and Count Khuen Hedervary
       was heroic enough to accept the apparently hopeless task. The
       Hedervary Ministry suffered defeat on the 28th of January,
       when a vote of no confidence was carried by M. de Justh, and
       the King thereupon prorogued the chamber until March 24. A
       majority of the members, however, remained in session until
       they had adopted a resolution declaring the Government to be
       unconstitutional and forbidding the payment of taxes to it.
       Such is the Hungarian situation at the time this record of
       events goes to print—February, 1910.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1910.
       The Archduke Franz Ferdinand,
       Heir Apparent to the thrones.

       Since the tragically mysterious death (January 30, 1889) of
       the Emperor’s only son, Rudolph, the heir apparent to the
       several Hapsburgh crowns has been the Archduke Franz
       Ferdinand, son of the Emperor’s brother, the late Archduke
       Karl Ludwig. In order to contract a morganatic marriage, some
       years ago, he renounced the right of his children to the
       imperial and regal succession; but it is believed that he will
       force the regularizing of his marriage and the annulling of
       his renunciation, as he is reputed to be a man of strenuous
       will. According to report, also, he is strongly
       anti-democratic and reactionary, and extremely likely to give
       trouble as a sovereign to this democratic generation.

       ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

    AUTOCRAT:
       Title denied to the Czar by the Third Duma.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.

    AZAD-UL-MULK.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    AZEFF:
       The Russian police spy and agent provocateur.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).

    AZUL, Party of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          PARAGUAY.

    B.

    BABISM.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BACON, Robert:
       Secretary of State.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

    BADEN: A. D. 1906.
       Introduction of universal suffrage.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

    BAEYER, Adolf von.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    BAGDAD RAILWAY, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

    BA HAMED, Late Grand Wazeer of Morocco.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

    BAHIA HONDA:
       Coaling and naval station leased to the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1903.

    BAHIMA, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: ITS COLONIZABILITY.

    BAILEY, L. H.:
       On Country Life Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

    BAKHMETIEFF, Madame:
       Her humane work in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

    BAKHTIARI, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BAKU: Destruction of Oil Industry.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    BALDWIN ARCTIC EXPEDITION.

          See (in this Volume)
          Polar Exploration.

    BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
       Becomes Prime Minister of England.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

    BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
       His puzzling attitude on Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for
       preferential trade with the Colonies.
       Correspondence on Mr. Chamberlain’s resignation.

          See ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

    BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
       In the "Dreadnought" debate of 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    BALFOUR MINISTRY:
       Its resignation.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

       ----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Start--------

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903-1907.
       Complaint of European non-action by Christian subjects
       of Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1907.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bosnia: A. D. 1908.
       Arbitrary annexation to Austria-Hungary.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria:
       The influence of Robert College.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1901.
       The Bulgarian committee which directs revolutionary operations
       and assassinations in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.
       Alleged promotion of revolt in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.
       Barbarities of Bulgarian bands in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908.
       The race struggle in Macedonia.

          See TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (MARCH).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Independence of Turkey declared and won.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.
       Prince Ferdinand assumes the title of King.

       On the acquisition of complete Bulgarian independence, Prince
       Ferdinand was said at first to be intending to assume the
       title of Tsar; but that intention, if it had been formed, was
       changed, and he took the title of King.

    {42}

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Bulgaria and Servia: A.D. 1905.
       Customs Union Convention between the two States.
       Anger and Hostility of Austria.
       Dictatorial demands on Servia.
       The frontier closed to trade.

       "Servia and Bulgaria, in July, 1905, signed a Customs
       Convention, creating a customs union and breaking down the
       tariff barriers between the two countries. The age is the age
       of union in business, in finance, in every department in life.
       … Not only has the Customs Convention between the two
       countries, which is, after all, but the first step towards a
       real zollverein, demonstrated the trend of international
       development, but it has enabled the world to see clearly the
       relations existing between the small Balkan States—unprotected
       by any guarantee of neutrality—and their great neighbours. It
       has been made clear that, despite all the many protestations
       in Vienna of goodwill to the Balkan States, Austria does not
       wish to see real progress in that part of Europe. And what is
       true of Austria is true also of Russia. …

       "True to her unvarying policy, Austria no sooner heard of the
       Customs Convention than she set to work to destroy it,
       claiming that it damaged her commercial interests. By her
       unjust attempts at coercion, plain and undisguised, Austria
       brought into being a political bond between Bulgaria and
       Servia which was not in existence at the time of the signature
       of the Customs Convention. …

       "In the past Servia has fallen more and more completely under
       the domination of Austria; her geographical position and her
       internal troubles made her an easy prey for Vienna, and had it
       not been for the desire of Russia to share the dainty morsel,
       Servia would in all probability have gone ere this to join the
       Servian provinces of Bosnia and Hersegovina as an integral
       part of the Austrian Empire. Her commerce is almost solely
       with Austria or Hungary, and her finances are under the
       control of a French-Austrian syndicate. It might therefore
       well seem incredible that the small State, bound thus hand and
       foot to the oppressor, should dare to oppose her desire for
       liberty to the Austrian desire for gain, political,
       commercial, or financial. But just as under the Turkish rule
       the Servians began to fight for freedom in small bands, so the
       Customs Convention with Bulgaria represents the first blow for
       economic and political freedom. … While the Convention
       represents an effort on Servia’s part to free herself from the
       thrall of Austria, it was not directed against that country.
       It seeks rather to open up new markets and new means of
       export, for which there was sufficient reason in the fact that
       there was no increase in the export of Servian goods to
       Austria during the last few years, some of which even showed a
       decrease. Commercial development demanded that new markets
       should be sought and a new route via Bulgaria to the Black Sea
       ports be opened up. …

       "On January 8th the Austrian Minister in Belgrade presented a
       note from his Government making it a condition that in order
       that the negotiations for a commercial treaty should not be
       suspended, the Servian Government should engage not to bring
       the Customs Union before the Skouptchina before the conclusion
       of the treaty. At the same time he indicated the disastrous
       results of refusal on Servia’s part. The Servian Cabinet
       accepted the Austrian proposals as to the postponement of the
       presentation of the Customs Union to the Skouptchina, and
       promised also to consider the modification of the Convention
       in so far as these modifications were not contrary to the
       nature of the Customs Union. The Austrian Minister recommended
       a change of the reply, because his Government would not accept
       it as it stood. On the Servians refusing to make any change,
       he gave them till the afternoon of the next day to repent,
       with the alternative that the treaty negotiations would be
       broken off and the frontiers closed. … Servia insisted upon
       maintaining her dignity as a nation, while expressing her
       readiness to meet Austria in every possible economic way.
       Furious at the Servian refusal, the Viennese authorities
       ordered the closing of the frontiers to Servian cattle, pigs,
       and even fowls. This last restriction was contrary to the
       existing treaty of commerce between the two countries which
       does not expire till March 1st, 1906. The cattle and pigs were
       excluded under the arbitrary veterinary convention, it having
       been found that a pig had died of ‘diplomatic swine fever,’ a
       contagious disease, prevalent when Servia opposes Austrian
       desires. The cool indifference with which Austria ignored her
       treaty obligations with Servia led to a profound feeling that
       it was hardly worth making sacrifices in order to obtain a new
       commercial treaty, which could be as equally well ignored.
       Patriotic fervour waxed great in Servia, and the people
       prepared to make a good fight for their liberty. But it was
       never overlooked that the relations with Austria were of great
       and vital importance."

          Alfred Stead,
          The Serbo-Bulgarian Convention and its Results
          (Fortnightly Review, March, 1906).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Herzegovina: A. D. 1908.
       Annexation to Austria.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro: A. D. 1905.
       Prince Nicholas’s Constitution, and his operation of it.

       "When Prince Nicholas heard that the Czar had promised his
       people a Constitution, he, disciple of Russia in all things,
       determined to outdo Nicholas II., and, as a matter of fact,
       granted his little country [December, 1905] a more liberal
       Constitution than that which Russia enjoys. In Russia certain
       things were not to be discussed in the Duma. In Montenegro,
       everything could be discussed. When this principle began to be
       put in practice, however, although in the most loyal and
       respectful manner, the Prince took offence and began to
       imprison politicians who dared to ask for information about
       the financial condition of the principality. As a consequence,
       he made himself unpopular among what in Russia would be called
       the ‘intelligencia,’ but, being a man of far stronger
       personality and more striking genius than the Czar of Russia,
       he is still feared and obeyed. He is, in fact, an old soldier
       with all the old soldier’s preference for barrack discipline
       as the only method of rule, and in thinking that he understood
       what is meant by the words ‘constitutional government’ he
       deceived himself, for he does not understand, and being an old
       man surrounded by flatterers, he is perhaps less able to
       understand now than he would have been thirty years ago.

       "If he had been more adaptable, and had taken greater pains to
       instruct his people in the methods of parliamentary
       government, the constitutionalist movement might have been a
       success, but unfortunately he withdrew from Cettinje in a
       ‘huff’ when the Skupschina passed some criticisms on the
       government, and declined to coöperate with the deputies,
       though they were all very anxious to have his advice. It is
       stated, on the other hand, however, that the Skupschina
       interpreted in too large a sense the Constitution that had
       been granted to them."

       Special Correspondent New York Evening Post,
       Cettinje, December 15, 1908.

    {43}

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
       With Servia against Austrian annexation of Bosnia
       and Herzegovina.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1809 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Roumania: A. D. 1866-1906.
       Development of the country under King Charles I. and
       his admirable Queen.

       "The efforts of King Charles have been principally devoted
       towards internal improvement. Railways have increased and
       improved since the State purchased them in 1886, at an outlay
       of 237,500,000 francs. Then there were 1,407 kilometres; in
       1903 these had increased to 3,177. In the Dobrudja, given to
       Roumania after the war with Turkey, the King has created a
       great commercial port at Constantza, whence the grain and
       petroleum of Roumania can flood the market. From here will
       radiate a Roumanian merchant marine, which will bear the
       Roumanian flag to all parts of the world. Agriculture has been
       carefully cherished, and to-day the country is one of the
       principal grain-exporting countries of the world, and the lot
       of the peasant, formerly so low, has been improved. An
       educational system has sprung into being, owing much to the
       direct support and inspiration of the Royal family. The
       finances have been put on a stable footing, and although the
       nation has already acquired a sufficiency of debt, the future
       is not at all dangerously beset. Thanks to the discovery of
       extensive petroleum fields, Roumania has been strengthened and
       raised from the position of a country relying solely on the
       rain and sun for its prosperity; while thanks to the King’s
       indefatigable efforts and unceasing watchfulness, the
       petroleum industry has been protected from becoming the
       monopoly either of the ruthless Standard Oil Trust or of the
       politically guided and government-supported German Bank. Had
       King Charles done nothing else for Roumania, his determined
       and wise action in this question would have earned him all
       praise. But whether it be in the question of the Danube, with
       its international Commission, or of the transformation of the
       twelve enormous Crown lands, dispersed over the kingdom, into
       national and social models, to see and follow—a work due
       principally to M. Kalindero—the King’s interest in all things
       which directly or indirectly touch Roumania is unabated.

       "And what manner of man is this, who has thus created a
       European State out of the remnants of a land cursed by a
       Turkish rule and Phanariot sway? First and foremost he is
       always a Hohenzollern, swayed by his obedience to duty, and
       based upon that Hohenzollern saying: 'It is not enough to be
       born a prince, you must show that you are worthy of the
       title,' and second, he is ever a true Roumanian, who has
       caught much of the inspiration of those great former Roumanian
       leaders and warriors. His youth was one of discipline and
       healthy education, while the influence of his father on his
       character can never be overestimated. Every inch a king, he
       never forgets that he is always also a man—personal
       animosities never cloud his national judgment. An
       indefatigable worker and on an organised plan tending towards
       definite ends, King Charles devotes his whole time to his
       never-ceasing task. By his marriage to Princess Elizabeth of
       Wied’ [known in literature as Carmen Sylva] ‘a marriage so
       non-political as to make it a political event of the first
       importance,’ he brought to Roumania a queen who made herself
       beloved of all, and speedily became the centre of all
       charitable ideas and works."

          Alfred Stead,
          King Charles I. of Roumania
          (Fortnightly Review, July, 1906).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1902.
       Oppression of the Jews.
       Appeal of the United States to the signatories
       of the Treaty of Berlin.

       On the 11th of August, 1902, Mr. John Hay, Secretary of State
       in the Government of the United States, addressed a
       communication to the American Ambassadors and Ministers in
       Great Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia,
       Italy, and Turkey, whose governments were parties to the
       Berlin Treaty of 1878, directing that it be read to the proper
       ministers in the governments of those countries. The
       communication related to the treatment of the Jews in
       Roumania, which had long been a matter of deep concern to the
       United States, not only from sympathy with the persecuted
       people, but also because of the state in which it drove them
       as emigrants to this land. An abridgment of Secretary Hay’s
       despatch, published at the time, renders its substance as
       follows:

       "As long ago as in 1872 this country protested against the
       oppression of these Jews under Turkish rule. The Treaty of
       Berlin it was supposed would cure this wrong by the provisions
       of its forty-fourth article, which prescribed that ‘in
       Roumania the difference of religious creeds and confessions
       shall not be alleged against any person as a ground for
       exclusion or incapacity in matters relating to the enjoyment
       of civil and political rights, admission to public
       employments, functions and honors, or the exercise of the
       various professions and industries in any locality whatsoever.
       These prescriptions, however, have, in the lapse of time, been
       rendered nugatory as regards the native Jews of Roumania.
       Apart from the political disabilities of the Jews in that
       country, and their exclusion from the liberal professions,
       they are denied the inherent rights of man as a breadwinner in
       the ways of agriculture and trade. They are prohibited from
       owning land or from cultivating it as common laborers; they
       are debarred from residing in the rural districts, and many
       branches of petty trade and manual production are closed to
       them in the cities. They have become reduced to a state of
       wretched misery. The experience of the United States shows
       that the Jews possess in a high degree the qualities of good
       citizenhood. No class of immigrants is more welcome to our
       shores when coming equipped in mind and body, but when they
       come as outcasts, made doubly paupers by physical and mental
       oppression in their native land, their migration lacks the
       essential conditions which make alien immigration either
       acceptable or beneficial. Many of these Roumanian Jews are
       forced to quit their native country, and the United States is
       almost the only refuge left to them. They come hither unfitted
       by the conditions of their exile to take part in the new life
       of this land, and they are objects of charity for a long time.
       Therefore the right of remonstrance against the acts of the
       Roumanian Government is fairly established in favor of this
       Government. This Government cannot be a tacit party to what it
       regards as an international wrong. It is constrained to
       protest against the treatment to which the Jews of Roumania
       are subjected. The United States is not a signatory to the
       Treaty of Berlin, and cannot, therefore, appeal
       authoritatively to the stipulations of that treaty, but it
       does earnestly appeal to the principles consigned therein,
       because they are the principles of international law and
       eternal justice."

    {44}

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1907.
       Agrarian and anti-Semitic riots.

       Serious riotings of the peasants of Roumania, in both Moldavia
       and Wallachia, occurred in April, 1907. Before the rising
       could be suppressed more than 100,000 troops were employed;
       the capital, Bucharest, was in a state of siege, and martial
       law was proclaimed throughout the country. At first the
       character of the uprising seems to have been purely agrarian.
       The peasants demanded land at low prices and tried to throw
       off the yoke of the middlemen, who are mostly Jews. As the
       revolt spread, villages, farms, and even some towns were
       plundered and destroyed by wholesale. Hundreds of peasants
       were killed, and in several sections a state of real war
       existed for more than a week. King Charles issued a
       proclamation to his people promising the redress of their
       grievances. The Conservative ministry resigned on March 24 and
       a Liberal government was at once formed under the presidency
       of Dr. Sturdza.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia: A. D. 1901-1903.
       Royal Constitution-making and unmaking.

       The character of the Servian monarchy, and the value to the
       nation of its king-made Constitution, may be judged from the
       following report, May 12, 1903, to the State Department of the
       United States Government, by its Minister at Athens, who has
       the care of American interests at Belgrade: "The Servian
       constitution now in force is that which was granted the
       country by King Alexander on April 6-19, 1901. Under this
       constitution the influence of the radical party had gradually
       increased to such an extent that the King thought it was
       dangerous to the welfare of the country. For some time there
       were rumors to the effect that a new constitution was in
       contemplation and would probably be put into force on the
       anniversary of its predecessor. More or less excitement was
       caused by these reports, and in consequence the King
       determined to act at once.

       "On the afternoon of March 24—April 6 last [1903] a royal
       proclamation was issued to the Servian people, explaining the
       King’s views of the situation, suspending the constitution
       referred to above, annulling the ukase of April 6, 1901, and
       all subsequent ukases relating to the election of senators,
       retiring all the members of the council of state, dissolving
       the Skupshtina (national chamber of deputies), annulling the
       election of all senators chosen for the period 1901-1906,
       annulling various laws relating to the liberty of the press,
       the election of deputies, etc., and putting into force certain
       laws which had previously been repealed.

       "The next morning a second proclamation was issued, putting
       the same constitution in force again, and directing the life
       senators to elaborate a provisional law for the election of
       senators and deputies, who should hold office, respectively,
       until September, 1909, and May, 1907.

       "The date for the elections has been fixed for the first part
       of June. It is considered probable that the Radical members of
       the Government (four ministers, I believe) will soon withdraw
       from the cabinet."

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1903.
       The murder of King Alexander, Queen Draga, her brothers,
       and two ministers of state.
       The military plot.

       King Alexander, who received the Servian crown, as a mere boy,
       by the abdication of his father, the erratic King Milan, in
       1889, began his reign autocratically, but attempted twelve
       years later, to propitiate popular favor by the grant of a
       liberal constitution, in 1901.

          See, in Volume I. of this work,
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889.

       This failed, however, to win the good will of his subjects,
       and he annulled it in April, 1903, with much of the
       legislation it had produced. This intensified public feeling
       against him, and against his unpopular Queen,—the former
       lady-in-waiting at his mother’s court, Madame Draga Maschin.
       This marriage in 1900 is related in:

          See in Volume VI. of this work
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

       There were fears of an intention to force recognition of Queen
       Draga's brother as heir apparent to the crown, and feeling in
       the army became especially bitter against both king and queen.
       The outcome was an awful tragedy of murder on the night of
       June 11, 1903, when a party of officers broke into the palace
       and slew, with barbaric ferocity, the King, the Queen, the
       Queen’s brothers, the Prime Minister, and the Minister for
       War. The following account of the horrible tragedy appeared in
       the next issue of The Contemporary Review:

       "All traces of the midnight carnage in the palace of Belgrade
       have been cleared away. The Pretender for whose benefit it was
       perpetrated comes in. First proclaimed in the midst of the
       still warm corpses, the title of military acclamation has been
       ratified by a National Assembly, convened by the Pretorians
       almost simultaneously with the massacre to meet three days
       after that event, and in the palace where Colonel Maschine and
       his lieutenants, acting in the names of outraged national
       dignity and social purity, put to shame human nature,
       Karageorgevich, whose career as a Pretender in some points
       resembles that of Louis Napoleon, accepts the proffered crown.
       The telegraphic agencies have informed us that order reigns at
       Belgrade, and that Peter I. has entered his capital amid
       demonstrations of public joy. The representatives of the Press
       of Europe, numbering about a hundred, were, through the
       civility of a palace official who witnessed the nocturnal
       invasion, taken through the theatre of one of the most
       revolting crimes of modern history. They were minutely
       informed of the circumstances connected with it, saw the
       smashed doors and floors where dynamite tubes had exploded,
       the pistol shots in walls and ceilings; the timepieces shaken
       by the explosion had stopped at five minutes past one on the
       morning of the 12th June. The palace official took them into
       the little wardrobe room in which the King and Queen had
       hidden themselves, and, when found, met their doom, unshriven,
       offering no resistance. …

    {45}

       "Officers who had studied in the Zurich Polytechnic school
       knew how to use dynamite without injury to themselves when
       they wanted to break in doors massive as those of a church.
       Those who had been told off to cut the electric wires
       communicating with lamps had indiarubber gloves. They searched
       by the light of composite candles they had brought in their
       pockets for the hiding-place of the King and Queen. When they
       discovered the fugitives, some of the officers held high the
       candles for their comrades to lay on and not spare the
       unfortunate pair. There was no attempt to resist. All
       Alexander wanted was ‘to die with Draga,’ and this elevated
       him into the region of romance. It may hereafter furnish a
       theme to Servian bards. Another modern circumstance makes
       one’s flesh creep. The bodies, flung out of a window, lay on a
       garden walk until dawn, when a soldier received an order to
       wash them there with a fireman’s hydrant, and when they had
       been cleansed to lay them on the tables of the palace kitchen
       for dissection. The surgeons had been requisitioned to come
       there at five o’clock. …

       "At the post-mortem in the palace kitchen at Belgrade, the
       surgeons counted in the body of Alexander six revolver wounds,
       each deadly, and forty-two sword wounds. Draga received two
       pistol balls and sixty-two sword cuts and slashes. She had
       been cut to pieces, but they left her face unmutilated.
       And—still more frightful—her corpse bore black and blue marks
       that testified to a merciless pounding with strong fists. The
       regicides gave so many conflicting accounts of their adventure
       that one did not know what to believe. It is now certain that
       the King and Queen were defenceless, that they at once on
       being aroused by the dynamite took refuge in her wardrobe
       room, and that they never sought to escape by the roof, and
       did not run through a long suite of rooms, slamming the doors
       after them. They had not a moment’s time to utter a prayer.

       "Draga’s brothers received a five minutes’ respite to make
       their souls. Nicodemus, the eldest, for whom Mademoiselle Pach
       mourns in Brussels, asked for cigars and for leave to embrace
       his brother. He and Nicholas faced unflinchingly a firing
       party, casting away the cigar ends as they stood before a
       wall. …

       "Colonel Maschine, who figures as the ringleader in the
       conspiracy, had been in the inner circle of King Milan, who
       thought him a valuable officer. Milan, a man with considerable
       ability and without his match in playing an intricate and
       difficult diplomatic game, had been educated in his mother’s
       fast set in Vienna, and at a Paris lycée. … Military force as
       a means of government recommended itself to his barbarous
       mind. It may be that he saw in Maschine a man suitable for
       coup d’état work. An ostensible reason for taking him
       into favour was Maschine’s bravery in the campaign against
       Bulgaria and his personal fidelity to Milan, as twice evinced
       in saving his life. The partiality of the King buoyed up
       Maschine’s hopes of a brilliant military career. Death
       overtook Milan, who so often had escaped poison and assassin’s
       bullets, on his way to Belgrade, where he was to have set
       Alexander aside and remounted the throne. His unexpected
       decease blighted the colonel’s prospects, inasmuch as Draga
       gained thereby uncontrolled influence over the King. She and
       the Maschines had long kept up a bitter feud. Barbarians like
       to brood over their grievances, real or imaginary. Colonel
       Maschine could not forget or forgive, and his pride prevented
       him from trying to propitiate her when she let him know that
       he thought her more intractable than she really was. He had
       set about the slander that she poisoned her first husband, and
       then made believe he committed suicide. This story had been
       told by the Colonel to Milan. Alexander, when his father
       repeated it to him, called it a ‘machination,’ the name he
       ever after gave to slanders and libels that came to his
       knowledge about Draga. He refused to hear calumnious tales,
       but could not prevent anonymous letters passing into the hands
       of his secretary, and spoke of the Court of Russia as being
       stupidly turned against his wife by ‘machinations.’ One can
       understand from this why Colonel Maschine became the soul of
       the horrible conspiracy, and bent his whole mind to carry out
       a plan which has succeeded, through his perfect generalship as
       to ensemble, the minutest attention to details, the
       widest prescience, the coolest head and an utter
       unscrupulousness."

          Ivanovich,
          The Servian Massacre
          (Contemporary Review, July, 1903).

       In the same issue of The Contemporary, Dr. Dillon
       wrote: "A graphic version of one scene of the tragedy, which
       was given to me by one of the murderers, Adjutant N., is as
       follows:

       ‘We were wild with passion, trembling with excitement,
       incapable of receiving any impressions from the things and
       people around us. Hence we cannot say who shot the King in the
       head, who in the heart. But I have a vivid recollection of
       some things. I remember turning out the electric light and
       going to fetch candles to light my comrades on the way. That
       done I remained together with them to the end. I remember our
       breaking into the King’s bedroom, finding it empty, and then
       looking into the Queen’s wardrobe room, where we found the
       pair. Who fired first? I don’t know; nobody knows. At first we
       did not fire at all. We drew our sabres and cut off the
       fingers of the King and Queen; four fingers were hewn from the
       King’s hand. Then we fired.’"

          E. J. Dillon,
          Servia and the Rival Dynasties
          (Contemporary Review, July, 1903).

       The hideous crime which ended the reign of King Alexander
       excited horror everywhere except in Servia. There it seemed to
       be approved and rejoiced over universally, even the head of
       the national Servian Church, the Metropolitan of Belgrade,
       officiating at a thanksgiving service and commending the army
       for what it had done. Senators and Deputies of the Skupstchina
       filled the vacant throne by the election of Prince Peter
       Karageorgievitch, descendant of Kara Georg (Black George), the
       primary hero of the later struggle of the Servians with the
       Turk. King Alexander had been of the house of Milosh
       Obrenovitch, founder of the Obrenovitch dynasty, which
       supplanted that of Kara Georg.

          See in Volume I. of this work,
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:
          14TH-19TH CENTURIES: SERVIA.

       Prince Peter, then in exile at Geneva, accepted the
       blood-stained crown, and was welcomed at Belgrade on the 24th
       of June. Foreign governments, except those of Russia and
       Austria-Hungary, gave no recognition to the new sovereign for
       some time; but, said a writer in The Fortnightly Review
       of the next month, "no thrill of horror has been manifested by
       the ‘dear brothers ’ and ‘cousins’ of the royal victims; on
       the very day of the holocaust, when the mangled corpses of a
       King and Queen were being exposed to the outrages of frenzied
       fiends, there was never a pause in the pomp and circumstance
       and revelry of European Courts.
    {46}
       But the ghastly details of the deed have appealed to the
       melodramatic instincts of the vulgar, arousing a morbid
       indignation throughout every land. What honest person could
       fail to be stirred by the story of the conspirators, sitting
       over their wine under the verandah of the Srbski Kruna,
       uproariously urging the gipsy band to play Queen Draga’s March
       before they sallied forth to hack her to pieces with their
       swords; by the airy apologies of the baffled murderers when
       they roused a citizen for axes and candles, wherewith to track
       down their victims in the sleeping palace; by the thought of
       the ill-starred young Sovereigns lying in their own gardens,
       riddled with bullets, sighing through the small hours for the
       long-delayed relief of death? In the pages of ancient or
       mediaeval history, even in sensational fiction, such hellish
       horrors could not fail to arouse intense emotion; in the cold
       glare of the twentieth century they are brought home so
       vividly that we are almost eye-witnesses."

          Herbert Vivian,
          A ‘Glorious Revolution’ in Servia
          (Fortnightly Review, July, 1903).

       A general election in September gave the Radicals a decisive
       majority in the Skupstchina, and a Radical Ministry under
       General Gruiteh was formed.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1904.
       Coronation of King Peter.

       King Peter was anointed and crowned with due ceremony, at
       Zicha, on the 9th of October, 1904. Representatives of all the
       Powers in Europe except Great Britain did honor to the
       occasion by their presence; thus condoning the foul crime
       which smeared the new King’s crown with blood. The officers
       who committed the crime had been dismissed from their palace
       posts, but rewarded by military promotion.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Attitude toward Austria on the annexation of Bosnia and
       Herzegovina.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.
       The alleged "Greater Servia Conspiracy."
       The Agram Trials.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1909.
       Renunciation of the crown by the Crown Prince.

       The following note was addressed to the Prime Minister of
       Servia by the Crown Prince, George, on the 25th of March,
       1909: "Driven by unjustified insinuations based on an
       unfortunate occurrence, I beg in defence of my honour, as well
       as of my conscience, to declare that I renounce all claims to
       the Throne, as well as any other privileges to which I am
       entitled. I beg you to take note of this, and to take the
       necessary steps that this action may receive the necessary
       sanction. I place my services as a soldier and citizen at the
       disposal of my King and Fatherland, ready to give my life for
       them.
       —George."

       The "unfortunate occurrence" alluded to was the death of one
       of the Prince’s servants from injuries which the Prince was
       believed by the public to have inflicted, as he was reputed to
       have a brutal temper.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Servia and Bulgaria: A.D. 1905.
       Customs Union Convention.

          See above:
          BULGARIA AND SERVIA.

       ----------BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: End--------

    BALLINGER, Richard A.:
       Secretary of the Interior, United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    BALLINGER, Richard A.:
       Action against Water Power Monopoly.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    BALLOONS, Dirigible.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

    BALTIC FLEET, The Russian:
       Its voyage and destruction.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

    BALTIC PROVINCES:
       Peasant insurrection.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    BALTIMORE: A. D. 1904.
       Destructive fire.

       Next to that at Chicago in 1871, the most destructive fire
       among the many that have devastated the cities of the United
       States occurred at Baltimore on February 7th and 8th, 1904. It
       burned for thirty hours, in the heart of the city, the center
       of its business, destroying some 2600 buildings and consuming
       property to the estimated value of $75,000,000.

    BAMBAATA.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.

    BANNARD, Otto T.:

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

    BARCELONA: A. D. 1902.
       General strike and battle with soldiery.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

    BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.
       Revolutionary outbreak.
       Trial and execution of Professor Ferrer.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

    BARCELONA: A. D. 1909.
       Riotous hostility to war in Morocco.

          See MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

    BARGE (ERIE) CANAL, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

    BARNATO, Harry.
       Bequest for cancer research.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    BARRETT, Charles Simon:
       President of the National Farmers’ Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

    BARRETT, John.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

    BARRETT, John.
       Delegate to Second International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    BARTHOLDT, Richard.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909, and 1907.

    BARTON, Sir Edmund:
        Premier of Australia.

           See (in this Volume)
           AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    BAST, The taking of.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    BASUTOLAND:

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

    BAVARIA: A. D. 1906.
       Introduction of direct voting.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

    BEATIFICATION OF JOAN OF ARC.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

    BECHUANALAND: A. D. 1904.
       Census.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904, and 1909.

    BECK, Baron.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    BECQUEREL, Henri.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;
          also, NOBEL PRIZES.

    "BEEF TRUST," The:
    Investigations and prosecutions by the U. S. Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:
          A. D. 1901-1906; 1903-1906; and 1910.

    {47}

    BEERNAERT, M.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES

    BEHRING, Emil Adolf von.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    BEIRUT:
       Joy over the restored constitution of Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D). 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

       ----------BELGIUM: Start--------

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of population compared with other European countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1900-1904.
       Municipal systems of insurance against unemployment.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.
       Popular opposition to the plural vote.
       Demand for constitutional revision defeated.
       General strike in the country.

       Substantially universal but not equal suffrage is given to the
       male citizens of Belgium by the Constitution of the kingdom as
       revised in 1893.

          See in Volume I. of this work,
          CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

       All have one vote, but certain classes of persons, qualified
       by property ownership, tax-payments, education, office-holding
       or professional dignity, are given one or two supplementary
       votes. Opposition to this political inequality had been
       growing from the first, until it united the Socialist and
       Liberal parties in a demand for the revision of the
       Constitution, not only to abolish the plural suffrage, but to
       introduce proportional representation and compulsory
       education. The agitation attending this demand brought about,
       in April, a general strike throughout the country of workmen
       in all departments of industry, to the extent of 350,000. The
       Government resisted the demand, maintaining that the system of
       plural voting had not been sufficiently tried, and the bill
       for constitutional revision was defeated in the Chamber of
       Representatives, after a bitter debate, by 84 votes to 64.

       The situation was described as follows by Mr. Townsend, the
       American Minister to Belgium, in a despatch of April 19:

       "The struggle between labor and capital in Belgium has become
       extremely acute in the past few years. A large industrial
       population, confined to a small superficial area, with long
       hours of labor and small wages, have combined to produce a
       feeling of discontent among the working classes, who, perhaps
       unjustly, blame the existing Government for a condition of
       affairs which may be due to economic conditions rather than
       political. This is a factor which may be largely responsible
       for the rapid growth of Socialism in Belgium during the past
       few years. Liberals and Socialists have combined to fight for
       universal suffrage, and have raised the cry ‘one man one vote’
       as a panacea for the existing ills.

       "The Clericals maintain that the existing system of plural
       voting meets the present requirements of the country; that it
       places a premium on education, and acts as a check to the
       power of the ignorant, who are prone to resort to violence and
       disorder. The more moderate Liberals in the House of
       Representatives expressed a willingness to accept a compromise
       in the shape of a total abolition of the triple vote, granting
       one vote at 25 years and a second vote to married men of 35 or
       40 years, with legitimate issue. The Clericals, however, would
       not consider a compromise and opposed revision in any form.

       "During the past fortnight, while the debates on the subject
       of revision were being held in the House of Representatives,
       the socialists and workingmen have held nightly meetings at
       the Maison du Peuple, and have frequently paraded the streets
       shouting for universal suffrage and ‘one man one vote.’ The
       Liberal members, as well as some of the socialist leaders in
       the House, have cautioned the paraders to be calm, to avoid
       violence and disorder. But the ranks of the paraders have been
       swelled by the addition of the representatives of the very
       lowest and criminal classes of the population, the result
       being a conflict with the police followed by the breaking of
       windows and other damages to property. Shots were exchanged
       between the gendarmes and rioters, several of the latter being
       killed and wounded. Similar scenes were at the same time
       enacted in other towns in Belgium, consequently the Government
       called out the troops. Order has been restored, but the
       streets of Brussels, as well as the large towns, are lined
       with soldiers. A general strike has taken place in all the
       industrial centers of Belgium, with the avowed object of
       forcing the Government to grant universal suffrage, but
       without success. The feeling of unrest is very general all
       over the country."

          Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of
          the United States, 1902, page 85.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
       Enactment to compensate workmen for injurious accidents.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1903.
       Agreement for settlement of claims against Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1903-1905.
       King Leopold’s administration of the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.
       Liberal gains in the elections, at the expense of the
       Catholics and Socialists.

       Belgian elections, in May, reduced the majority by which the
       Clericals still retained control of the Government, and took
       six seats in the representative chamber from the Socialists,
       adding in all nine to the representation of the Liberal party.
       The latter continued, with no success, its demand for a
       revision of the Constitution, especially for the abolition of
       the plural vote, which gives the Church party its majority in
       Parliament, while its voters are an actual minority of the
       nation.

       Belgian feeling on the subject of the charges of brutal
       oppression in the Congo Free State was deeply stirred, and its
       current ran strongly against the accusers of the King. The
       public in general appears to have been fully persuaded that
       interested motives were actuating the whole criticism of Congo
       administration, and that the stories of inhumanity to the
       natives were wholly false.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1906.
       At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1908.
       North Sea and Baltic agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1908 (October).
       Annexation of the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1909.
       New military law.
       Compulsory service with no substitution.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: BELGIAN.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (October).
       The Government’s programme of reforms in the Congo State.

          See CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

    {47}

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (December).
       Death of King Leopold.
       Accession of King Albert.

       On the 17th of December, 1909, King Leopold died. He was
       succeeded on the throne by Prince Albert, son of his brother,
       the Count of Flanders. Of the new King, who was born in 1875,
       it was said by The Times, of London: "The happiest
       expectations are cherished in Belgium for the new King’s
       reign. He has shown, together with his gracious Consort, that
       desire to identify himself with the interests of the humblest
       of his subjects which we are accustomed to admire among the
       characteristic merits of our own Royal Family. He was
       naturally precluded by his position from taking any part in
       the controversies connected with the Congo, but it may
       reasonably be thought that if his uncle’s life had been less
       prolonged the constitutional difficulties raised by the ‘Congo
       question’ would have been avoided. He is known to have been
       painfully impressed by the need of reform during his recent
       visit to the colony."

       ----------BELGIUM: End--------

    BELL, Richard:
       Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

    BENEDICTINES: Forbidden to teach in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          France: A. D. 1908.

    BENGAL: A. D. 1905.
       Partition of the Province.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    BEQUESTS.

          See GIFTS.

    BERESFORD, Admiral Lord Charles:
       On the "Dreadnought."

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: DREADNOUGHT ERA.

    BERKELEY, California:
       Perfect example of the "Commission Plan" of Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CALIFORNIA.

    BERLIN: A. D. 1903.
       Sweeping victory of Socialists in Imperial election.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1903.

    BERLIN: A. D. 1905.
       Strike in electrical industries.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

    BERLIN TREATY OF 1878, Violations of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, Dr. von:
       Appointed Chancellor of the German Empire.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909, AND 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    "BIG SIX," The.

          See (in this Volume)
          Combinations, Industrial: United States: A. D. 1903-1906.
          The "Beef Trust."

    BIRRELL, Augustine,
       President of the Board of Education.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER), and 1905-1906.

    BIRRELL, Augustine,
       Chief Secretary for Ireland.
       Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (MAY).

    BISWAS, Ashutosh, Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

    BITUMINOUS COAL STRIKES.

       See (in this Volume)
       LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

    BJORNSON, Bjornstjerne.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    BLACK HAND, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    BLERIOT, Louis.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    BLIND, Karl:
       On the "Young Turks."

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    "BLOC," Chancellor Bülow’s:
       Incongruous coalition in the German Reichstag.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

       Its break.

          See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    "BLOODY SUNDAY."

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    BOARDS OF CONCILIATION.

          See Labor Organization:
          GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    BOBRIKOFF, Governor-General of Finland:
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1904.

    BOER-BRITISH WAR, Last year of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    BOERS, The:
       Repatriation and resettlement.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

    BOERS, The:
       Active in movement for South African Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BOGOLIEPOFF, M.,
       Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

    BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
       of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

          See (in this Volume)
          American Republics.

    BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901.
       Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Peru.

          See (in this Volume)
          ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1902 (NOVEMBER).

    BOLIVIA: A. D. 1903-1909.
       Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Brazil and Peru.

          See (in this Volume)
          ACRE DISPUTES.

    BOMBAY PRESIDENCY, The Bubonic Plague in.

          See (in this Volume)
          Public Health: Bubonic Plague.

    BONAPARTE, Charles J.:
       Secretary of the Navy and Attorney-General.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

    BOND, Sir Robert: Premier of Newfoundland.
       Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

    BOND, Sir Robert:
       At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          British Empire: A. D. 1907.

    BOND, Sir Robert:
       Resignation and defeat at election.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BONHAM, Captain W. F.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

    BONILLA, General Manuel:
       Revolutionary President of Honduras.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903, and 1907.

    BONUS SYSTEM, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: THE BONUS SYSTEM.

    "BOODLERS," so called, in municipal government.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    BORSTAL SYSTEM, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PREVENTIVE DETENTION.

    BOSHIN CLUB.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

    BOSNIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    BOSTON: A. D. 1904.
       International Peace Congress.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

    BOSTON: A. D. 1909.
       New plan of city government chosen by popular vote.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    {49}

    BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
       In the closing year of the Boer-British War.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
       Premier of the Transvaal.
       At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

          See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS:
       Leader in movement for South African Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BOURGEOIS, Leon:
       President of the French Chamber of Deputies.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1902. (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    BOURGEOIS, Leon:
       President of Chamber of Deputies.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

    BOURGEOIS, Leon:
       Minister of Foreign Affairs.

          See FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    BOURSE LAW, German:
       Revision of it.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

    BOURSES DU TRAVAIL.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D.1884-1909.

    BOXER OUTBREAK, The:
       Penalty paid by China for it.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    BOXER OUTBREAK, The:
       Recurrence of.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1902.

    BOYCOTTING: In China:
       The boycotting of the United States in 1905.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    BOYCOTTING: In India.

          See INDIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

    BOYCOTTING: In Ireland:
       The recent practice.

          See IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

    BOYCOTTING: In Turkey, of Austrian commodities.

          See EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    BOYCOTTING: In the United States:
       By Trade Unions.
       Decisions of courts.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BRADDON SECTION, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1910.

    BRANCO, Baron do Rio.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

    BRAUN, Ferdinand.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Participation in Second International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1902.
       Inauguration of President Alves.

       Dr. Rodriguez Alves was inducted in office as President of the
       United States of Brazil on the 15th of November, 1902,
       succeeding Dr. Campos Salles.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1903.
       Settlement of boundary dispute with Bolivia.

          See (in this Volume)
          ACRE DISPUTES.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
       An impromptu Revolt that became a comedy of errors.

       "To the American who is under the impression that all South
       America is continually in the throes of one or another
       revolution it will come as a surprise to learn that this vast
       district, comprising one half the territory and almost two
       thirds the population of the whole continent, has known no
       revolution since the founding of the Republic. The revolts of
       1893, 1897, and 1904, menacing in varying degree, were
       outbursts fostered by a centralization of national vitality
       which inspired the belief in each insurrectionist that it was
       but necessary to strike the head,—the body would lie dormant.
       The justification of this belief lay in the historical fact
       that the vast majority of successful revolts throughout South
       America have consisted merely in coups d'état. The
       masses have lain dormant, and the fighting, if any, has
       generally come after the somersault.

       "The revolt of November of last year in Brazil was so typical
       of South American revolutions, and so elementary, that it
       affords a lucid illustration. Owing to the prompt and
       efficient measures taken by the government to suppress true
       reports of the disturbance, and owing, too, to its signal
       failure, this revolt was scarcely mentioned by the American
       press. Nevertheless, it missed by little causing international
       commotion. …

       "A great epidemic of smallpox led the government to require of
       Congress a law making vaccination compulsory. Long and heated
       debate on the constitutionality of the measure went on, while
       the epidemic assumed alarming proportions. The Executive’s
       patience being worn out, arbitrary pressure was brought to
       bear, and the law passed. This intervention brought down the
       general censure of the press, and the opposition seized the
       handle with disproportionate avidity. On the eleventh of
       November a mass meeting was held in one of the central squares
       of Rio Janeiro. … The mounted police broke up the meeting with
       the flat of the sword: no lives were lost. On the following
       day the scene was duplicated, several people injured, and a
       life lost. By night riots had broken out in various parts of
       the city.

       "Up to the fourteenth of November, revolution was not even
       rumored. … Toward evening city and government were genuinely
       surprised by the news that General Travassos, who was to have
       commanded a battalion in the review, immediately upon the
       announcement of its postponement had proceeded to the Military
       Academy on the outskirts of the city, and, before the student
       body, had demanded of the officer in charge transfer of his
       command. Frightened by the attitude of the cadets, the
       commanding officer made a puerile protest, and surrendered. He
       and his staff were allowed to withdraw, and carried the news
       of the revolt to the city. It was soon confirmed: the cadets
       were advancing on the President’s palace, under the leadership
       of General Travassos. …

       "The shortest line of march was along the bay front, and to
       repulse the attack were sent by land a battalion of the line
       reinforced by police, and by sea two gunboats under the play
       of searchlights from an armored cruiser. The cadets marched
       under the assurance that no soldier of the line would fire on
       them, as the army was back of the movement. … They were met by
       an armed force, indistinguishable owing to the destruction of
       all the lamps by rioters. The force was the advancing
       battalion, and it is generally believed that it fired on the
       cadets, mistaking them for the returning body of police which
       had followed the water front. Brisk fighting ensued, when
       suddenly the cry arose among the cadets that they had been
       betrayed, and were attacked by soldiers of the line. They
       broke and made a disorderly retreat to the Academy. Almost
       simultaneously the soldiers learned their mistake, and that
       they had opposed a commanding officer; and they turned in
       precipitous flight. General Travassos was mortally wounded in
       the engagement. …

    {50}

       "Meanwhile the detachment of police dispatched from the city
       had advanced along the bay front to the stone quarry, where
       they awaited the rebels. Drawn up at this spot under close
       formation, they were mistaken by the gunboats for the cadets,
       and were made the target of a disastrous hail of bullets from
       quick-firing guns. Their retreat also was precipitous.

       "Such was the comedy of errors which will be known as the
       Revolt of 1904. Its net results were a rude but salutary
       recall of the government to watchfulness; added prestige
       abroad for the government, vouched by a rise in its bonds;
       and, most significant of all, spontaneous and immediate
       support of the Chief Executive from neighboring states. And
       yet the credit was not due to the government, which avowedly
       had been caught napping, but to the Goddess of Chance, the
       arbiter of every coup d'état."

          G. A. Chamberlain,
          The Cause of South American Revolutions
          (Atlantic Monthly, June, 1905).

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.
       Settlement of boundary between Brazil and British Guiana.

       By the decision of the King of Italy, to whom the boundary
       question in dispute between Brazil and British Guiana had been
       referred, the line separating the territories of the two
       states was defined, as drawn by Nature, along the watershed,
       starting from Mount Yakontipu and running easterly to the
       source of the river Mahu, thence down that river to the Tacuta
       and up the latter to its source, where it touches the boundary
       already determined. Both countries to have free navigation of
       the rivers in question.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
       Presidential Election.

       The quadrennial presidential election occurring in Brazil in
       the spring of 1906 raised Dr. Alfonso Moreira Penna from the
       Vice-Presidency to the Presidency of the Republic, with no
       disturbance of its quiet.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
       German Colonies.

       "Already 500,000 Germans, emigrants and their offspring, are
       resident in Brazil. The great majority of them, it is true,
       have embraced Brazilian citizenship, but their ideals and ties
       are essentially and inviolably German. In the south, where
       they are thickest, they have become the ruling element. German
       factories, warehouses, shops, farms, schools and churches dot
       the country everywhere. German has superseded Portuguese, the
       official language of Brazil, in scores of communities. Twenty
       million pounds of vested interests—banking, street railroads,
       electric works, mines, coffee-plantations, and a great variety
       of business undertakings—claim the protection of the Kaiser’s
       flag. A cross-country railway and a still more extensive
       projected system are in the hands of German capitalists. The
       country’s vast ocean traffic, the Amazon river shipping, and
       much of the coasting trade are dominated by Germans.

       "Over and above this purely commercial conquest, however,
       looms a factor of more vital importance to North American
       susceptibilities—namely, the creation of a nation of Germans
       in Brazil. That is the avowed purpose of three German
       colonising concerns, which have become lords and masters over
       8,000 square miles of Brazilian territory, an area
       considerably larger than the kingdom of Saxony, and capable of
       dwarfing half-a-dozen German Grand Duchies. It is the object
       of these territorial syndicates to people their lands with
       immigrants willing to be ‘kept German’—a race of transplanted
       men and women who will find themselves amid conditions
       deliberately designed to perpetuate ‘Deutschthum,’ which means
       the German language, German customs, and unyielding loyalty to
       German economic hopes."

          F. W. Wile,
          German Colonisation in Brazil
          (Fortnightly Review, January, 1906).

       "The talk about German exploitation of Brazil for colonization
       purposes is pure buncombe. The writer has visited the southern
       Brazilian provinces of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, and
       Parana, where most of the Germans reside, and he has seen no
       more reason for Brazil to fear ulterior purposes on the part
       of Germany than has the United States because Germans form a
       large percentage of the population of New York, Chicago, and
       Milwaukee. The Germans make excellent Brazilian citizens,
       while loving the Fatherland from association and respecting
       the Emperor for his great personality."

          John Barrett,
          The United States and Latin America
          (North American Review, September 21, 1906).

          See (in this Volume), also,
          GERMANY: A. D. 1904.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.
       Third International Conference of American Republics
       at Rio de Janeiro.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1907.
       Adoption of obligatory military service.

       By a law enacted in 1907 military service was made obligatory.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1908.
       Dreadnought building.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Increasing immigration.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.
       Frontier agreements and demarcations.

       The Message of President Penna to Congress, May 3, 1909,
       contained the following announcements:

       "On September 15 last, a treaty between Brazil and Holland was
       finally approved at The Hague, to determine the limits of our
       frontier with the Colony of Surinam or Dutch Guiana. The
       demarcation of the new frontier line between Brazil and
       Bolivia in Matto Grosso is now completed, and awaits only the
       approval of the two Governments interested. The same mixed
       commission to which was intrusted this survey will now proceed
       to reconnoitre the head-waters of the Rio Verde. The
       Government of the French Republic proposes the appointment of
       a mixed commission for the demarcation of the common boundary
       established on December 1, 1900, by arbitration of the Swiss
       Federal Council. An agreement will shortly be arrived at with
       Great Britain to determine the frontier of Brazil with British
       Guiana."

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1909.
       Death of President Penna.
       Accession of the Vice-President.

       Dr. Alfonso Penna, President of Brazil, died suddenly on the
       14th of June, 1909, and was succeeded in the office by the
       Vice-President, Señor Nilo Pecanha, who will fill out the
       presidential term, ending November 15, 1910. Meantime an
       active canvass of candidates for the succeeding term has been
       in progress, the names most discussed being those of General
       Hermes de Fonseca, Baron Rio Branco, Minister of Foreign
       Affairs, and Señor Ruy Barbosa, a prominent advocate.

       ----------BRAZIL: End--------

    BRENNAN MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.

       See (in this Volume)
       SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

    BRIAND, Aristide:
       in the Ministry of France as Minister of Public
       Instruction and Public Worship.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    {51}

    BRIAND, Aristide:
       Prime Minister of France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    BRIAND, Aristide:
       On the French secular or neutral schools and the clerical
       attack on them.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

    BRENT, Bishop:
       Service on International Opium Commission and on
       Philippine Committee.

          See (in this Volume)
          Opium Problem.

    BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA:
       Its parts suitable for European Settlement.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    BRITISH COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Census.
       Increased representation in Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA:
       Its habitability by whites.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

       ----------THE BRITISH EMPIRE: Start--------

    THE BRITISH EMPIRE:
       A Census of the Empire.

       In March, 1906, a "Census of the British Empire"—the first
       ever undertaken—was published as a Parliamentary Blue Book.
       Its preparation had been proposed by Mr. Chamberlain, who
       suggested, while Colonial Secretary, that the figures of the
       census of the United Kingdom in 1901 should be collated with
       those of other portions of the empire, to be analyzed,
       tabulated, and published as a whole. A full realization of the
       plan of collation had been found impracticable, owing to the
       wide differences of circumstance and of the forms of
       census-taking in different parts of the Empire; but many
       summings up of highly interesting and important facts were
       obtained.

       The territory covered by the British Empire was shown to be
       11,908,378 square miles, being an increase of 40 per cent.
       since 1861, and embracing more than a fifth of the land
       surface of the globe. This exceeds the area of the Russian
       Empire (European and Asiatic) by more than three millions of
       square miles. It is nearly three times the area of the Chinese
       Empire, and more than three times that of the United States
       and their exterior possessions. An exact count of population
       in all regions of the Empire was impossible, but the estimated
       total is 400,000,000, of which 300,000,000 is assigned to Asia
       and 43,000,000 to Africa. The United Kingdom contains
       41,500,000, British America 7,500,000, Australasia, 5,000,000,
       the Mediterranean possessions 500,000, and there are 150,000
       in the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Classified by
       religion, there 208,000,000 Hindus, 94,000,000 Mohammedans,
       58,000,000 Christians, 12,000,000 Buddhists, and 23,000,000 of
       other religions—Parsees, Confucians, Jews, Sikhs, and Jains,
       over whom Edward VII. of England reigns as Emperor or King.
       His Asiatic subjects alone are three-fourths as many as the
       Emperor of China is supposed to rule, and considerable more
       than twice the number that live within the whole sweep of the
       scepter of the Tsar.

    THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902.
       Conference at London with the Prime Ministers
       of the self-governing Colonies.
       Address of the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain.
       Results of the Conference.

       Taking advantage of the presence in London of the Prime
       Ministers of the various self-governing colonies of Britain,
       on the occasion of the coronation of King Edward VII., a
       Conference with them, touching questions of general interest,
       was arranged by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr.
       Chamberlain, in meetings which extended from June to August,
       1902. The proceedings were confidential, and no report of
       discussions made public; but the resulting resolutions,
       together with the opening address of the Colonial Secretary,
       and certain statements on subjects considered, are printed in
       a Parliamentary paper (Cd. 1299) from which the following
       account of the Conference is derived:

       Mr. Chamberlain in his address argued strongly and with
       feeling for a political federation of the Empire. He said: "I
       may be considered, perhaps, to be a dreamer, or too
       enthusiastic, but I do not hesitate to say that, in my
       opinion, the political federation of the Empire is within the
       limits of possibility. I recognize as fully as any one can do
       the difficulties which would attend such a great change in
       our constitutional system. I recognise the variety of
       interests that are concerned: the immense disproportion in
       wealth and the population of the different members of the
       Empire, and above all, the distances which still separate
       them, and the lack of sufficient communication. These are
       difficulties which at one time appeared to be, and indeed
       were, insurmountable. But now I cannot but recollect that
       similar difficulties almost, if not quite as great, have been
       surmounted in the case of the United States of America. And
       difficulties, perhaps not quite so great, but still very
       considerable, have been surmounted in the federation of the
       Dominion of Canada. … We have no right to put by our action
       any limit to the Imperial patriotism of the future; and it is
       my opinion that, as time goes on, there will be a continually
       growing sense of the common interests which unite us, and
       also, perhaps, which is equally important, of the common
       dangers which threaten us. At the same time I would be the
       last to suggest that we should do anything which could by any
       possibility be considered premature. We have had, within the
       last few years, a most splendid evidence of the results of a
       voluntary union without any formal obligations, in the great
       crisis of the war through which we have now happily passed.
       The action of the self-governing Colonies in the time of
       danger of the motherland has produced here a deep and a
       lasting impression. … I feel, therefore, in view of this it
       would be a fatal mistake to transform the spontaneous
       enthusiasm which has been so readily shown throughout the
       Empire into anything in the nature of an obligation which
       might be at this time unwillingly assumed or only formally
       accepted. The link which unites us, almost invisible as it is
       sentimental in its character, is one which we would gladly
       strengthen, but at the same time it has proved itself to be so
       strong that certainly we would not wish to substitute for it a
       chain which might be galling in its incidence. And, therefore,
       upon this point of the political relations between the
       Colonies and ourselves. His Majesty’s Government, while they
       would welcome any approach which might be made to a more
       definite and a closer union, feel that it is not for them to
       press this upon you. The demand, if it comes, and when it
       comes, must come from the Colonies. If it comes it will be
       enthusiastically received in this country.

    {52}

       "And in this connection I would venture to refer to an
       expression in an eloquent speech of my right honorable friend,
       the Premier of the Dominion of Canada—an expression which has
       called forth much appreciation in this country, although I
       believe that Sir Wilfrid Laurier has himself in subsequent
       speeches explained that it was not quite correctly understood.
       But the expression was, ‘If you want our aid call us to your
       councils.’ Gentlemen, we do want your aid. We do require your
       assistance in the administration of the vast Empire, which is
       yours as well as ours. The weary Titan staggers under the too
       vast orb of its fate. We have borne the burden for many years.
       We think it is time our children should assist us to support
       it, and whenever you make the request to us, be very sure that
       we shall hasten gladly to call you to our councils. If you are
       prepared at any time to take any share, any proportionate
       share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are prepared to meet
       you with any proposal for giving to you a corresponding voice
       in the policy of the Empire. And the object, if I may point
       out to you, may be achieved in various ways. Suggestions have
       been made that representation should be given to the Colonies
       in either, or in both, Houses of Parliament. There is no
       objection in principle to any such proposal. If it comes to
       us, it is a proposal which His Majesty’s Government would
       certainly feel justified in favourably considering, but I have
       always felt myself that the most practical form in which we
       could achieve our object would be the establishment or the
       creation of a real council of the Empire, to which all
       questions of Imperial interest might be referred, and if it
       were desired to proceed gradually, as probably would be our
       course—we are all accustomed to the slow ways in which our
       Constitutions have been worked out—if it be desired to
       proceed gradually, the Council might in the first instance be
       merely an advisory council. But, although that would be a
       preliminary step, it is clear that the object would not be
       completely secured until there had been conferred upon such a
       Council executive functions, and perhaps also legislative
       powers, and it is for you to say, gentlemen, whether you think
       the time has come when any progress whatever can be made in
       this direction."

       Turning naturally from this to the subject of imperial
       defence, Mr. Chamberlain gave the substance of a paper which
       would be submitted to the Conference, exhibiting comparatively
       the naval and military expenditure of the United Kingdom and
       of the different self-governing colonies. The cost of the
       armaments of the United Kingdom had increased enormously since
       1897, and "that increase," he said, "is not entirely due to
       our initiative, but it is forced upon us by the action of
       other Powers who have made great advances, especially in
       connection with the Navy, which we have found it to be our
       duty and necessity to equal. But the net result is
       extraordinary. At the present moment the estimates for the
       present year for naval and military expenditure in the United
       Kingdom—not including the extraordinary war expenses, but the
       normal estimates—involve an expenditure per head of the
       population of the United Kingdom of 29s. 3d. per annum. In
       Canada the same items involve an expenditure of only 2s. per
       head of the population, about one-fifteenth of that incurred
       by the United Kingdom. In New South Wales—I have not the
       figures for the Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving those
       as illustrations—and I find that in New South Wales the
       expenditure is 3s. 5d.; in Victoria, 3s. 3d.; in New Zealand,
       3s. 4d.; and in the Cape and Natal, I think it is between 2s.
       and 3s. Now, no one, I think, will pretend that that is a fair
       distribution of the burdens of Empire. No one will believe
       that the United Kingdom can, for all time, make this
       inordinate sacrifice. … I think, therefore, you will agree
       with me that it is not unreasonable for us to call your
       serious attention to a state of things which cannot be
       permanent. We hope that we are not likely to make upon you any
       demand that would seem to you to be excessive. We know
       perfectly well your difficulties, as you probably are
       acquainted with ours."

       The speaker passed next to the question of commercial
       relations between the mother land and its colonies. "Two
       salient facts" he set with emphasis before his colonial
       audience. "The first is this. That if we chose—that is to say,
       if those whom we represent chose—the Empire might be
       self-sustaining. It is so wide; its products are so various;
       its climates so different, that there is absolutely nothing
       which is necessary to our existence, hardly anything which is
       desirable as a luxury, which can not be produced within the
       borders of the Empire itself. And the second salient fact is
       that the Empire at the present time, and especially the United
       Kingdom—which is the great market of the world—derives the
       greater part of its necessaries from foreign countries, and
       that it exports the largest part of its available produce
       —surplus produce—also to foreign countries. This trade might
       be the trade, the inter-imperial trade, of the Empire. It is
       at the present time, as I say, a trade largely between the
       Empire and foreign countries. Now, I confess, that to my mind
       that is not a satisfactory state of things, and I hope that
       you will agree with me that everything which can possibly tend
       to increase the interchange of products between the different
       parts of the Empire is deserving of our cordial encouragement.
       What we desire, what His Majesty’s Government has publicly
       stated to be the object for which they would most gladly
       strive, is a free interchange. If you are unable to accept
       that as a principle, then I ask you how far can you approach
       to it? If a free interchange between the different parts of
       the Empire could be secured it would then be a matter for
       separate consideration altogether what should be the attitude
       of the Empire as a whole or of its several parts towards
       foreign nations? …

       "Three proposals have been made for the consideration of the
       present Conference, on the initiative of New Zealand. The
       first and the most important one is that a preferential tariff
       should be arranged in favour of British goods which are now
       taxable in the respective Colonies and in the United Kingdom.
       And although no proposal comes to us from Canada, I am, of
       course, aware that similar questions have been recently
       specially discussed very actively and very intelligently in
       the Dominion, and that a strong opinion prevails there that
       the time is ripe for something of this kind."

    {53}

       Thereupon Mr. Chamberlain examined the results of the Canadian
       preferential tariff, showing that England derived very little
       commercial benefit from it, and continued: "I think the very
       valuable experience, somewhat disappointing and discouraging
       as I have already pointed out, but the very valuable
       experience which we have derived from the history of the
       Canadian tariff, shows that while we may most readily and most
       gratefully accept from you any preference which you may be
       willing voluntarily to accord to us, we cannot bargain with
       you for it; we cannot pay for it unless you go much further
       and enable us to enter your home market on terms of greater
       equality."

       On the subject of imperial defence, the result of the
       Conference was an agreement from Australia and New Zealand to
       increase their contribution towards an improved Australasian
       squadron and the establishment of a branch of the Royal Naval
       Reserve to £200,000 a year for the former and £40,000 for the
       latter; an agreement from Cape Colony and Natal to contribute
       £50,000 and £35,000 per annum respectively toward the general
       maintenance of the Navy, and a pledge from Newfoundland of
       £3000 per annum toward a branch of the Royal Naval Reserve.
       From Canada no agreement was reported. In a "Memorandum by the
       First Lord of the Admiralty" of interviews held with the
       several Premiers it is said: "Sir Wilfrid Laurier informed me
       that His Majesty’s Government of the Dominion of Canada are
       contemplating the establishment of a local Naval force in the
       waters of Canada, but that they were not able to make any
       offer of assistance analogous to those enumerated above."

       Concerning preferential trade, the following resolutions were
       adopted:

       "1. That this Conference recognises that the principle of
       preferential trade between the United Kingdom and His
       Majesty’s Dominions beyond the seas would stimulate and
       facilitate mutual commercial intercourse, and would, by
       promoting the development of the resources and industries of
       the several parts, strengthen the Empire.

       "2. That this Conference recognises that, in the present
       circumstances of the Colonies, it is not practicable to adopt
       a general system of Free Trade as between the Mother Country
       and the British Dominions beyond the seas.

       "3. That with a view, however, to promoting the increase of
       trade within the Empire, it is desirable that those Colonies
       which have not already adopted such a policy should, as far as
       their circumstances permit, give substantial preferential
       treatment to the products and manufactures of the United
       Kingdom.

       "4. That the Prime Ministers of the Colonies respectfully urge
       on His Majesty’s Government the expediency of granting in the
       United Kingdom preferential treatment to the products and
       manufactures of the Colonies either by exemption from or
       reduction of duties now or hereafter imposed.

       "5. That the Prime Ministers present at the Conference
       undertake to submit to their respective Governments at the
       earliest opportunity the principle of the resolution and to
       request them to take such measures as may be necessary to give
       effect to it."

       The Prime Ministers of the Colonies also stated the extent to
       which they were prepared to recommend to their several
       Parliaments a preferential treatment of British goods: The
       Premier of Canada would propose to continue the existing
       preference of 33 1/3 per cent., and an additional preference
       on lists of selected articles—
       (a) by further reducing the duties in favor of the United
       Kingdom;
       (b) by raising the duties against foreign imports;
       (c) by imposing duties on certain foreign imports now on the
       free list.

       In New Zealand the recommendation would be of a general
       preference by 10 per cent., or an equivalent in respect of
       lists of selected articles on the lines proposed by Canada. At
       the Cape and Natal a preference of 25 per cent. would be
       advised, or its equivalent given by increasing duties on
       foreign imports. The recommendation in Australia would be of a
       preferential treatment not yet defined.

       A resolution was adopted favoring future Conferences at
       intervals not exceeding four years. Other resolutions
       recommended that a preference be given to products of the
       Empire in all Government contracts, Imperial or Colonial; that
       the privileges of coastwise trade within the Empire be refused
       to countries in which the corresponding trade is confined to
       ships of their own nationality; that a mutual protection of
       patents within the Empire be devised; that the principle of
       cheap postage between the different parts of the Empire on all
       newspapers and periodicals published therein be adopted; that
       the metric system of weights and measures be adopted
       throughout the Empire. These were the mainly important
       conclusions derived from the Conference, and it was difficult
       to regard them as quite satisfactory.

    THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1903.
       Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for preferential trade
       with the Colonies.
       Its political effects in Great Britain.
       His resignation from the Cabinet.
       Disclosures of the correspondence.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

    THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.
       Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.
       Formulation of the Constitution of the Conference, to be
       known as the Imperial Conference.
       Discussion of preferential trade, imperial defence,
       and other subjects.
       Resolutions adopted.

       According to the resolution adopted by the Colonial Conference
       of 1902, the next Conference should have been held in 1906,
       but by agreement of all parties it was deferred until the
       following year. In the interval, a protracted correspondence
       occurred between the Colonial Office and the Governments of
       the several States federated in the Commonwealth of Australia,
       each of which claimed representation in the Conference by its
       own Ministers, and protested against the sufficiency of the
       representation that would be given to it by the General
       Government of the Commonwealth. The "State Rights" doctrine
       received no encouragement, however, and only the Premier of
       the Commonwealth, Mr. Deakin, and one of the members of his
       Cabinet, took part in the Conference, which held its first
       meeting in London on the 15th of April and its final one on
       the 14th of May.

    {54}

       At the first meeting there were present, as representatives of
       the Imperial Government, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
       Campbell-Bannerman, the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
       the Earl of Elgin, in the Chair, and several other Members of
       the Cabinet and officials of the Administration. The Premiers
       of the self-governing colonies, excepting Sir Robert Bond, of
       Newfoundland, who arrived a few days later, were all in
       attendance,—namely, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of Canada, the
       Honorable Alfred Deakin, of Australia, the Honorable Sir J. G.
       Ward, of New Zealand, Dr. L. S. Jameson, of Cape Colony, the
       Honorable F. R. Moor, of Natal, and General Louis Botha, of
       the Transvaal. The Conference was first addressed by the Prime
       Minister, and responses to his remarks were made by the
       several colonial premiers. It was then agreed that the
       constitution of the Conference and the question of military
       defence should be the subjects first considered. Before ending
       this preliminary sitting it was decided, as one ruling on the
       constitution of the Conference, that any Ministers
       accompanying their Prime Ministers, should be at liberty to
       attend its meetings.

       At the second session of the Conference resolutions brought
       forward by the Governments of Australia and New Zealand,
       proposing to give the character of an Imperial Council to the
       Conference, and a resolution from the Government of Cape
       Colony on the subject of Imperial Defence, together with a
       draft resolution concerning the constitution of the Conference
       which the Chairman, Lord Elgin, submitted, were discussed,
       without action taken. The discussion was continued at the
       third and fourth meetings, and the resolution proposed by the
       Secretary of State for the Colonies, being amended in some
       particulars, was adopted at the end, as follows:

       "That it will be to the advantage of the Empire if a
       Conference to be called the Imperial Conference is held every
       four years at which questions of common interest may be
       discussed and considered as between His Majesty’s Government
       and his Governments of the self-governing Dominions beyond the
       seas. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom will be ex
       officio President, and the Prime Ministers of the
       self-governing Dominions ex officio members of the
       Conference. The Secretary of State for the Colonies will be an
       ex officio member of the Conference and will take the
       chair in the absence of the President. He will arrange for
       such Imperial Conferences after communication with the Prime
       Ministers of the respective Dominions.

       "Such other Ministers as the respective Governments may
       appoint will also be members of the Conference—it being
       understood that, except by special permission of the
       Conference, each discussion will be conducted by not more than
       two representatives from each Government, and that each
       Government will have only one vote.

       "That it is desirable to establish a system by which the
       several Governments represented shall be kept informed during
       the periods between the Conferences in regard to matters which
       have been or may be subjects for discussion, by means of a
       permanent secretarial staff charged under the direction of the
       Secretary of State for the Colonies with the duty of obtaining
       information for the use of the Conference, of attending to its
       resolutions, and of conducting correspondence on matters
       relating to its affairs.

       "That upon matters of importance requiring consultation
       between two or more Governments which cannot conveniently be
       postponed until the next Conference, or involving subjects of
       a minor character or such as call for detailed consideration,
       subsidiary conferences should be held between representatives
       of the Governments concerned specially chosen for the
       purpose."

       On the subject of Imperial Defence, which was then taken up,
       and in the discussion of which the Secretary of State for War
       took part, the following resolutions were approved:

       "That the Colonies be authorized to refer to the Committee of
       Imperial Defence through the Secretary of State for advice any
       local questions in regard to which expert assistance is deemed
       desirable.

       "That whenever so desired, a representative of the colony
       which may wish for advice should be summoned to attend as a
       member of the Committee during the discussion of the questions
       raised.

       "That this Conference welcomes and cordially approves the
       exposition of general principles embodied in the statement of
       the Secretary of State for War, and, without wishing to commit
       any of the Governments represented, recognizes and affirms the
       need of developing for the service of the Empire a General
       Staff, selected from the forces of the Empire as a whole,
       which shall study military science in all its branches, shall
       collect and disseminate to the various Governments military
       information and intelligence, shall undertake the preparation
       of schemes of defence on a common principle, and without in
       the least interfering in questions connected with command and
       administration, shall at the request of the respective
       Governments advise as to the training, education, and war
       organization of the military forces of the Crown in every part
       of the Empire."

       At subsequent meetings the following resolutions were adopted
       or accepted:

       On the subject of Emigration: "That it is desirable to
       encourage British emigrants to proceed to British colonies
       rather than foreign countries. That the Imperial Government be
       requested to cooperate with any colonies desiring immigrants
       in assisting suitable persons to emigrate."

       On the subject of Judicial Appeals: The Conference "agreed to
       the following finding: The resolution of the Commonwealth of
       Australia, ‘That it is desirable to establish an Imperial
       Court of Appeal,’ was submitted and fully discussed.

       "The resolution submitted by the Government of Cape Colony was
       accepted, amended as follows:

       ‘This Conference, recognizing the importance to all parts of
       the Empire of the appellate jurisdiction of His Majesty the
       King in Council, desires to place upon record its opinion—

       "‘(1) That in the interests of His Majesty’s subjects beyond
       the seas it is expedient that the practice and procedure of
       the Right Honourable the Lords of the Judicial Committee of
       the Privy Council be definitely laid down in the form of a
       code of rules and regulations.

       "‘(2) That in the codification of the rules regard should be
       had to the necessity for the removal of anachronisms and
       anomalies, the possibility of the curtailment of expense, and
       the desirability of the establishment of courses of procedure
       which would minimize delays.

    {55}

       "‘(3) That, with a view to the extension of uniform rights of
       appeal to all colonial subjects of His Majesty, the various
       Orders in Council, instructions to Governors, charters of
       justice, ordinances and proclamations upon the subject of the
       appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign should be taken into
       consideration for the purpose of determining the desirability
       of equalizing the conditions which gave right of appeal to His
       Majesty.

       "‘(4) That much uncertainty, expense, and delay would be
       avoided if some portion of His Majesty’s prerogative to grant
       special leave to appeal in cases where there exists no right
       of appeal were exercised under definite rules and
       restrictions.’

       "The following resolutions, presented to the Conference by
       General Botha and supported by the representatives of Cape
       Colony and Natal, were accepted:

       "‘(1) That when a Court of Appeal has been established for any
       group of colonies geographically connected, whether federated
       or not, to which appeals lie from the decisions of the Supreme
       Courts of such colonies, it shall be competent for the
       Legislature of each such colony to abolish any existing right
       of appeal from its Supreme Court to the Judicial Committee of
       the Privy Council.

       "‘(2) That the decisions of such Court of Appeal shall be
       final, but leave to appeal from such decisions may be granted
       by the said Court in certain cases prescribed by the statute
       under which it is established.

       "‘(3) That the right of any person to apply to the Judicial
       Committee of the Privy Council for leave to appeal to it from
       the decision of such Appeal Court shall not be curtailed.’"

       And now, at last, on the 30th of April, the Conference came to
       the discussion of the question which had been dominant in all
       minds from the first,—the question of preferential trade.
       Essentially it was a settled question already,—settled, that
       is, by the voters of the United Kingdom a year and a half
       before, when they took the administration of their Government
       away from the party which had approved the fiscal proposals of
       Mr. Chamberlain. The commercial negotiation of the colonies
       now was with a Ministry that stood pledged against the
       preferential tariff arrangements they desired. On their side
       they had committed their fortunes to the stimulant working of
       protective tariffs, against which the judgment and experience
       of England was still firm. The preferential tariffs which
       preferential trade involved were in the line of their policy,
       but directly antagonistic to hers. How impossible this made an
       arrangement of reciprocity on that line was intimated gently
       by the Prime Minister when he spoke to the Conference at its
       first sitting, but set forth later in plain words by the
       Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Asquith, and by the President
       of the Board of Trade, Mr. David Lloyd-George. "If the
       Colonies," said Mr. Asquith, "thought it their duty to foster
       industries by protective tariffs their action would not evoke
       remonstrance or even criticism from him. He noted that various
       self-governing Colonies gave preference to the Mother Country,
       but it was a fact that these preferential tariffs did not
       admit the manufactures of the Mother Country to compete on
       equal terms with the local product. Doubtless the Colonies
       held this to be vital to their interests, and in the same way
       His Majesty’s Government held that free trade was vital in the
       interests of the United Kingdom. Reference had been made to
       the fact that Cobden advocated free trade here as a part of a
       universal system of free trade, but the official author of the
       policy, Sir Robert Peel, defended it on the ground of its
       necessity to this country alone. His Majesty’s Government held
       that it was more necessary now than it was in his day. He
       pointed out the position now existing. We had a population of
       44,000,000 bearing the whole weight of an enormous debt
       largely contracted in building up the Empire, and of the cost
       of Imperial diplomacy and Imperial defence. That population
       was dependent for food and raw materials on external sources
       of supply. This is the essential point for consideration. He
       asked how the supremacy of Great Britain was maintained. He
       thought it must be attributed to our special productive
       activity, to the profits which we obtain from keeping the
       biggest open market in the world, and to the enormous earnings
       of our shipping. All these were based in the long run on
       keeping our food and our raw materials on the same basis and
       as nearly as possible at the same price. Free trade was no
       shibboleth, but a principle maintained because it was a matter
       of vital national interest. He drew attention to the tariff
       reform campaign, and observed that, after the fullest
       examination and discussion, the people of England had declared
       in favour of free trade by a majority of unexampled size. As
       spokesman for the people, His Majesty’s Government could not
       accept any infringement of that policy, even by way of such an
       experiment as Dr. Jameson had suggested. It was necessary to
       state that fact fully and frankly at the outset. …

       "For these reasons His Majesty’s Government, speaking for the
       people of this country, could not accept the principle of
       preferential trade by way of tariff preference. He thought,
       however, that the discussion had thrown light on other methods
       by which inter-imperial trade relations might be improved.
       Reference had been made to the improvement of means of
       communication, especially steamer services, to the increase in
       the number of commercial agents in the Colonies, to the
       desirability of removing or reducing the Suez Canal dues, and
       of establishing mail communication with the Australasian
       Colonies via Canada. All these were matters on which His
       Majesty’s Government would be fully ready to consider and
       cooperate with any practical proposals, and he said this the
       more earnestly as he felt that in the performance of his duty
       it had been necessary for him to enunciate a general policy
       which was not in accord with the views of the Colonial
       representatives."

       Mr. Lloyd-George was equally plain spoken. "He had hoped," he
       said, "it might have been possible for those present,
       acknowledging the limitations imposed on them by the
       convictions they respectively held on fiscal issues, to see
       whether it might not be possible to find other means of
       attaining the object in view. The Colonies regard a tax on our
       foods as necessary both for raising revenue and also for the
       protection of their own industries. Mr. Deakin acknowledged
       that the late election in Australia was fought on the issue of
       protection and preference. It was open for the representatives
       of the Imperial Government to have ignored the mandate given to
       Mr. Deakin and to have endeavoured to commit their colleagues
       here to a policy of free trade within the Empire, to which
       those colleagues would not assent without being false to the
       trust reposed in them by their own people. Sir William Lyne
       the other day had urged the commercial union of the whole
       Empire, quoting the consolidation of the United Kingdom, the
       United States, and the Federation of South Africa and
       Australia. In these cases all tolls and tariffs were removed.

    {56}

       "Had a free-trade resolution been pressed by His Majesty’s
       Government and refused, it might have been said by the Press
       that the Colonies had refused to listen to the appeal of the
       Mother Country to be put on equal terms with her children, and
       later that the door had been slammed in the old mother’s face
       by her ungrateful progeny. His Majesty’s Government had not
       taken this course, recognizing the unfairness of ignoring
       local conditions and exigencies. They were not here to attempt
       to manoeuvre each other into false positions, but to discharge
       the practical business of the Empire. They were in perfect
       accord as to the objects they could strive to promote. His
       Majesty’s Government were in favour of any scheme for the
       development of inter-imperial trade which did not inflict
       sacrifices on any individual community so as to create a sense
       of grievance deep enough to introduce the elements of
       discontent and discord, and thus impair the true unity of the
       Empire. …

       "He agreed that this federation of free commonwealths is worth
       making some sacrifice for. He differed only on ways and means.
       He was convinced that to tax the food of our people is to cast
       an undue share of sacrifice on the poorest part of the
       population, and that a tax on raw material would fetter us in
       the severe struggle with our foreign competitors. This,
       therefore, was a sacrifice which would weaken our power to
       make further sacrifices, and we ought not to be called upon to
       make it. In Mr. Deakin’s resolution the Government were asked
       to do what no protectionist country in the world would
       do—viz., to tax necessaries of either life or livelihood which
       we cannot produce ourselves, and of which the Colonies cannot
       supply us with a sufficiency for many years.

       "He wished to acknowledge the considerable advantage conferred
       upon the British manufacturer by the preference recently given
       to him in colonial markets. The Canadian tariff had produced a
       satisfactory effect on our export trade, and apparently had
       also benefited Canada, for our purchases from Canada had also
       increased. The South African and New Zealand tariffs had not
       yet been put to, the test by much actual experience, but would
       no doubt have a similarly happy result. The same applied to
       Australia, and Great Britain felt grateful, not merely for the
       actual concessions, but for the spirit of comradeship and
       affection which inspired the policy. But it was said, ‘What
       are you prepared to do in return?’ His first answer was that
       Great Britain was the best customer the Colonies have got for
       their products. To illustrate this he gave the following
       figures: In 1905, the last year for which the information was
       available, the exports from the self-governing Colonies to all
       foreign countries only amounted to 40½ millions, while the
       exports to the United Kingdom amounted to 65¾ millions,
       exclusive of bullion and specie (21¾ millions)."

       The outcome of the discussion was a simple reaffirmation of
       the five resolutions on the subject that were adopted at the
       Conference of 1902, and which will be found in the report of
       that Conference, preceding this. Before putting those
       resolutions to vote Lord Elgin stated that His Majesty’s
       Government could not assent to them so far as they implied
       that it is necessary or expedient to alter the fiscal system
       of the United Kingdom. They were agreed to, subject to that
       reservation. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who moved their readoption,
       said in doing so: "Free trade within the Empire had been
       suggested, just as there was free trade within the boundaries
       of the United States, Germany, and France. For the British
       Empire this was impossible for two reasons—the United Kingdom
       was not prepared to limit free trade to the Empire, and the
       Colonies were not prepared to accept free trade even within
       its boundaries. In Canada the policy of free trade within the
       Empire was impracticable, as it was necessary for her to have
       Customs duties as a main source of revenue. Canada had given
       the British preference deliberately, and had no cause to
       regret it; she had from time to time increased it, and in the
       last tariff had maintained it generally at the increased
       amount of 33 1/3 per cent. Canadian opinion had been almost
       unanimous in favour of preference, for Canada felt that she
       would as a result of the preference sell more to Great Britain
       and buy more from her. Mr. Asquith had not given Canada all
       the credit to which he thought she was entitled in making a
       comparison which showed no great advantage to British goods.
       He dwelt on the effect of the proximity of a nation like the
       United States, of their own stock, enormous in numbers, and
       most enterprising in trade; it was not a matter for surprise
       that their trade with that country had increased. But, so far
       as they could, they had done everything to keep trade within
       the Empire. They had built canals and railways from east to
       west of Canada, and they had taken care to assist the
       principle of mutual trade so far as legislation could do it. …
       He explained that in the recent revision of the Canadian
       tariff they had adopted a new principle in providing an
       intermediate tariff for negotiation. They were prepared to
       negotiate with nations like France or Italy on the basis of
       that tariff, but their lower preference tariff remained
       reserved for the British Empire."

       Other resolutions adopted or accepted during the last two
       sessions of the Conference were as follows:

       "That it is desirable that the attention of the Governments of
       the Colonies and the United Kingdom should be called to the
       present state of the navigation laws in the Empire, and in
       other countries, and to the advisability of refusing the
       privileges of coastwise trade, including trade between the
       Mother Country and its Colonies and possessions, and between
       one colony or possession and another, to countries in which
       the corresponding trade is confined to ships of their own
       nationality, and also to the laws affecting shipping, with a
       view of seeing whether any other steps should be taken to
       promote Imperial trade in British vessels." (This was voted by
       the representatives of the Colonies only, "His Majesty’s
       Government dissenting.")

    {57}

       "That it is desirable that His Majesty’s Government, after
       full consultation with the Colonies, should endeavour to
       provide for such uniformity as may be practicable in the
       granting and protection of trade marks and patents."

       "That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
       secure greater uniformity in the trade statistics of the
       Empire, and that the Note prepared on this subject by the
       Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of the
       various Governments represented at this Conference."

       "That it is desirable, so far as circumstances permit, to
       secure greater uniformity in Company Laws of the Empire, and
       that the memorandum and analysis prepared on this subject by
       the Imperial Government be commended to the consideration of
       the various Governments represented at this Conference."

       "That, in view of the social and political advantages and the
       material commercial advantages to accrue from a system of
       international penny postage, this Conference recommends to His
       Majesty’s Government the advisability, if and when a suitable
       opportunity occurs, of approaching the Governments of other
       States, members of the Universal Postal Union, in order to
       obtain further reductions of postage rates, with a view to a
       more general and if possible a universal adoption of the penny
       rate."

       "That, with a view to attain uniformity so far as practicable,
       an inquiry should be held to consider further the question of
       naturalization, and in particular to consider how far, and
       under what conditions, naturalization in one part of His
       Majesty’s dominions should be effective in other parts of
       those dominions, a subsidiary conference to be held, if
       necessary, under the terms of the resolution adopted by this
       Conference on April 20 last."

       "That in the opinion of this Conference the interests of the
       Empire demand that in so far as practicable its different
       portions should be connected by the best possible means of
       mail communication, travel, and transportation; That to this
       end it is advisable that Great Britain should be connected
       with Canada, and through Canada with Australia and New Zealand
       by the best service available within reasonable cost; That for
       the purpose of carrying the above project into effect such
       financial support as may be necessary should be contributed by
       Great Britain, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in equitable
       proportions."

    THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.
       The total of its prospective Military Strength when present
       Imperial plans are carried out.

       In a speech made in March, 1909, Mr. Haldane, Minister for
       War, summed up the total of defensive military strength which
       the Empire might count on when recent plans for Imperial
       defence are carried out. He said: "With the divisions between
       the Cape and Malta and those which Lord Kitchener had in
       India, the Regular Army had for overseas work 16 divisions,
       equivalent to eight army corps, which was larger than any
       other nation had for overseas work, the reason being that we,
       unlike others, were responsible for 12 million square miles
       and 400 millions of human beings. The second line, what one
       might call the local line of home defence, consisted of the 14
       divisions of the Territorial Army. Supposing Canada, the
       population of which was very rapidly increasing, were to build
       on the foundations laid at the Conference, by the new
       proposals which Canada had accepted she might easily add five
       or six Territorial divisions of her own. Those would be for
       her own defence, but they knew that in 1899, when a supreme
       emergency arose, she did not scruple to send forth her
       strength to help the Mother Country. In Australia there was a
       remarkable movement for the organization of the forces of the
       Crown, which might easily produce five Australian Territorial
       divisions. New Zealand might produce another division, and
       South Africa could rapidly produce four or five. … If they
       could add to the 14 second line divisions at home 16 for the
       second line Army of the Empire there would be 30 divisions
       altogether, and these, added to the 16 Regular first line
       divisions for use overseas, would give us an army for war
       conceivably and practicably of 46 divisions, equivalent to 23
       army corps. The army of Germany had 23 army corps, and no
       other army in the world had an organization so great. He was
       speaking of possibilities."

    THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (June).
       The Imperial Press Conference in England.

       Among the many endeavors of late years in England to draw the
       distant peoples of the great British Empire into closer
       relations with its sovereign Mother Country, and into the
       feeling of stronger ties of unity among themselves and with
       her, none seems to have been wiser or more surely of effect
       than that which brought about the Imperial Press Conference of
       June, 1909. It assembled sixty representatives of the
       Newspaper Press of every part of the Empire and of every shade
       of political opinion. It entertained them delightfully and
       impressively for three weeks. It made all England and its
       colonies and dependencies listen to their discussion of many
       questions, all bearing on the fundamental desire to make the
       most and best that can be made of the great political organism
       which extends its law to every continent and its influence to
       all the world. It brought before them its most distinguished
       and eloquent men to address them at meetings and feasts. It
       assembled at Spithead its stupendous central fleet of
       battleships, to pass it in review before them. It filled their
       minds with an undoubtedly new realization of what the United
       Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland—the sovereign, the seat,
       the center of greatness in their Empire—is to it; and they
       went back to Canada, to Australia, to South Africa, to New
       Zealand, even to India, to propagate that realization in other
       minds.

       A Western Australian editor, speaking at one of the banquets
       of the Conference, referred to this result, saying: "The
       influence that had been brought to bear upon the overseas
       delegates could not fail to have very great effects upon their
       writings in the future. Coming as they did from isolated parts
       of the Empire, it was an agreeable surprise to them to find
       that they had all been thinking Imperially, and thinking in
       much the same way. While the spirit of nationalism was growing
       up very strongly, they felt that the spirit of nationalism was
       in no way out of harmony with the true spirit of Imperialism;
       and it had been a revelation to the delegates to find the
       unanimity that existed, not only among the English-speaking
       people of the Empire, but among those who came from different
       races. They had been helped to strengthen that feeling of
       Imperial unity in the certain hope that eventually the highest
       ideals of the best form of Imperialism would be realized. That
       form of Imperialism was not associated with a policy of
       aggrandisement, but was associated with the policy that would
       tend to promote the peace of the world, and the prosperity and
       the betterment of humanity generally."

    {58}

       A writer in The Times, reviewing the Conference after
       it closed, quoted the above and added: "The speaker just
       quoted travelled for seven days across Australia before he
       reached the capital of the State where he joined his
       fellow-delegates from the Commonwealth. The Australian party,
       when once it had left Sydney, was three weeks on the ocean
       before it reached the Pacific coast of Canada. A Canadian
       delegate, speaking at a banquet in Glasgow, declared that when
       at home he was as remote from one of his Canadian colleagues
       as Egypt is from London, and as remote from another, in the
       opposite direction, as London is from Russia. It might have
       been supposed that distances like those just indicated would
       have had the effect of causing some estrangement between men
       so widely separated; but the contrary proved to be the case.
       The Australians, following the All-Red route, which was
       defined as the official route, were greeted on their arrival
       on Canadian soil with an enthusiasm which both surprised and
       touched them. Wherever they went they found themselves among
       friends, anxious and eager to exchange views and ideas on all
       sorts of subjects affecting the common interests of the two
       peoples. They were banqueted by many representative men, from
       the Governor-General downwards, and, having been welcomed with
       the utmost heartiness at Victoria on the Pacific coast, were
       given a not less hearty ‘God-speed’ from Quebec on the St.
       Lawrence.

       "Among the indirect results of the Conference must be
       mentioned the knowledge gained from such experiences. When in
       Canada the Australians were able to see how far their own
       trade interests were identical with those of the people among
       whom they had come, how the Canadians are facing the same
       problems both of politics and material development, of
       commerce and agriculture. And when, the feastings over, they
       found themselves on board the steamer with their Canadian
       fellow-delegates, a community of interests was at once
       established, and lasting friendships were formed.

       "Similarly, when the delegates had all assembled in England
       there arose a spirit of comradeship which subsisted without a
       jarring note from the beginning of the Conference to the end.
       Nor must it be forgotten that the men who formed part of this
       company of editors and writers of the overseas Press were not
       wholly of British race. From Canada came representatives of
       the French-Canadians, from South Africa some of Boer and Dutch
       extraction, from India one delegate at least of Indian blood.
       The welding together of all these men in a spirit of loyalty
       to the Empire in which they as well as we have a share has
       been one of the most significant features of the Conference."

       The practical object for which the Press Conference strove
       most earnestly was a cheapening of telegraphic communication,
       by cable or wireless, between the distant parts of the Empire,
       to the end that there may be an ampler publication of news
       from each division of it in every other. It received strong
       assurances of coöperation from the Imperial Government in its
       efforts to accomplish this end. To a deputation which waited
       on him, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, said: "Your Conference, if I
       may venture to say so, has very wisely appointed a standing
       committee to deal with that matter. The Post Office and other
       Government departments concerned will be anxious to assist and
       to keep themselves in touch with this committee by information
       and intercommunication and in all other ways that may be
       practicable. I think it will be the solid and substantial
       result of your deliberations on this very great Imperial
       necessity that in regard to the development of electric
       communication between different parts of the Empire we shall
       now have on the side of the Press a body formally organized
       and constantly existing with which we can enter into necessary
       communication, and by mutual discussion and reference, having
       regard to the various considerations to which I have already
       adverted, we may accelerate the developments of what we all
       agree to be one of the first requisites of an Empire such as
       ours—a cheap, a certain, a constant, a convenient, and a
       universally accessible system of electric communication."

    THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
       Imperial Defence Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          War, The Preparations for: Military and Naval.

    THE BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Congress of Empire Chambers of Commerce.

       A Congress of Chambers of Commerce, representing all parts of
       the Empire, which was assembled at Sydney, New South Wales, on
       the 14th of September, 1909, gave much of its discussion to
       the proposition that the several parts of the Empire should
       afford preferential treatment to each other in their several
       markets, on a basis of reciprocity, and adopted resolutions to
       the effect that the Congress "urges upon the Governments of
       the Empire that they should treat this matter as of present
       practical importance, and that the organizations represented
       at this Congress pledge themselves to press their respective
       Governments to take such action at the next Imperial
       Conference as will give effect to the principle advocated in
       this resolution." This was carried on individual voting, by 81
       votes to 31. On voting by chambers, the resolution was passed
       with 60 for, 8 against, and 11 neutral.

       Among the other resolutions of the Congress were the
       following: "That this Congress urges upon his Majesty’s
       Government and upon the Governments of the Colonies the
       appointment of an Advisory Imperial Council to consider
       questions of Imperial interest, especially those tending to
       promote trade between the various parts of the Empire."

       "That the settlement in adequate Volume of the Anglo-Saxon
       race in the British Dominions is deserving of the constant
       solicitude of the Home and Colonial Governments, who are
       hereby urged to consider what further or better steps than
       those at present existing should be taken to elaborate a
       general State-aided scheme at reduced rates to encourage
       emigration of suitable settlers under well-considered
       conditions."

       "This Congress is of opinion that it is desirable to complete
       the Imperial route between the Motherland, Canada, Australia
       and New Zealand by State-owned electric communication across
       Canada to Great Britain and that the postal departments of the
       various Governments of the Empire should be requested to frame
       a combined scheme of substantial reductions in telegraphic
       rates."

    {59}

    BRITISH GUIANA: A. D. 1904.
       Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

          See (in this Volume)
          Brazil: A. D. 1904.

    BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA.

          See SOUTH AFRICA

    BROWNSVILLE AFFAIR, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906 (August).

    BRYAN, William Jennings:
       Suggestion at the Peace Congress in New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    BRYAN, William Jennings:
       Nominated for President of the United States.

          See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908(April-November).

    BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE FIREMEN AND OF RAILWAY TRAINMEN.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

    BRUSSELS: A. D. 1902-1907.
       Sugar Bounty Conference and Convention, 1902,
       and Additional Act, 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTY CONFERENCE.

    BRYCE, James:
       Chief Secretary for Ireland.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    BUBONIC PLAGUE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    BUCHANAN, William I.:
       Delegate to Second and Third International Conferences
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    BUCHANAN, William I.:
       Diplomatic Service in Venezuela.

          See VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    BUCHANAN, William I.:
       Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    BUCHANAN, William I.:
       Death, October 16, 1909.

    BUCHNER, Eduard.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    BUCKS STOVE COMPANY CASE.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BUDGET OF 1909, The British.

           See (in this Volume)
           ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

    BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
       The Pan-American Exposition.
       Assassination of President McKinley.
       Vice-President Roosevelt becomes President of the United States.

       In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring
       of 1901, an account was given of the plan and preparations
       made for the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, then just at
       the point of being opened, on the 1st of May. The following
       characterization of the Exposition by a visitor is sufficient
       to add what was then said of it:

       "They have staged electricity at Buffalo this summer, and they
       call it the Pan-American Exposition. It took a rectangle of
       350 acres for the stage, and over $10,000,000 for the
       settings. The result, baldly stated, is the most glorious
       night scene the world has ever had the fortune to witness. The
       staging of Niagara is the one unforgettable thing about the
       affair. The Pan-American is, however, much more than this. …

       "It may be well to say that the original generic scheme for
       the Exposition, that of joining the three Americas in a
       unified attempt to show one another their trade resources,
       seems to be in results far less prominent than was hoped at
       first. For one reason or another,—I have heard European
       influences in South America given as a chief cause,—the Latin
       Americas did not cooperate as was expected. The great trade
       idea upon which the Pan-American was originally based
       gradually faded, and gave place to the idea of an electrical
       beatification—for which the spectator will perhaps be
       thankful. There are exhibits, to be sure, from most of the
       South American countries, but the United States occupies
       industrially foreground, background, and middle distance. The
       other countries fill in the odd corners. The ardent patriot
       will see no lack of proportion in this; and as there is a hint
       of Mexico and the Argentine, and very creditable exhibits by
       Chile and Honduras, we have enough of the sister continent to
       justify the name. Most of the southern republics are
       represented in one way or another. It is hard, however, to
       explain the insufficiency of Canada’s exhibit. It is upon much
       too small a scale to do credit to her great resources. It is
       worthy of note that when the other countries realized the
       importance and beauty of the Pan-American, they set about
       vigorously to retrieve themselves.

       "So the staging of electricity was undertaken. There was
       Buffalo to start with, and Buffalo is backed in the great race
       of American cities by the power of Niagara and the commerce of
       the Lakes. It is delightfully accessible and pleasing. Here
       was the psychological place. It was also the psychological
       moment,—a period of general prosperity, a time when America
       had set about her great task of making commercial vassals of
       the Old World countries. The psychological idea came with
       electricity, and under this happy triad of influences
       conspiring for success the work was begun.

       "The managers took a big rectangle of unused land to the north
       of a beautiful park, and welded with it the most attractive
       portion of that park for their groundwork. Then they charted
       an effect. They put millions into an attempt to please, and
       did more, for they have both pleased and startled,—an effect
       peculiarly delightful to Americans."

          E. R. White,
          Aspects of the Pan-American Exposition
          (Atlantic Monthly, July, 1901).

       The Pan-American Exposition may be said to have been paralyzed
       in the first week of its fifth month by the awful tragedy of
       the wanton murder of President McKinley, while it entertained
       him as its guest. Mr. McKinley, with Mrs. McKinley, had
       arrived in Buffalo on the 4th of September, for a long planned
       visit to the Exposition, and had accepted the hospitality of
       its President, Mr. John G. Milburn. On the afternoon of the
       6th he held a public reception in the Temple of Music, on the
       Exposition grounds, and it was there that the brutal assassin
       found his opportunity for the deed. The following graphic
       narrative of the tragedy is from the pen of Mr. Walter Wellman
       in the American Review of Reviews:

       "Usually a secret-service agent is stationed by the
       President’s side when he receives the public, but on this
       occasion President Milburn stood at the President’s left.
       Secretary Cortelyou was at his right, and a little to the
       rear. Opposite the President was Secret-Service Officer
       Ireland.
    {60}
       Eight or ten feet away was Officer Foster. When all was ready,
       the line of people was permitted to move, each one pausing to
       shake the hand of the President. He beamed upon them all in
       his courtly way. When one stranger timidly permitted himself
       to be pushed along without a greeting, the President called
       out, smilingly, ‘Hold on, there; give me your hand.’ Mr.
       McKinley would never permit any one to go past him without a
       handshake. He was particularly gracious to the children and to
       timid women. Here, as we have often seen him in Washington and
       elsewhere, he patted little girls or boys on the head or cheek
       and smiled at them in his sweet way. A woman and a little girl
       had just passed, and were looking back at the President, proud
       of the gracious manner in which he had greeted them. Next came
       a tall, powerful negro—Parker. After Parker, a slight, boyish
       figure, a face bearing marks of foreign descent, a smooth,
       youthful face, with nothing sinister to be detected in it. No
       one had suspected this innocent-looking boy of a murderous
       purpose. He had his right hand bound up in a handkerchief, and
       this had been noticed by both of the secret-service men as
       well as by others. But the appearance in a reception line of
       men with wounded and bandaged hands is not uncommon. In fact,
       one had already passed along the line. Many men carried
       handkerchiefs in their hands, for the day was warm.

       "So this youth approached. He was met with a smile. The
       President held out his hand; but it was not grasped.
       Supporting his bandaged right hand with his left, the assassin
       fired two bullets at the President. The first passed through
       the stomach and lodged in the back. The second, it is
       believed, struck a button on the President’s waistcoat and
       glanced therefrom, making an abrasion upon the sternum. The
       interval between the two shots was so short as to be scarcely
       measurable. As the second shot rang out, Detective Foster
       sprang forward and intercepted the hand of the assassin, who
       was endeavoring to fire a third bullet into his victim. The
       President did not fall. He was at once supported by Mr.
       Milburn, by Detective Geary, and by Secretary Cortelyou.
       Before turning, he raised himself on tiptoe and cast upon the
       miserable wretch before him, who was at that moment in the
       clutches of a number of men, a look which none who saw it can
       ever forget. It appeared to say, ‘You miserable, why should
       you shoot me? What have I done to you?’ It was the indignation
       of a gentleman, of a great soul, when attacked by a ruffian. A
       few drops of blood spurted out and fell on the President’s
       waistcoat. At once the wounded man was led to a chair, into
       which he sank. His collar was removed and his shirt opened at
       the front. Those about him fanned him with their hats.
       Secretary Cortelyou bent over his chief, and Mr. McKinley
       whispered, ‘Cortelyou, be careful. Tell Mrs. McKinley gently.’

       "A struggle ensued immediately between the assassin and those
       about him. Detective Foster not only intercepted the arm of
       the murderer, and prevented the firing of a third shot from
       the revolver concealed in the handkerchief, but he planted a
       blow square upon the assassin’s face. Even after he fell,
       Czolgosz endeavored to twist about and fire again at the
       President. Mr. Foster threw himself upon the wretch. Parker,
       the colored man, struck him almost at the same instant that
       Foster did. Indeed, a half-dozen men were trying to beat and
       strike the murderer, and they were so thick about him that
       they struck one another in their excitement. A private of the
       artillery corps at one moment had a bayonet-sword at the neck
       of Czolgosz, and would have driven it home had not Detective
       Ireland held his arm and begged him not to shed blood there
       before the President. Just then the President raised his eyes,
       saw what was going on, and with a slight motion of his right
       hand toward his assailant, exclaimed: ‘Let no one hurt him.’"

       As soon as possible, the wounded President was removed to the
       Exposition Hospital, and surgeons were quickly in attendance.
       The medical director of the Exposition, Dr. Roswell Park,
       President of the American Society of Surgeons, chanced to be
       absent, at Niagara Falls, where he was performing an operation
       at the time. The necessary operation upon the President was
       performed by Dr. Matthew D. Mann, assisted by Dr. Herman
       Mynter, Dr. Eugene Wasdin, of the Marine Hospital service, and
       others. The one fatal bullet of the two that were fired was
       found to have passed through both walls of the stomach, and
       its further progress was not traced. Dr. Park arrived on the
       scene before the operation was finished and took part in the
       subsequent consultations.

       From the hospital Mr. McKinley was removed to Mr. Milburn’s
       house, where Mrs. McKinley, being an invalid, had remained
       that day. There he received all possible care during the eight
       days in which the nation hoped against hope that he might be
       saved. Dr. Charles McBurney was called from New York to join
       the attending physicians and surgeons, and approved all that
       had been done. For a week there seemed good ground for
       believing that the sound constitution of the President would
       defeat the assassin’s attempt; but on Friday the 13th the
       signs underwent a rapid change, and at fifteen minutes past
       two o’clock of the morning of Saturday he breathed his last.

       Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, who was then at a camp in
       the Adirondacks, was summoned at once, and arrived in the city
       that afternoon. At the house of Mr. Ansley Wilcox (whose guest
       he became), in the presence of the members of the late
       President’s cabinet and of a few friends and newspaper
       correspondents, he took the oath of office as President,
       administered by Judge Hazel, of the United States District
       Court. Before taking the oath he said: "I wish to say that it
       shall be my aim to continue, absolutely unbroken, the policies
       of President McKinley for the peace, the prosperity, and the
       honor of our beloved country."

       The assassin, who called himself Nieman at first, was
       identified as Leon Czolgosz, a Pole, having reputable parents
       at Cleveland, Ohio. He had come under anarchist influences and
       been taught to believe that all heads of government were
       enemies of the people and ought to be slain. There was no
       other motive discoverable for his crime. He was arraigned in
       the County Court, before Justice Emory, on the 17th of
       September, three days after his victim’s death, and, having no
       counsel, two former Justices of the Supreme Court of the
       State, Loran L. Lewis and Robert C. Titus, consented to be
       assigned for his defence.
    {61}
       On the 23d he was tried in the Supreme Court, Justice Truman
       C. White presiding, the only defence possible being that on
       the question of sanity, and his guilt was pronounced by the
       verdict of the jury. On the 26th he was sentenced to be
       executed, in the State Prison at Auburn, within the week
       beginning October 28.

          See, also, (in this Volume) under
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

    BU HAMARA, the Mahdi.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1909.

    BULGARIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von: Chancellor of the German Empire:
       Action on the Morocco question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
       On German Navy-building.

          See WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    BÜLOW, Bernhard, Count von:
       Defeat in the Reichstag on attempted financial reform.
       His resignation.

          See GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

    BURGER, SCHALK W.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    BURLEY TOBACCO SOCIETY.

          See (in this Volume)
          KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

    BURNS, John:
       President of the Local Government Board.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1905-1909, and 1909.

    BURNS, William J.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

    BURTON, Joseph R.:
       United States Senator.

       Convicted of having received $2500 from a fraudulent concern,
       which had been debarred from using the United States mails, in
       return for his efforts to have embargo removed; sentenced to a
       fine of $2500 and nine months imprisonment, May, 1909.

    BUTLER, Charles Henry:
       Technical delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    BUTLER, Edward:
       Political "Boss" of St. Louis, as seen in the confessions of
       Charles F. Kelly.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:
       President of Columbia University.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    BUTLER, Nicholas Murray:
       Arrangement of professorial interchanges
       with German universities.

          See EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

    BUXTON, Sidney C.:
       Postmaster-General (British).

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    C.

    CACERES, Ramon.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

    CADETS, Russian.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    CAJAL, Ramon y.
          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    CALABRIA:
       Destructive earthquake in 1905.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES.

    CALAMITIES, Recent extraordinary.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES, FAMINES, FIRE, FLOODS, VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

    CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.
       Growth.
       Industries.
       Products.
       Railway facilities, etc.

       "Within the past decade numerous events have tended to direct
       the attention of the United States and of the world to the
       importance of the Pacific ocean and the lands bordering upon
       it, as the field of great activities in the near future. The
       Spanish-American war, and particularly the voyage of the
       battleship Oregon around South America hastened the movement
       for an inter-oceanic canal. The development of the Alaskan
       gold fields gave a great impetus to shipping and trade in
       staple supplies in Pacific coast cities. The war between
       Russia and Japan revealed the maritime enterprise and
       established the naval prestige of Japan.

       "Since the earliest days of American occupation California has
       been steadily filling up with people. These later movements in
       Pacific coast history, together with the steady development of
       natural resources, have greatly accelerated the advance in
       population, especially in cities as the centers of industrial
       and commercial activity. The census of 1900 showed a total
       population of 1,485,053. At the beginning of 1909 the number
       is estimated by the State Board of Trade at 2,564,363. The
       growth of cities in the same period is shown by the following
       instances,—the first figure being the population by the
       census of 1900, the second the State Board of Trade estimate
       for 1909.

                        1900.     1909.

       Alameda         16,464    25,000
       Berkeley        13,214    40,000
       Fresno          12,470    32,000
       Los Angeles    102,479   305,000
       Oakland         66,960   200,000
       Sacramento      29,282    55,000
       San Francisco  342,782   500,000
       San Jose        21,500    45,000
       Stockton        17,506    25,000

       "Two features characterize the recent development of
       California agriculture,—the increased value of the products,
       and a greater variety of crops. Originally wheat was the
       staple crop, but now sugar beets, hops, beans, alfalfa, and
       garden seeds must be added to the common cereals to make the
       list of staples. In 1908 the wheat crop was valued at
       $18,894,961, and the barley at $26,841,394.

       "Orchards and vineyards furnish one of the best records of
       advancing wealth. Shipments out of the state by rail and by
       sea are given by the State Board of Trade as follows:

                                 1898.    1908.

                                 Tons.    Tons.
       Green Deciduous Fruits   69,732   161,224
       Citrus Fruits           180,658   399,094
       Dried Fruits             76,662   133,846
       Raisins                  47,796    29,601
       Nuts                      5,815    10,887
       Canned Fruits            52,219    85,135

    {62}

       "About ninety per cent of all the citrus fruits go from the
       southern part of the State (south of Tehachapi mountains) and
       substantially all the fresh deciduous fruits go from the
       northern and central portions, Sacramento being one of the
       largest shipping points. Nearly all the dried fruits, raisins,
       canned fruits, wine and brandy, go from the northern and
       central portions. Most of the walnuts are grown in the south,
       and most of the almonds in the northern and central parts of
       the state. Olives are grown in about equal quantities, north
       and south. General farming, including stock raising, is much
       more widely pursued north of Tehachapi than south, and the
       same is true of the mining industry. The principal forests of
       the state are in the Sierra region and in the Coast Range
       Mountains north of Sonoma county.

       "Formerly wool was an important product of California. The
       industry reached its maximum about thirty years ago,—the wool
       clip of 1876 amounting to 56,550,973 pounds. Since that date
       the wool product steadily declined till 1906, when the total
       amount was 24,000,000 pounds. Since 1906 the decline has been
       swift, as shown by the total of 15,000,000 pounds for 1908.

       "In the production of the precious metals the record of
       California is very steady in recent years,—the gold output for
       1900 being valued at $15,863,355, and for 1907 at $16,727,928.
       On the other hand the oil industry shows a marvelous advance.
       The output of petroleum from California oil wells was
       4,000,000 barrels in 1900, and 48,300,758 barrels in 1908.
       Since 1906 the oil product of California has amounted to over
       twenty-five per cent of the total production of the United
       States. California petroleum now exceeds in value the output
       of her gold mines.

       "For a long time the high cost of fuel retarded the growth of
       manufactures in California. Recently, however, the production
       of fuel oil and the introduction of electrical power developed
       from the water power in the streams of the Sierras have given
       a great impetus to manufacturing industries. The use of
       electricity is certain to be greatly increased in the near
       future and for this reason the people of California are
       tremendously interested in the policy of the federal government
       in the preservation of the mountain streams and in the
       disposition of water-power sites. The value of the products of
       manufacturing enterprises in the state for 1908 is estimated
       at about $500,000,000, of which the sum of $175,000,000 is
       credited to San Francisco, $62,000,000 to Los Angeles,
       $52,000,000, to Oakland, with Sacramento, San Jose, Stockton
       and Fresno following in the order of naming.

       "California is a state of magnificent dimensions and it is
       quite in keeping with the size of the state to find that in
       1907, with but two per cent, of the total population of the
       United States she had three per cent. of the total railway
       mileage of the country. New construction was almost entirely
       suspended in 1908, but has been resumed in 1909. The most
       important new road is the Western Pacific which enters the
       state by the Beckwith Pass to the north of the line of the
       Central Pacific route, from Sacramento to Ogden, and with the
       advantage of crossing the Sierras at 2000 feet less elevation.
       It reaches the Sacramento Valley by the canyon of the Feather
       River and opens up a large area of rich country to railway
       communication. It will be completed through to San Francisco
       in 1910, and will be the fifth trans continental line
       terminating on San Francisco Bay.

       "Another great work of railway construction in progress in
       1909 is the rebuilding upon an improved grade of the Central
       Pacific road through the Sierras. The extreme elevation of the
       present road at the summit of the range (7000 feet) is to be
       diminished by a lengthy tunnel. Other work of construction
       soon to be brought to completion is the extension of the
       Northwestern Pacific, a coast road north from San Francisco
       Bay to Eureka on Humboldt Bay, and the extension of the Ocean
       Shore Railway south along the coast to Santa Cruz.

       "The records of the State Railroad Commission show in 1909 a
       total mileage in the state of 6744.54 miles.

       "The lines operated by the principal companies measure up as
       follows:

                                              MILES.
       Southern Pacific System.               3,582
       Santa Fé System.                         978
       Northwestern Pacific.                    404
       San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake.    341
       Western Pacific.                         237
       Yosemite Valley Railroad.                 79

       "Suburban electric railways have reached a high stage of
       development and utility in Southern California, in the Santa
       Clara Valley, connecting numerous cities and towns in the
       vicinity of San Francisco Bay, and in the Sacramento Valley.
       The increase of electric power by the further utilization of
       the water power of the Sierra Nevada streams will certainly
       bring about in the near future a great extension of electrical
       transportation for freighting as well as in passenger
       traffic."

          Frederick H. Clark,
          Head of History Department,
          Lowell High School, San Francisco.

    CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909.
       Constitutional changes.

       "Amendments to the state constitution originate with the
       legislature, and are placed before the voters of the state at
       the biennial state elections. Dissatisfaction with parts of
       the state constitution is manifested by an increasing number
       of proposed amendments. So long as property interests are not
       antagonized, the voters show a willingness to make changes by
       ratifying a large majority of the amendments proposed. Among
       the important subjects upon which amendments have been adopted
       within the past ten years are the following:

       authorization of legislation for the control of
       primary elections;
       providing for the use of voting machines;
       the establishment of a system of state highways;
       increasing the salaries of judges and of state
       executive officers;
       changing the pay of members of the legislature from
       $8.00 per diem for a period not to exceed 60 days to
       the sum of $1000 for the regular session;
       authorizing the legislature to provide a state tax for the
       support of high schools;
       permitting exemption from taxation of various forms of
       property, such as buildings used exclusively for religious
       purposes and the endowments of the Leland Stanford Junior
       University, the California School of Mechanical Arts,
       and the Cogswell Polytechnical College,
       —also personal property at the will of the owner
       to the amount of $100;
       eight hours made a legal day’s work on all public work
       throughout the state;
       authorization for the depositing of public funds in banks.

    {63}

       An important change in the state judiciary was made in 1904 by
       the creation of district courts of appeal for the relief of
       the congested condition of the business of the State Supreme
       Court. The state was divided into three judicial districts, in
       each of which was established a court of appeal consisting of
       three judges elected from within the district for a term of
       twelve years.

       "A plan for the reorganization of the revenue system of the
       state was placed before the voters in 1908, but failed of
       adoption. The proposed amendment was the outcome of a movement
       that began in 1905 with the appointment of a special
       commission on taxation. This commission employed expert
       assistance and made a thorough study of the subject of public
       revenues. Its work was placed before the next meeting of the
       legislature from which came the proposed amendment. Its
       central object was to discover new sources of revenue for the
       state treasury, leaving the direct property tax for the
       maintenance of local government alone."

          Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
          Lowell, High School, San Francisco.

    CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
       Anti-Japanese agitation.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.
       The earthquake of April 18.
       Destruction at San Francisco by fire following the shock.
       Cause of the occurrence.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

    CALIPHATE, The Mohammedan:
       The Turkish Sultan’s title disputed.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

    CAMPBELL, H. W.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

    CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
       Prime Minister of the British Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
       Address at Colonial Conference.

          See BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, SIR HENRY:
       DEATH, April 22, 1908.

       ----------CANADA: Start--------

    CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.
       The interchange of people between Canada and the United States.
       The "American Invasion."
       Rapid settlement of the Canadian Northwest.
       Immigration in the last decade.

       "Nature is healing the schism of the race by her own slow but
       efficacious methods. Hundreds of families of the United Empire
       stock have gone back to the United States, in some instances
       to the very place of their origin. Upwards of a million native
       Canadians are now living in the States, the great majority as
       naturalised Americans; whilst American farmers, attracted by
       cheap land and good laws, are entering the Canadian North-West
       at the rate of 50,000 a year. The exodus, as migration across
       the line is called, is a heavy drain on Canada; like an
       ancient conqueror, it sweeps away the flower of both sexes,
       leaving the unfittest to survive. During the last 30 years we
       have spent $10,000,000 on immigration work in Europe, yet our
       population has not held its natural increase, has not, that
       is, grown as fast as the population of an old and over-crowded
       country like England. The Canadian lad thinks no more of
       transferring himself to Buffalo or Chicago than a Scotch youth
       of going up to London, perhaps not so much. On the other hand,
       American tourists, ‘drummers,’ lecturers, sportsmen and
       investors come and go in Canada precisely as if this were a
       State of the Union. When we produce a champion athlete, a
       clever journalist or eloquent divine, they annex him and
       advertise him next day as a Yankee. Marrying and giving in
       marriage is going on without the slightest regard for the
       doctrines of the Loyalists. There are said to be 200 college
       professors of Canadian birth in the United States. I am
       acquainted with some of them, and in their opinion, whatever
       it may be worth, Canada can best serve herself by becoming
       politically independent, and could best serve England by
       joining the American Union, where her presence and vote would
       offset the Anglophobia latent or active in other elements.

       "The influence of the Canadian-Americans, to say nothing of
       that of the Americans proper, is visible on every side in
       English Canada; they are constantly visiting the old home, in
       many cases paying the interest of the mortgage on it. The
       French Canadians in New England have taught those in Quebec
       that the priest has no business to interfere unduly in
       elections, or to make war on Liberalism; that the Press ought
       to be free, and the State, not the Church, supreme within the
       sphere she defines as her own. Every day the French Canadian
       papers publish columns of correspondence from the French
       settlements in the factory towns across the line, but of
       British affairs editors and readers know little, and,
       apparently, care less. I mention this not to sneer at the
       French Canadian Press, but to show those Englishmen who urge
       us to cultivate the Imperialist spirit how difficult it would
       be for Mrs. Partington to keep out the Atlantic.

       "In English Canada, our newspapers supply us with British news
       filtered through American channels; we read American books,
       are interested in American politics, frequent their
       watering-places and race tracks, imitate their tariffs, play
       baseball and poker, live under local institutions fashioned
       after theirs, think like them, speak like them, eat like them,
       dress like them; when we visit England, we find ourselves
       taken for them and treated well in consequence, better than if
       we confessed ourselves Colonials."

          E. Farrer,
          Canada and the new Imperialism
          (Contemporary Review, December, 1903).

       "Some ten years since there began to trickle into the vast
       wastes of the West the tiny rivulet of immigration which has
       now become a great stream. Many influences have gone toward
       widening this current of immigration, but the initial impulse
       which set it in motion came from the courage of one man. In
       1896 Clifford Sifton, a young man, thirty-five years of age,
       who had already played a considerable rôle in the
       politics of Manitoba, became Minister of the Interior in the
       Dominion Government. He was equipped with a genius for
       organization, an almost unequaled capacity for persistent hard
       work, and, above all, a faith in the West which knew neither
       wavering nor questioning.
    {64}
       He threw himself with immense energy into the task of
       advertising the Canadian West to the world and inducing
       immigration. His conception of the problem and its solution
       was Napoleonic; for he saw what others could not see and even
       scouted as absurd, that the people who could be induced most
       easily to lead the procession into the vacant prairies lived
       in the adjoining States of the American Union. A new
       generation had grown up in these States on the farms secured
       as free grants by their fathers in the ’70's, and he saw that
       when they looked for lands for themselves there would be none
       available at all comparable with those of Western Canada.
       Therefore, he argued, to acquaint them with the opportunities
       and possibilities of the new land to the north would be to
       insure such a migration as he desired, and if the stream once
       began flowing it would widen by its own velocity. This was the
       great idea which, given effect to by an organization called
       into being by first-class executive talent, operating with
       limitless resources, broke forever the great silence of the
       prairies and made them the Mecca of the world’s landless folk.

       "There had been for years Canadian immigration agencies at
       various places in the United States, but they had been
       administered in a spirit of perfunctory hopelessness. These
       offices were reorganized; new ones opened; tens of thousands
       of dollars were expended in advertising and in the
       distribution of printed literature; enterprising drummers were
       sent abroad throughout the Western States to preach up the
       opportunities of Western Canada; representative farmers were
       induced to take trips through the Canadian West, all expenses
       paid by the government,—in fact, everything that trained
       business talent could suggest was done.

       "The result? In the first year of the new order of things 2412
       Americans came to Canada, and thereafter the number mounted
       yearly. By 1899 the figures had reached 11,945; 1901, 17,987;
       1902, 26,388; 1903, 49,473; 1904, 45,171; 1905, 43,652; 1906,
       57,919. During the ten years ending June 30, 1906, no less
       than 272,609 persons left the United States to become
       residents of Western Canada. These people came from all parts
       of the United States. The government homestead records for
       1906 show applications from persons coming from every State
       and Territory of the United States, including the District of
       Columbia and Alaska. North Dakota led in the applications,
       with Minnesota a close second; then came Iowa, Michigan,
       Washington, Wisconsin, Illinois, tapering to two from Alabama
       and one from Georgia. …

       "It has given Canada over a quarter of a million of settlers
       with the highest average of efficiency. They, almost without
       exception, have sufficient capital to make a good start, a
       most important consideration in a new country where money is
       scarce and dear. Akin to the Canadians in race, language,
       political and social customs, they become a part of the
       community just as naturally as one stream flows into another
       at the same level. These settlers have also brought with them
       fifty years’ experience in prairie farming, and by their
       example have enormously affected agricultural methods. …

       "More important, however, was the advertisement which the
       ‘American invasion’ gave Western Canada. It was precisely what
       the country needed—indeed there could have been no substitute
       for it in effectiveness. The Eastern Canadian was rather out
       of conceit with his own West; and if a migratory instinct
       drove him onward he went to the United States. In Great
       Britain Western Canada could get no hearing at all,—her
       emigrants went to Australia, the United States, New Zealand,
       or even to alien lands in preference to Canada. It is doubtful
       whether any possible exertions by the Government could have
       turned the attention of these people to Canada had not the
       influx of Americans to the prairies, loudly announced by all
       controllable agencies of publicity, challenged their attention
       and pricked their national pride. Once the fact was driven
       into their consciousness they began to hold that if Western
       Canada was good enough for ‘Yankees’ it was good enough for
       them. British newspapers in particular showed a belated but
       very real interest.

       "The result has been a heavily increasing immigration from the
       British Isles, until it now exceeds by many thousands every
       year the arrivals from the United States. For the ten-year
       period specified above there were 311,747 immigrants from
       Great Britain, compared with 272,609 from the United States;
       with 248,250 from ‘other countries,’ chiefly continental
       Europe. The Scandinavian, Teutonic, and Slavic peoples are all
       strongly represented in Western Canada. The most numerous
       non-British people are the Ruthenians, or little Russians. In
       addition there is a large yearly influx of Canadian settlers
       from the older provinces, of whom there is no record excepting
       in the homestead applications. These figures showed that out
       of 41,869 applications for homesteads last year 27 per cent.
       were Canadians, 29 per cent. Americans, 20 per cent. from the
       British Isles, while the remaining 24 per cent. comprised
       persons of eighteen different nationalities. These statistics
       show that Western Canada is overwhelmingly English-speaking."

          John W. Dafoe,
          Western Canada: Its Resources and Possibilities
          (American Review of Reviews, June, 1907).

       Writing from Toronto, June 24, 1909, the regular Correspondent
       of the London Times took the subject of Canadian
       immigration, especially that from the United States, for
       extended treatment. Part of his remarks were as follows:

       "So long as the American States had free, fertile lands, it
       was natural that population should flow into the Republic.
       America, in the mind of Europe, was the land of promise and
       the home of freedom, and the United States was America. Canada
       was but a fringe of inhospitable British territory, where the
       spring came late and summer was brief, and winter was long and
       stern. The first great impulse to settlement came with the
       construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, but an even more
       material factor in Canadian development was the comparative
       exhaustion of the free land of the Western States and the
       increasing reputation of the Canadian West as a wheat-growing
       country. If the 20th century belongs to Canada, as Sir Wilfrid
       Laurier has said, it is primarily because the American
       Republic has become a far less formidable competitor for
       British and European immigration, and because thousands of
       American farmers have discovered that they can sell their
       improved farms at good prices and secure lands of equal value
       in Canada for themselves and their sons with a very small
       investment of capital.

    {65}

       "The total immigration since 1901 is estimated at 1,200,000.
       In that year it was 49,149. It rose in 1902 to 67,379. Thence
       there was a steady increase until 1907, when the figures were
       262,469. In 1908 the total immigration was between 140, 000
       and 142,000, and for this year the estimate is 200,000.
       British immigrants began to come in considerable Volume in
       1901, when there were 17,269 arrivals. The best year was 1907,
       when the number reported was 120,182, as compared with 83,975
       from the Continent of Europe and 58,312 from the United
       States. The decline in 1908 was chiefly in British and
       European immigration. Between 50,000 and 55,000 came from
       across the border, which was a greater number than came from
       either Britain or Europe. This year it is estimated that
       70,000 Americans will come into the country. They will take up
       between 20,000 and 25,000 homesteads, and as it is considered
       that they bring property to the average value of $1,000 each
       this would give a total new capital of $70,000,000. In 1907,
       the year in which we had our greatest Volume of immigration,
       there were 178,500 British and Americans as compared with
       84,000 from the Continent of Europe. For the last year there
       were 100,000 British and Americans and not a third as many
       from Europe.

       "It is apparent that, even with the best business management
       the Empire can apply to the direction of its population, the
       American immigration to Canada will continue to exceed that
       from Great Britain. One of the most careful and soberminded of
       our public men with whom I talked a few days ago, a man who
       knows the West and for years has had intimate official
       knowledge of the movements of population on both sides of the
       border, believes that in the next ten or twelve years five
       millions of Americans will come into Canada. Upon this I
       pronounce no opinion, save to agree that the overflow from the
       United States is bound to increase in Volume. Naturally there
       are those amongst us who regard ‘the American invasion’ with
       uneasiness, and fear the ultimate effect upon our institutions
       and upon the relation of Canada to the Empire. In this
       connexion I can only say that for some years I have been at
       pains to consult men from all parts of the West who should
       know the mind of these American settlers and their general
       disposition towards the social and political institutions of
       the country, and as yet I have not found a single Western
       Canadian to express apprehension. They all agree that, while
       the Americans have a natural affection for ‘Old Glory’ and as
       yet may confuse the Fourth with the First of July, they pay
       ready allegiance to the flag under which they have come to
       live, and very generally agree that the impartial and
       inflexible administration of justice in Canada is in itself
       sufficient reason for the permanence of the British allegiance
       and an honest loyalty to Canadian institutions. What may be
       hidden in the womb of the future, when many of these Americans
       sit in the Legislatures and in the Federal Parliament, and
       become powerful in moulding public policy, we cannot know, but
       at least it is seldom that the seeds of revolution thrive
       amongst a prosperous agricultural population.

       "But it is to one particular phase of the movement of
       population that I desire chiefly to call attention. The
       migration to the West has had a marked effect on the older
       Canadian provinces. Many farms in the long settled districts
       have been almost deserted. The old remain; the young have
       gone. The only compensation is that the sons prosper in the
       West."

       According to a despatch from Ottawa in September, 1909, "the
       annual Immigration Report states that the total arrivals in
       Canada during the last fiscal year were 146,908. For the first
       time in Canadian history immigrants from the United States
       exceeded those from the United Kingdom; the figures are
       respectively 59,832 and 52,901. The total immigration during
       the 13 years which the present Government has been in office
       was 1,366,658. American immigrants in that period have brought
       to Canada £12,000,000 in cash and effects. Immigration from
       France and Belgium declined last year and Japanese immigration
       fell off by 7,106. Only six Hindus entered Canada, compared
       with 2,623 in the previous year; 3,803 immigrants were
       rejected at ocean ports, of whom 1,748 were deported. The
       total deportations since 1902, when the system was first
       inaugurated, were 3,149, of whom 2,607 were English."

       Two months later it was reported from Ottawa that during the
       first six months of 1909 "homestead entries were made by
       27,296 bona fide settlers, representing free grants of
       Dominion lands of 4,367,360 acres. This is an increase of 939
       entries and of 150,200 acres as compared with the
       corresponding period of 1908. In September the total number of
       homestead entries was 2,902; of these 926 were American, 325
       English, 109 Scotch, 54 Irish, 336 Canadians from Ontario, and
       83 Canadians from Quebec."

       Previously, in August, it had been stated that "German
       capitalists have interested Toronto men in a big plan to
       colonize the lands of Alberta and Saskatchewan on a
       time-payment system. The scheme includes advances to settlers
       for the purchase of implements and for help in house building.
       The expectation is that 20,000 Germans will avail themselves
       of the scheme."

    CANADA: A. D. 1898-1903.
       German retaliation for the tariff discrimination
       in favor of British goods.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS.

    CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       The Census of the Dominion.
       New apportionment of parliamentary representation.

       The census of the Dominion, taken in 1901, showed
       a total population of     5,370,000,
       of which
       Ontario contained         2,182,947;
       Quebec,                   1,648,898;
       Nova Scotia,                459,574;
       New Brunswick,              331,120;
       Manitoba,                   254,947;
       British Columbia,           177,272;
       Prince Edward Island,       103,259;
       The Northwest Territories,
       Yukon included,             211,649.

       The new distribution of parliamentary representation,
       determined this year, gave the House of Commons a total
       membership of 214, apportioned as follows; Quebec 65 (as
       guaranteed by the Confederation Act); Ontario 86; Nova Scotia
       18; New Brunswick 13; Manitoba 10; British Columbia 7;
       Northwest Territories 10; Prince Edward Island 4; the Yukon 1.
       The basis was one representative for each 2500 people. Ontario
       lost 6 seats, Nova Scotia 2, New Brunswick and Prince Edward
       Island 1 each; all the other provinces gained, British
       Columbia to the extent of 7 seats, the Northwest Territories
       4, and Manitoba 3.

    CANADA: A. D. 1902.
       Colonial Conference at London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    {66}

    CANADA: A. D. 1903.
       Discovery of the cobalt silver mines in Ontario.

       Ore bodies carrying values in silver, cobalt, nickel, and
       arsenic were discovered in 1903, during the building of the
       Temiskaming and North Ontario Railway near the town of
       Haileybury, at a distance of about 103 miles from North Bay.
       The railway line ran over the most important vein that has
       been found, and signs of the latter were noticed in the spring
       of the year named. Prospecting was begun in the fall with
       quick results of important discovery, and the rapid attraction
       of a large mining population to what has become famous as the
       Cobalt District. The production of silver in the district
       increased from $111,887 in 1904 to $9,500,000 in 1908. The
       ores are said to be unique among those of North America.

          16th Annual Report of Ontario Bureau of Mines.

    CANADA: A. D. 1903 (May).
       Adoption of "Empire Day" in Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May).

    CANADA: A. D. 1903 (October).
       Settlement of the Alaskan boundary question.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

    CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Measures to establish sovereignty over land and sea
       of Hudson Bay region.

       "The agreement by Britain and America to arbitrate at The
       Hague the Newfoundland Fishery Question will probably pave the
       way for a similar solution of another entanglement, as
       threatening and complicated as that respecting the Alaskan
       Boundary, apparently now imminent between Canada and the
       United States over the sovereignty of Hudson Bay. This has a
       special relation to the Newfoundland problem, being also based
       on the treaty of 1818. The Canadian Government in August,
       1903, despatched the Newfoundland sealing steamer ‘Neptune’
       (one of the type of wood-built ships suited for the work) to
       the region, with an official expedition whose three-fold
       object was:
       (1) to reassert British sovereignty over all the land and seas
       there;
       (2) to expel or subject to Canadian authority the United
       States whalers who fish there, illegally, it is held; and
       (3) to secure further data tending to determine the
       navigability of the waters for an ocean grain route and
       justify subsidising or discouraging the construction of
       railways from the north-west to the shores of Hudson Bay.

       "In the summer of 1904, in anticipation of the ‘Neptune’s’
       return, the Canadian Government purchased from Germany the
       Antarctic exploring steamer ‘Gauss,’ re-named her the
       ‘Arctic,’ and sent her to Hudson Bay as an official cruiser,
       she conveying also Major Moodie, of the North-West Mounted
       Police, who was commissioned as ‘Governor of Hudson Bay ’ and
       was accompanied by a body of that famous force, to assist him
       in the administration of this extensive province, they to
       build posts there and establish themselves at the most
       important points. … The undisguised purpose of the Dominion is
       to take all possible steps to prevent the United States from
       securing any advantage, territorial or diplomatic, which would
       enable her to put forward pretensions such as have been
       advanced by her with respect to the Alaskan Boundary.

       "The similarity of this question to that of the Alaskan
       Boundary is quite striking. Geographically, the Hudson Bay
       region is to the Northeastern portion of the continent what
       Alaska is to the North-western. In the variety and value of
       natural resources both have much in common. The development of
       the Hudson Bay region, while not as advanced as that of
       Alaska, seems destined to be much accelerated in the near
       future in every department of industrial endeavour. The United
       States whalers, voyaging from New Bedford into Hudson Bay, and
       from San Francisco into Alaskan seas, penetrate to the very
       confines of the Arctic zone itself. To proceed against them
       now, after their having enjoyed for over seventy years an
       unrestricted access to Hudson Bay, whether entitled thereto or
       not, is a step which may provoke a repetition of the
       difficulties which were recently experienced over the Alaskan
       Boundary. …

       "[Canada] contends that from the entrance to Hudson Strait,
       which she says is in a line drawn from Cape Chidley, the
       northern projection of Labrador, to Resolution Island, the
       southern extremity of Baffin Land, all the waters and lands to
       the west, including the numerous islands of Arctic America,
       are her exclusive possession. She bases this contention on the
       following grounds:—

       "1. Discovery (the waters, coastline and hinterland having
       been discovered and charted by British explorers).

       "2. Occupation (the region having been occupied only by the
       Hudson Bay Company).

       "3. Treaty cession (the British rights to the region having
       been admitted by the French in 1713).

       "4. Acquiescence (the United States having acknowledged the
       Hudson Bay Company’s rights in 1818).

       "5. Purchase (Canada having bought out the Company in 1870).

       "But Americans are indisposed to acquiesce in any such
       conclusion as regards the waters of the Bay. They contend that
       the British had originally no rights beyond the three-mile
       limit, that the French in 1713 could cede them no more, and
       that the American concurrence in 1818 could apply only to the
       same territorial waters. In other words, they question the
       right of the British Monarch to grant such a Charter as he
       did, and it may be observed here that the same point has
       frequently been made in England also in the past by opponents
       of the Company and by legal critics."

          P. T. McGrath,
          The Hudson Bay Dispute
          (Fortnightly Review, January, 1908).

    CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.
       Attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward
       Great Britain and the United States on the Tariff question.

       "The attitude of the Canadian Manufacturers’ Association
       toward both the United States and Britain has been very
       frequently misrepresented by opponents of tariff reform in
       Canada and England. … The views of the Association were
       clearly set forth in the recommendations made by the Tariff
       Committee at the annual meeting in September, 1903, and
       adopted by the Association after full discussion. The
       attendance was very large, and the meeting was practically
       unanimous, only one member dissenting. The resolutions were as
       follows:

    {67}

       "'(1) That we reaffirm the tariff resolution passed at the
       last annual meeting in Halifax, as follows: Resolved, That in
       the opinion of this Association, the changed conditions which
       now obtain in Canada demand the immediate and thorough
       revision of the tariff, upon lines which will more effectually
       transfer to the workshops of our Dominion the manufacture of
       many of the goods which we now import from other countries;
       that, in any such revision, the interests of all sections of
       the community, whether of agriculture, mining, fishing, or
       manufacturing, should be fully considered, with a view, not
       only to the preservation, but to the further development, of
       all these great natural industries; that, while such a tariff
       should primarily be framed for Canadian interests, it should
       nevertheless give a substantial preference to the Mother
       Country, and also to any other part of the British Empire with
       which reciprocal preferential trade can be arranged,
       recognizing always that under any conditions the minimum
       tariff must afford adequate protection to all Canadian
       producers.

       (2) That, except in very special cases, we are opposed to the
       granting of bounties in Canada as a substitute for a policy of
       reasonable and permanent protection.

       (3) That we are strongly opposed to any reciprocity treaty
       with the United States affecting the manufacturing industries
       of Canada.

       (4) We recommend that the Dominion Government establish in
       Canada a permanent tariff commission of experts, who shall
       have constant supervision of tariff policy and changes, and
       shall follow closely the workings of the Canadian tariff with
       a view to making such recommendations to the Government as
       will best conserve and advance the interests of the Dominion.’

       "These resolutions were reaffirmed at the annual conventions
       in 1904 and 1905, meeting with no opposition."

          Watson Griffin,
          Canadian Manufacturers' Tariff Campaign
          (North American Review, August, 1906).

    CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.
       New transcontinental railway project.
       The Grand Trunk Pacific.

       "The project for a new transcontinental railway made the year
       1903 industrially significant. The scheme when finally
       presented to Parliament by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on July 31st,
       provided for the building of a new line from Moncton, New
       Brunswick, through Quebec to Winnipeg and the Pacific Coast at
       a terminus then not fixed, but now known to be Prince Rupert.
       The road is to be divided into two parts; the Eastern from
       Moncton to Winnipeg, which is to be built by the Government,
       and the Western from Winnipeg to Prince Rupert, to be built by
       the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Company. Provision was made
       for a lease of the Eastern section by the company and its
       purchase after fifty years. This company is practically the
       same as the Grand Trunk Railway Company. Sir Wilfrid estimated
       the cost at $13,000,000. There were provisions for Government
       assistance in the guaranteeing of the bonds of the new
       company."

          F. B. Tracy,
          Tercentenary History of Canada,
          Volume 3, page 1034 (Macmillan Company, New York, 1908).

       At the half yearly meeting of the Grand Trunk Company in
       London, October 21, 1909, the President, Sir C. Rivers Wilson,
       who had recently returned from Canada, spoke of the present
       state and prospects of the transcontinental line, partly as
       follows:

       "They were, he remarked, under an obligation to complete their
       road through to Prince Rupert by December 1, 1911, but, owing
       to the want of labour, he feared there was very little chance
       of their succeeding in doing so. … They had built through to
       Winnipeg on the one hand and to Lake Superior on the other,
       but there remained an unfortunate link of 245 miles to
       complete their junction with Lake Superior. … After what had
       happened he was very chary of making any prediction, but he
       should think that, after all that had taken place, and after
       the great pressure which was now being put on the contractors,
       the road would be finished by next summer. Their great object,
       of course, was to link up the west with their eastern system.
       That would be done during the summer by the road coming down
       to Lake Superior, which would enable them to communicate by
       water with their Georgian Bay port, and during the winter,
       when navigation was closed, by way of land north of Lake
       Superior by the line the Government was to build to a place
       called Cochrane, about 540 miles distant, where they would
       obtain communication with North Bay and put themselves in
       contact with their own Ontario road."

    CANADA: A. D. 1904.
       General Election.
       Continuance of the Laurier Ministry.
       The Earl of Minto succeeded as Governor-General by Earl Grey.

       The general election in 1904 resulted in a parliamentary
       majority of 64 for the Liberals, thus firmly reseating the
       Laurier Ministry. The Conservatives carried Ontario, but were
       beaten heavily in the Maritime Provinces, in Quebec, and in
       the West. The general prosperity of the country gave a backing
       to the Liberals which no political criticism could overcome.

       The Earl of Minto was succeeded as Governor-General, in 1904,
       by Earl Grey, grandson of the Earl Grey who, as Prime Minister
       of England in 1832, carried through the first Reform of
       Parliament, extinguishing the "rotten boroughs," transferring
       political power from the land-owning aristocracy to the middle
       class of English people, and beginning the democratizing of
       government, which two later reforms have made nearly complete.
       "There can be no doubt," said a Canadian correspondent of one
       of the London journals lately, "that the present
       Governor-General is more widely popular in Canada than any of
       his predecessors in that high office were, or could have been.
       Happy in his personality, happier still in his opportunities,
       he is known and liked by all sorts and conditions of Canadians
       in every part of the country; whereas more than one of those
       who have represented the Sovereign there since the creation of
       the Canadian Confederacy were regarded as august functionaries
       forming the ‘dignified part’ of the constitutional mechanism
       (to use Bagehot’s phrase), and as sedulously avoiding close
       contact with the people at large."

       Within the past year it has been announced officially from
       Ottawa that Lord Grey will fill out his full period of six
       years in the office of Governor-General, expiring in December,
       1910.

    CANADA: A. D. 1904.
       Creation of the Board of Railway Commissioners.
       Its large regulative powers.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CANADA.

    CANADA: A. D. 1904-1909.
       Race problems.
       Restriction of Chinese Immigration.
       Labor hostility.
       Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu laborers.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

    {68}

    CANADA: A. D. 1905.
       New Provinces created.
       Alberta and Saskatchewan.
       Revival of the Separate School controversy.
       The compromise settlement.

       By Bills brought into the Dominion Parliament by the Premier,
       Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on the 21st of February, 1905, and
       subsequently passed, the four Northwest Territories ceded to
       the Dominion by Great Britain in 1870 were reorganized as two
       provinces, and admitted to membership in the Canadian Federal
       Union, bearing the names of Alberta and Saskatchewan, with
       Edmonton for the capital of the former and Regina for the
       latter.

          See, in Volume IV. of this work,
          NORTHWEST TERRITORIES OF CANADA.

       Saskatchewan includes the territories of Saskatchewan,
       Assiniboia, and one-half of Athabasca, and Alberta the
       territory of Alberta and the remainder of Athabasca. The
       entire area of the two provinces is 550,345 square miles, and
       it extends from Manitoba west to the 110th meridian, and from
       the United States boundary to 60 north latitude. The
       population of each province was reckoned at 250,000, and was
       rapidly increasing. The Dominion Government retains control of
       the public lands. Each of the new provinces received at the
       beginning five representatives in the Dominion House of
       Commons and four in the Senate. A single Legislative Chamber
       of twenty-five members was provided for each; each has a
       Lieutenant-Governor, with a Cabinet of responsible Ministers.
       The Dominion Treasury contributes $250,000 yearly to the
       revenue of each.

       A provision in these bills for conceding separate schools to
       religious minorities revived the controversy which raged in
       Canada for many years, after the Province of Manitoba, in
       1890, had abolished denominational schools and established a
       free, compulsory, unsectarian school system.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and A. D, 1898 (JANUARY).

       The Government was forced to amend the provision, devising a
       compromise which cannot be said to have satisfied either party
       to the dispute, but which saved the Government from a probable
       defeat. This affords a half hour of religious teaching, by
       denominational teachers, at the end of school hours, the
       denominational character of the instruction determined by the
       majority in attendance, and its reception to be optional. As
       explained at the time by a writer in The Outlook, the working
       of the system is as follows. "The half-hour is the only
       noteworthy feature of the separate schools. They are liable
       for no other school taxation than that which is necessary to
       support those schools. In all other respects, in every detail
       of government control and oversight, they are exactly like the
       schools of the majority. From nine o’clock in the morning
       until three o’clock in the afternoon the order of lessons is
       the same for all; so are the textbooks, the standards of
       efficiency, and the qualifications of the teachers. There
       cannot be any control of the school by any clerical or
       sectarian body. There cannot be any sectarian teaching between
       nine o’clock in the morning and three o’clock in the
       afternoon. The Normal schools of the new provinces will give a
       uniform normal training for all teachers, and there will be
       uniform curricula and courses of study for all schools of the
       same grade. There will be complete and absolute control of all
       schools as to their government and conduct by the central
       school authority created by the new provincial Legislature.
       The distribution of the legislative grant to all schools will
       be according to educational efficiency, a wise provision which
       did not apply to separate schools of the old type. To
       recapitulate, all the schools are alike, except that where the
       trustees are Protestant there is Protestant religious teaching
       from half-past three to four, and where the trustees are Roman
       Catholic there is Roman Catholic teaching during the
       half-hour. That is the only distinction, and neither
       Protestant nor Roman Catholic children, when they are in the
       minority, need remain to hear any religious teaching against
       their parents’ wishes."

    CANADA: A. D. 1906.
       Dominion Forest Reserves Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          Conservation of Natural Resources.

    CANADA: A. D. 1906.
       Passage of the "Lord’s Day Act."

          See (in this Volume)
          SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

    CANADA: A. D. 1906.
       Prisons and Reformatory Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    CANADA: A. D. 1906 (May).
       Departure of the last British garrison.

       On the 1st of May, 1906, the last British garrison in the
       Dominion was withdrawn from Esquimault, in British Columbia,
       under an arrangement which leaves the Canadian Government in
       undivided control of all military posts.

    CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.
       Political experiments in Ontario.
       Broadening the functions of government.

       The Canadians of their Middle West, who used to be the most
       conservative of Britons, have manifested lately a new spirit,
       wafted, perhaps, from adventuresome New Zealand, and are
       trying governmental experiments that would stagger
       Oklahoma,—trying them, too, with what looks like success.

       For the development of the rich cobalt and silver mining
       region on its eastern border, and for the encouragement of
       colonization farther northward on the same border, the Ontario
       Government has not hesitated to construct and own and operate
       officially an important line of railway, the Temiskaming and
       Northern Ontario, which is reported to have been profitable
       from the start. The road may possibly be extended to James
       Bay, the southward projection of Hudson Bay.

       The progressive government of Ontario has also undertaken to
       work for its own benefit the mines in a large lately opened
       block of the Cobalt mining territory, covering about 100
       square miles. In somewhat the same line of economic policy, it
       determined in 1906 to control the development and transmission
       of electric power at and from Niagara Falls, and accomplished
       its purpose by a contract with the Ontario Power Company,
       which secures power to municipalities in Ontario at an
       extremely reasonable rate.

       This adventurous policy in economic directions is less
       surprising, however, than an absolutely novel experiment in
       the officializing of political parties, as agencies in
       representative government, which has been put on trial in
       Ontario during two parliamentary sessions. For the first time
       in constitutional history, the opposition leader in a
       legislature has been made a recognized functionary and
       salaried by the Government to the extent of $7,000 a year.
       Theoretically, the importance of an effectively critical
       opposition to the majority party in a legislature is always
       acknowledged. Is there not good sense, then, theoretically at
       least, in a policy of government which aims to increase the
       efficiency of that criticism and give it a responsible
       character, in the mode which the Ontarians are trying?

    {69}

       After between two and three years trial of this last named
       experiment, with a salaried leader of the Opposition, the
       Toronto correspondent of the London Times wrote, in
       June, 1909, to that paper as follows:

       "This is an experiment in Parliamentary government which has
       not been attempted elsewhere. It has both advantages and
       disadvantages. There are few men of wealth or leisure in
       Canadian public life, and generally a private party fund has
       been provided for the support of the leader of the Opposition.
       The charge was commonly made that as this fund was likely to
       be provided by the few wealthy men of the party they would
       exact compensation in the form of official appointment or
       legislative favour when the Opposition leader became the head
       of the Government. It was decided, therefore, to give a
       salary, equal to the emoluments of a Minister of the Crown, to
       the leader of the Opposition. Mr. Borden [leader of the
       Opposition in Ontario for some time past] sanctioned this
       legislation and accepted the remuneration provided. It was
       argued that he thus became a pensioner on the Government, and
       that a servile consideration for his salary would affect his
       independence and restrain his criticism of the paymasters on
       the Treasury benches. Mr. Borden, while disposed more than
       once to relinquish the salary, felt that this criticism was
       unjust, and, knowing the grave financial distresses which some
       of his predecessors had experienced, waited patiently for the
       attack to exhaust itself and for opportunity to prove that he
       was not a dependent of the Treasury. At length his course
       seems to be justified, and the appropriation of a salary for
       the leader of the Opposition seems likely to become a settled
       feature of the Canadian Parliamentary system. The real test
       will come, however, if the system of Parliamentary groups
       should ever replace the established two-party system in
       Canada. But for the time the experiment has been justified,
       and under the conditions which so often obtain in Canada it
       may even be said that the official salary enhances the
       independence and dignity of the Opposition leader in
       Parliament."

    CANADA: A. D. 1906-1908.
       The Canada Temperance Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CANADA.

    CANADA: A. D. 1907.
       The founding of Macdonald College.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

    CANADA: A. D. 1907 (March).
       The "Industrial Disputes Investigation Act," to aid in the
       prevention and settlement of Strikes and Lockouts.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

    CANADA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
       Imperial Conference at London.

          See (in this Volume)
          British Empire: A. D. 1907.

    CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Convention respecting commercial relations with France
       and its amendment.

       A Convention which greatly liberalized the tariff regulations
       affecting trade between Canada and France was concluded
       between the British and French Governments and signed at Paris
       on the 19th of September, 1907. It gave "the benefit of the
       minimum tariff and of the lowest rates of customs duty
       applicable to like products of other foreign origin,"
       reciprocally, in each country to certain enumerated products
       of the other; with mutual pledges that every reduction granted
       by either to any foreign country should apply to similar
       products of the other.

       In January, 1909, an amended Convention was negotiated which
       liberalized still further this commercial agreement, enlarging
       the schedules of favored products, especially the agricultural
       schedules, giving important advantages to Canada in the French
       market. The amended Convention was ratified in France on the
       13th of July, and in Canada early in December.

    CANADA: A. D. 1908.
       Child Labor legislation.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

    CANADA: A. D. 1908.
       Governmental undertaking of a railway to Hudson Bay.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Convention for the preservation and propagation of Food
       Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

             See (in this Volume)
             FOOD FISHES.

    CANADA: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty respecting the demarcation of the International
       Boundary between the United States and Canada.

       A Treaty "providing for the more complete definition and
       demarcation of the international boundary between the United
       States and the Dominion of Canada," negotiated by Ambassador
       Bryce and Secretary Root, appointed Plenipotentiaries of the
       Governments of Great Britain and the United States,
       respectively, was signed at Washington on the 4th of June,
       1908. The Treaty provides for parcelling the boundary line in
       eight sections, for the determination in each of which each
       Government "shall appoint, without delay, an expert geographer
       or surveyor to serve as Commissioner." Its first article
       prescribes with minuteness the procedure to be followed and
       the consideration to be given to former surveys and
       determinations of the boundary line "in the waters of
       Passamaquoddy Bay from the mouth of the St. Croix River to the
       Bay of Fundy." The second article defines similarly the task
       appointed to the Commissioners who shall determine the "line
       drawn along the middle of the River St. Croix from its mouth
       in the Bay of Fundy to its source." The third article
       instructs the Commissioners who shall fix the line from the
       source of the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence. The fourth deals
       in like manner with the next section of the line, from "the
       point of its intersection with the St. Lawrence River near the
       forty-fifth parallel of north latitude, as determined under
       articles I. and VI. of the Treaty of August 9, 1842, between
       Great Britain and the United States, and thence through the
       Great Lakes and communicating waterways to the mouth of Pigeon
       River, at the western shore of Lake Superior." The fifth
       pursues the line from "the mouth of Pigeon River to the
       northwestern-most point of the Lake of the Woods." The sixth
       traces the work to be done on the line from that point of the
       Lake of the Woods to the summit of the Rocky Mountains. The
       seventh relates to the section of boundary "along the
       forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the summit of the
       Rocky Mountains westward to the eastern shore of the Gulf of
       Georgia, as defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15,
       1846, between Great Britain and the United States and as
       marked by monuments along its course,"—for the renewing and
       completing of which monuments commissioners were appointed by
       concurrent action of the two Governments in 1902 and 1903. The
       eighth article has to do with the western terminal section of
       the task, carrying the boundary line "from the forty-ninth
       parallel of north latitude along the middle of the channel
       which separates Vancouver’s Island from the mainland and the
       Haro Channel and of Fuca’s Straits to the Pacific Ocean, as
       defined in article I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, between
       Great Britain and the United States, and as determined by the
       award made on October 21, 1872, by the Emperor of Germany as
       arbitrator.

    {70}

       In articles one and two there are provisions for the
       arbitration of disagreements; and the concluding article
       contains the following:

       "If a dispute or difference should arise about the location or
       demarcation of any portion of the boundary covered by the
       provisions of this Treaty and an agreement with respect
       thereto is not reached by the Commissioners charged herein
       with locating and marking such portion of the line, they shall
       make a report in writing jointly to both Governments, or
       severally each to his own Government, setting out fully the
       questions in dispute and the differences between them, but
       such Commissioners shall, nevertheless, proceed to carry on
       and complete as far as possible the work herein assigned to
       them with respect to the remaining portions of the line.

       "In case of such a disagreement between the Commissioners, the
       two Governments shall endeavor to agree upon an adjustment of
       the questions in dispute, and if an agreement is reached
       between the two Governments it shall be reduced to writing in
       the form of a protocol, and shall be communicated to the said
       Commissioners, who shall proceed to lay down and mark the
       boundary in accordance therewith, and as herein provided, but
       without prejudice to the special provisions contained in
       Articles I and II regarding arbitration.

       "It is understood that under the foregoing articles the same
       persons will be appointed to carry out the delimitation of
       boundaries in the several sections aforesaid, other than the
       section covered by Article IV, unless either of the
       Contracting Powers finds it expedient for some reason which it
       may think sufficient to appoint some other person to be
       Commissioner for any one of the above-mentioned sections."

    CANADA: A. D. 1908 (July).
       Tercentenary Celebration of the Founding of Quebec.

       The three hundredth anniversary of the founding of Quebec by
       Champlain was celebrated at that city in July, 1908, with
       remarkable spirit and success. The Government of the Dominion
       took an active and important part in the preparations,
       nationalizing the battle-field of Wolfe’s victory over
       Montcalm, on the Plains of Abraham, and converting it into a
       park, where the principal pageants and ceremonies of the
       occasion were performed. The Imperial Government interested
       itself warmly in the undertaking, the Prince of Wales, Lord
       Roberts, the Duke of Norfolk, and other distinguished
       personages from Great Britain coming as guests of the
       festivity and to bear a part. Living descendants of Wolfe and
       Montcalm were also invited guests, and the Governments of
       France and the United States were officially represented.
       Battleships from the fleets of these nations and from Germany,
       Italy, Spain, Japan and the Argentine Republic were brought to
       a friendly concourse in the harbor of Quebec, for
       participation in the brilliant spectacles of the féte. These
       included a military representation of the armies of Wolfe and
       Montcalm, on the field where they fought; a representation of
       the landing of Champlain, from a ship which duplicated the
       structure and equipment of his own, and a number of other
       historical pageants, all admirably planned and executed, and
       offering a rare entertainment to the many thousands of
       visitors who were attracted to Quebec from all parts of the
       Dominion and the United States.

       The celebration began on the 19th of July and continued
       through two weeks.

    CANADA: A. D. 1908 (September).
       Act to amend Civil Service Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909.
       The projected Georgian Bay Canal.
       Present state of the project.

       "The scheme for a canal to give through transport for
       ocean-going steamers from Montreal to the Great Lakes may now
       be said to have emerged from the field of idealism into that
       of practical politics, the need for such a waterway having
       been generally recognized by Canadian politicians. In
       commercial circles there is the strongest feeling that the
       canal works should be put in hand at once, and at the end of
       April last a powerful deputation representing 20 Canadian
       Boards of Trade and 54 municipalities pressed this point of
       view upon the Government. At the present time questions of
       finance alone prohibit the practical adoption of the
       enterprise. … When the work is started, it will probably be
       found that the contract will be entrusted to private
       enterprise under Government supervision.

       … The present position of the negotiations between the
       Government and the canal company is that the latter
       corporation having matured its scheme, the Government
       engineers have made a report, and a compromise has now to be
       effected on those points where the recommendations of the
       Government engineers differ from the scheme of construction
       drawn up by the Georgian Bay Canal Company.

       "The total distance of the route planned by the canal company
       engineers between Georgian Bay on Lake Huron to Montreal, the
       head of ocean navigation on the St. Lawrence River, is 440
       miles. The project is essentially a river and lake
       canalization scheme, and for the greater part of its course
       the projected route follows the course of the French River and
       the Ottawa. River and its lakes. From Georgian Bay to the
       summit level it is proposed to utilize the middle channel of
       French River to Lake Nipissing. From the northern side of this
       lake to the summit level, a distance of over 80 miles from
       Georgian Bay, it would be mainly an artificial waterway. From
       the summit level, 677 ft. above sea level, there is a long
       fall to Montreal, and the route proposed by the canal company
       engineers is via Trout and Turtle Lakes, the little
       Mattawa River into Talon Lake to Sand Bay, a distance of 21
       miles. A canal three miles long would carry the waterway to
       the Mattawa River, 13 miles of which would be utilized, and a
       short canal cut would give access to the Ottawa River, which
       would then be followed for a distance of 293 miles. Thence the
       St. Lawrence River or a branch of the Ottawa River, known as
       the Back River, would form the new waterway for the last 25
       miles. The difference in elevation of 659 ft. between Montreal
       and the summit level, and 99 ft. between the summit and
       Georgian Bay would be bridged by 27 locks, ranging in lift
       from 5 ft. to 50 ft. These locks would be designed for a
       length of 940 ft., with a width of 70 ft. and with 22 ft. of
       water upon the lock sills, the proposed depth of the canal
       being 24 ft.
    {71}
       The total length of canal cutting for the route is estimated
       at from 28 to 34 miles, and in all about 108 miles out of the
       total length of 440 miles would require excavation work for
       lock approaches, canals, and submerged channels.

       "The plans of the Government engineers, as embodied in a
       report to the Department Of Public Works, do not differ
       materially from those of the canal company. The latter
       proposes a 24 ft. waterway, with 22 ft. upon the lock sills;
       the Government plans provide for a 22 ft. waterway, which, it
       is pointed out, would more than equal the conditions as they
       exist to-day in the channels connecting the waters of the
       Great Lakes, which govern the draught of boats on the Lakes. …
       The opening up of the Great Lakes for the first time to
       ocean-going traffic would be an event of the first commercial
       magnitude. It is not generally recognized that the trade of
       the Lakes is greater than the coasting trade of England, of
       France, and of Germany put together. The statistical reports
       of Lake commerce passing through the canals at Sault Ste.
       Marie, Michigan and Ontario, show that the tonnage passing
       through these canals increased during 1897 to 1907 from
       18,982,755 to 58,217,214.

       "Reference should also be made to the water powers which would
       be created by the present plans for the construction of the
       canal. The report of the Government engineers states that
       nearly 1,000,000 h. p. could be secured along the Ottawa and
       French rivers and it is estimated that 100,000 h. p. would be
       available within almost a mile of the city of Montreal.

       "The question yet to be decided is when can the country afford
       to start the work. Sir Robert Perks, M. P., who has been
       intimately associated with the scheme, recently submitted an
       offer to the Government on behalf of the canal company, who
       own the charter, to provide £5,000,000 at a 3 per cent.
       guarantee, with ½ per cent. sinking fund, for the construction
       of the French River section of the canal, a distance of about
       86 miles, and to build docks and warehouses at North Bay on
       Lake Nipissing. … It is estimated that it would take ten years
       from the inception of the work before the canal would be open
       for navigation, and that the total cost would be about
       £20,000,000."

          Engineering Correspondence London Times,
          August 18, 1909.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909.
       The Great Mackenzie Basin.
       The Newest Canadian West.

       A report on the agricultural possibilities of the great
       Mackenzie Basin, prepared by a select committee of the
       Dominion Senate, was made public in the summer of 1909.
       "Basing their calculations upon the testimony of witnesses,
       the Committee calculate that some two million square miles
       between the northern limits of Saskatchewan and Alberta and
       the Arctic Circle can be used for pasturage and for the
       cultivation of wheat, barley, potatoes, and other vegetables.
       Until a few years ago not only the Mackenzie basin but the
       valley of Peace rivers were on account of their high latitudes
       considered to be unfit for cultivation. The comparatively mild
       climate, which, as the report shows, they in reality enjoy, is
       said to be due to the proximity of large bodies of water such
       as the Great Slave and Great Bear lakes and to the
       chinook wind, the warm current of air that blows across
       the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific. The shortness of the
       sub-Arctic summer appears to be offset by the proportionate
       length of the days and by the clearness of the air. In regard
       to the future of the district with which it deals the report
       points out that in 1870 the representatives of the people of
       Eastern Canada were anxious to obtain in regard to what is now
       the prosperous province of Manitoba exactly the same
       information as the Committee has been engaged in collecting
       about Canada’s ‘newest west.’"

    CANADA: A. D. 1909.
       The opposition in Newfoundland to union with the Dominion.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (January).
       The Waterways Treaty between the United States and Great
       Britain, concerning the waters between the former and Canada.

       Resulting from the labors of an International Waterways
       Commission, appointed four years before, a Waterways Treaty,
       having reference to the lakes and rivers that lie along the
       boundary between Canada and the United States, was concluded
       by Ambassador Bryce, on the part of the British Government,
       and Secretary of State Root, on the part of the United States,
       in January, 1909. The Treaty was ratified by the Senate of the
       United States in the closing hours of the Congressional
       session which ended March 4, but with a proviso, in the form
       of a resolution attached. The following is a summary of the
       provisions of the Treaty as it went to the Senate:

       "A preliminary article defines the Canadian and American
       boundary waters.

       "Article I. enacts that the navigation of these waters,
       including Lake Michigan and the canals connecting them, shall
       for ever continue free and open for the purposes of commerce
       to the inhabitants of both countries. Regulations affecting
       canals in the territory of either country shall apply equally
       to inhabitants of the other who may wish to make use thereof.

       "Article II. reserves to the signatories and to the State and
       provincial Governments exclusive control over the use,
       diversion, &c., of such waters in their territory as flow into
       the boundary waters or across the frontier. Any inhabitant of
       either country injured by the use of this privilege will be
       entitled to the legal remedies he would have if he were a
       native of the defendant country. The contracting parties,
       however, reserve the right of objection whenever navigation on
       their own side of the boundary is imperilled by any diversion
       of water across it.

       "Articles III. and IV. provide that no works shall be
       undertaken on either side of the line, if such works would be
       likely to affect the level of the waters on the other side,
       without agreement between the contracting parties and the
       sanction of the Joint Commission. Pollution of the waters is
       also forbidden.

       "Article V., which relates to the diversion of the waters of
       Niagara, the control of the level of Lake Erie, and the flow
       of the Niagara River, has a clause which states that it is the
       desire of both parties to accomplish these objects with the
       least possible injury to the investments which have already
       been made in the construction of power plants on the United
       States side of the Niagara River under grants of authority
       from the State of New York, and on the Canadian side of the
       river under licenses authorized by the Dominion of Canada and
       the Province of Ontario.

    {72}

       "Article VI. apportions the uses of the St. Mary’s and Milk
       rivers and their tributaries in the west.

       "Article VII. provides for the creation of an International
       Joint Commission, consisting of three representatives of
       Canada and three of the United States.

       "Article VIII. provides that the Commission shall have
       jurisdiction over, and shall decide all cases involving, the
       waterways where, under articles III. and IV., their approval
       is required, and gives principles for their guidance. The
       contracting parties are to have equal and similar rights. The
       uses of the water are to be considered in the following
       order:—First, domestic and sanitary purposes; secondly,
       purposes of navigation; third, purposes of power and
       irrigation. The Commission is invested with some discretion
       with regard to departure from the principle of equal division,
       &c. In case of a tie vote each Commissioner is to make a
       separate report to his Government; whereupon the two
       Governments shall attempt to reach an agreement.

       "The two following articles, IX. and X., requiring that all
       disputes shall be referred to the Commission, stand out as the
       most important provisions of the treaty. Article IX., after
       stating that matters of difference shall be referred to the
       Commission whenever either Government desires, goes on to
       authorize the Commission in each case so referred to examine
       into and report upon the facts and circumstances of the
       particular questions referred, together with such conclusions
       and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,
       to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with
       respect thereto by the terms of reference. Such reports of the
       Commission are in no way to have the character of an arbitral
       award. The Commission shall make joint report to both
       Governments in all cases wherein all or a majority of the
       Commissioners agree, and in case of disagreement the minority
       may make joint report to both Governments, or separate reports
       to their respective Governments. In case the Commission is
       evenly divided upon any question referred to it, separate
       reports shall be made by the Commissioners, one on each side
       to their own Government.

       "Article X. extends the powers of the Commission by providing
       that other matters of difference affecting the rights of
       either country may be referred to the Commission. In each case
       so referred the Commission is authorized to examine into and
       report upon the facts and circumstances of the particular
       questions and matters referred, together with such conclusions
       and recommendations as may be appropriate, subject, however,
       to any restrictions or exceptions which may be imposed with
       respect thereto by the terms of reference. A majority of the
       Commission shall have power to render a decision or finding
       upon any of the questions or matters so referred.

       "In the event of a failure of the Commission to agree upon the
       issues submitted to them for decision or report, the article
       requires the Commissioners to make a joint report to both
       Governments, or separate reports to their respective
       Governments, showing the different conclusions arrived at with
       regard to matters or questions so referred, which shall
       thereupon be submitted for decision by the high contracting
       parties to an umpire chosen in accordance with procedure
       prescribed in the fourth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of
       Article XLV. of The Hague Convention for the pacific
       settlement of international disputes, dated October 18, 1907.
       Such umpire, the article concludes, shall have power to render
       a final decision on matters whereon the Commission have failed
       to agree."

       The resolution attached to the Treaty by the Senate of the
       United States related to the use of waters flowing at the
       rapids of St. Mary’s River at Sault Ste. Marie, and was
       introduced by Senator Smith of Michigan. It is as follows:

       "Resolved—As part of this ratification, the United States
       approves this treaty, with the understanding that nothing in
       the treaty shall be construed as affecting or changing any
       existing territorial or riparian right in the water, or the
       rights of owners of lands under water, on either side of the
       international boundary, at the rapids of St. Mary’s River at
       Sault Ste. Marie, in the use of waters flowing over such
       lands, subject to the requirements of navigation in the
       boundary waters and of the navigation of canals, and without
       prejudice to the existing right of the United States and
       Canada, each to use the waters of St. Mary’s River within its
       own territory; and that this interpretation will be mentioned
       in the ratification of this treaty as conveying the true
       meaning of the treaty, and will in effect form part of the
       treaty."

       This stipulation was objectionable to Canada, and the consent
       of the Dominion Government to a ratification of the Treaty on
       the part of Great Britain was withheld. It has been
       understood, however, that the objection will be substantially
       removed if the Government of the United States acquires
       possession of the lands and riparian property concerned, which
       was provided for by an Act of Congress passed in March. The
       necessary proceedings will consume some time.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).
       The institution of a Department of External Affairs.

       An Associated Press despatch from Ottawa, on the 18th of
       February, 1909, made known that "the Canadian Government has
       announced its intention of creating a portfolio of external
       affairs. Heretofore all of the foreign business of Canada has
       been carried on through the channel of the British colonial
       and foreign office. Even after the external affairs branch is
       created by Canada this will be the principal avenue for such
       business. That method is cumbersome. In the case of
       negotiations with the United States, papers have to cross the
       Atlantic twice in passing from Washington to Ottawa, being
       sent first to the colonial office and then back to Canada. The
       process has been much criticised and both the prime minister
       and the opposition leader have declared themselves in favor of
       a modification. The creation of the external department is
       regarded as the first step. The most radical proposal is the
       intimation that in negotiations with the United States there
       will hereafter be direct communication between Washington and
       Canada, through the medium of the British Ambassador."

    {73}

       In the British Parliament, on the 4th of March, the Prime
       Minister, Mr. Asquith, replied to a question on the subject,
       as follows:

       "It is understood that the Canadian Government propose to
       establish a Department of External Affairs. This department is
       merely intended—like the corresponding department of the Com
       [Commonwealth?] wealth Government—to conduct correspondence
       with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and his
       Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington, and with the several
       departments of the Canadian Government. At present delay
       occurs in dealing with the correspondence, as there is no
       department to conduct the work. No suggestion has been made by
       the Canadian Government for the increase of their powers in
       dealing with external affairs."

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (February).
       Participation in a North American Conference on the
       Conservation of Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (April).
       Statistics of the Budget speech.
       Revenue.
       Trade.
       No increase of taxation.

       The following was reported in a despatch from Ottawa, April
       20, 1909:

       "Notwithstanding the financial stringency of the past year,
       which reduced the revenue of Canada by $11,500,000, Mr.
       Fielding, Minister of Finance, in his Budget speech today made
       the gratifying announcement that there was a surplus of
       $1,500,000 for the year ended March 31. The increase in the
       net debt was $46,029,000, of which $32,000,000 was for the
       National Transcontinental Railway and the Quebec Bridge. The
       total trade of the country during the past year was
       $553,737,000, a decrease of $97,000,000, principally in
       imports. The estimated expenditures for the current year were
       $80,078,624. In the judgment of the Government there was no
       necessity for increased taxation, but the situation should be
       met by a substantial reduction in expenditures."

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Important ruling by the Railway Commission affecting
       American Railways.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
       Imperial Defence Conference.
       Its agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).
       Meeting of the British Association for
       the Advancement of Science.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (August).
       Proposed union of the Maritime Provinces.

       A Press despatch of August 19, from Ottawa, reported:

       "At a conference of the Boards of Trade of the Maritime
       Provinces at Charlottetown a resolution was adopted in favour
       of the union of the Maritime Provinces. The Governments of
       Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island were
       asked to appoint a committee to draft terms of union. The
       general opinion is that only union can avert the overwhelming
       influence of the West in future."

    CANADA: A. D. 1909 (December).
       Convention relating to obstructions in the St. John River.

       "Commissioners have been appointed on the part of the United
       States to act jointly with commissioners on the part of Canada
       in examining into the question of obstructions in the St. John
       River, between Maine and New Brunswick, and to make
       recommendations for the regulation of the uses thereof, and
       are now engaged in this work."

          Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
          December 6, 1909.

    CANADA: A. D. 1909-1910.
       As affected by the new tariff of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    CANADA: A. D. 1910.
       Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA.

    CANADA: A. D. 1910 (January).
       Announcement of naval programme.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

       ----------CANADA: End--------

    CANADA STEEL CORPORATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: CANADA: A. D. 1909.

    CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY STRIKE, 1908.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

    CANAL ZONE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL.

    CANALS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA, GEORGIAN BAY,
          and (for Barge Canal) NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898-1909.

    CAMPANILE OF ST. MARK’S, at Venice.
       Its fall.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENICE: A. D. 1902.

    CANBERRA,
    YASS-CANBERRA.
       Chosen site of the Capital of Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

    CANCER RESEARCH.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    CANDAMO, PRESIDENT MANUEL.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU.

    CAPE COLONY.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA.

    CAPITALISTIC COMBINATIONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.;
          also RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES.

    CAPUCHINS:
       Forbidden to teach in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

    CARDUCCI, Giosue.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    CARLOS I., King of Portugal.
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909.

    CARMEN SYLVA: Queen of Roumania.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA: A. D. 1866-1906.

    CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
       Gift to Scottish universities and students.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

    CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
       Gift of a building at Washington for the
       Bureau of the American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS, INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF.

    CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
       Gift of a court house and library for the Permanent Court of
       Arbitration at The Hague.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

    CARNEGIE, ANDREW:
       At Peace Congress in New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    CARNEGIE FOUNDATION, FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF TEACHING.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

       April 15, 1904, a letter from Andrew Carnegie was made public
       announcing that he had set apart a fund of $5,000,000 to be
       known as "The Hero Fund." In this letter Mr. Carnegie said:
       "We live in an heroic age. Not seldom are we thrilled by deeds
       of heroism where men or women are injured or lose their lives
       in attempting to preserve or rescue their fellows; such are
       the heroes of civilization.
    {74}
       The heroes of barbarism maimed or killed. I have long felt
       that the heroes and those dependent upon them should be freed
       from pecuniary cares resulting from their heroism and as a
       fund for this purpose I have transferred to a commission
       $5,000,000 of collateral 5 per cent bonds of the United States
       Steel Corporation." Only such as follow peaceful vocations on
       sea or land in the United States or Canada are eligible to
       receive money or medals for heroic deeds. The commission which
       has charge of the fund has its headquarters in Pittsburg,
       Pennsylvania. A similar fund in Great Britain was created soon
       afterward by Mr. Carnegie, and in May, 1909, he placed, for
       the same purpose, $1,000,000 of the bonds of the United States
       Steel Corporation in the hands of trustees in France, under
       the sanction of the French Government.

    CARNEGIE INSTITUTE, The, at Pittsburg:
       Its enlargement and re-dedication.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF WASHINGTON.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

    CARTAGO, COSTA RICA:
       Institution of the Central American Court of Justice.
       Gift of a building by Mr. Carnegie.

          See (in this Volume)
          Central America: A. D. 1908.

    CARTELS.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

    CASABLANCA:
       Bombardment by French and Spanish fleets.
       The Casablanca incident.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

    CASEMENT, ROGER: British consul in the Congo State.
       His reports.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

    CASTRO, CIPRIANO:
       President of Venezuela.

          See in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA,
          also COLOMBIA: 1898-1902.

    CASTRO, Luciano de.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    CATALONIA: A. D. 1902.
       Disorders.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

    CATHOLIC DISABILITIES, IN ENGLAND:
       Majority vote in Commons for removing.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).

    CATHOLIC PEOPLE’S PARTY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

    CATSKILL AQUEDUCT.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.

    CATTLE DRIVING.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.

    CAUCASUS, The:
       Conflict of Tartars and Armenians.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).

    CENSORSHIP.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

    CENSUS BILL, PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT’S VETO OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

    CENSUS BUREAU, CREATION OF A PERMANENT.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (March).

    CENTER, or CENTRUM PARTY.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

       ----------CENTRAL AMERICA: Start--------

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation of all the states in the Second and Third
       International Conferences of American republics.
       Their signature of an obligatory arbitration convention.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1902.
       Treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace
       between the five republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1903.
       Honduras: Revolution, establishing General Bonilla
       in the Presidency.

       In the spring of 1903 a rising in Honduras against the
       Government was reported to be in progress, under General
       Bonilla. Early in March the situation was stated by the
       American consular agent at Amapala as follows:

       "A great part of the members of the Congress that was in
       session in Tegucigalpa, amongst them the President of the
       Congress, fled from the capital to the frontier of Salvador
       the 30th of January, so that Congress was de facto dissolved
       on that date. It seems that the council of ministers formed a
       new Congress out of the remaining deputies and the substitutes
       of the fugitives. The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel
       Arias president, and General Maximo B. Rosales vice-president
       of the Republic. The new Government was recognized by
       Nicaragua, but I do not know if it was recognized by the other
       Central American Republics. In the meantime General Bonilla
       has gone ahead with his military operations against the new
       government. His forces have taken the fortified towns of
       Ocotepeque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier of
       Nicaragua. On the 22d of February General Bonilla was as
       attacked in El Aceituno by General Sierra, the ex-president,
       who was completely defeated and escaped with several hundred
       men, the remainder of his troops, to the fortified town of
       Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla has now an army of
       about 4,500 men."

       In despatches of the 15th and 24th of April, Minister Combs,
       who represented the United States in transactions with both
       Guatemala and Honduras, advised the State Department that
       General Bonilla was in possession of Tegucigalpa; that
       ex-President Arias was a prisoner; that peace was restored,
       and that Bonilla should be recognized as President.
       Accordingly the recognition was given.

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904.
       Nicaragua, Honduras, Salvador, and Guatemala: Peace Conference.

       A despatch, August 31, 1904, from the American Minister at San
       José, Costa Rica, to the State Department at Washington, was
       as follows:

       "I have the honor to advise that on the 21st instant, at
       Corinto, Nicaragua, the Presidents of Nicaragua, Honduras, and
       El Salvador, and a special delegate representing the President
       of Guatemala, held a conference ostensibly for the purpose of
       securing the peace of Central America. … The parties holding
       the conference have issued a lengthy manifesto, which
       indicates nothing of interest to our Government except that
       the four governments represented are controlled by parties who
       will aid each other by military force, if necessary, in
       maintaining the status quo, and that the peace of Central
       America is thus reasonably assured by making revolutionary
       efforts more difficult and less liable to achieve success."

    {75}

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1904. Nicaragua and Honduras:
       Agreement to arbitrate boundary dispute.

       In October, 1904, the United States Government was informed
       that Nicaragua and Honduras had agreed to submit a boundary
       dispute to the King of Spain.

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905. Nicaragua:
       Treaty with Great Britain concerning the Mosquito Territory.

       The following treaty between Great Britain and the Republic of
       Nicaragua was signed at Managua, Nicaragua, April 19, 1905:

       Article I.
       The High Contracting Parties agree that the Treaty of Managua
       of January 28, 1860, is and shall remain abrogated.

       Article II.
       His Britannic Majesty agrees to recognize the absolute
       sovereignty of Nicaragua over the territory that constituted
       the former Mosquito Reserve, as defined in the aforesaid
       Treaty of Managua.

       Article III.
       In consideration of the fact that the Mosquito Indians were at
       one time under the protection of Great Britain, and in view of
       the interest that His Majesty’s Government and the Nicaraguan
       Government take in their welfare, the Nicaraguan Government
       agree to grant them the following concessions:

       (a) The Government will submit to the National Assembly a law
       exempting, for fifty years from the date of the ratification
       of this Treaty, all the Mosquito Indians and the Creoles born
       before the year 1894, from military service, and from all
       direct taxation on their persons, property, possessions,
       animals, and means of subsistence.

       (b) The Government will allow the Indians to live in their
       villages enjoying the concessions granted by this Convention,
       and following their own customs, in so far as they are not
       opposed to the laws of the country and to public morality.

       (c) The Nicaraguan Government will concede a further period of
       two years for them to legalize their rights to the property
       acquired in conformity with the Regulations in force before
       1894 in the Reserve. The Government will make no charge to the
       said inhabitants either for the lands or the measurement
       thereof, or for the grant of title-deeds. For this purpose the
       title-deeds in the possession of the said Indians and Creoles
       before 1894 will be renewed in conformity with the laws, and,
       in cases where no such title-deeds exist, the Government will
       give to each family, at their place of residence, eight
       manzanas of land, if the members of the family do not exceed
       four in number, and two manzanas for each person if the family
       exceeds that number.

       (d) Public pasture lands will be reserved for the use of the
       inhabitants in the neighbourhood of each Indian village.

       (e) In the event of any Mosquito Indians or Creoles proving
       that the lands which they held in conformity with the
       Regulations in force before 1894 have been claimed by and
       allotted to other persons, the Government will indemnify them
       by the grant of suitable public lands of approximate value as
       near as possible to their present residences.

       Article IV.
       The ex-Chief of the Mosquito Indians, Robert Henry Clarence,
       will be permitted by the Nicaraguan Government to reside in
       the Republic of Nicaragua and to enjoy full protection so long
       as he does not transgress the laws, and provided his acts do
       not tend to incite the Indians against Nicaragua.

       Article V.
       The Mosquito Indians, and other inhabitants of the former
       Reserve, will enjoy the same rights as are secured by the laws
       of Nicaragua to other Nicaraguan citizens.

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1906. Honduras, Guatemala, and Salvador:
       War, ended by mediation of the United States and Mexico.

       Neither the Convention of Peace and Compulsory Arbitration
       signed at Corinto in 1902 by the presidents of all five of the
       Central American republics, nor the peace agreement between
       four of them two years later, sufficed to prevent an outbreak
       of war in 1906 which involved the three states of Honduras,
       Guatemala, and Salvador. President Roosevelt, in his annual
       Message to Congress that year, referred to the war as having
       arisen from "trouble which had existed for some time"; but
       does not indicate the nature of the "trouble"; nor is any
       light thrown on it in a long diplomatic correspondence between
       the parties to it and the governments of the United States and
       Mexico, which appears in the American report of Foreign
       Relations for 1906. Probably nobody outside of the
       belligerents ever learned definitely why they felt called upon
       to fight, or what they had to settle when peace was made.

       Seemingly Honduras was the aggressor; but the affair seems
       hardly worth the trouble of any deep investigation. Its chief
       importance is in the successful mediation that was undertaken
       jointly by the governments of the United States and Mexico, of
       which President Roosevelt made report in the Message referred
       to above:

       "The thoroughly good understanding which exists between the
       United States and Mexico," said the President, "enabled this
       Government and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation
       between the warring Republics; which mediation resulted, not
       without long-continued and patient effort, in bringing about a
       meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board
       a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was
       there concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of
       thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable
       amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the
       means of livelihood. The Rio Conference passed the following
       resolution in reference to this action:

       "‘That the Third International American Conference shall
       address to the Presidents of the United States of America and
       of the United States of Mexico a note in which the conference
       which is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction at the
       happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace
       between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador.’

       "This affords an excellent example of one way in which the
       influence of the United States can properly be exercised for
       the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is,
       by action taken in concert with other American republics and
       therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which
       might attach if the action were taken by one alone."

    {76}

       The resulting "General Treaty of Peace and Amity, Commerce,
       etc., between the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,
       Guatemala, and Honduras," signed September 25, 1906, involved
       solemn engagements in its first four articles, as follows:

       "ARTICLE 1.
       There shall be perpetual peace and a frank, loyal, and sincere
       friendship among the Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador,
       Guatemala, and Honduras, each and every one of the aforesaid
       Governments being in duty bound to consider as one of their
       principal obligations the maintenance of such peace and the
       preservation of such friendship, by endeavoring to contribute
       every means to procure the desired end, and to remove, as far
       as lies in their power, any obstacles, whatever their nature,
       which might prevent it. In order to secure such ends they
       shall always unite when the importance of the case demands it,
       to foster their moral, intellectual, and industrial progress,
       thus making their interests one and the same, as it becomes
       sister countries.

       "ARTICLE 2.
       In the event, which is not to be expected, that any of the
       high contracting parties should fail to comply with or cause
       any deviation from any of the subjects agreed to in the
       present treaty, such event, as well as any particular
       difficulty which may arise between them, shall necessarily be
       settled by the civilized means of arbitration.

       "ARTICLE 3.
       The Governments of Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, in
       conformity with the stipulations of the treaty executed on
       board the Marblehead, hereby appoint as umpires, Their
       Excellencies the Presidents of the United States of America
       and of the United Mexican States, to whom all particular
       difficulties arising among said Governments shall be submitted
       for arbitration.

       "For the purpose of agreeing on the manner to effect such
       arbitration, the above-mentioned Republics shall accredit, at
       the latest within three months from this date, their
       respective legations near the Governments of the United States
       of America and Mexico, and in the meanwhile arbitration shall
       be ruled according to the stipulations of the treaty of
       compulsory arbitration concluded in Mexico on the 29th of
       January, 1902.

       "ARTICLE 4.
       Guatemala not having subscribed to the Corinto convention of
       January 20, 1902, Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras do hereby
       respectively declare, that said Corinto convention is to
       continue in force, and that any particular difference which
       may arise among them shall be settled in conformity with the
       aforesaid convention and with the regulations established by
       the Central American court of arbitration on the 9th of
       October of that year."

       Notwithstanding these grave pledges to each other, three of
       the parties to this treaty were at war the next year.

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
       Nicaragua, Honduras, and Salvador: War.
       Mexican and American Mediation.
       The Washington Peace Conference.
       General Treaty of Peace and Amity.
       Central American Court of Justice.

       In February, 1907, a fresh outbreak of Central American war
       occurred, originally between Nicaragua and Honduras, but
       involving Salvador, presently, in alliance with Honduras. The
       arbitration convention of 1904 had not accomplished a specific
       settlement of the boundary disputes between Honduras and
       Nicaragua, and President Zelaya, of the latter republic,
       accused the former of encroachments. Mexico and the United
       States had endeavored to pacify the disputants before
       hostilities began, but without success. The quarrel was fought
       out, and a complete victory won by Nicaragua, whose forces
       captured the Honduran capital and drove President Bonilla from
       the country. A provisional government was established in
       Honduras and terms of peace arranged, April 24th. Then the
       good offices of President Roosevelt and President Diaz were
       employed again, with the result which the former communicated
       to Congress in his Message of December 3, 1907, as follows:

       "The effort to compose this new difficulty has resulted in the
       acceptance of the joint suggestion of the Presidents of Mexico
       and of the United States for a general peace conference
       between all the countries of Central America. On the 17th day
       of September last a protocol was signed between the
       representatives of the five Central American countries
       accredited to this Government agreeing upon a conference to be
       held in the City of Washington 'in order to devise the means
       of preserving the good relations among said Republics and
       bringing about permanent peace in those countries.’ The
       protocol includes the expression of a wish that the Presidents
       of the United States and Mexico should appoint
       ‘representatives to lend their good and impartial offices in a
       purely friendly way toward the realization of the objects of
       the conference.’ The conference is now in session and will
       have our best wishes and, where it is practicable, our
       friendly assistance."

       The first regular session of the Conference was held on the
       14th of November, the place of meeting being the building of
       the International Bureau of the American Republics. In
       addition to the delegates present from the States of Costa
       Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua, the
       Republic of Mexico designated Señor Don Enrique C. Creel,
       Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the United
       States, and the United States designated Honorable William I.
       Buchanan, as representatives from Mexico and the United States
       at the conference. The Honorable Elihu Root, Secretary of
       State of the United States, was present, also, at the first
       session, over which he presided until the organization of the
       Conference had been effected. His opening address to the
       Conference included these wise and impressive remarks:

       "We cannot fail, gentlemen, to be admonished by the many
       failures which have been made by the people of Central America
       to establish agreement among themselves which would be
       lasting, that the task you have before you is no easy one. The
       trial has often been made and the agreements which have been
       elaborated, signed, ratified, seem to have been written in
       water. Yet I cannot resist the impression that we have at last
       come to the threshold of a happier day for Central America.

       "It would ill become me to attempt to propose or suggest the
       steps which you should take, but I will venture to observe
       that the all-important thing for you to accomplish is that
       while you enter into agreements which will, I am sure, be
       framed in consonance with the most peaceful aspirations and
       the most rigid sense of justice, you shall devise also some
       practical methods under which it will be possible to secure
       the performance of those agreements.
    {77}
       The mere declaration of general principles, the mere agreement
       upon lines of policy and of conduct are of little value unless
       there be practical and definite methods provided by which the
       responsibility for failing to keep the agreement may be fixed
       upon some definite person, and the public sentiment of Central
       America brought to bear to prevent the violation. The
       declaration that a man is entitled to his liberty would be of
       little value with us in this country were it not for the writ
       of habeas corpus that makes it the duty of a specific
       judge, when applied to, to inquire into the cause of his
       detention, and set him at liberty if he is unjustly detained.
       The provision which declares that a man should not be deprived
       of his property without due process of law would be of little
       value were it not for the practical provision which imposes on
       specific officers the duty of nullifying every attempt to take
       away a man’s property without due process of law.

       "To find practical definite methods by which you shall make it
       somebody’s duty to see that the great principles you declare
       are not violated, by which if an attempt be made to violate
       them the responsibility may be fixed upon the guilty
       individual—those, in my judgment, are the problems to which
       you should specifically and most earnestly address
       yourselves."

       The address of Secretary Root was followed by one of excellent
       counsel from the Mexican Ambassador, and a reply to both was
       made, on behalf of the Conference, by Señor Don Luis Anderson,
       Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica. The Conference then
       elected its officers, choosing Minister Anderson for its
       President, and proceeded to the transaction of business.

       Fourteen sessions were held between November 14 and December
       20, resulting from which eight conventions were agreed to and
       signed on the latter date. These conventions are:

       General Treaty of Peace and Amity;
       Additional Convention to the General Treaty;
       Establishing a Central American Court of Justice;
       Extradition;
       On Future Conferences (Monetary);
       On Communications;
       Establishing an International Central American Bureau;
       and Establishing a Pedagogical Institute.

       The essential provisions of the General Treaty of Peace and
       Amity are in the following articles:

       "ARTICLE I.
       The Republics of Central America consider as one of their
       first duties in their mutual relations, the maintenance of
       peace; and they bind themselves to always preserve the most
       complete harmony, and decide every difference or difficulty
       that may arise amongst them, of whatsoever nature it may be,
       by means of the Central American Court of Justice, created by
       the Convention which they have concluded for that purpose on
       this date."

       "Article III.
       Bearing in mind the central geographical position of Honduras
       and the facilities which this circumstance has afforded in
       order that its territory should have been most often the
       theatre of Central American conflicts, Honduras declares from
       now on its absolute neutrality in any event of conflict
       amongst the other Republics; and the latter, in their turn,
       provided such neutrality be observed, bind themselves to
       respect it and in no case to violate the Honduranean
       territory.

       "ARTICLE IV.
       Bearing in mind the advantages which must be gained from the
       creation of Central American institutions for the development
       of their most vital interests, besides the Pedagogical
       Institute and the International Central American Bureau which
       have been established according to the Conventions celebrated
       to that end by this Conference, the creation of a practical
       Agricultural School in the Republic of Salvador, one of Mines
       and Mechanics in that of Honduras, and another of Arts and
       Trades in that of Nicaragua, is especially recommended to the
       Governments.

       "ARTICLE V.
       In order to cultivate the relations between the States, the
       contracting parties obligate themselves each to accredit to
       the others a permanent Legation.

       "ARTICLE VI.
       The citizens of one of the contracting parties, residing in
       the territory of any of the others, shall enjoy the same civil
       rights as nationals, and shall be considered as citizens in
       the country of their residence if they fulfill the conditions
       which the respective constituent laws provide. Those that are
       not naturalized shall be exempt from obligatory military
       service, either by sea or land, and from every forced loan or
       military requirement, and they shall not be obliged on any
       account to make more contributions or ordinary or
       extraordinary imposts than those which nationals pay."

       "ARTICLE X.
       The Governments of the contracting Republics bind themselves
       to respect the inviolability of the right of asylum aboard the
       merchant vessels of whatsoever nationality anchored in their
       ports. Therefore, only persons accused of common crimes and by
       order of the competent judge, after due legal procedure, can
       be taken from them. Those prosecuted on account of political
       crimes or common crimes in connection with political ones, can
       only be taken therefrom in case they have embarked in a port
       of the State which claims them, whilst they may remain in its
       jurisdictional waters, and after the requirements hereinbefore
       exacted in the case of common crime have been fulfilled."

       "ARTICLE XIV.
       Public instruments executed in one of the contracting
       Republics shall be valid in the others, provided they shall
       have been properly authenticated and in their execution the
       laws of the Republic whence they proceed shall have been
       observed."

       "ARTICLE XVI.
       Desiring to prevent one of the most frequent causes of
       disturbances in the Republics, the contracting Governments
       shall not permit the head men or principal chiefs of political
       emigrations, nor agents thereof, to reside in the departments
       fronting on the countries whose peace they might disturb.

       "Those who may have been actually established in a permanent
       manner in a frontier department shall be able to remain in the
       place of their residence under the immediate surveillance of
       the Governments affording them an asylum, but from the moment
       when they become a menace to public order they shall be
       included in the rule of the preceding paragraph.

       "ARTICLE XVII.
       Every person, no matter what his nationality, who, within the
       territory of one of the contracting parties, shall initiate or
       foster revolutionary movements against any of the others,
       shall be immediately brought to the capital of the Republic,
       where he shall be submitted to trial according to law."

       "ARTICLE XIX.
       The present Treaty shall remain in force for the term of ten
       years counted from the day of the exchange of ratifications.
       Nevertheless, if one year before the expiration of said term,
       none of the contracting parties shall have given special
       notice to the others concerning its intention to terminate it,
       it shall remain in force until one year after such
       notification may have been made."

    {78}

       The "Additional Convention to the General Treaty "is in three
       articles, as follows:

       "ARTICLE I.
       The Governments of the High Contracting Parties shall not
       recognize any other Government which may come into power in
       any of the five Republics as a consequence of a coup d’Etat,
       or of a revolution against the recognized Government, so long
       as the representatives of the people, freely elected, have not
       constitutionally reorganized the country.

       "ARTICLE II.
       No Government of Central America shall in case of civil war
       intervene in favor of or against the Government of the country
       where the struggle may take place.

       "Article III.
       The Governments of Central America, in the first place, are
       recommended to endeavor to procure by the means at their
       command a constitutional reform in the sense of prohibiting
       the reëlection of the President of a Republic, where such
       prohibition does not exist, in the second place to adopt all
       measures necessary to effect a complete guarantee of the
       principle of alternation in power."

       The "Convention for the Establishment of a Central American
       Court of Justice" contains thirty-eight articles, with a
       "Provisional Article" and an "Annexed Article" appended. The
       more important provisions are in the following:

       "ARTICLE I.
       The High Contracting Parties agree by the present Convention
       to constitute and maintain a permanent tribunal which shall be
       called the ‘Central American Court of Justice,’ to which they
       bind themselves to submit all controversies or questions which
       may arise among them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what
       their origin may be, in case the respective Departments of
       Foreign Affairs should not have been able to reach an
       understanding.

       "ARTICLE II.
       This Court shall also take cognizance of the questions which
       individuals of one Central American country may raise against
       any of the other contracting Governments, because of the
       violation of Treaties or Conventions, and other cases of an
       international character; no matter whether his own Government
       supports said claim or not; and provided that the remedies
       which the laws of the respective country provide against such
       violation shall have been exhausted and that a denial of
       justice shall be shown.

       "ARTICLE III.
       It shall also take cognizance of the cases which by common
       accord contracting Governments may submit to it, no matter
       whether they arise between two or more of them or between one
       of said Governments and individuals.

       [Footnote: After signing the treaties an omission was
       discovered in this Article. An additional protocol was
       thereupon signed by all the delegates adding to this Article,
       and to be considered as an integral part of the Convention,
       the following words:

       "It shall also have jurisdiction over cases arising between
       any of the contracting Governments and individuals, when by
       common accord they may have been submitted to it.]

       "Article IV.
       The Court may likewise take cognizance of the international
       questions which by special agreement any one of the Central
       American Governments and a foreign Government may have
       determined to submit to it.

       "ARTICLE V.
       The Central American Court of Justice shall sit at the City of
       Cartago in the Republic of Costa Rica, but it shall be
       authorized to transfer its residence to another point in
       Central America when it may deem it proper to do so for
       reasons of health, of guaranteeing the exercise of its
       functions, or of the personal security of its members.

       "ARTICLE VI.
       The Central American Court of Justice shall consist of five
       Justices named, one from each Republic and selected from among
       the jurists who possess the qualifications which the laws of
       each country may exact for the exercise of high judicial
       functions, and enjoy the highest consideration, not only
       because of their moral character but also on account of their
       professional ability. The vacancies shall be filled by
       substitute Justices, named at the same time and in the same
       manner as the regular ones and who shall unite the same
       qualifications as the former. The attendance of the five
       Justices who constitute the Tribunal is indispensable in order
       to have a legal quorum in the judgments of the Court.

       "ARTICLE VII.
       The legislative power of each one of the five contracting
       Republics shall name one regular and two substitutes as their
       respective Justices. The salary of each Justice shall be eight
       thousand dollars, gold, per annum, which shall be paid by the
       Treasury of the Court. The salary of the Justice of the place
       where the Court resides shall be designated by the respective
       Government. Besides, each State shall contribute two thousand
       dollars, gold, annually for the ordinary and extraordinary
       expenses of the Tribunal. The Governments of the contracting
       Republics bind themselves to include their respective
       contributions in their budgets of expenses and to remit
       quarterly in advance to the Treasury of the Court the
       proportion which corresponds to them on account of such
       expenditures."

       "ARTICLE XIII.
       The Central American Court of Justice represents the national
       conscience of Central America, wherefore the Justices who
       compose the Tribunal shall not consider themselves prohibited
       from the exercise of their functions because of the interest
       which the Republics, whence they derive their appointment, may
       have in any case or question. With regard to implications and
       challenges, the rules of procedure which the Court may fix
       shall make proper provision."

       "ARTICLE XXII.
       The Court is authorized to determine its jurisdiction,
       interpreting the Treaties and Conventions germane to the
       matter in dispute, applying the principles of international
       law.

       "ARTICLE XXIII.
       Every final or interlocutory decision shall be rendered in
       accordance with the agreement of at least three of the
       Justices of the Court. In case of disagreement, one of the
       substitute Justices shall be chosen by lot, and if still a
       majority of three be not obtained other Justices shall
       continue to be chosen by lot until three votes in the same
       sense shall have been obtained.

       "ARTICLE XXIV.
       The decisions must be in writing and shall contain a statement
       of the reasons upon which they are based. They must be signed
       by all the Justices of the Court and countersigned by the
       Secretary. Once they have been published they cannot be
       altered on any account; but, at the request of any of the
       parties, the Tribunal may decide the interpretation which must
       be given to its judgment.

    {79}

       "Article XXV.
       The judgments of the Court shall be communicated to the five
       Governments of the Contracting Republics. The interested
       parties solemnly bind themselves to submit to said judgment;
       and they all agree to lend every moral support that may be
       necessary in order that they may be properly fulfilled, in
       this manner constituting a real and positive guarantee of
       respect for this Convention and for the Central American Court
       of Justice."

       "Article XXVII.
       The High Contracting Parties solemnly declare that for no
       motive nor in any case will they consider the present
       Convention as lapsed; and that, therefore, they will consider
       it as being always in force during the term of ten years
       counted from last ratification. In the event that the
       political entity of one or more of the Contracting Republics
       is changed or altered, the attributes of the Central American
       Court of Justice created by this Convention shall be suspended
       ipso facto; and a conference to adjust the constitution
       of said Court and the new order of things shall be forthwith
       convoked by the respective Governments; in case they do not
       unanimously agree the present Convention shall be considered
       as rescinded."

       "PROVISIONARY ARTICLE.
       As a recommendation of the five Delegations an Article is
       annexed which contains an amplification of the Central
       American Court of Justice, in order that the Legislatures that
       may deem it proper may see fit to include it upon ratifying
       this Convention."

       "ANNEXED ARTICLE.
       The Central American Court of Justice shall also have
       jurisdiction over the conflicts which may arise between the
       Legislative, Executive and Judicial Powers, and when as a
       matter of fact the judicial decisions and congressional
       resolutions are not respected."

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1908.
       Inauguration of the Central American Court of Justice.
       Gift of a building for its use by Mr. Carnegie.

       The Central American Court of Justice, contemplated in the
       treaty of 1907, quoted above, was formally instituted, at
       Cartago, Costa Rica, with appropriate ceremony, in the last
       week of May, 1908. The Honorable William I. Buchanan, in
       attendance as Commissioner from the United States, added
       interest to the occasion by announcing the proffer of a gift
       of $100,000 by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, for the erection of a
       building to be dedicated to the exclusive use of the Court.

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
       Financial undertakings in New York.
       Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

       In the summer of 1909 various financial undertakings by great
       banking houses in New York were announced, involving some
       handling of the debts of Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.
       It was thought that these operations were in line with efforts
       of the State Department at Washington and the Bureau of
       American Republics to bring about the establishment of a chain
       of American banking houses in the Latin-American countries,
       for the advancement of American trade and the promotion of
       more intimate Pan-American relations.

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
       Nicaragua.
       Establishment of a colony of Sioux Indians from
       the United States.

       A dispatch to the Press from Boston, November 17, 1909, made
       the following statement:

       "To save the remnant of the Sioux tribe of Indians from
       extinction by consumption and other diseases, a colony of the
       Indians will be established in Nicaragua early in the new
       year. Chief Little Bison, a full-blooded Sioux, sailed from
       Boston on the steamship Esparta to-day for Nicaragua, where he
       will receive the deeds to 16,000 acres of land granted by the
       Nicaraguan government for the establishment of the colony. The
       project is supported financially by F. S. Dellenbaugh, head of
       the American Geographical Society, and several wealthy New
       York people. The emigration of the Indians is expected to
       begin in January."

    CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
       President Zelaya a menace to peace.
       His conduct trying the patience of the United States.

       In the early spring of 1909 the disturbing attitude and
       conduct of the Nicaraguan President, Zelaya, not only towards
       his near neighbors of Salvador and Honduras, but also in the
       relations of his Government with that of the United States,
       had caused the latter to enter again into consultation with
       the Mexican Government, as to joint action to preserve peace.

       For some years the United States had been trying to bring
       about the settlement of a claim against the Nicaraguan
       Government preferred by an American company. This Emery claim,
       as it was known, arose in connection with a concession granted
       in 1898 for cutting and exporting mahogany. The concession
       provided that any differences which should arise between the
       Government and the company should be arbitrated by a tribunal
       of three members, one to be selected by the Government, one by
       the company, and the third by these two arbitrators. In 1903
       an accusation of smuggling was brought against the company,
       and the questions raised were submitted to the stipulated
       tribunal. This decided that, inasmuch as the company had paid
       taxes to the Government three years in advance, amounting to
       $30,000, the concession could not be annulled, as President
       Zelaya wished to have done. Nevertheless Zelaya declared it
       annulled, and caused proceedings to be instituted for stopping
       the company’s exportations. This led the American Government
       to interpose. Under instructions from Washington, its Minister
       at Managua, Mr. Merry, addressed the following note to the
       Nicaraguan Minister of Foreign Affairs, December 15, 1906:

       "I have the honor to inform you that I have received
       instructions from my Government to make an urgent and firm
       request that your Excellency’s Government will settle the
       Emery company controversy by an international arbitration, and
       that until a decision has been given thereby, your
       Excellency’s Government will restore to the Emery company all
       its property, dismissing all legal prosecutions in the case,
       and permitting the company to resume its work under its
       concession, as if no controversy had arisen."

       This communication secured a promise of the desired
       international arbitration, and the stopping meantime of
       proceedings of interference with the company’s business. But
       when the protocol of arbitration was to be drawn the
       Nicaraguan Government refused to have any question of damages
       to the company included. On this contention the settlement was
       blocked for more than two years, and the patience of the
       Washington Government was about worn out. In just what
       wrappings of diplomatic language it made that fact apparent
       has not yet been disclosed to the public; but evidently the
       understanding of Señor Zelaya was duly penetrated.
    {80}
       On the 26th of May last (1909) his representative at
       Washington signed a protocol which provided that the questions
       at issue between the Government of Nicaragua and the Emery
       Company should be submitted to arbitration, unless the parties
       could make their own settlement within four months.

       This, however, did not end troubles with Nicaragua,—or,
       rather, with its presidential dictator. Revolutionary attempts
       in the republic to unseat him gave rise to new offenses on his
       part against the United States, which President Taft, in his
       Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, recounted as follows:

       "Since the Washington conventions of 1907 were communicated to
       the government of the United States as a consulting and
       advising party, this government has been almost continuously
       called upon by one or another, and in turn by all of the five
       Central American republics, to exert itself for the
       maintenance of the conventions. Nearly every complaint has
       been against the Zelaya government of Nicaragua, which has
       kept Central America in constant tension or turmoil. The
       responses made to the representations of Central American
       republics, as due from the United States on account of its
       relation to the Washington conventions, have been at all times
       conservative and have avoided, so far as possible, any
       semblance of interference, although it is very apparent that
       the considerations of geographic proximity to the Canal Zone
       and of the very substantial American interests in Central
       America give to the United States a special position in the
       zone of these republics and the Caribbean Sea.

       "I need not rehearse here the patient efforts of this
       government to promote peace and welfare among these republics,
       efforts which are fully appreciated by the majority of them
       who are loyal to their true interests. It would be no less
       unnecessary to rehearse here the sad tale of unspeakable
       barbarities and oppression alleged to have been committed by
       the Zelaya government. Recently two Americans were put to
       death by order of President Zelaya himself. They were officers
       in the organized forces of a revolution which had continued
       many weeks and was in control of about half of the republic,
       and as such, according to the modern enlightened practice of
       civilized nations, they were entitled to be dealt with as
       prisoners of war.

       "At the date when this message is printed this government has
       terminated diplomatic relations with the Zelaya government,
       for reasons made public in a communication to the former
       Nicaraguan chargé d’affaires, and is intending to take such
       future steps as may be found most consistent with its dignity,
       its duty to American interests, and its moral obligations to
       Central America and to civilization. It may be necessary for
       me to bring this subject to the attention of the Congress in a
       special message."

       Some days previous to the date of the President’s Message, the
       Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, had addressed a letter of
       extreme severity to the Nicaraguan Chargé d’Affaires at
       Washington, Mr. Rodriguez, reviewing the conduct of the
       Nicaraguan Government, and saying: "In these circumstances the
       President no longer feels for the government of President
       Zelaya that respect and confidence which would make it
       appropriate hereafter to maintain with it regular diplomatic
       relations, implying the will and the ability to respect and
       assure what is due from one State to another." The conclusion
       of the letter was as follows: "To insure the future protection
       of legitimate American interests, in consideration of the
       interests of the majority of the Central American republics,
       and in the hope of making more effective the friendly offices
       exerted under the Washington conventions, the government of
       the United States reserves for further consideration at the
       proper time the question of stipulating also that the
       constitutional government of Nicaragua obligate itself by
       convention for the benefit of all the governments concerned as
       a guarantee for its future loyal support of the Washington
       conventions and their peaceful and progressive aims.

       "From the foregoing it will be apparent to you that your
       office of charge d’affaires is at an end. I have the honor to
       enclose your passports for use in case you desire to leave
       tins country. I would add at the same time that, although your
       diplomatic quality is terminated, I shall be happy to receive
       you as I shall be happy to receive the representative of the
       revolution, each as the unofficial channel of communication
       between the government of the United States and the de facto
       authorities to whom I look for the protection of American
       interests pending the establishment in Nicaragua of a
       government with which the United States can maintain
       diplomatic relations."

       President Zelaya at once protested against this arraignment,
       telegraphing to Secretary Knox that his sources of information
       had been prejudiced, and asking that the United States send a
       commission of investigation, proposing to resign if his
       administration was shown to be detrimental to Nicaragua.
       Receiving no reply, he resigned the presidency of Nicaragua on
       the 16th of December, announcing the fact by cable to
       President Taft in these words:

       "To avoid harm to my country, and desiring that it shall renew
       friendly relations with the United States, I have to-day sent
       my resignation to Congress. As my opponents consider my
       presence a disturbing factor, I propose to show my good faith
       by leaving Nicaragua. I stand ready to account for my acts."

       The vacant presidential office was filled by the Congress of
       Nicaragua, which elected Dr. Madriz, the choice having been
       dictated, it was believed, by Zelaya. The revolutionists with
       whom Zelaya had been contending since October, and who had, on
       their part, elected and proclaimed their leader, General Juan
       Estrada, Provisional President of Nicaragua, refused to
       recognize this Congressional election, and continued, against
       the government of Madriz, the revolt they had organized
       against Zelaya, determined to secure for Estrada the power to
       order a presidential election by the people.

       On Christmas Eve Zelaya left Nicaragua for Mexico, being
       conveyed by a Mexican gunboat from Corinto to Salina Cruz. A
       few weeks later he migrated to Europe and is understood to
       have taken up his residence in Belgium.

       The revolt led by General Estrada is still in progress at the
       time this writing goes into print (early in March, 1910), but
       the latest reports do not warrant expectations of its success.

       ----------CENTRAL AMERICA: End--------

    {81}

    CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

          See, (in this Volume) also,
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    CENTRAL BANK QUESTION.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

    CENTRO CATOLICO.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    CHAFFEE, Major-General Adna R.:
       Military Governor of the Philippines.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

    CHAFIN, Eugene W.:
       Nominated for President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    CHAMBERLAIN, Austen:
       Postmaster-General in the English Ministry.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Address at opening of Colonial Conference of 1902.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       On a State-rights question in Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Declaration for Preferential Trade with the Colonies.
       His resignation from the Cabinet.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Visit to South Africa.
       Views on the Labor question.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    CHAMPLAIN TERCENTENARY CELEBRATION.

       See (in this Volume)
       NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

    CHANG CHIH-TUNG:
       Measures as viceroy to check the use of opium.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    CHANTABUN:
       Restored to Siam.

          See (in this Volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1902.

    CHANUTE, OCTAVE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    CHARITIES.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF; SOCIAL BETTERMENT; and
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.

    CHARLES I., King of Roumania.
       What he has done for his kingdom.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

    CHARLES, Prince, of Denmark:
       Election to the Norwegian Throne.
       Assumes the name of Haakon VII.

          See (in this Volume)
          NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

    CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.
       The "South Carolina and Interstate and West Indian
       Exposition."

       Under this name, a very beautiful and successful exhibit of
       the progress of Southern industry and art, and of the
       possibilities of West Indian and Spanish-American trade, was
       opened at Charleston on the 1st of December, 1901. The site of
       the exposition was a tract of one hundred and sixty acres of
       ground, only two and a half miles from the business section of
       the city, embracing the famous old Lowndes estate, with its
       historic mansion, which the present owner permitted to be used
       as the Women’s Building of the occasion. Fine taste and a high
       public spirit entered into the making of this very interesting
       Fair.

    CHARTREUX MONKS.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).

    CHEMULPHO.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1896-1909.
       Institution and work of the Municipal Voters’ League.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: CHICAGO.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1899.
       Institution of the first Juvenile Court.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.
       The burning of the Iroquois Theater.

       Chicago has now two of the most painful memories of fire that
       are in the past of any city. The second was added on the
       afternoon of December 30, 1903, when 588 people perished in
       the burning of the Iroquois Theater. The audience was made up
       principally of women and children, many of whom belonged to
       prominent families. The whole city was plunged in grief, and
       the whole world shared in the sorrow and manifested its
       sympathy. The theater was a new one, and was regarded as the
       best of any in the city in its method of construction. But
       inquiry soon proved that it was defective in its provisions
       for safety. Further examination, moreover, showed a similar
       condition in other places of assembly, with the result that
       all the theaters, with many churches and halls in Chicago,
       were closed by order of the mayor, pending their compliance
       with certain provisions of the law.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1905.
       Strike of the Teamsters’ Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1905-1908.
       Struggle for a better charter.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1906.
       Packing-House Investigation.

          See (in this Volume)
          Public Health: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1907.
       National Conference on Trusts.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
       Population, and race mixture.

       The City Statistician of Chicago, in his manual for 1909,
       gives the number of the inhabitants of the city as 2,572,835,
       of whom 699,554 are Americans or persons whose parents are not
       foreign born. The Germans rank second, with a population of
       563,708; the Irish third, with a population of 240,560. Next
       come the Poles, with 173,409; the Swedes, with 143,307; the
       Russians, with 123,238; the Bohemians, with 116,549. Thirty
       other foreign countries given are all below the 100,000 mark.
       The Chinese population is given as 1,801, the Japanese as 257.
       The Albanians are the lowest, with a population of 39.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.
       "The Chicago Plan."
       Systematizing the future development.

       "Early in 1906 the Merchants’ Club, comprising a group of the
       younger business and professional men of the city, arranged
       for the preparation of a complete project for the future
       development of Chicago. The next year the Merchants’ Club was
       merged with the Commercial Club under the name of the latter
       organization, and the city-planning work was continued under
       the auspices of that body." The resulting "Plan of Chicago"
       was reported in the course of the summer of 1909. "The report
       represents about thirty months’ work by men whose thoughts for
       years have dwelt upon the subject of city building and
       beautification. The work was in charge of Daniel H. Burnham,
       chief architect and director of works of the World’s Columbian
       Exposition of 1893, who gave his services to his city without
       compensation for the purpose of this report. Even so, the
       expense of preparing and publishing the report has
       approximated $75,000, all raised by voluntary subscriptions
       from the business men of Chicago."

          George C. Sikes,
          The New Chicago
          (The Outlook, August 28, 1909).

    {82}

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1909 (May).
       The Second National Peace Congress.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

    CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE AND ST. PAUL TRANSCONTINENTAL LINE.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    CHI-KUAN-SHAN, Fort, Capture of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

       ----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Start--------

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
       As Dependents:
       England: The Poor Law Children.

       The following is from a speech in Parliament June 17, 1909, by
       Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government Board, which
       administers the Poor Laws and the Public Health Laws:

       "In England and Wales there were 235,000 children supported by
       the rates either inside or outside Poor Law institutions, and
       of these 70,000 were in cottage homes, barrack schools,
       scattered homes, and similar institutions. The cost per child
       maintained in cottage homes varied from 12s. 9d. to 25s. 2d.
       per week, and in scattered homes from 8s. 6d. to 11s. 2d. At
       this moment the number of children in workhouse schools, which
       in 1870 was 29,000, was only from 500 to 600; 19,000 of the
       Poor Law children were being educated in elementary schools
       outside. … With regard to sick children he was delighted to
       hear the almost unanimous chorus of appeal that the Local
       Government Board should do a great deal by administration.
       They had, in fact, transferred 1,000 out of the 2,500 sick
       children from the London workhouses and infirmaries to an
       institution on the healthy and breezy downs of Surrey at
       Carshalton, where they could be better treated, and where they
       would recover much more quickly than in any of the workhouses
       and infirmaries in London. If he could find more buildings or
       institutions available he would transfer more children. He
       should not rest until all the sick children throughout the
       country were transferred from workhouses and infirmaries to
       institutions in the country where they would recover health
       more rapidly."

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
       United States: Proposed Federal Child Bureau.

       Transmitting to Congress, on the 5th of February, 1909, the
       proceedings of a conference held at Washington on the care of
       dependent children, President Roosevelt accompanied it with a
       message, in which he urged the establishment of a Bureau in
       one of the Departments of the Federal Government, to
       centralize attention to the subject; with the enactment of
       such legislation as will bring the laws and practices in
       regard to the care of dependent children in all Federal
       territory into harmony, and certain legislation in behalf of
       dependent children in the District of Columbia. The President
       maintained that such legislation is important not only for the
       welfare of the children immediately concerned, but "as setting
       an example of a high standard of child protection by the
       National Government to the several States of the Union, which
       should be able to look to the nation for leadership in such
       matters."

       Statistics showing the large number of dependent children in
       the country were presented by Mr. Roosevelt. "Each of these
       children, he said, represents either a potential addition to
       the productive capacity and the enlightened citizenship of the
       nation, or, if allowed to suffer from neglect, a potential
       addition to the destructive forces of the community. The ranks
       of criminals and other enemies of society are recruited in an
       altogether undue proportion from children bereft of their
       natural homes and left without sufficient care. The interests
       of the nation are involved in the welfare of this army of
       children no less than in our great material affairs."

       In urging a Children’s Bureau, one of whose duties will be to
       investigate and report upon all matters pertaining to the
       welfare of children and child life, the President pointed out
       that "the National Government is the only agency which can
       effectively conduct such general inquiries as are needed for
       the benefit of all our citizens."

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
       As Dependents and as Offenders:
       England: The Children Act of 1908.
       Infant Life Protection.
       Reformatory and Industrial Schools.
       Treatment of Youthful Criminals.
       No death-sentence for them.
       Special "Places of Detention."
       Juvenile Courts.

       An act entitled The Children Act, passed by the Parliament of
       the United Kingdom in December, 1908, and which came into
       effect April 1, 1909, has such importance that it has been
       described as "The Children’s Charter." According to its full
       title it is "An Act to consolidate and amend the Law relating
       to the Protection of Children and Young Persons, Reformatory
       and Industrial Schools and Juvenile Offenders, and otherwise
       to amend the Law with respect to Children and Young Persons."
       It gathers into one great enactment nearly everything in which
       the guardianship of Law can be specially extended to them,
       except the matters of education and child labor, which are
       subjects of distinct legislation. It repeals wholly twenty-one
       previous enactments and amends more or less seventeen more. It
       contains 134 sections and fills a so-called Parliamentary
       "White Book" of 93 pages.

       As used in the Act, the word "child" means a person under 14
       years; the expression "young person" means one above that age,
       but under sixteen.

       The Act is divided into six parts, which are concerned with
       the following main subjects:
       (1) Infant Life Protection.
       (2) The Prevention of Cruelty to Children and Young Persons.
       (3) Juvenile Smoking.
       (4) Reformatory and Industrial Schools.
       (5) Juvenile Offenders.
       (6) Miscellaneous and General.

       The provisions for "infant life protection" have to do mainly
       with the supervision of "baby-farming." Foster parents are
       forbidden to insure the life of a nurse-child and insurance
       companies are forbidden to accept any such insurance.

       Juvenile smoking is dealt with very drastically, the penalties
       for selling cigarettes or the material for making them to
       persons under sixteen years of age being sharp, and both
       policemen and park-keepers in uniform being empowered to take
       such materials from the persons of Juvenile smokers.

    {83}

       The part of the Act which relates to reformatory and
       industrial schools enables the Courts to deal effectively with
       youthful offenders without subjecting them to the prison
       taint. Boys or girls between the ages of 12 and 16 who are
       convicted of offences punishable in the case of adults with
       penal servitude or imprisonment may be sent to a certified
       reformatory school. In certain defined cases, children may be
       taken from depraved or drunken parents and consigned to a
       certified industrial school. In these cases the child may be
       brought before the Court by any person in order that the
       provisions of the Act may be set in force. Parents who are
       unable to control their children may themselves take advantage
       of the Act, and in these cases the Court may place the
       children under the supervision of a probation officer instead
       of sending them to an industrial school. In all cases of
       children who are liable to be consigned to an industrial
       school, there is given to the Courts the alternative power of
       committing them to the care of relatives or other fit persons
       with or without the supervision of the probation officer.

       The most important part of the Act, perhaps, is that relating
       to juvenile offenders. It allows no young person under sixteen
       years of age to be sentenced to death. "Sentence of death,"
       says this Law, "shall not be pronounced on or recorded against
       a child or young person, but in lieu thereof the Court shall
       sentence the child or young person to be detained during his
       Majesty’s pleasure."

       In future, also, no child may be sentenced to imprisonment or
       penal servitude for any offence, or committed to prison in
       default of payment of a fine, damages, or costs. No young
       person may be sentenced to penal servitude for any offence,
       nor may he be sentenced to imprisonment or committed to prison
       in default of payment of a fine or costs, unless the Court
       certifies that he is of so unruly a character or so depraved
       that it is not desirable to send him to a "place of detention"
       provided under the Act. These provisions relating to the
       substitution of "detention" for imprisonment did not come into
       force until January 1, 1910.

       This part of the Act makes elaborate arrangements for the
       treatment of youthful criminals, both before and after trial.
       Special "places of detention" are to be opened in all petty
       sessional divisions. Here children will be placed on arrest
       (if for some special reason they cannot be released on a
       recognizance), or after being remanded or committed for trial.
       Here they may be kept in custody instead of being lodged in
       gaol if they are sentenced to terms of imprisonment of less
       than one month. Persons under 16 years of age must also be
       tried in special "juvenile Courts," unless they are charged
       jointly with adult offenders. A "juvenile Court" must sit
       "either in a different building or room from that in which the
       ordinary sittings of the Court are held, or on different days
       or at different times from those at which the ordinary
       sittings are held." Only the Court officials, those directly
       interested in the case, and the representatives of the Press
       may be admitted to these Courts, unless the special leave of
       the magistrate is obtained. Every effort is to be made, both
       before and after trial, to prevent the association of children
       with adult criminals. Finally, parents and guardians are to be
       required to attend the hearing of charges against their
       children or wards, and may be ordered to pay any fines,
       damages, or costs imposed.

       The miscellaneous provisions of the Act include a number of
       importance, to prevent the giving of intoxicating liquors to
       children, to exclude them from drinking places, to safeguard
       them at entertainments, and to make the Act applicable to
       Scotland and Ireland.

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Offenders:
       Canadian provision for Separate Detention,
       Reformatory Imprisonment, etc.

       The Canadian Prisons and Reformatory Act of 1906 provides
       that—"Young persons apparently under the age of sixteen years
       who are,

       (a) arrested upon any warrant; or,
       (b) committed to custody at any stage of a preliminary inquiry
       into a charge for an indictable offence; or,
       (c) committed to custody at any stage of a trial, either for
       an indictable offence or for an offence punishable on summary
       conviction; or,
       (d) committed to custody after such trial, but before
       imprisonment under sentence;

       shall be kept in custody separate from older persons charged
       with criminal offences and separate from all persons
       undergoing sentences of imprisonment, and shall not be
       confined in the lock-ups or police stations with older persons
       charged with criminal offences or with ordinary criminals."

       Other sections of the Act confer discretionary authority on
       courts and magistrates to sentence convicted offenders whose
       age does not exceed sixteen years, and whose offence is
       punishable by imprisonment, to reformatory prisons, for not
       less than two nor more than five years; also, in certain
       cases, to commit such offenders to a certified industrial
       school, from which they may sometimes be permitted to be taken
       for apprenticeship to any respectable and trustworthy person.

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW:
       The George Junior Republic.

       Much attention has been turned from many directions, within
       the last few years, upon the reformatory experiment which
       bears the name of The George Junior Republic. From an ordinary
       undertaking to give a few summer weeks of country fresh air to
       a group of neglected, roughly-bred boys, out of the slums of
       the City of New York, it has grown into a unique institution,
       which remolds character and refashions life for hundreds of
       the young of both sexes, who had been given wrong startings in
       the world by the circumstances into which they were born. It
       has done this by the simple method of organizing them into a
       self-governing community,—a republic in which they are
       citizens, invested with all the responsibilities, duties, and
       cares that go with republican citizenship in its larger
       spheres. They make and administer its laws, conduct its public
       business and its politics, manage its institutions, generate
       and have experience of its public opinion. The moral and
       social influence of this training has now been proved by more
       than a decade of success.

       This remarkable organization was not framed up by its
       architect, Mr. William R. George, on the lines of a
       preconceived theory, but took its shape slowly from
       suggestions of experience as they came.
    {84}
       He began in 1890 to take companies of boys of the hoodlum
       class from New York City to his place of summer residence, at
       Freeville, a few miles from Ithaca and not far from Auburn,
       New York. He found it hard to rule them, and no satisfactory
       corrections of wrong-doing and bad behavior could be devised.
       Physically they were bettered by their summer outings, but he
       could not see much gain in other ways. This continued for some
       seasons before his experiments with them began. The first to
       be applied was a rule that such articles of clothing and the
       like as had formerly been given to the boys must be paid for
       in work. At the outset they resented the idea; but before the
       summer was over they were all cheerfully at work, and the tone
       of the party was much improved. In the next year culprits, who
       robbed orchards and committed other misdemeanors, were
       arraigned before the whole community, for a hearing and a
       public verdict as to their guilt. Hard labor at stone-breaking
       and the building of a road now became the penalty for
       wrong-doing, and, presently, there was a boy constable to see
       that they did their work.

       So, step by step, from year to year, the fabric of
       self-government and self-supporting industry was constructed,
       until the Junior Republic emerged, with its President and
       other executive officers, its representative legislature, its
       courts, its police, its own monetary system and bank,—a
       political and industrial commonwealth of boys and girls (for
       both sexes have been included), taken out of a derelict class
       for treatment by this simple inoculation with social
       responsibilities. Writing of the George Junior Republic in
       1908, Dr. Lyman Abbott said:

       "It now has as a territory a hundred and fifty acres of land
       owned by the Board of Trustees, and the practical use of a
       hundred and fifty more belonging to Mr. George and some other
       friends of the Republic who have made their home here because
       such residence affords them an opportunity to give guidance
       and inspiration to the boys and girls. The citizens, i. e. the
       boys and girls in the Republic, number upwards of a hundred
       and fifty. They are in some cases signed over to the Republic
       by the parents, in other cases practically committed on
       suspended sentences by the courts. They are extraordinarily
       free within the territory, but are not free to leave it.
       Laundry, baking, carpentry, and printing are the principal
       trades indoors; road-making and land improvement the principal
       industries out-of-doors. There are two jails, one for the
       boys, one for the girls; a library, a school-house, a chapel,
       bank, and a well-organized banking and currency system. There
       is a court, and there is a judge, who is elected every year by
       the citizens. From this court an appeal lies in certain cases
       to a Supreme Court chosen by the boys from the Board of
       Trustees, but this court only passes on the regularity of the
       proceedings in the court below, that is, on what might be
       regarded as equivalent to constitutional and jurisdictional
       questions. There are a President, a Vice-President, a
       Secretary of State, and a Secretary of the Treasury, all of
       whom are elected annually; the three latter officers
       constituting the Police Commissioners, the Board of Health,
       and the President’s Cabinet. There are both a girl and a boy
       District Attorney, who are appointed by the President, and
       certain police officers and prison keepers. All citizens of
       the Republic, both boys and girls, over fourteen years of age,
       are voters; no one can remain a citizen after twenty-one. The
       legislature has been abolished by the citizens themselves, and
       all laws are made in town meeting, which is held once a month.
       …

       "The Republic has been in existence long enough to give the
       experiment a fair trial, and the results justify the
       expectations of its friends. In round numbers, about five
       hundred have gone out from the Republic into life, most of
       them taken from the class of boys and girls whose environment
       was fruitful of crime and whose tendency was toward a criminal
       career. Of these five hundred two or three are known to have
       returned to crime, and five or six have disappeared entirely.
       But of these eight or ten failures not one was in the Republic
       more than a few months—not long enough to get the benefit of
       the training. The other four hundred and ninety are known to
       be earning an honest livelihood by honorable labor; and of
       these four hundred and ninety, twenty have either graduated
       from college, are now in college, or are just preparing to
       enter college. At this writing two new Republics are about
       being organized, one in Georgia and one in California, and a
       movement is on foot for the organization of a National
       Association."

       Some months later than the above account of the Junior
       Republic there were reported to be kindred organizations
       modelled upon it in Connecticut and Maryland, with movements
       to the same end in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New
       Jersey, as well as in some countries abroad. Mr. Thomas M.
       Osborne, of Auburn, who has been from an early day the chief
       supporter of Mr. George in his work, said recently in a
       published letter:

       "I believe that the success of the Junior Republic idea, as we
       have worked it out during the last fourteen years, is no
       longer dependent upon Mr. George, its originator, or upon any
       one man. Its established principles will now live on into the
       far future, and work the sure righting of thousands of
       youngsters gone wrong in every section of the greater
       republic."

       But it may work much more than "the sure righting of thousands
       of youngsters gone wrong." It may, if its working widens and
       roots itself among the institutions of the future, as it seems
       likely to do, have a very potent and positive political
       influence in the world. If men and women representative of a
       class that is now troublesome to democracy, politically as
       well as otherwise, should by and by be brought in large
       numbers yearly from graduation in the Young Republic training
       schools of imitative citizenship, to be joined with their
       elders in larger spheres of more entire self-government, are
       they not likely to introduce a profounder change in the
       operation of republican institutions than can now be foreseen?

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Juvenile Courts.
       Their origin and development.

       A collection of reports on "Children’s Courts in the United
       States," prepared for the International Prison Commission and
       edited by Mr. Samuel J. Barrows, Commissioner for the United
       States, was published in 1904 as House Document No. 701 of the
       58th Congress, 2d Session. The following account of the origin
       of the now widely established Juvenile Courts of America and
       Europe, and of their development in the United States during
       the first four years of their existence, is derived from those
       reports.

    {85}

       Commissioner Barrows opens his introduction to the collected
       reports with the following remarks:

       "If the question be asked, 'What is the most notable
       development in judicial principles and methods in the United
       States within the last five years?’ the answer may
       unhesitatingly be, ‘The introduction and establishment of
       juvenile courts.’ Never perhaps has any judicial reform made
       such rapid progress. Beginning in Chicago in 1899, this
       institution has sprung up in city after city and State after
       State until it is now established in eight States and eleven
       large cities. This progress has been made not merely by
       changes in procedure or legal technique, nor by the
       introduction of a new method; it is most of all by the
       introduction of a new spirit and a new aim. … It must not be
       supposed that the juvenile court is only a smaller court for
       smaller offenders or simply a court holding separate sessions
       for such offenders; it represents an altogether different
       principle. The juvenile court is a life-saving institute in
       society.

       "It is scarcely necessary to say that child-saving methods,
       institutions, and organizations have long flourished in the
       United States. The Northern States have regarded juvenile
       reformatories as a part of their correctional equipment, and
       the courts have served as vestibules for such institutions;
       but they have only been incidentally a part of the process. We
       have not before realized what the court might be and do before
       resorting to institutions. The children’s court still
       maintains relations with the reform school, but it represents
       in itself active and vital forces and invokes a whole range of
       influence and motives which are personal and formative. It
       appeals to the reform school not as the first, but only as the
       last resort. The juvenile court has discovered that the child
       is a child, and, as Judge Hurley says, ‘The child should be
       treated as a child. Instead of reformation, the thought and
       idea in the judge’s mind should always be formation. No child
       should be punished for the purpose of making an example of
       him.’ …

       "The methods of children’s courts, or juvenile courts, as they
       are termed in some States, differ in different places. In some
       States the judge is detailed from some other court; in some
       courts but one judge is assigned to this work. In New York
       several judges from the court of special sessions act
       successively in turn as judges of the children’s court. In
       Maryland and Indiana the judges of the children’s courts
       exercise this function only, and it is claimed that it is
       better than the method of rotation, since the judge who
       confines himself to juvenile court cases becomes a specialist
       in this work. In Colorado Judge Lindsey is not only judge of
       the juvenile court, but also of the county court. He finds
       advantage in the fact that in his first capacity he can
       protect the child, while as judge of the county court he can
       also sentence the guardian or parent who is responsible for
       the child’s delinquency.

       "An essential feature of every juvenile court is the probation
       system and probation officers. Their duty is to investigate
       the case before trial, and, if the child is placed on
       probation, to exercise watchcare over them until the period of
       probation is closed. It is in this way that the parental care
       of the State is exerted."

       The City of Chicago and the Legislature of Illinois have the
       honors of the origination of the Children’s Court as a
       distinct creation of law. The Visitation and Aid Society of
       Chicago had been laboring since 1891 to secure various
       measures of advanced legislation bearing on child-saving,
       without much success, until, as related in a report by Mr.
       Hurley, of that Society, the Bar Association of Chicago took
       the matter in hand, in 1899, and appointed a committee to
       press it. This committee drafted the first juvenile court law
       ever planned distinctly to that end and secured its enactment
       by the Legislature of the State. The law went into force on
       the 1st of July, 1899. The Court was soon opened, and Judge
       Tuthill, of the Circuit Court of Illinois, who presided in it
       from the first, has stated the principles of its constitution
       and action in these following words:

       "The basic principle of the law is this: That no child under
       16 years of age shall be considered or be treated as a
       criminal; that a child under that age shall not be arrested,
       indicted, convicted, imprisoned, or punished as a criminal. It
       of course recognizes the fact that such children may do acts
       which in an older person would be crimes and be properly
       punishable by the State therefor, but it provides that a child
       under the age mentioned shall not be branded in the opening
       years of its life with an indelible stain of criminality, or
       be brought, even temporarily, into the companionship of men
       and women whose lives are low, vicious, and criminal.

       "The law divides children into two classes, the ‘dependent’
       and the ‘delinquent.’ A dependent child, in the language of
       the law, is a child—‘who for any reason is destitute or
       homeless or abandoned, or has not proper parental care or
       guardianship, or who habitually begs or receives alms, or who
       is found living in any house of ill fame or with any vicious
       or disreputable person, or whose home, by reason of neglect,
       cruelty, or depravity on the part of the parents, guardian, or
       other person in whose care it may be, is an unfit place for
       such a child.’ A ‘delinquent child’ is defined to be—‘any
       child under the age of 16 who violates any law of this State
       or any city or village ordinance, or who is incorrigible, or
       who knowingly associates with thieves, vicious, or immoral
       persons, or who is growing up in idleness or crime, or who
       knowingly frequents a house of ill fame, or who knowingly
       patronizes any policy shop or place where any gaming device is
       or shall be operated.’

       "The law places its enforcement upon the judges of the circuit
       court, who are required to select one of their number to
       perform these duties as a part of the judicial work of such
       judge. … The circuit court is a court of original and
       unlimited jurisdiction, the highest in the State, and the duty
       of holding the juvenile court was placed in the circuit court
       (which for convenience is designated the ‘juvenile court’) as
       an indication by the legislature of the importance to the
       State of the work to be done.

       "The case of each child brought into court, whether dependent
       or delinquent, becomes of record, and every step taken in the
       case is shown upon the court record."

       Interest in the Illinois Law was awakened quickly in many
       parts of the country, and requests for copies of it, says Mr.
       Hurley in his historical sketch, "began to pour in from all
       directions. These requests were promptly answered and copies
       of the Juvenile Court Record, published by the Visitation and
       Aid Society, containing the necessary information, were sent
       to applicants.
    {86}
       Agitation began in other States for a law similar to the one
       passed in Illinois, and those who helped to form the Illinois
       law were invited to visit other States to explain the measure
       and the method of administering the law in Cook County.

       "The Illinois law proved so satisfactory that many judges
       throughout the country, not wishing to await the action of a
       legislature, established branches in their several courts for
       children cases only, and in the treatment of the cases applied
       the probate and chancery powers of the court. This was the case
       especially in Denver, Colorado, where Judge Ben D. Lindsey had
       a complete and well-equipped juvenile court and probation
       system before the legislature took any action whatever. A like
       court was subsequently adopted in Indianapolis by George W.
       Stubbs. The two latter courts were carried on practically in
       the same way that they have been since laws were adopted by
       these States. In most of the States the probation officers are
       volunteers."

       Judge Lindsey, of Denver, has won celebrity among the
       presiding magistrates of the Juvenile Courts by the kindly
       shrewdness of the methods by which he has won the confidence,
       the admiration and devotion of the boys and girls of his city,
       within the classes with which he has to deal. The scene which
       his court-room presents on the appointed days when the
       delinquents on probation come in a body to report to him and
       to be talked to by him has been often described, and it seems
       to exemplify a kind of influence that would go farther than
       any other in resistance to the vitiating conditions which
       surround masses of the young in all cities. Judge Lindsey’s
       extended report of his work and experience in the Denver
       Juvenile Court, published in the collection referred to above,
       is a paper of remarkable interest.

       As stated already, the Juvenile Court is now an established
       institution in nearly every part of the United States, and in
       many countries abroad. It was established in Great Britain by
       the notable "Children Act" of 1908 (see above), and was
       instituted that year in several of the German cities. A Press
       despatch from Berlin, March 15, 1909, reported the opening of
       a congress in that city, under the auspices of the German
       Association for the Care of the Young, which aims at the
       extension of this important reform. "The labors of the
       society," says the despatch, "seem to have been stimulated by
       the passing of the English Children Act of 1908, a German
       translation of which has been distributed to members of the
       congress. The movement for the establishment of special Courts
       for juvenile offenders was taken up in Germany later than in
       some other countries, but has recently made rapid progress.
       The first children’s Courts were established on January 1,
       1908, at Cologne, Stuttgart, and Breslau, and there are now 26
       such Courts in Prussia. Official statistics, however, indicate
       that in recent years the total number of juvenile offenders in
       Germany has grown about three times as fast as the total
       number of offenders of all ages. During 1906, 55,211 persons
       under the age of 18 were sentenced, as compared with 51,232 in
       1905 and 49,993 in 1904."

       At the meeting of the International Prison Commission, at
       Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1907, it was significant of the deep
       interest which the children’s court has awakened in Europe
       that nineteen societies in France, including the Academy of
       Moral and Political Sciences, the General Society of Prisons,
       and the faculties of law of Paris, Lille, and Montpellier, and
       several of the most prominent tribunals in France, asked to
       have the whole subject of the organization of children’s
       courts elucidated and discussed. A similar interest was shown
       in Switzerland and Germany.

       In an extended letter to the London Times, published
       August 19, 1909, Miss Florence Davenport-Hill traced the
       origin of children’s courts to Massachusetts, and gave the
       following account of their introduction from that source of
       suggestion into Australia, and thence, to some extent, into
       Great Britain. Miss Davenport-Hill’s statements on the subject
       are, in part, as follows:

       "Although we hear little now from our earliest exemplar,
       Massachusetts—possibly because she has, I believe, cleared
       away the class to be dealt with—it is desirable to remember it
       was she who evolved the then new principle of absolute
       separation of child from adult, and devised its potent
       supporter, the probation system—a system affording watchful
       and kindly help to strong and maybe wilful weaklings. Thus did
       Massachusetts become a noble example, making the way plain for
       her successors. Mr. Joseph Sturge, attracted early in the
       eighties by reports of the ‘plan,’ visited Boston to
       investigate its methods. He describes in a pithy narrative
       subsequently published how his highest expectations were
       fulfilled; and it is interesting to learn from his pen that
       ‘the probation system by which juvenile offenders are saved
       from imprisonment has been so successful, economically and
       morally, that the city of Boston now employs a probation agent
       to deal with suitable adult cases in a corresponding manner.’

       "A copy of Mr. Sturge’s narrative reached, by good fortune,
       the Chief Justice of South Australia, then presiding at a
       Royal Commission of inquiry concerning adult and juvenile
       dependents on the State. He recognized, and in his forthcoming
       report expounded, the value of the Massachusetts plan in its
       application to children. The result was the creation by the
       South Australian Government of a department, entitled the
       State Children’s Council, consisting of 12 ladies and
       gentlemen nominated by the State as honorary members, to deal
       with erring and neglected children on the lines of that plan.
       …

       "Nineteen years ago the Children’s Court was opened in
       Adelaide, and in October, 1903, thanks, Sir, to your
       sympathetic courtesy, the reproduction in The Times of
       a letter describing it in the Melbourne Argus from Miss
       Alice Henry made known among us its scope, methods, and
       success. Gradually Benches of Magistrates in various parts of
       Great Britain and of Ireland who led the way tried the
       experiment, which was then discovered to be already existing
       among us here and there, and in a more or less developed form,
       as at Greenwich, Hull, &c."

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: As Workers:
       Canada: Child Labor Legislation.

       "There is not in any province a comprehensive act dealing with
       the subject of child labor as a whole, and even in Ontario,
       which has its Factories Act, its Shops Act, its Mines Act, its
       Municipal Act, its Truancy Act—all bearing on the matter more
       or less directly—it is still possible for young children to be
       kept at work by their parents for mercilessly long hours under
       sweat-shop conditions.
    {87}
       Prince Edward Island, Saskatchewan, and Alberta have neither
       Shops nor Factories Acts. Ontario, Nova Scotia, Manitoba, and
       British Columbia have both; Quebec and New Brunswick have
       Factories Acts, and six of the provinces have Mines Acts. The
       several Factories Acts resemble one another closely. In
       general, they prohibit the employment of girls under eighteen
       and boys under sixteen in factories where the work is
       dangerous or unhealthy; forbid the employment of children
       under fourteen in any manufacturing establishment (except
       canning factories) in three provinces; limit the hours of
       labor for women and children to ten hours a day and sixty
       hours a week; and specify the amount of overtime permissible
       for these classes of workers. The Shops Acts, upon the whole,
       allow greater latitude to the employers of children; thus the
       hours of labor are longer and the conditions often not less
       injurious than those in factories. Except in Ontario, no age
       limit is set under which a child may not begin work in a shop.
       Again by the Mines Acts of British Columbia, children of
       twelve may be employed above ground, and by those of
       Saskatchewan and Nova Scotia boys of twelve may work under
       ground. The enforcement of the laws restricting child labor
       has, from various causes, proved somewhat inadequate. For
       instance, Nova Scotia has had a Factories Act since 1901, but
       no inspector of factories till the present year; while
       Ontario, with a Truancy Act that, if enforced, would prevent
       many children from engaging in unsuitable labor, has vested
       the appointment of truancy officers in the municipalities, and
       these, in many instances, have neglected to make
       appointments."

          The Outlook,
          November 14, 1908.

       Recent changes in child labor laws in Canada are as follows:

       In Ontario the Factories Act limits the working time of boys
       under sixteen to ten hours, forbids the employment of children
       under twelve within doors, and restricts the privileges
       extended to canning factories. The Shops Act is amended by
       raising the age limit from ten to twelve years. Manitoba
       forbids the employment of minors as bartenders. Alberta has
       raised the age limit of children employed in mines from twelve
       to sixteen years. British Columbia prohibits the employment of
       boys under fourteen and girls under fifteen except in the
       canning of fish.

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: England:
       The Employment of Children Act, 1903.

       An Act "to make Better Provision for Regulating the Employment
       of Children" became law in August, 1903. Most of the
       responsibility for a proper protective regulation of child
       labor was imposed by this enactment on the local authorities
       of the Kingdom. Among its provisions were the following:

       "1. Any local authority may make byelaws—
          (i) prescribing for all children, or for boys and girls
          separately, and with respect to all occupations or to any
          specified occupation,—
             (a) the age below which employment is illegal; and
             (b) the hours between which employment is illegal; and
             (c) the number of daily and weekly hours beyond
             which employment is illegal:
          (ii) prohibiting absolutely or permitting, subject to
          conditions, the employment of children in any specified
          occupation.

       "2. Any local authority may make byelaws with respect to
           street trading by persons under the age of sixteen. …

       "3.
          (1) A child shall not be employed between the hours of nine
          in the evening and six in the morning: Provided that any
          local authority may, by byelaw, vary these hours either
          generally or for any specified occupation.

          (2) A child under the age of eleven years shall not be
          employed in street trading.

          (3) No child who is employed half-time under the Factory
          and Workshop Act, 1901, shall be employed in any other
          occupation.

          (4) A child shall not be employed to lift, carry, or move
          anything so heavy as to be likely to cause injury to the
          child.

          (5) A child shall not be employed in any occupation likely
          to be injurious to his life, limb, health or education,
          regard being had to his physical condition. …

       "4.
          (1) A byelaw made under this Act shall not have any effect
          until confirmed by the Secretary of State, and shall not
          be so confirmed until at least thirty days after the local
          authority have published it in such manner as the
          Secretary of State may by general or special order direct. …

       "13. In this Act—The expression ‘child’ means a person under
       the age of fourteen years:

       "The expression ‘guardian,’ used in reference to a child,
       includes any person who is liable to maintain or has the
       actual custody of the child:

       "The expression ‘employ’ and ‘employment,’ used in reference
       to a child, include employment in any labour exercised by way
       of trade or for the purposes of gain, whether the gain be to
       the child or to any other person: …

       "The expression ‘street trading’ includes the hawking of
       newspapers, matches, flowers, and other articles, playing,
       singing, or performing for profit, shoe-blacking, and any
       other like occupation carried on in streets or public places."

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: Germany:
       Child Labor Legislation and its operation.

       The Reichstag, in 1903, passed a new law for the protection of
       children, concerning the operation of which a well known
       English student of social conditions in Germany wrote as
       follows in 1908:

       "Several significant facts may be noted in relation to the
       protection of childhood in Germany. The legal age of admission
       to full employment in factories and workshops is fourteen
       years, though on the production of efficiency certificates
       children may be employed for not more than six hours daily at
       the age of thirteen, yet of the 5,607,657 industrial workers
       subject to inspection in 1905 only 10,245, or under 0.2 per
       cent., were below fourteen years, and in some States there
       were none. To show the progress which has been made in this
       respect it may be stated that in 1875 10 per cent. (88,000 out
       of a total of 880,500) of the factory workers were between
       twelve and fourteen years of age. … At the same time there is
       reason to believe that a serious exhaustion of juvenile
       strength takes place in the unregulated home industries of
       Germany. Further, from the age of six the child of the people
       attends the primary school for seven or eight years, and in
       many cases he is required to attend a continuation school
       several years longer. In most of the large towns the scholar
       from first to last receives free systematic medical care at
       the hands of the school doctors. It begins with a thorough
       examination on admission, and the health record thus opened is
       continued throughout the whole period of school life, so that
       the child is under constant medical supervision until it
       reaches the working age. Many towns have gone further, and
       have established dental surgeries, and attached eye and ear
       specialists to the primary schools."

          W. H. Dawson,
          The Evolution of Modern Germany,
          page 327 (Unwin, London; Scribner’s, New York).

    {88}

    CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: United States:
       Child Labor Laws of the several States in 1908,
       and as amended since.

       The requirements of an effective child labor law are set forth
       in Pamphlet No. 60 of the National Child Labor Committee as
       resting "primarily upon certain definite prohibitions, among
       which are the following:

       Labor is prohibited (1) for all children under the age of
       fourteen years;

       labor is prohibited (2) for all children under sixteen years
       of age who do not measure sixty inches and weigh eighty pounds;

       labor is prohibited (3) for all children under sixteen years
       of age who cannot read fluently and write legibly simple
       sentences in the English language;

       labor is prohibited (4) for all children under the age of
       sixteen years, between the hours of 7 p. m. and 7 a. m. or
       longer than eight hours in any twenty-four hours, or longer
       than forty-eight hours in any week;

       labor is prohibited (5) for all children under the age of
       sixteen years in occupations dangerous to life, limb, health
       or morals."

       Further prescriptions of the Committee relate to the
       regulations and agencies of authority requisite to an
       effective enforcement of the Law.

       In Bulletin Number 62 of the United States Bureau of Labor
       published in January, 1906, there is published a compilation
       of the laws relating to child labor in each State of the
       Union, as amended and in force at the close of the year 1905.
       An examination of them shows that the proposed standard had
       not then been measured up to in any State, or approached even
       nearly by more than a few. In not one had the law prescribed a
       test by weight or measure of the bodily development of a child
       that should mark Nature’s consent to his employment in any
       kind of work.

       Thirteen States, namely, California, Connecticut, Delaware,
       Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, New Jersey, Ohio, Oregon,
       Pennsylvania, Tennessee, West Virginia, and Wisconsin,
       prohibited in general terms the employment of children under
       fourteen years in mechanical, manufacturing or mercantile
       establishments, or to that apparent effect. New York did the
       same, with the proviso that children over twelve might have
       employment during school vacation times. Rhode Island,
       likewise, excepted the vacation time for children under
       fourteen. The State of Washington allowed certain judges to
       make exemptions from a similar prohibition, for the needed
       support of helpless parents. Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire,
       North Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia, and
       Wisconsin fixed the age under which no child may be employed
       in wage-earning labor at twelve. Louisiana appointed it at
       twelve for a boy and fourteen for a girl. Colorado placed it
       at twelve for labor in mines only. Florida raised it to
       fifteen, but only as prohibitory without consent of "those
       having legal control" of the child. Alabama and Nebraska had
       it lowered to ten years. South Carolina had kept it at ten
       until 1903, at eleven until 1904, and at twelve until May,
       1905. In the Massachusetts law no absolute prohibition of
       child labor within any age line appeared.

       Educational requirements, conditioning the employment of
       children, were in most of the State laws, as they stood at the
       end of 1905, and many of them satisfied the third rule
       propounded by the National Child Labor Committee, as given
       above.

       In the next three years after the Bureau of Labor’s
       compilation of child labor laws, great reforms in them were
       brought about, as shown by comparison with the "Handbook 1908"
       of "Child Labor Legislation" compiled by Josephine Goldmark
       for the National Consumers’ League, and published originally
       as a Supplement to the Annals of the American Academy of
       Political and Social Science, May, 1908. Some statements from
       this are given below:

       "The age below which child labor is prohibited varies from
       sixteen to ten years. The number of employments prohibited
       also varies greatly—from all employment during school hours to
       mine work only. … Eleven states prohibit work to the sixteenth
       birthday in either mines or specific occupations injurious to
       health, or both. These are, for mines, New York, Oklahoma,
       Pennsylvania (inside anthracite mines), Texas; for specific
       occupations, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, Ohio, Wisconsin;
       for both, Illinois and Montana."

       The fifteen year age limit is prescribed in only one State,
       South Dakota, which forbids it in mines, factories, hotels,
       laundries, theatres, bowling alleys, elevators, messenger
       service, or places where liquors are sold.

       The age limit of fourteen years is prescribed differently in
       different States. With various qualifications, employment
       below that age in factories, stores, offices, laundries,
       hotels, theatres, bowling alleys, is prohibited in California,
       Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, Missouri,
       Nebraska, New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.

       In factories or stores it is forbidden in Connecticut,
       Massachusetts, North Dakota, Oregon, Rhode Island, and
       Washington.

       In factories it is not permitted in Arkansas, Colorado,
       Delaware, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, New Jersey,
       Tennessee, Texas, Wisconsin.

       In messenger service it is made unlawful in California, Idaho,
       Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska,
       New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington,
       Wisconsin.

       Children under this age are excluded from mines in Arkansas,
       Colorado, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota,
       Missouri, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Tennessee,
       Utah, Washington, Wisconsin, Wyoming.

       In all the prohibitions above cited many and various
       exceptions are allowed in the laws of different States—as for
       school-vacation periods, for children of widows and disabled
       fathers, etc. In like manner, the following State laws which,
       on general principles, forbid all employment of children under
       fourteen years during school hours, provide for numerous and
       different exceptional circumstances: California, Colorado,
       Connecticut, District of Columbia, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky,
       Massachusetts, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New
       Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota,
       Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin.

    {89}

       The thirteen year age limit is fixed only in North Carolina,
       which excepts apprentices.

       The twelve year limit is applied (with exceptions for the
       vacation months) to factories or stores in California, to most
       descriptions of regular employment in Maryland, and to
       factories in West Virginia. It is applied to factories, with
       varied exceptions, in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana,
       Mississippi, New Hampshire, North Dakota, South Carolina, and
       Texas. It applies to factories, quarries, railroads, and
       messenger service in Vermont, and to factories, stores, and
       mines in Virginia. To mines distinctly it applies in Alabama,
       Florida, Maryland (if the twelve-year child is not wholly
       illiterate), North Carolina, North Dakota (in school hours),
       Pennsylvania (in bituminous mines only), South Carolina,
       Virginia, West Virginia (vacation excepted).

       The ten year old limit for labor to be lawful was only in
       Georgia factories, with exceptions for the babes of widows and
       disabled fathers.

       As to hours of labor, "six states limit employment to 9 hours
       in one day and 54 in one week:—California, Delaware, Florida,
       Idaho, Missouri, and New York (applying to children under 16
       in stores and as messengers).

       "Twenty-four states restrict work to 10 hours in one day and
       either 55, 58 or 60 hours in one week.

       "Five states, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania
       and Tennessee allow more than 10 hours work in one day," in
       the hours per week they permit.

       "Those states which fail to restrict the hours of labor
       allowed in one week as well as in one day invite
       the possibility of seven days’ labor. In Washington, for
       example, women and girls may not only work ten hours at night,
       they may do this every night, including Sunday.

       "Work at night is effectively restricted to the 16th birthday
       in 18 states. Twelve states set an early closing hour for
       children under 16 years, New York fixing 5 p. m.; Michigan,
       Ohio, Oregon and Wisconsin 6 p. m., and Alabama, Idaho,
       Illinois, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri and New Jersey (in
       stores) fixing 7 p. m. Of these, the Ohio law is the most
       comprehensive, since it includes girls to the 18th birthday."

       "Children have no positive immunity from night work unless the
       hours are explicitly stated between which it is unlawful to
       employ them. … The District of Columbia, 4 territories and 20
       states fail to prohibit work at night after a definite closing
       hour. The sinister feature of this list is the presence of
       Connecticut, Delaware, Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland,
       New Hampshire, Tennessee and West Virginia, all of them
       important manufacturing states having industries in which
       children are employed."

       Since the compilation of the above several states have made
       important changes in or additions to their child labor laws,
       as follows:

       In Kentucky the age limit is raised to 14 years during school
       terms, children between 14 and 16 not to be employed without
       certificate from school authorities. The hours of labor are
       limited to ten hours a day and sixty hours a week, and night
       work is prohibited for children under 16 years.

       In Louisiana a fourteen-year age limit is established, with a
       9 hour working day, and night work is prohibited for boys
       under 16 and girls under 18 years.

       Mississippi has established a twelve-year limit, applicants
       under sixteen being required to furnish a certificate of age
       and educational advantages, and one from county health officer
       showing physical condition. The time limit is ten hours daily,
       58 hours a week.

       "New Jersey enacted a compulsory education law, requiring
       school attendance of all children between the ages of seven
       and seventeen, except that children of fifteen who have
       completed the grammar grades and are regularly employed may be
       excused. This places the age limit for employment during the
       school period at fifteen years.

       "In New York a law was passed transferring the enforcement of
       the mercantile child labor law from local boards of health in
       cities of the first class to the State Labor Department, and
       providing for the creation of a bureau of mercantile
       inspection. This law became effective October 1st, 1908." It
       made important changes, affecting dangerous employments, which
       became effective October 1st, 1909.

       "In Ohio an important measure was passed limiting the hours
       for boys under sixteen and girls under eighteen to eight per
       day and forty-eight per week."

          National Child Labor Committee
          (General Secretary’s Annual Report).

       An act to regulate the employment of child labor in the
       District of Columbia was passed by Congress on May 28, 1908.
       This law prescribes an age limit of fourteen years, and
       prohibits employment during school hours. Exceptions may be
       made for children in the service of the Senate, or for those
       whose labor is necessary for the support of a disabled or
       widowed parent. Street trades are forbidden to boys under ten
       and girls under sixteen years of age. The time limit for
       children under sixteen is eight hours a day and forty-eight
       hours a week.

       The report of the National Child Labor Committee, for the year
       ending September 30, 1909, gives the following additional
       changes: In South Carolina a system of factory inspection was
       adopted. The hours of labor, however, were changed from 10 to
       11 hours a day. In Maine an educational test was adopted, and
       the hours reduced from 60 to 58 per week. Rhode Island reduced
       the hours for women and children from 60 to 56 per week.
       Pennsylvania enacted a law requiring adequate proof of age of
       children seeking employment, and requiring school certificate.

       Hours of labor have been reduced in the following States:
       Michigan to 54 hours a week for all women and for males under
       18; Kansas, Oklahoma, North Dakota to 8 hour day and 48 hour
       week; Delaware to 9 hour day and 54 hour week; Maine to 10
       hour day and 58 hour week for boys under 16, and girls under
       18; Rhode Island to 56 hour week for minors under 16 and all
       women.

       Night work has been prohibited in the following additional
       States: Delaware, Kansas, North Dakota, Michigan, Oklahoma,
       California.

       Compulsory education laws have been passed in Arkansas and
       Tennessee, and revised and improved in New Jersey, New York,
       and Missouri.

          See, also.
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

       ----------CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: End--------

    {90}

    CHILDREN, Public Playgrounds for.

          See (in this Volume)
          PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT.

    CHILDS, RICHARD S.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

       ----------CHILE: Start--------

    CHILE: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
       of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    CHILE: A. D. 1902.
       Noble Peace Agreements between Chile and the Argentine
       Republic.
       Treaty for Arbitration of all Disputes.
       Limitation of Armaments.

          See (in this Volume)
          War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1902.

    CHILE: A. D. 1903.
       Sale of war vessels to Great Britain.

       Pursuant to her Convention with Argentina, for the reduction
       of armaments, Chile, in this year, sold two newly built war
       vessels to Great Britain.

    CHILE: A. D. 1906.
       Installation of President Montt.
       His prospective difficulties.

       Don Pedro Montt, elected President of Chile in June, 1906,
       was installed in office on the 10th of September following—the
       anniversary of Chilean independence. United States Minister
       Hicks, reporting the ceremony to his Government, added the
       following remarks on the political situation:

       "The new President takes office while enjoying great personal
       popularity. He is the son of Don Manuel Montt, who was
       President of Chile from 1851 to 1862. His reputation is that
       of a calm, well-balanced man, of unimpeachable integrity,
       strong and self-reliant, but conciliatory and far-seeing. He
       begins his career with many difficulties on his hands. One
       question left over from the last administration—that of the
       rectorship of the university—is already causing considerable
       trouble. Under the law the President appoints the rector from
       three persons named by the doctors of the university itself.
       Señor Letelier has been so named, but as he is said to be a
       liberal and even a freethinker, the church party and the
       conservatives generally are fighting him. The new President
       selected a cabinet last week entirely different from the one
       now in office, but owing to the rectorship question and some
       other things it failed and a new one had to be appointed
       hurriedly.

       "Among other difficulties to be met by the new President is
       the opposition of the Senate. It is understood that there is a
       majority in that body against him, and it is liable to operate
       unfavorably to him. Still his friends have full confidence that
       he will succeed in quieting opposition and will retain the
       unlimited confidence of the people.

       "Under the Chilean constitution much of the power delegated to
       the President under the American Constitution is retained by
       Congress. That body really dictates to the President the
       appointment or removal of his cabinet and thus his functions
       are quite different from those of the President of the United
       States."

    CHILE: A. D. 1906.
       Destructive earthquake.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.

    CHILE: A. D. 1907.
       Diplomatic relations with Peru reestablished.

       Diplomatic relations with Peru were reestablished in 1907; but
       the old sore question between the two countries, concerning
       the interpretation of the peace treaty of Ancón (1884),
       relative to the provinces of Tacna and Arica, which Chile took
       from Peru in the preceding war, remains open.

          See (in Volume VI.)
          CHILE.

    CHILE: A. D. 1909.
       Contract given for the Arica-La Paz Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CHILE-BOLIVIA.

    CHILE: A. D. 1909.
       Arbitration of the Alsop Claim of the United States.

       "Many years ago diplomatic intervention became necessary to
       the protection of the interests in the American claim of Alsop
       and Company against the government of Chili. The government of
       Chili had frequently admitted obligation in the case, and had
       promised this government to settle it. There had been two
       abortive attempts to do so through arbitral commissions, which
       failed through lack of jurisdiction. Now, happily, as the
       result of the recent diplomatic negotiations, the governments
       of the United States and Chili, actuated by the sincere desire
       to free from any strain those cordial and friendly relations
       upon which both set such store, have agreed by a protocol to
       submit the controversy to definitive settlement by his
       Britannic Majesty, Edward VII."

          Message to Congress of President Taft,
          December, 1909.

       The claim referred to is that of "the Alsop Company of New
       York and Connecticut which advanced large sums of money to the
       Bolivian government in exchange for the right to valuable
       guano deposits in that country and other concessions. The
       government contracted further to return a part of the loan
       from the receipts of customs at the port of Arica. Before her
       contract could be fulfilled Bolivia lost Arica and the
       adjoining districts to Chili in war. In 1885, following
       representations by the American State Department, Chili agreed
       to assume the obligations of Bolivia to the Alsop Company. She
       has never, however, made good her promise, and the matter has
       been the subject of diplomatic negotiations ever since. The
       claim now amounts to more than $1,500,000."

    CHILE: A. D. 1909.
       Building of the Transandine Railway Tunnel.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: ARGENTINA-CHILE.

    CHILE: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Naval plans.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHILEAN.

       ----------CHILE: End--------

       ----------CHINA: Start--------

    CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.
       Increase of Christian Mission Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CHINA.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900-1905.
       Sudden and rapid upspringing of newspapers.

       "Without giving actual statistics, it may be mentioned that
       Peking, which had no newspaper up to the time of the Boxer
       rising—except a short-lived weekly started by the Peking
       Reform Club and suppressed by the Empress Dowager—has now
       three daily newspapers and two fortnightly ones, some of these
       being partly illustrated. Tientsin has at least three dailies,
       one of these, the ‘Ta-kung Pao’ ('The Impartial’),
       having the very respectable circulation of twenty thousand.
       The official organ which calls itself the ‘Times’ (the
       ‘Shih Pao’), although not so widely circulated, is well
       written under European auspices and has considerable
       influence.
    {91}
       In Shanghai there are now sixteen daily papers (price, eight
       to ten cash each), some of which have circulations of
       as much as ten thousand, and besides these there are many
       journals published there. Further south (at Foochow, Soochow,
       and Canton), there are in all some six or seven daily papers,
       and at Hong-Kong five, while Kiaochow has one, which is
       supported by the local German government. In addition to
       these, several papers are now published in the interior, but
       the majority, for various reasons, flourish in the treaty
       ports."

          A. R. Colquhoun
          The Chinese Press of To-day
          (North American Review, January, 1906).

    CHINA: A. D. 1900-1906.
       Progressive tariff and internal taxation measures to check
       the consumption of opium.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       The Russian grip on Manchuria.
       Coercive negotiations with China.
       Protests from other Powers.
       The Manchurian Treaty of 1902 and its impotence.

       Early in December, 1901, the American Minister to China, Mr.
       Conger, reported to Secretary Hay, at Washington, an impending
       treaty which Russia seemed likely to force on the Chinese
       Government, which would practically secure to that aggressive
       Power, through a prolonged agreement of China with the
       Russo-Chinese Bank, exclusive railway and mining concessions
       in Manchuria, and which would protract the Russian evacuation
       of that country through three years. England and Japan were
       using all their influence at Peking to prevent the signing of
       the treaty, and Mr. Hay entered a vigorous protest on the part
       of the Government of the United States, "animated now, as
       heretofore, by the sincere desire to insure to the whole world
       full and fair intercourse with China on equal footing." The
       pressure from Russia on China was so potent, however, that Mr.
       Conger, on the 29th of January, 1902, reported to Mr. Hay that
       Prince Ch’ing, who acted with authority from his Government in
       the negotiation with Russia, had informed him "that the latter
       has done the best he could and has held out as long as
       possible, but that Russian possession of Manchuria has become
       intolerable, and that China must at once sign the convention
       or lose everything; that he has therefore agreed to sign the
       convention [modified in some particulars] and will also sign
       the separate agreement with the Russo-Chinese Bank, which
       practically gives exclusive privileges of industrial
       development in Manchuria." Nevertheless the consummation of
       the Russian project of coercive diplomacy was delayed until
       the 8th of April, and the terms of the treaty then signed were
       considerably moderated from the original design. Its
       provisions of interest to others than the contracting parties
       were as follows:

       "ARTICLE I.
       His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, desiring to give a
       fresh proof of his love of peace and his sentiments of
       friendship for His Majesty the Emperor of China,
       notwithstanding the fact that the first attacks upon the
       peaceable Russian population were made from various points of
       Manchuria, which is situated on the frontier, consents to the
       reestablishment of the authority of the Chinese Government in
       the aforesaid province, which remains an integral part of the
       Empire of China, and restores to the Chinese Government the
       right to exercise governmental and administrative powers there
       as before its occupation by the Russian troops.

       "ARTICLE II.
       In resuming possession of governmental and administrative
       powers in Manchuria, the Chinese Government confirms, as well
       in regard to the terms as to all the other articles, the
       engagement strictly to observe the stipulations of the
       contract concluded with the Russo-Chinese Bank on the 27th of
       August, 1896, and assumes, according to article 5 of said
       contract, the obligation to protect the railroad and its
       personnel by every means, and also pledges itself to guarantee
       the security in Manchuria, of all Russian subjects in general
       who reside there and the enterprises established by them. The
       Russian Government, in view of the assumption of this
       obligation by the Emperor of China, consents on its part, in
       case there shall be no agitations of any sort, and if the
       action of the other powers shall offer no obstacle thereto,
       gradually to withdraw all its troops from Manchuria so as
       (a) To withdraw, in the course of six months from the
       signing of the convention, the Russian troops from the
       southwest portion of the province of Moukden, as far as the
       Liao-he River, and again to place China in control of the
       railways;
       (b) To withdraw, in the course of the six months
       following, the Imperial Russian troops from the remaining
       portion of the province of Moukden and the province of Kirin;
       and
       (c) To withdraw, in the course of the six months following,
       the remainder of the Imperial Russian troops now in the
       province of Hei-lung Kiang.

       "ARTICLE. III.
       In view of the necessity of obviating in future a repetition
       of the disturbances of 1900, in which the Chinese troops
       quartered in the provinces adjacent to Russia took part, the
       Russian Government and the Chinese Government agree to order
       the Russian military authorities and the dzian-dziuns, to come
       to an understanding for the purpose of regulating the number
       and determining the places of cantonment of the Chinese troops
       in Manchuria until the Russian troops shall have been
       withdrawn therefrom. The Chinese Government further pledges
       itself not to organize any other troops above the number thus
       agreed upon by the Russian military authorities and the
       dzian-dziuns which shall be sufficient to exterminate the
       brigands and to pacify the country. After the complete
       evacuation of the country by the Russian troops, the Chinese
       Government shall have the right to make an examination of the
       number of troops in Manchuria which are subject to increase or
       diminution, giving timely notice of such examination to the
       Imperial Government, for the maintenance of troops in the
       aforesaid province in superfluous numbers would manifestly
       lead to the increase of the Russian military forces in the
       adjacent districts, and would thus occasion an increase of
       military expenses, to the great disadvantage of both
       countries. For police service and the maintenance of internal
       order in this region outside of the territory ceded to the
       Chinese Eastern Railway Company, there shall be formed, near
       the local dzian-dziun governors, a police force, both on foot
       and mounted, composed exclusively of subjects of the Emperor
       of China

       "ARTICLE IV.
       The Russian Government consents to restore to their owners the
       railway lines of Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting, which have
       been occupied and protected by the Russian troops since the
       end of the month of September, 1900. In consideration of this
       the Government of the Emperor of China pledges itself:

    {92}

       "1. That in case it shall become necessary to insure the
       security of the aforesaid railway lines it will itself assume
       that obligation, and will not request any other power to
       undertake or participate in the defense, construction, or
       exploitation of these lines, and will not permit foreign
       powers to occupy the territory restored by Russia.

       "2. That the above-mentioned railway lines shall be completed
       and exploited on the precise bases of the agreement made
       between Russia and England April 16, 1899, and on those of the
       contract concluded September 28, 1898, with a private company,
       relative to a loan for the construction of the aforesaid
       lines, and, moreover, in observance of the obligations assumed
       by the company, especially: Not to take possession of the
       Shan-hai-kwan—Yin-kow—Simminting line or to dispose of it in
       any manner whatever.

       "3. That if a continuation of the railway lines in the south
       of Manchuria, or the construction of branch lines connecting
       with them, and the construction of a bridge at Yin Kow or at
       the transfer of the terminus of the Shan-hai-kwan Railroad,
       which is situated there, shall hereafter be undertaken, it
       shall be done after a previous understanding between the
       Government of Russia and that of China."

          Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
          of the United States, 1902, pages 271-281.

       During the next two years Russia was accused from all sides of
       infidelity to the engagements of this treaty, and her conduct,
       which seemed especially menacing to Japan, gave rise to the
       Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Edicts for educational reform.
       Modernizing examinations for literary and military degrees.
       Establishing universities, colleges, and schools.
       Sending students abroad.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    CHINA: A. D. 1901-1904.
       Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.
       Remonstrances of the Japanese.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.
       Settlement of the indemnity to be paid to fourteen Powers on
       account of the Boxer Rising.
       Remission of part of it by the United States.

       In April, 1901, when the record of events connected with the
       Boxer rising against foreigners in China was closed in Volume
       VI. of this work, the Chinese government had promised
       satisfaction and indemnity to the fourteen Powers whose
       subjects had suffered from the barbarous attack and whose
       forces had overcome it, and the measure of indemnity to be
       paid was then being discussed. The discussion and the
       reckonings involved were prolonged till September. The final
       protocol was signed September 7, but it was not until the 30th
       of that month that the formulated claims of the Powers
       concerned were accepted by China, and the responsibility of
       payment assumed by an imperial decree. The total was
       450,000,000 taels, equivalent to $334,000,000, divided between
       Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great
       Britain, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain,
       Sweden, and the United States. The sum was not reckoned solely
       for the covering of losses and expenses, consequent on the
       Boxer outrages, but was intended to be, in some degree, a
       penalty imposed on the Chinese nation; and some of the
       claimant nations were said to be more exacting on this score
       than others were.

       The amount for which the United States stipulated was
       $24,440,000, and the American government received an indemnity
       bond for that sum. But when the expenses of the American
       relief expedition had been accurately ascertained, and all
       losses and destruction of property belonging to American
       claimants had been settled, it was found that they would be
       largely overpaid. It was possible, according to common
       practice in international dealings, to regard the excess as
       justly punitive; but a different view was dictated by the wish
       to show friendliness to China, and a return of the overpayment
       was proposed. Recommended by President Roosevelt, the
       necessary sanction was given by Congress, and on the 11th of
       July, 1908, the American Minister to China addressed the
       following communication to the Prince of Ch’ing, President of
       the Wai-Wu-Pu, or Board of Foreign Affairs, at Peking:

       "Your Highness:
       "It is with great satisfaction that I have the honor to inform
       your Highness, under direction of the Secretary of State of
       the United States, that a bill has passed the Congress of the
       United States authorizing the President to modify the
       indemnity bond given the United States by China under the
       provisions of Article VI. of the final protocol of September
       7, 1901, from twenty-four million, four hundred and forty
       thousand dollars ($24,440,000), United States gold currency,
       to thirteen million, six hundred and fifty-five thousand, four
       hundred and ninety-two dollars and twenty-nine cents
       ($13,655,492.29), with interest at four per cent (4%) per
       annum. Of this amount two million dollars ($2,000,000) are
       held pending the result of hearings on private claims
       presented to the Court of Claims of the United States within
       one year. Any balance remaining after such adjudication is
       also to be returned to the Chinese Government, in such manner
       as the Secretary of State shall decide.

       "The President is further authorized under the Bill to remit
       to China the remainder of the indemnity as an act of
       friendship, such payments and remissions to be made at such
       times and in such a manner as he may deem just.

       "I am also directed by the Secretary of State to request the
       Imperial Government kindly to favor him with its views as to
       the time and manner of the remissions.

       "Trusting that your Imperial Highness will favor me with an
       early reply to communicate to my Government, I avail myself of
       this occasion to renew to your Highness the assurance of my
       highest consideration
       —W. W. ROCKHILL."

       In his reply, after reciting the statements conveyed to him by
       Mr. Rockhill, the Prince wrote (as translated) the following:

       "On reading this despatch I was profoundly impressed with the
       justice and great friendliness of the American government, and
       wish to express our sincerest thanks.

       "Concerning the time and manner of the return of the amounts
       to be remitted to China, the Imperial Government has no wishes
       to express in the matter. It relies implicitly on the friendly
       intentions of the United States Government, and is convinced
       that it will adopt such measures as are best calculated to
       attain the end it has in view.

    {93}

       "The Imperial Government, wishing to give expression to the
       high value it places on the friendship of the United States,
       finds in its present action a favorable opportunity for doing
       so. Mindful of the desire recently expressed by the President
       of the United States to promote the coming of Chinese students
       to the United States to take courses in the schools and higher
       educational institutions of the country, and convinced by the
       happy results of past experience of the great value to China
       of education in American schools, the Imperial Government has
       the honor to state that it is its intention to send henceforth
       yearly to the United States a considerable number of students
       there to receive their education. The Board of Foreign Affairs
       will confer with the American Minister in Peking concerning
       the elaboration of plans for the carrying out of the intention
       of the Imperial Government.
       "A necessary despatch.
          "SEAL OF THE WAI-WU-PU."

       Simultaneously with the note from Prince Ch’ing, the Wai-Wu-Pu
       as a body addressed the following to Mr. Rockhill:

       "To his Excellency W. W. Rockhill,
       American Minister, Peking:

       "Referring to the despatch just sent to your Excellency
       regarding sending students to America, it has now been
       determined that from the year when the return of the indemnity
       begins, one hundred students shall be sent to America every
       year for four years, so that four hundred students may be in
       America by the fourth year. From the fifth year and throughout
       the period of the indemnity payments a minimum of fifty
       students will be sent each year.

       "As the number of students will be very great, there will be
       difficulty in making suitable arrangements for them.
       Therefore, in the matter of choosing them, as well as in the
       matters of providing suitable homes for them in America and
       selecting the schools which they are to enter, we hope to have
       your advice and assistance. The details of our scheme will
       have to be elaborated later, but we take this occasion to
       state the general features of our plan, and ask you to inform
       the American Government of it. We sincerely hope that the
       American Government will render us assistance in the matter.

       "Wishing you all prosperity,
       (Signed)
          PRINCE OF CH’ING, YUAN-SHIH-K’AI,
          NA-TUNG    LIEN-FANG
             LIANG-TUN-YEN."

       The remittance of somewhat more than $10,000,000 of the
       indemnity did not involve a repayment of that sum of money to
       the Chinese government, for the reason that payments on the
       original indemnity bond were to be in annual instalments,
       running until 1940, certain revenues being pledged to secure
       them. The remittance is effected, accordingly, by a
       readjustment of those payments hereafter.

       Writing in The Outlook of this transaction, and of the
       impression it has made in China, Mr. George Marvin, who has
       been for some time in official connection with the Chinese
       Government, says:

       "In pledging itself to the American educational mission the
       Chinese Government has given the fullest evidence of its
       appreciation. According to estimates made in Peking last
       summer, it was calculated that by and after the fourth year of
       the proposed educational foundation the investment necessary
       to finance the Chinese students in America would amount to
       $500,000 annually, a sum nearly equivalent to the entire
       yearly revenue remitted. Already, and quite apart from the
       scheme proposed in the note of the Wai-Wu-Pu, there are
       maintained in the United States by Imperial and Provincial
       funds one hundred and fifty-five Chinese students, picked boys
       and young men, sons of officials and prominent and wealthy
       merchants, chosen often by competitive examinations. The
       students now to be sent annually by the Imperial Government
       will be still more carefully selected. These are the men
       destined for positions of responsibility and influence in that
       ‘Awakening China’ of which we hear so much."

          G. Marvin, in The Outlook, November 14, 1908.

       A Special Ambassador from China, bearing a letter of thanks
       from the Emperor, presented it to the President on the 2d of
       December, 1908.

    CHINA: A. D. 1902.
       Return to Peking of the Emperor, Empress-Dowager, and Court.
       Receptions to foreign representatives.
       Withdrawals of foreign troops.
       Recurrence of Boxer outbreaks.

       The Emperor, Empress Dowager, and their suite reentered Peking
       on the 7th of January, 1902. On the 22d the foreign
       representatives were admitted to audience with the Emperor; on
       the 28th the Emperor and Empress-Dowager, together, gave a
       reception to the diplomatic body, the Empress-Dowager being
       throned on a higher seat than the Emperor; on the 1st of
       February the Empress-Dowager entertained the ladies of the
       foreign legations at a banquet, where presents of jewelry were
       made to all the guests. Sorrow for the misdoings from which
       the foreigners in China had suffered was expressed on all
       these occasions, and there seemed to be an earnest desire to
       make amends for them.

       Foreign troops were withdrawn from Tien-tsin on the 15th of
       August, 1902, and the city delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.
       Many improvements in streets, bridges, and public grounds had
       been made by the provisional government which the Allies
       instituted in 1900. Shanghai was evacuated by the allied
       forces at the end of the year 1902.

       Some recurrence of Boxer movements and insurrections occurred
       in different parts of the Empire during 1902. Several
       missionaries and a number of native converts were murdered,
       chapels were burned, and other outrages committed; but in
       general there was a restoration of order in the country, and
       considerable building of railways and forwarding of other
       enterprises went on.

    CHINA: A. D. 1902.
       Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.

          See (in this Volume)
          TIBET: A. D. 1902.

    CHINA: A. D. 1902 (January).
       Agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

    CHINA: A. D. 1902 (February).
       Wei-hai-wei found to be strategically worthless by the
       British Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

    CHINA: A. D. 1902-1904.
       The British opening of Tibet by force.

          See TIBET: A. D. 1902.

    {94}

    CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).
       Treaty with the United States.
       Opening of two ports in Manchuria.
       Rights and privileges enlarged.

       "In the protocol of September 7, 1901,  China had agreed to
       extend the scope of her commercial treaties with the powers.

          See, (in this Volume)
          above, A. D. 1901-1908.

       When the negotiation of a new treaty was begun by
       Consul-General Goodnow at Shanghai, the United States demanded
       that at least two new ports in Manchuria be opened to foreign
       trade and residence. The Chinese commissioners declined to
       discuss this subject, on the alleged ground that they had no
       instructions to do so. It was evident that there was secret
       opposition somewhere, and on May 7, 1903, Mr. Conger reported
       that it came from the Russian charge d'affaires. Later he
       secured a written acknowledgment from the Chinese government
       that such was the case. … Mr. Hay then appealed with the
       utmost directness to the Russian government. … On July 14 a
       definite answer was at length received from Russia, in which
       she declared that it had never entered into her views to
       oppose the opening of certain cities in Manchuria to foreign
       commerce, but that this declaration did not apply to Harbin,
       one of the cities selected by the United States, which was
       situated within the railway zone, and therefore was not under
       the complete jurisdiction of China. A copy of this note was
       shown to the Chinese government; which finally agreed to
       insert in the treaty on October 8 (the date on which Russia
       had agreed to completely withdraw from Manchuria) a provision
       for the opening of two ports. The United States agreed to this
       arrangement, and on October 8 the treaty was signed, and
       Mukden and Antung named as the open ports."

          John H. Latané,
          America as a World Power,
          chapter 6 (Harper & Bros., New York, 1907).

       The further scope of the treaty was announced by President
       Roosevelt in his Message to Congress, December 7, 1903, as
       follows: "It provides not only for the ordinary rights and
       privileges of diplomatic and consular officers, but also for
       an important extension of our commerce by increased facility
       of access to Chinese ports, and for the relief of trade by the
       removal of some of the obstacles which have embarrassed it in
       the past. The Chinese Government engages, on fair and
       equitable conditions, which will probably be accepted by the
       principal commercial nations, to abandon the levy of ‘liken’
       and other transit dues throughout the Empire, and to introduce
       other desirable administrative reforms. Larger facilities are
       to be given to our citizens who desire to carry on mining
       enterprises in China. We have secured for our missionaries a
       valuable privilege, the recognition of their right to rent and
       lease in perpetuity such property as their religious societies
       may need in all parts of the Empire."

    CHINA: A. D. 1904.
       Railways and Chinese travel on them.
       Unused British Concessions.

       "It may not have passed out of the public mind that in
       February, 1899, Mr. Balfour came down to the House of Commons
       and paraded before it and the country the magnificent triumph
       England had won in China in respect of Railway Concessions.

          See, in Volume VI.,
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER.).

       They totalled up to 2,800 miles! The House cheered, the
       country indulged in a fit of self-complacency, and the critic
       who asked questions was an ignoramus or a nuisance. Well, five
       years have gone by, and not one mile of those railways is in
       existence except the Chinese Northern State Railway, which has
       passed out of our hands. Of the rest the two great trunk
       lines, one from Hankow to Canton, and the other in Yunnan,
       have been abandoned, while among those of shorter length the
       only one that still remains in active force is the subject of
       this paper. …

       "In more than one recently published consular dispatch
       attention has been drawn to the fact that the Chinese,
       backward or hesitating in the adoption of every other European
       or Western innovation, have shown no reluctance to avail
       themselves of improved means of locomotion. The Northern
       Railway is used by several million passengers every year; the
       sections already open of the German railway in Shantung and of
       the Belgian in Shansi can complain of no lack of traffic. The
       fears of an earlier period as to what the Chinese would do
       with regard to railways have been dissipated by experience."

          D. C. Boulger,
          The Shanghai-Nanking Railway
          (Contemporary Review, June, 1904).

    CHINA: A. D. 1904.
       The Russo-Japanese War in Manchuria.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY) and after.

    CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.
       The Hankau Sze-chuen Railway Loan.
       The question of American participation.

       In 1904 the American Minister at Peking concluded an agreement
       with the Chinese Government to the effect that, when loans for
       the construction of a projected railway into the western
       province of Sze-chuen, from Hankau, should be negotiated,
       Americans should have an opportunity to subscribe to it.
       Nearly five years passed before arrangements for the loan were
       made, and then, in the spring of 1909, it was found that terms
       had been concluded with a group of British, German, and French
       bankers for the whole sum sought, of $27,500,000, while
       American capitalists had not been given the promised
       opportunity. On behalf of the latter the Government of the
       United States intervened, claiming fulfilment of the agreement
       of 1904. The matter was regarded as being both politically and
       financially important. "A precedent is what we want to
       establish," said Mr. Crane, the newly appointed Minister to
       China, in an interview on the subject at New York. "The task
       of this Government to maintain its position with the European
       Powers in the East will be less difficult. We are looking
       twenty years ahead." As the result of communications in July
       from Washington to Peking, in which President Taft took part
       personally, the loan arrangement was readjusted, and American
       capitalists became participant in it to the extent of
       one-fourth.

       According to a despatch from Peking, August 17, the matter was
       settled definitely that day, on the following terms: "The loan
       to be increased from $27,500,000 to $30,000,000, and of this
       latter amount American bankers to get one-quarter, the other
       three-quarters going to British, French, and German interests.
       Americans are to have equal opportunity with the other nations
       to supply material for both the Sze-chuen and the Canton lines
       and the branches; they will appoint subordinate engineers, and
       they will have also one-half of all future loans of the
       Sze-chuen Railroad and its branches with the corresponding
       advantages."

    {95}

       Subsequently, however, some difficulty in the readjustment of
       business details in the matter arose, which delayed the final
       settlement. The motives of the American Government in claiming
       a participation in the enterprise were stated as follows by
       President Taft in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909:
       "By the treaty of 1903 China has undertaken the abolition of
       likin with a moderate and proportionate raising of the customs
       tariff along with currency reform. These reforms being of
       manifest advantage to foreign commerce as well as to the
       interests of China, this government is endeavoring to
       facilitate these measures with the needful acquiescence of the
       treaty Powers. When it appeared that Chinese likin revenues
       were to be hypothecated to foreign bankers in connection with
       a great railway project, it was obvious that the governments
       whose nationals held this loan would have a certain direct
       interest in the question of the carrying out by China of the
       reforms in question. Because this railroad loan represented a
       practical and real application of the open-door policy through
       coöperation with China by interested Powers, as well as
       because of its relations to the reforms referred to above, the
       Administration deemed American participation to be of great
       national interest. Happily, when it was as a matter of broad
       policy urgent that this opportunity should not be lost, the
       indispensable instrumentality presented itself when a group of
       American bankers, of international reputation and great
       resources, agreed at once to share in the loan upon precisely
       such terms as this government should approve. The chief of
       those terms was that American railway material should be upon
       an exact equality with that of the other nationals joining in
       the loan in the placing of orders for this whole railroad
       system. After months of negotiation the equal participation of
       Americans seems at last assured. It is gratifying that
       Americans will thus take their share in this extension of
       these great highways of trade, and to believe that such
       activities will give a real impetus to our commerce, and will
       prove a practical corollary to our historic policy in the Far
       East."

    CHINA: A. D. 1905 (August).
       New agreement respecting China between Great Britain and Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

    CHINA: A. D. 1905 (December).
       Treaty with Japan relative to Manchuria.

       By a treaty with Japan, concluded December, 1905, China
       consented to lease to Japan the Kwangtung peninsula, at the
       southern extremity of which are Port Arthur and Dalny,
       formerly held by Russia under lease from China, and concede to
       Japan the control of the railway on the peninsula northward as
       far as Changchin. China also conceded to Japan the right to
       build a railway from Antung on the Yalu River to Mukden, the
       ancient capital of Manchuria, provided, however, that at the
       end of a certain period the road may be purchased by China.
       More important is the fact that China agreed in the treaty to
       open to the world’s commerce and trade sixteen principal ports
       and cities in Manchuria, including Harbin, or Kharbin, the
       modern Russian capital of the province and its most important
       railway center.

    CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
       The stir of new ideas.
       Imperial Commission to study Representative
       Systems of Government.
       Signs of fruit from it.
       Reformative movements.
       The Constitutional Programme set forth in August, 1908.
       Nine years of approach to a Promised Constitution.

       A significant token of the dawning in China of a changed state
       of mind respecting the western world of Europe and America,
       and its very different development of scientific knowledge and
       of social institutions, was afforded in the fall of 1905, when
       an imperial commission, headed by Prince Tsai-Tse, was sent
       abroad to study representative systems of government. The
       Commission returned in the following July, and in August a
       committee of high dignitaries, with Prince Ch’ing for its
       chairman, was appointed to consider the report it had
       submitted on administrative reforms. The outcome, soon
       afterwards, was an imperial edict which recognized a "lack of
       confidence between the highest and the lowest, between the
       throne and ministers and the masses," and went so far as to
       say that "foreign countries become wealthy and powerful by
       granting a constitution to the masses and allowing suffrage to
       all." While intimating that China must look forward to a
       similar admission of the masses to some voice in the
       government, the edict set forth the prior need of many
       reforms, in the official system, in the laws, in education, in
       the finances, and in the army and police. To begin the
       undertaking of such reforms, Prince Tsai-Tse was put at the
       head of a committee for dealing with the official system, and
       before the year closed there were several changes of
       importance introduced, tending towards more simplicity of
       methods in public business and more centering of
       responsibilities. Examinations in Western subjects of
       knowledge began to replace the old conventional examinations
       in classic Chinese literature, as tests for admission and
       promotion in official service, and eagerness was shown in the
       opening of schools and colleges that approached the European
       and American type. Simultaneously with these stirrings of a
       new consciousness and purpose in China, a great moral reform
       was taken in hand. This was no less than an attempt to rescue
       the nation from its opium curse. Some account of the opium
       edict issued in September, 1906, will be found elsewhere.

          See, (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

       That these reformative steps were actually taken with a view
       to the ultimate granting of "a constitution to the masses and
       allowing suffrage to all" was proved in the summer of 1908,
       when a programme of gradual approach to constitutional
       government, by stages which extend through the next nine
       years, was promulgated at Peking on August 27th. According to
       Western ideas the document lacks definiteness, but it is not
       difficult to believe in the sincerity of its intent. There may
       be great wisdom of sincerity in the serial planning of
       successive measures that are to unfold and introduce a
       constitution at the end of nine years.

       The edict of August 27 was summarized and partially translated
       in a communication to the New York Tribune, as follows:

       "The preamble alone fills twenty large pages and is written in
       an incongruous mixture of Chinese Classical terms and new
       Japanese terminology invented to fit Western meanings. The
       efforts of the authors have been aimed at conveying to the
       Chinese mind an understanding of things hitherto beyond its
       comprehension. The explanations often convey nothing to the
       Western mind.

    {96}

       "The subject is approached in an almost prayerful attitude.
       The fact that China obtains this constitution ‘by the imperial
       will’ is reiterated again and again. It is set forth that the
       imperial government, under the constitution, shall not be
       criticised, on the principle that the ‘sacred majesty of the
       sovereign may not be offended against,’ and that the leaders
       of the political parties are to be appointed by the throne.
       Full government under this constitution will become effective
       at the end of nine years. While the proposed system is called
       constitutional, it is far removed from Western constitutional
       government.

       "Broadly speaking, the document follows the constitution of
       Japan. Some of its most striking clauses follow:

       "‘We beg, as the condition of the country is perilous, and the
       hearts of the people are uneasy—trouble within and calamity
       from without, danger threatening, and no parliament at the
       side to investigate matters—that urgent measures may be taken
       to overcome half-heartedness and procrastination, that there
       may be peace above and completion below.

       "‘We have therefore laid down the general principles of the
       constitution and the programme for the work of getting
       everything in readiness in nine years. These may not be
       changed in the least particular.

       "‘There will be boundless daily improvement. May the "silken
       sounds" descend to inform the empire and fix the road for ten
       thousand years, comforting the hopes of the myriads who long
       for peace.’

       "Fourteen laws are then submitted, as follows:

       "1. The Ta Ch’ing Emperor will rule supreme over the Ta Ch’ing
       Empire for one thousand generations in succession, and be
       honored forever.

       "2. Majesty of the sovereign.

       "3. Right of promulgating laws.

       "4. Convocation, suspension, extension and dissolution
       of parliament.

       "5. Appointment, payment, promotion, degradation of officials.

       "6. Command over army and navy.

       "7. Power to make war, peace, treaties; to receive and appoint
       ambassadors.

       "8. Martial law.

       "9. Rewards and pardons.

       "10. Right over judges and the administration of laws.

       "11. Injunction.

       " 12. Right of raising funds when parliament is not in session.

       "13. Right of fixing the expenses of the imperial household.

       "14. Respecting authority over the imperial clan.

       "‘We look to our Empress Dowager and Emperor and see that they
       take the measure of heaven and earth as their measure and the
       heart of the people as their heart. The officials and people
       within the wide seas are reverently grateful.

       "‘The people should earnestly fulfil all the duties without
       selfish reservations, which would hinder the public welfare,
       and without rash impatience, which would confuse the
       regulation; not looking on the matter as too easy, so that the
       deliberations become empty wrangling, not failing to
       understand the limitation of powers, so as to make laws which
       overstep authority.

       "‘The sovereign has absolute power, which he exercises in
       constitutional form.’

       "It is then set forth that on the dissolution of parliament
       the people shall be called on to elect a new parliament, and
       the document continues:

       "‘Mercy is from above; officials, below, may not arrogate it
       to themselves.

       "‘Officers and people who keep within the law will have
       freedom of speech, of the press and of assembly. They shall
       not be disturbed without cause in their possession of
       property, nor interfered with in their dwellings; and they
       have the obligation to pay taxes and render military service
       and the duty of obedience to the law of the land.

       "‘Members of parliament shall not speak disrespectfully of the
       court or slander others. Violation of this law will be
       punished.’

       "The nine year programme is as follows:

       "‘Thirty-fourth year of Kwang Hsu, or 1908—Local
       self-government; rules for reorganization of finance; fusion
       of the Manchu and Chinese military; revision of criminal code.

       "‘Thirty-fifth year, or 1909—Election of provincial
       assemblymen; election to constitutional commission; local
       self-government bureaus established; census; provincial
       budgets; determination of functions of Peking officials;
       issuing of school books.

       "‘Thirty-sixth year, or 1910—Provincial assemblies opened;
       local self-government established; census reports; tax rate
       fixed; organization of provincial officials; courts of law at
       provincial capitals and treaty ports; publishing criminal
       code; extension of schools; preparation for organization of
       sub-prefecture; department and district police.

       "‘Thirty-seventh year, or 1911—Local self-government
       continued; public account; imperial budget; rules on imperial
       taxation; rules governing appointments and salaries of civil
       officials; extension of schools; codes of municipal and
       commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure drawn up.

       "‘Thirty-eighth year, or 1912—Completion of general
       arrangement of urban self-government; census reports;
       publication of taxation laws of empire; perfection of
       arrangements for provincial and lesser courts; extension of
       schools.

       "‘Thirty-ninth year, or 1913—Police registration; imperial
       trial budget of variable expenses; Supreme Court; courts of
       law in prefectures, sub-prefectures, departments and
       districts; criminal code promulgated; urban self-government
       established; rules for rural self-government; rules for urban
       police.

       "‘Fortieth year, or 1914—Imperial trial budget of fixed
       expenses; publication of system of national accounts; rural
       self-government established; rules for lower courts.

       "‘Forty-first year, or 1915—Imperial household expenses fixed;
       organization of the Banners’ controller’s office; public
       accounting enforced; lower courts established; municipal and
       commercial laws and civil and criminal procedure rules
       established; police system complete.

       "‘Forty-second year, or 1910—Promulgation of full constitution
       and the laws of the imperial clan; parliamentary rules and
       rules for parliamentary elections; budget for consideration of
       parliament; reorganized official system; appointment of a
       premier.’

       "The document concludes with these words:

    {97}

       "'In the forty-third year of Kwang Hsu, or 1917, China will
       be, by following this plan, a parliamentary country like Japan
       or Russia.'"

          China's Constitution
          (New York Tribune, October 19, 1908).

       Prince Ito, the veteran statesman of Japan, regards the
       constitutional experiment in China with more anxiety than
       hopefulness. Speaking on the subject in August, 1909, he
       expressed doubt of its success, and thought failure would
       imperil peace in the Far East. His reasoning in brief was
       this:

       "First—the enormous area of the Empire and the defective
       facilities for communication would greatly impede the
       assembling of a Parliament, especially in time of emergency.

       Secondly, the immovable character of Chinese conservatism
       forbade a change even of the system of taxation,
       notwithstanding the State’s urgent need of funds, and there
       was, therefore, still greater difficulty in effecting the
       radical alterations required by a constitutional system.

       Thirdly, the Chinese were untrained in local administration,
       the institution of which was an essential prelude to a
       national Assembly. He said he was astonished at the silence of
       Occidental publicists on this question so vital to the peace
       of the Orient."

    CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.
       Chinese Exclusion Laws of the United States.
       Boycott of American goods in the Empire.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Disputes with Japan.
       The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway questions.
       Settlement of the latter by Japanese ultimatum.

       It could hardly have been possible for cordially friendly
       relations to be maintained between China and Japan, in the
       circumstances which transferred to the latter the extensive
       rights and privileges in Southern Manchuria, which Russia had
       acquired in that Chinese province by treaty and lease. By a
       protocol of December, 1905, after the closing of the
       Russo-Japanese War, there was an attempt, between Peking and
       Tokyo, to define the effects of the Treaty of Portsmouth,
       especially in the bearings of that article of the Treaty which
       ceded to Japan, "with the consent of the Government of China,
       the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the adjacent
       territories and territorial waters, as well as the rights,
       privileges and concessions connected with this lease or
       forming part thereof," and likewise, of "all the public works
       and property within the territory over which the above lease
       extends"; but misunderstandings and differences of opinion
       were sure to arise. Whether it has been more by the fault of
       Japan than of China that they arose and increased until, in
       the past year, they became a serious estrangement, is a
       question on which the judgment of foreign observers is
       conflicting. The veteran representative of the London Times at
       Peking, whose friendship for the Chinese is fast-fixed by long
       residence among them, lays the greater weight of
       responsibility on Japan, though he finds a lack of
       reasonableness on both sides. Japan, he says (writing July 19,
       1909), was welcomed in China with open arms after her
       victorious war. "No nation ever had a greater opportunity, and
       faulty must have been the policy which in so short a time has
       wrought so great a change. Japan is now regarded with a
       comprehensive distrust that is most disquieting.
       Not long ago more than 1,000 Japanese of different classes
       were employed in China, in schools and colleges, in the army
       and police, in law and prison reform, in agriculture and
       sericulture, in telephone and electric light companies, on
       railways, and in many other capacities. At present there are
       fewer than 400, 52 of whom are in Peking, and these numbers
       will be further reduced as existing contracts expire. Similar
       reductions are noted in the number of Chinese being educated
       in Japan. Three years ago there were more than 20,000; last
       year there were more than 10,000. The number now is 5,125, and
       only yesterday it was arranged that in the case of a body of
       300 Government students just returned to China, only 88 would
       be sent to take their places."

       "At present each country, through its Press, is protesting
       against the unreasonableness of the other. Contradictory
       statements on questions of fact are made on almost every point
       at issue."

       The main contention has related to the projected extension by
       China of a railway to Fa-ku-menn from the terminus of an
       existing line at Hsin-min-tun, west of Mukden. It was in the
       agreement of December, 1905, that no railways in competition
       with the South Manchurian line, which Japan took from Russia,
       should be built. The Japanese assert that they had in view
       this very Fa-ku-menn extension when that stipulation was
       inserted. The Chinese declare that the negotiation on their
       part had reference solely to the area east of the Liao River.
       Japan made two alternative proposals for the settlement of
       this question: "One that the Chinese should build a railway
       from Fa-ku-menn to the South Manchurian Railway instead of to
       Hsin-min-tun, or that the Japanese should build a railway from
       the South Manchurian line to Fa-ku-menn and thence to the
       North, in which case Japan would withdraw her objection to the
       Fa-ku-menn-Hsin-min-tun railway, provided that China undertook
       not to extend the line beyond Fa-ku-menn without a previous
       agreement with Japan." China is said to have declined
       discussion of these proposals, but offered arbitration of the
       whole matter. Japan objected to arbitration without previous
       discussion of her new proposals. And so the dispute seemed
       deadlocked.

       Another dispute turned on the interpretation of a clause in
       the Agreement of December, 1905, which reads: "China agrees
       that Japan has the right to improve the Antung-Mukden Railway
       so as to make it fit for the conveyance of commercial and
       industrial goods of all nations." Japan undertook, as a
       necessary "improvement" of the road, to reconstruct it, with a
       change of gauge to connect it with the standard gauge of the
       South Manchuria and Korean roads. China denied that the
       agreement gave a right to reconstruction. Several other
       questions arising between the two peoples have helped to raise
       hard feeling on both sides; but these have seemed to be at the
       front.

       At length on the 6th of August, 1909, Japan brought discussion
       of the Antung-Mukden Railway question to a summary ending, by
       a note to the Chinese Government which announced that "the
       Imperial Government is now compelled to take independent
       action, and to proceed to carry out the necessary work of
       reconstruction and improvement according to treaty rights."
    {98}
       Before taking this decisive step, the Japanese Government is
       said to have consulted Great Britain and other powers, and to
       have had approval of her action from London, if not from
       elsewhere. China yielded to the ultimatum, and this leading
       cause of quarrel between the great nations of the East was
       removed on the 4th of September by the signing, at Mukden, of
       a memorandum of agreement, reported in substance as follows:

       China agrees, first, not to construct the
       Hsin-min-tum-Fa-ku-men Railroad without consulting Japan;
       second, that half the capital required to extend the Kirin
       Railroad shall be borrowed in Japan; third, that Japan will be
       permitted to extend the Yinkow and improve and modernize the
       Antung-Mukden Railroads, to which China was bitterly opposed;
       fourth, that Japan may work the mines in the Fushun and Yentai
       districts, and have joint exploitation of the mines reached by
       the Antung and Manchurian Railroad lines.

       In the Chientao boundary dispute Japan agrees to recognize
       China’s sovereignty, while China agrees to open four trade
       marts in the district.

       In a letter to a London journal, a few days before this
       settlement of the Antung-Mukden Railway question, Lord
       Stanhope said:

       "The Chinese have surely deeper reasons for opposing this
       scheme than the mere fact of reconstruction. They well realize
       that this railway, crossing narrow valleys, can have no
       commercial future, but is virtually a strategic railway to
       strengthen the Japanese grip on Manchuria."

    CHINA: A. D. 1906.
       A Commission sent to America and Europe for the study of
       political and other institutions.

       The new spirit astir in China was manifested in the early
       months of 1906 by the sending of a large Commission of
       carefully chosen men to the United States and Europe, for
       observations that would be helpful toward reforms in their own
       country. It was headed by two High Commissioners of
       distinction, Tai Hung-chi and Tuan Fang, and they were
       attended by thirty-five scholars and functionaries of note.
       They received much attention during their stay of five weeks
       in the United States, and were placed by the Government under
       the special charge of Professor J. W. Jenks. Writing
       subsequently of their mission Professor Jenks said:

       "The purpose of the commission is, primarily, to make such a
       study of the political institutions of the various countries
       visited that they will be able, on their return, to offer
       valuable suggestions for the improvement of their own. There
       is even serious talk among the high officials in China of some
       form of a constitution. In consequence, the commissioners are
       as eager to learn regarding the working of some of our
       institutions as regarding their form of organization. Inasmuch
       as political reform necessarily involves social reform, even
       as a condition precedent, the commission is devoting special
       attention to the study of education, in universities and
       schools, and to methods of social amelioration, in prisons and
       asylums for the insane and the poor. They, however, are not
       neglecting the study of our large manufacturing plants, and
       have clearly in mind, also, the improvement of the industrial
       conditions of China. It is a matter of peculiar interest that
       the Empress-Dowager charged them to inquire especially into
       the education of girls in the United States, since she hoped,
       on their return, to be able to found a school for the
       education of the daughters of the princes."

    CHINA: A. D. 1906.
       Sixty cities being opened to foreign settlement.

       A memorandum on the subject of the foreign settlements at the
       open ports of China, prepared by the Chinese Secretary of the
       American Legation at Peking, was transmitted to the State
       Department at Washington in December, 1906. It conveyed the
       following information:

       "In China proper and in Manchuria 46 cities and towns have
       been thrown open already to foreign residence and
       international trade. This does not include Dalny, in
       Manchuria, leased to Japan; Wei-hai-wei, in Shantung, leased
       to Great Britain; Kiaochow, in Shantung, leased to Germany;
       Kowloon, in Kuangtung, leased to Great Britain; nor
       Kuang-chou-wan, in Kuangtung, leased to France. Besides the
       above, there are 3 cities in Tibet thrown open to trade,
       making 49 ports in the Empire. In addition to these already
       declared open, there are 13 cities whose opening in the
       immediate future is arranged for, and 3 others whose opening
       depends upon the acceptance by other treaty powers of the
       provisions of Article VIII. of the last commercial treaty
       between China and Great Britain. No account is taken of the
       cities of Turkestan, Mongolia, and the Amur region, in which
       Russian subjects have for many years enjoyed privileges of
       trade and consular jurisdiction. It will be seen, therefore,
       that in the immediate future foreigners will enjoy the right
       of residence for purposes of trade at more than 60 cities of
       the Chinese Empire."

    CHINA: A. D. 1906.
       Edict against the use of opium.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    CHINA: A. D. 1906 (January).
       Chinese students in Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.

    CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
       Flood and famine in the region traversed by the Grand Canal.

       One of the frequent destructive floods in China which produce
       famine befell the region that is traversed by the Grand Canal
       in the summer of 1906. Heavy rains covered its vast plains
       with lakes of water, which drowned out the crops throughout an
       area estimated at 40,000 square miles. From ten to fifteen
       millions of people were reduced to famine, and could only be
       kept alive until the harvests of another year by the
       generosity of the outside world. It was not vainly appealed
       to; but the suffering and death in the afflicted country were
       appallingly great.

    CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.
       Christian Missions.

          See (in this Volume)
          MISSIONS: CHINA.

    CHINA: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Restriction on Chinese immigration to Canada.
       Labor hostility.
       Riotous attacks.
       Lately modified regulations.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

    CHINA: A. D. 1908.
       Expansion of the Postal Service.

       According to a report from Peking on the working of the
       Imperial Chinese Post Office in 1908, "the operations show an
       unprecedented expansion." The postal routes cover 88,000
       miles, of which 68,000 are courier lines. The number of post
       offices open in 1901 was 176. There were 2,803 open in 1907,
       and 3,493 in 1908. The number of postal articles handled in
       1901 was 10,000,000. The number was 168,000,000 in 1907, and
       252,000,000 in 1908. The number of parcels was 127,000,
       weighing 250 tons, in 1901; 1,920,000, weighing 5,509 tons, in
       1907; and 2,445,000, weighing 27,155 tons, in 1908.

    CHINA: A. D. 1908.
       Administration of the Department of Education.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.

    {99}

    CHINA: A. D. 1908.
       Chinese students in the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1908.

    CHINA: A. D. 1908 (November).
       Death of the Emperor, Kuang-hsu,
       and of the Empress-Dowager, Tze-Hsi.
       Accession of the child-Emperor, Hsuan-Tung (Pu-Yi).

       The circumstances of the death, almost simultaneously, of the
       late Emperor, Kuang-hsu, and of the Dowager-Empress, Tze-Hsi,
       who had been the real ruler of the Empire, are involved in
       considerable obscurity. The Emperor is said to have died on
       the 14th of November, 1908, and the Empress on the following
       day. The announcement of their decease was preceded by the
       publication of two imperial edicts, one of which made Prince
       Chun, of the royal family, Regent of the Empire, while the
       other named Pu-Yi, the Prince’s son, three years old, as the
       heir presumptive to the throne. As communicated later to
       foreign governments, the Regent was given, by another imperial
       rescript, full power over the civil and military departments
       of government, and the entire appointment and dismissal of
       officials. The promised creation of a Parliament was
       anticipated in the prescription of his duties, among which
       were the following:

       "When a Parliament has been established the Prince Regent
       shall attend the same in place of the Emperor, but he need not
       attend the ordinary sessions. When the Constitutional
       Commission meets, the Prince Regent shall likewise represent
       the Emperor there.

       "The Prince Regent shall have full authority in negotiating
       treaties and in appointing representatives abroad.

       "The Prince Regent shall enter and leave his chair at the
       Ch’ien Ch’ing gate. The yamens, according to their duty, shall
       draw up and report on regulations modelled on the precedent
       established by Prince Jui-Chung regarding the equipage,
       escort, and general preparations for movements of the Prince
       Regent outside the palace.

       "Every year the Board of Finance shall transfer to the
       Department of the Imperial Household the sum of taels 150,000
       for disbursement. When the Emperor comes of age, his studies
       being completed, and his marriage takes place, the official
       body shall unite in asking him to assume personal direction of
       the government."

       On the 21st of November the members of the Diplomatic Corps at
       Peking were received in a body at the palace, to present the
       condolences of the Governments they represent on the deaths of
       the late Emperor and Empress. As reported to the Associated
       Press, there were present on the occasion "every official or
       member of the imperial family who recently has been reported
       ill, dead by his own hand or estranged from the government,
       and the desired impression of official stolidity at Pekin
       which, it was most evident, this occasion was intended to
       convey, was imparted successfully. This was the answer of the
       government to the rumors of suicides and deaths current in
       Pekin for the last week.

       "Prince Ching, for the first time since the passing away of
       their majesties, appeared officially as the head of the
       foreign board. The heads of the various governmental
       departments were present, with the members of the imperial
       clan, and, in addition, several thousand minor officials, all
       in white, had assembled at imperial command. At the conclusion
       of the functions, in honor of the dead, the diplomats paid
       homage to Prince Chun, the regent."

       On the 2d of December the strict mourning observed at Peking
       was suspended briefly, to permit the ceremonies attending the
       ascension of the dragon throne by the child-Emperor, Pu-Yi,
       who, as Emperor, took the name of Hsuan-Tung. The ceremonies,
       described to the Associated Press, lasted but half an hour.
       "The function began by the princes of the imperial family and
       the high officials of the empire kowtowing to the memorial
       tablets of their late majesties. After this they all kowtowed
       in turn to Pu-Yi: Pu-Yi then offered a sacrifice before the
       tablets of the Emperor and the Dowager Empress. After this he
       was relieved of his dress of mourning and clad with much care
       in a diminutive imperial garment, embroidered with the
       imperial dragon. His nurses performed this duty with great
       attention and care. Thus arrayed, the toddling Emperor
       ascended the throne amid a fanfare of drums, bells and
       firecrackers. He made his way alone and showed no need of the
       assistance which willing hands would have given him had his
       little feet faltered. From the throne Pu-Yi kowtowed to his
       stepmother, the Dowager Empress Yiahonala. He then received
       the kowtows, while still on the throne, of all the princes and
       officials present. This over, he descended from the throne and
       was again clad in his little dress of mourning.

       "The ceremony took place in the throne hall of the Forbidden
       City. The officials present were selected with great care and
       were the highest men in the empire. According to an old
       established custom, a number of humble coolies, men from the
       lowest walks of life, were brought into the sacred precincts
       of the Forbidden City to act as witnesses. The soldiery played
       but an inconspicuous part in the proceedings."

       Following the ceremony, an imperial edict proclaiming the
       ascension was issued. This edict grants amnesty for certain
       specified offences; rewards all the imperial princes,
       princesses, and dukes; promotes all officials by one degree
       and bestows honors on their parents; erases the demerits
       entered against minor officials; advances the degree of
       scholars; dismisses all pending petty criminal cases; excuses
       certain liabilities, and grants bounties to the soldiers in
       the service of the empire.

    CHINA: A. D. 1908 (December).
       Decree reaffirming the Constitutional Programme of the late
       Empress Dowager.

       An imperial edict reaffirming the determination of the new
       government of China to carry out in its entirety the
       Constitutional programme laid down by the late Empress Dowager
       of China in August, 1908, was promulgated on the 4th of
       December. A literal translation was made public at Washington
       in January as follows:

       "On the first day of the 8th moon (August 27, 1908), the late
       Emperor reverently received the excellent decree of the late
       great Empress Dowager strictly ordering the officials and
       people of Peking and of the provinces to carry out completely
       by the ninth year all the preparatory work, so that at the
       appointed time the Constitution may be proclaimed. Also
       proclamations for the members of Parliament to assemble, and
       other decrees brightly manifested the sacred instructions, and
       all between the seas applauded.
    {100}
       From ourselves down to the officials and people high and low
       all must sincerely obey the excellent decree previously
       issued. The eighth year of Hsuan T’ung [whose first year dates
       from January 22, 1909] is the limit of time. Let there be no
       ‘reabsorption of sweat’ in this matter. Our hope is that this
       will certainly be carried out. Let the officials of Peking and
       the provinces on no account look idly on, and procrastinate,
       delaying the opportune time. Let patriotism be shone forth.
       Exert yourselves that constitutional government may be
       established. And court and ‘wilds’ (people) may have peace;
       and so we may comfort the spirits of the late great Empress
       Dowager and the late Emperor in heaven, and make firm the
       foundations of countless years of peaceful government."

    CHINA: A. D. 1909.
       Progress in the opium reform.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    CHINA: A. D. 1909.
       Progress in technical education.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.

    CHINA: A. D. 1909.
       Existing treaties with United States and existing laws in the
       latter country relative to the admission of Chinamen.
       The question of their consistency with each other.
       Present status of the question.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: IN THE UNITED STATES.

    CHINA: A. D. 1909 (January).
       Abrupt dismissal of Viceroy Yuan Shih-kai from his offices.

       Much disturbance of feeling and apprehension of a troublesome
       reaction in Chinese policy was excited among the foreign
       representatives in China, on the 2d of January, 1909, by the
       sudden dismissal of the able and powerful Viceroy of Chi-li,
       Yuan Shih-kai, from all his offices. He had been looked upon
       as the great leader of progress in China,—the statesman to be
       counted on for the most and best influence in the government
       of the Empire for some years to come. He had the confidence of
       foreign powers, and was supposed to have acquired a sure
       footing in the councils at Peking. Latterly, however, it is
       said to have become known in Peking that "a powerful Manchu
       cabal was working for his downfall, led by Tieh-liang, the
       Minister of War, and supported by the aged doctrinaire and
       Chinese ex-Viceroy, Chang Chih-tung," and the stroke which
       overthrew him at the beginning of the new year was ascribed to
       that source. "The cabal has been successful," was the wired
       message of the Peking correspondent of the London Times
       to his paper; and he summarized the merits of the fallen
       statesman thus: "No man in China deserved better of his
       country. He has been in the forefront of progress, and is the
       best administrator China has produced in this generation. When
       Governor of Shantung in 1900 his action in resisting the Boxer
       insurrection and in safeguarding foreigners really saved the
       Empire from disruption. He created China’s modern army and was
       the leader of the modern educational movement in China, and
       his famous memorial of September 2, 1905, urging the summary
       abolition of the antiquated system of literary examination was
       epoch-making. Under his Viceroyalty the Metropolitan province
       became the most advanced in the Empire. With Tang Shao-yi he
       led the anti-opium movement. Since he entered the Ministry for
       Foreign Affairs China has attained a measure of respect among
       the Powers which was unknown before."

       Some weeks after the blow had fallen, and when the peculiarly
       Oriental manner of its infliction had been learned, a letter
       from Peking to the New York Evening Post told of it as
       follows:

       "At 11 a. m. on Saturday, January 2, the grand councillors
       were summoned by the regent. Prince Ching had evidently heard
       a whisper of what was to come, and he pleaded illness. The
       other grand councillors answered the summons promptly, but
       when Yuan reached the door of the council chamber he was told
       that he was not wanted. Three grand councillors therefore went
       in and found the regent awaiting them with the edict
       dismissing Yuan Shih-kai already drawn up. ‘I want no
       discussion. Sign this edict!’ said the regent. Chang Chih-tung
       turned to reply. The regent repeated his words impressively,
       and the edict was signed without further demur.

       "Within the next hour, while Yuan Shih-kai was hastily making
       plans for his personal safety, the news flew around Peking and
       the city throbbed with excitement. Every one but his immediate
       councillors was astounded at Prince Chun’s temerity. Never in
       the history of China had such a man as Yuan been thrown out of
       office at such short notice. To the Western mind, however,
       there was nothing very harsh in the edict; it said simply:

       "‘Yuan Shih-kai, a member of the Grand Council and president
       of the Waiwupu, formerly received repeated offices and
       advancement under the late Emperor. After our enthronement we
       gave him great honors, because we considered that his talent
       certainly was one that could be made use of, if he exerted
       himself in the public service. Unexpectedly Yuan Shih-kai has
       now contracted rheumatism in the foot, which makes it hard for
       him to walk and difficult for him to attend to the duties of
       his offices. Yuan Shih-kai, therefore, is ordered to vacate
       his posts and return to his native place to nurse his
       disorder. Thus is our great mercy to him manifested.’"

       Yuan Shih-kai left Peking in haste, evidently in fear of his
       life, and it was expected that his whole following of friends
       and supporters would be swept out of their offices and
       employments. But no such result followed, and credit began to
       be given to the assurances of the Imperial Government that the
       dismissal of Yuan meant no reversal of policy or reaction
       whatever. He was distrusted, it was intimated, because he had
       been disloyal to the late Emperor in 1898, when the latter
       attempted great reforms.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

       Yuan Shih-kai was then the chief agent and instrument of the
       Dowager-Empress in overcoming the well-meaning but weak
       sovereign and annulling his reformative work. Hence, it was
       claimed, the present Government’s distrust of him.

       The Ministers of Great Britain and the United States had
       ventured some questions as to the significance of the act, but
       their colleagues did not join them, and no further discussion
       of the matter diplomatically took place.

    CHINA: A. D. 1909 (February).
       Meeting of the International Opium Commission at Shanghai.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    CHINA: A. D. 1909 (May).
       New Russo-Chinese Agreement concerning the
       Chinese Eastern Railway.
       Municipalities on the Line.
       The Kharbin question.

       The Chinese Eastern Railway, so named, is the line which
       Russia, by Convention with China in August, 1896, obtained
       permission to construct, from a point on her Trans-Siberian
       Railway, through Northern Manchuria, to Vladivostok.
    {101}
       Under that agreement the Russian authorities claimed a right
       to institute certain organizations of municipal administration
       at Kharbin and other towns of rising importance on the line.
       This right was challenged in 1908 by the American Consul at
       Kharbin (sometimes written Harbin), Mr. Fisher, who refused to
       recognize some ordinances of the Russian administration, on
       the ground that he was accredited to China, only, and could
       know no other sovereignty in Manchuria than the Chinese. This
       led to a new Russo-Chinese Agreement, signed at Peking on the
       10th of May, 1909, distinctly authorizing the "organization of
       municipalities on the lands" of the Chinese Eastern Railway.
       The "sovereign rights of China" are "not to be prejudiced in
       any way," says the new Agreement; but "municipal bodies are to
       be established in the commercial centres of a certain
       importance situated on the lands of the railway. The
       inhabitants of these commercial centres, according to the
       importance of the localities and the number of the residents,
       shall elect delegates by vote, who shall choose an Executive
       Committee; or else the residents themselves shall take part in
       the business of the municipality and a representative shall be
       elected from amongst them who will take upon himself to carry
       out the resolutions decided upon by meeting of all the
       residents.

       "No difference shall be made on the lands of the railway
       between the Chinese population and that of other
       nationalities; all residents shall enjoy the same rights and
       be subject to the same obligations.

       "The right to vote shall belong to every member of the
       community who owns real estate of a fixed value or who pays a
       fixed annual rental and taxes."

       Reading no farther in the Agreement than this, imperial Russia
       and China would seem to have jointly planted a seed of
       democratic municipalities in Manchuria; but that impression is
       destroyed by qualifying provisions, such as this:

       "The President of the Chiao-She-Chu [a Mixed Russo-Chinese
       Court, formerly created] and the director of the railway,
       occupying a position superior to the Presidents of the
       assemblies of delegates and of committees, have a right of
       control and personal revision, which they may exercise
       whenever they think fit. … in the event of decisions by the
       assembly of delegates not being approved by the President of
       the Chiao-She-Chu or the director of the railway, these
       decisions shall be returned to the assembly for further
       consideration. If the original decision is adopted by a
       majority of three-quarters of the members present, it becomes
       binding."

       The effect of the whole agreement would undoubtedly be to give
       the Russian railway officials supreme authority in the
       so-called municipalities. Remonstrances against it by the
       Government of the United States have been supported by Great
       Britain, Germany, and Austria. The question remains open and
       troublesome. Dr. Morrison, of The Times, wrote of the
       situation in November as follows:

       "The situation in Manchuria is receiving close attention from
       the Legations because of the increasing difficulty of the
       problems created by Russian and Japanese claims to territorial
       and administrative jurisdiction in connexion with their
       respective railways, claims which conflict with China’s
       unimpaired sovereignty and with the treaty rights of other
       nations. A tentative proposal was recently submitted to the
       consideration of the Diplomatic Body, with the approval of the
       Wai-wu-pu and M. Korostovetz, to create an international
       settlement at Kharbin on a separate site adjoining the railway
       settlement. The proposal was unacceptable to the Powers
       interested because it implied a fundamental discrimination in
       favour of the railway company, leaving it to exercise, in an
       important trade centre, powers which are incompatible with
       treaties and which are not conferred by its charter. …

       "The Chinese Government entirely fails to avail itself of its
       opportunities at this juncture. The local authorities are
       unable, and the Peking Government is unwilling, to take any
       initiative. The Wai-wu-pu adheres to its policy of shifting
       opportunism, as shown by its proposal to the Russian Minister
       to cancel, in deference to the protests of the Powers, the
       agreement with regard to the Kharbin municipal regulations
       concluded on May 10, a proposal unaccompanied by any practical
       alternative whereby political requirements might be reconciled
       with the undeniable vested interests of the railway. In this
       connexion it is interesting to note that, whereas England,
       America, France, Germany, Italy, and Austria-Hungary refused
       an unqualified assent to the Kharbin agreement, yet no
       exception has been taken to the regulations of the Japanese
       railway settlements, although, without any reference to China,
       they confer the widest powers on the Japanese authorities,
       including the right of arbitrary taxation and forcible
       expulsion."

       The Russian side of the question was presented in a
       semi-official statement, made public in October, 1909, as
       follows:

       "The representatives of certain Powers which have trade
       interests in China have, both in Peking and St. Petersburg,
       expressed doubts as to the rights of authority exercised by
       the Kharbin municipality. These representatives have
       endeavoured, in notes presented to the Chinese and Russian
       Governments on the matter, and in verbal communications, to
       prove that certain paragraphs of the treaty which was signed
       at Peking on May 10, 1909, violated the extra-territorial
       rights granted to their nationals by treaty with China, and
       further that some of the measures taken by the Kharbin
       authorities were opposed to the regulations of the
       international concession which, in their opinion, has been
       recently established at Kharbin.

       "It is easy to demonstrate that such a point of view is based
       on a misunderstanding. Extra-territorial rights, so far as
       they are secured by treaty, comprise exclusively the right of
       every foreigner to be judged by his own Consul. They do not,
       however, in any way exempt him from the obligation to pay town
       and other taxes, or to submit to established regulations. The
       difference between the pure Chinese open ports where there are
       no foreign concessions and places which lie in the territorial
       zone of the Chinese Eastern Railway, and are open to foreign
       trade, consists solely in the fact that in the former the
       Chinese authorities have the power to make administration
       rules at their own discretion, while in places in the
       territorial zone of the Eastern Railway the Chinese Government
       has, by the concession agreement signed on August 28, 1896,
       and the convention of May 10, 1909, transferred the rights of
       administration to the Chinese Eastern Railway Company, as a
       private concession, so that the company acts as the agent of
       the Chinese Government in supervising the administration of
       Kharbin and other places.

    {102}

       "Another misunderstanding has evidently given rise to the
       statement that Kharbin has recently been converted into an
       international concession. The contracting parties never had
       any such intentions. By reason of legal acts, as well as of
       traditions and conditions of a local character, under which
       Kharbin originated, it is clear that this is a special kind of
       concession, which is distinguished from other concessions by
       its exceptionally liberal and exceedingly hospitable
       regulations in regard to foreigners."

    CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Naval plans.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: CHINESE.

    CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line of Railway.
       A purely Chinese undertaking.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CHINA.

    CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Death of Chang Chih-Tung.

       Chang Chih-Tung, Grand Councillor of the Empire of China, died
       on the 4th of October, 1909, and Tai Hung-tze, President of
       the Board of Justice, was appointed his successor in office.

    CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
       Election and opening of Provincial Assemblies.
       Beginnings of the institution of Constitutional and
       Representative Government.

       The following, from the Peking reports to The Times,
       London, narrates the actual beginning of the series of
       proceedings planned and promised for the gradual institution
       of representative constitutional government. The first is of
       the date of October 14, 1909:

       "To-day marks an era in the establishment of constitutional
       government in China. In obedience to the Imperial decrees of
       October 19, 1907, and of July 22, 1908, ordering the
       establishment, within one year of the latter date, in each of
       the 22 provinces of China proper and in Manchuria and the New
       Dominion of provincial deliberative assemblies, elections have
       been in progress for some time past, and the assemblies meet
       in accordance with the regulations for the first time to-day,
       the first day of the ninth moon. …

       "The elections have taken place according to the regulations,
       and halls have been erected for the assemblies to sit wherever
       a Viceroy or a Governor has his seat. The number of members
       varies from 140 in Chih-li, 114 in Che-kiang, to 30 each in
       Kirin, Lchlun-chiang, and Hsin-kiang. The incomplete returns
       which have been published show nearly 1,000 voters for each
       representative.

       "For weeks past reports have been coming in from provincial
       authorities asking for instructions and information concerning
       this new departure. An edict issued last night renews the
       Imperial admonitions to members of the assemblies as to their
       deliberations, and to Viceroys and Governors as to their
       supervision of the deliberations, and exhorts all to display a
       loyal patriotism so that the country may attain strength and
       prosperity. The event may be one of great historical
       importance."

       The next was sent from Peking on the 6th of the following
       November:

       "Already, in the opening debates of these Provincial
       Assemblies, one apprehends the coming chaos, one hears the
       first whispering of the approaching storm. Peking, panoplied
       in ignorance and petrified in medieval statecraft, trifles
       with Demos at its doors, evidently hoping that the Assemblies
       will consume their own smoke, and that the Mandarin may be
       preserved by the time-honoured device of holding the balance
       between contending classes. But the spirits which the
       Vermilion Pencil has called from the Celestial deep, though
       elected with all possible precautions of ‘silkcoated’
       franchise, and under the close direction of Viceroys and
       Governors, show signs of scant respect for the Central
       Government and of little sympathy for its difficulties.
       Already, within a fortnight of their birth, many of the
       Assemblies have passed resolutions denouncing several of the
       Government’s pet proposals—e. g., the opium monopoly, the
       stamp tax, and the foreign loan for the Hankau-Canton and
       Hankau-Szechuan Railways. In the case of the stamp tax, 15
       provinces have expressed the opinion, and have induced the
       local officials in many cases to endorse it, that the proposed
       levy is impracticable, so that, in the words of the native
       Press, 'its imposition is deferred and the Ministry of Finance
       is at its wits’ end.’ Concerning the vexed question of the
       railway loan, the Hupei Assembly is reported to have endorsed,
       without a dissentient, their chairman’s declaration that the
       Government’s scheme should be resisted ‘to the death.’

       "The spirit which animates these Assemblies is evidently very
       similar to that which speaks through the vernacular Press;
       iconoclastic, patriotic—in the sense that it denounces
       everything foreign—but lacking, so far, in intelligent
       leadership and constructive policy. Their attitude towards the
       Central Government is generally one of scarcely veiled
       contempt. I cannot illustrate better its general tendency than
       in the words of a native journalist who, in a recent criticism
       of the Grand Council, congratulated these rulers of China on
       their remarkable longevity, but observed that ‘there is little
       hope of longevity for an Empire that is governed by such
       incompetent survivals.’"

       A few weeks later, after the forty days’ session of the new
       Provincial Assemblies had ended, this writer had changed his
       view. Writing on the 22d of December, he said: "A study of the
       reports of the proceedings so far available of the first
       session of the Provincial Assemblies supports the contention
       that the Throne has been justified in granting the subjects of
       the Empire a limited right of speech through their chosen
       representatives. The programmes of debate have been strictly
       in accordance with the Imperial edict, and the proceedings
       have been marked with dignity and decorum. The net result
       justifies the declaration made by a high authority, who has
       been given special opportunity of forming a judgment, that the
       ‘members have fulfilled their appointed task of working in
       harmony with the executive authorities in the interests of
       their respective provinces.’"

    CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.
       Proposal of the United States for the neutralization of
       Manchurian Railways.
       Proposed Chinchow-Aigun Railway.

       Late in December, 1909, the United States Government submitted
       to that of China, and to the interested Powers, a proposition
       which contemplated the neutralization of the railways in
       Manchuria, now partly under Russian and partly under Japanese
       control, and which looked, also, to an international
       undertaking of the construction of a Chinchow-Aigun line, to
       tap the Russian Trans-Siberian road at Tsitshar.
    {103}
       In a published statement subsequently, the American Secretary
       of State, Mr. Knox, explained that his Government, during the
       recent railway loan negotiations, had pointed out to the
       interested Powers that the greatest danger to the policy of
       the open door in China and the development of her foreign
       trade arose from disagreements among the great Western
       nations, and had expressed the opinion that nothing would
       afford so impressive an object-lesson to China and the world
       as the spectacle of the four great capitalist nations—Great
       Britain, Germany, France, and the United States—standing
       together for equality of commercial opportunity. The American
       Government believed that one of the most effective steps to
       this end in order to secure for China the enjoyment of all
       political rights in Manchuria and to promote the normal
       development of the Eastern provinces was to take the
       Manchurian railroads out of Eastern politics and to place them
       under an economic and impartial administration by vesting in
       China herself the ownership of the railways. Such a policy
       would require the cooperation, not only of China, but of
       Russia and Japan, both of whom it would enable to shift their
       onerous responsibilities in connexion with those railways on
       to the shoulders of the combined Powers, including themselves,
       and would effect a complete commercial neutralization of
       Manchuria.

       The proposal of a neutralization of the existing Manchurian
       railways was not received with favor in either Japan or
       Russia, and the other Powers concerned have manifested a
       disposition to defer to the view taken by those two
       Governments, which are most immediately touched by it. The
       position of the Japanese Government on the question was stated
       publicly in an address to the Diet on the 27th of January by
       Baron Komura, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who said:

       "The United States government recently proposed a plan
       regarding the neutralization of Manchurian railways. The
       Imperial government, in view of the important Japanese
       interests involved, and considering that the proposal came
       from a friendly Power with which the empire was on terms of
       close intimacy, submitted the question to the most careful
       examination. While determined to adhere scrupulously to the
       policy of the open door and equal opportunity, it should be
       recognized that the realization of the proposed plan would
       involve radical changes in the condition of affairs in
       Manchuria which were established by the treaties of Portsmouth
       and Peking. The change must be attended by serious
       consequences. In the region affected by the South Manchurian
       Railway numerous undertakings have been promoted in the belief
       that the railway would remain in our possession. As a
       consequence, the Imperial government, with regret, was obliged
       to announce its inability to consent to the proposal. I trust
       that the United States will appreciate our position and that
       the other Powers will equally recognize the justice of Japan’s
       attitude."

       The Russian Government is understood to have taken
       substantially the same ground, on the general question of a
       neutralization of Manchurian railways. There and elsewhere,
       however, there is said to be a readiness to consider the
       incidental proposition of an internationally financed
       Chinchow-Aigun road.

       ----------CHINA: End--------

    CHINA EMERGENCY APPEAL COMMITTEE.

       See (in this Volume)
       EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1909.

    CHINCHOW-AIGUN RAILWAY, Proposed.

       See (in this Volume)
       CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

    CHINESE HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS:
       Their dangerous character.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.

    CHINESE IMMIGRATION:
       The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS.

    CH’ING, Prince of.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    CHOATE, Joseph H.:
       Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    CHRISTENSEN, Jens Christian.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and 1905-1909.

    CHRISTIAN IX., King of Denmark:
       Death.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

    CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

    CHUN, Prince:
       Regent of China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    CHURCH OF SCOTLAND:
       Act of Parliament authorizing change of the Formula of
       Subscription required from its ministers.

          See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)
          SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

    CHURCH, Roman Catholic.

          See (in this Volume and Volume 4.)
          PAPACY.

    CHURCH AND STATE:
       The French Separation Law and its execution.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906, 1906, and 1907;
          also, PAPACY.

    CHURCH AND STATE:
       Russia: Emancipation of the Church urged by M. Witte.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).

    CHURCH SCHOOL CONTROVERSIES.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, and 1906;
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

    CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
       Under Secretary for the Colonies.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
       President of the Board of Trade.

          See ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).

    CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
       To the British Suffragettes.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    CHURCHILL, Winston L.:
       On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.

          See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    CITIZENSHIP, American:
       Principles of Naturalization defined.
       The New Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          NATURALIZATION.

    CITY GOVERNMENT.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    CITY PLANNING.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT;
          also, CHICAGO: A. D. 1909.

    CIVIC FEDERATION, The National.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES;
          also, NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION.

    {104}

    CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: CANADA: A. D. 1908.
       Introduction of Competitive Examinations and the Merit
       System of appointment and promotion.

       An "Act to Amend the Civil Service Act," which came into force
       September 1, 1908, divides the Civil Service of the Dominion
       into the Inside Service and the Outside Service, the former
       embracing "that part of the public service in or under the
       several departments of the Executive Government of Canada and
       in the offices of the Auditor General, the Clerk of the Privy
       Council, and the Governor-General’s Secretary, employed at the
       City of Ottawa, or at the Experimental Farm Station or the
       Dominion Astronomical Observatory near Ottawa." The employés
       of this Inside Service are required to be classified according
       to their salaries, in three divisions, and all appointments to
       positions in it are (except as otherwise provided in the Act)
       to "be by competitive examination, which shall be of such a
       nature as will determine the qualifications of candidates for
       the particular positions to which they are to be appointed,
       and shall be held by the Commission from time to time in
       accordance with the regulations made by it and approved by the
       Governor in Council."

       For the administration of the Act a Civil Service Commission
       is created, consisting of two members appointed by the
       Governor in Council, who are to have no other office or
       employment, and who may employ necessary assistance for the
       examinations they conduct. The following are provisions of the
       Act:

       "No person shall be admitted to such an examination unless he
       is a natural-born or naturalized British subject, and has been
       a resident of Canada for at least three years, and is, at the
       time of the examination, of the full age of eighteen years and
       not more than thirty-five years, and presents the required
       certificates as to health, character and habits.

       "Before holding any such examination the Commission shall
       require each head of a department to furnish it with the
       number of additional permanent officers or clerks likely to be
       required in his department within the next six months.

       "On this basis, and having regard also to the requirement of
       the several departments for temporary services, a computation
       shall be made by the Commission of the number of competitors
       to be selected at the next ensuing examination.

       "If there remain from a previous examination successful
       competitors who have not received appointments, their number
       shall be deducted in making the computation, and their names,
       in the order of merit, shall be placed at [the top of the
       list] to be prepared in accordance with section 17 of this
       Act.

       "Thereupon due notice of the examination shall be given by the
       Commission, stating the character and number of the positions
       to be competed for.

       "Immediately after the examination the Commission shall make
       out a list of the successful competitors thereat for each
       position, in the order of merit, up to the number computed in
       accordance with Section 15.

       "From the said list the Commission, on the application of the
       deputy head, with the approval of the head, of any department,
       shall supply the required clerks, whether for permanent or
       temporary duty. …

       "The selections shall be, so far as practicable, in the order
       of the names on the list, but the Commission may select any
       person who in his examination shows special qualifications for
       any particular subject. …

       "The cause of the rejection shall be reported by the deputy
       head to the Commission, who shall thereupon select another
       person to take the place of the one rejected, and decide
       whether the latter shall be struck off the list or allowed a
       trial in another department.

       "After a person so selected has served a probationary term of
       six months, [he shall be deemed] to be permanently accepted
       for the service. …

       "The head of the department, on the report in writing of the
       deputy head, may, at any time after two months from the date
       of assignment, and before the expiration of six months, reject
       any person assigned to his department. …

       "Promotion, other than from the third to the second division,
       shall be made for merit by the Governor in Council upon the
       recommendation of the head of the department, based on the
       report in writing of the deputy head and accompanied by a
       certificate of qualification by the Commission to be given
       with or without examination, as is determined by the
       regulations of the Commission.

       "Except as herein otherwise provided, vacancies in the first
       division shall be filled by promotions from the second
       division."

       Regulations prepared by the Civil Service Commission appointed
       under the Act require fees, ranging from $2 to $10 to be paid
       by the candidates for examination.

    CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: United States: A. D. 1901-1909.
       Progress of reform under President Roosevelt.

       At the close of the administration of President Roosevelt, the
       journal published by the National Civil Service Reform League,
       entitled Good Government, bore the following testimony
       to the fidelity with which the principles of the reform had
       been upheld and promoted by the retiring executive:

       "One of the first acts of President Roosevelt was the
       reorganization of the civil service commission, which, under
       the administration of President McKinley, had become lax and
       ineffective. Since then the enforcement of the law and rules
       by the commission has been sincere, vigorous and impartial.
       Particularly strict has been the enforcement of the
       prohibition against political assessments. Twice in the midst
       of political campaigns has the President ordered the removal
       of prominent officials for levying assessments on their
       subordinates.

       "During his administration President Roosevelt has extended
       the scope of competition to many new and important offices.
       Notable among these extensions have been the restoration of
       the field service of the War Department (withdrawn by
       President McKinley) and the classification of the rural free
       delivery service (now numbering some 40,000), the forestry
       service, deputy collectors of internal revenue, deputy
       collectors of customs, deputy naval officers, and cashiers and
       finance clerks in post offices. Prevented by the civil service
       law from ‘classifying’ unskilled laborers, President
       Roosevelt, under general executive authority, has prescribed a
       system of examination for laborers in Washington and the
       principal cities. By executive order of June 27, 1906, he
       provided a system of examination and promotion for the
       consular service which has done away with the more flagrant
       evils of that service. His latest and most striking extension
       has been the classification of over 15,000 fourth-class
       postmasters, thereby taking them out of politics.

    {105}

       "He has prohibited the participation of competitive officials
       in politics further than to vote as they please and to express
       privately their opinions, and has made this prohibition
       effective by incorporating it in the civil service rules, thus
       giving to the commission the power to investigate. He has by
       vetoing the Crumpacker census bill defeated the attempt by
       Congress to obtain as spoils some 4,000 clerkships for the
       next census.

       "This is a brief record of President Roosevelt’s service to
       civil service reform during his administration. In considering
       the criticisms of his course which have been made from time to
       time by the League and the press, this service should be kept
       in mind and carefully weighed. For instance, against this
       record of constant advancement, the suspension of the rules in
       individual cases—in all about 370—although in our opinion
       arbitrary and dangerous as precedents, are of comparatively
       minor importance. A few have been made for political reasons;
       the far greater number, however, were acts of charity or
       personal impulse, and President Roosevelt himself realized the
       danger in this practice and took steps to curtail it.

       "In passing on the justice of the other criticisms of
       President Roosevelt’s course regarding the civil service one
       should keep in mind the distinction which he has so sharply
       drawn between the classified and the unclassified service.
       This is clearly set forth in a reply to a letter from the
       civil service commission calling his attention to the omission
       from the postal regulations of President Cleveland’s
       ‘pernicious activity’ order, and quoting a passage from the
       11th report of the commission. President Roosevelt said:

       ‘I personally drew the paragraph which you quote. The
       paragraph was drawn with a view to making a sharp line between
       the activity allowed to public servants within the classified
       service and those without the classified service—the latter
       under our system are as a rule chosen largely with reference
       to political considerations, and as a rule are, and expect to
       be, changed with the change of parties. … It seemed to me at
       the time, and I still think, that the line thus drawn was wise
       and proper.’

       "In considering such appointments to positions in the
       unclassified service as that of James C. Clarkson as surveyor
       of the Port of New York for instance, a just analysis must
       take into account these frankly expressed views. President
       Roosevelt drew a line between the classified and unclassified
       service, and as to the latter recognized and availed himself
       to some extent of existing conditions. He believed that so
       long as positions remained in the unclassified service it was
       impractical to eliminate political considerations and that any
       attempt to do so led to hypocrisy. His remedy was to place the
       positions in the classified service, wherever practicable. And
       he has extended the line of the classified service higher than
       ever before. The League does not believe this theory is ideal,
       but in carrying it out the President has certainly not set the
       reform back. Criticism based only on the fact that one who has
       rendered great service to a cause has not accomplished all
       that its ardent supporters wish to accomplish can be properly
       set down as captious.

       "In performing its duty to the public, the League has at
       various times during his administration frankly criticised
       certain acts of President Roosevelt, which in its opinion were
       not in line with the best interests of the service. But this
       does not prevent us from recognizing that during his entire
       administration President Roosevelt has been loyal to the
       reform with which he has been so prominently identified. We do
       not believe that any act of his was intended to injure the
       reform. Wherever he has thought it practicable to extend the
       reform he has done so. A President less devoted to the reform
       would not have been criticised for what President Roosevelt
       has failed to do."

          Good Government,
          March, 1909.

       The following exhibit of the whole progress in civil service
       reform, from its beginning to the end of 1908, was made in the
       annual report of the Council of the National Civil Service
       Reform League, presented at the meeting of the League, on the
       17th of December in that year:

       "The whole United States civil service, in 1883, consisted of
       110,000 persons, and of these 14,000 were put under the civil
       service law. Now the federal civil service has grown to
       352,000 positions, and, including the last extension, those
       under the competitive system have increased from 14,000 to
       about 222,000. Not only in numbers but in proportion to the
       total has the competitive service increased from 12.7% in 1883
       to 63% now."

    CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Extension of classification to the Rural Free Delivery Service.
       Order concerning unclassified laborers.

       "During the year ended June 30 [1903], 25,566 persons were
       appointed through competitive examinations under the
       civil-service rules. This was 12,672 more than during the
       preceding year, and 40 per cent of those who passed the
       examinations. This abnormal growth was largely occasioned by
       the extension of classification to the rural free-delivery
       service and the appointment last year of over 9,000 rural
       carriers. A revision of the civil-service rules took effect on
       April 15 last, which has greatly improved their operation. …
       Executive orders of July 3, 1902; March 26, 1903, and July 8,
       1903, require that appointments of all unclassified laborers,
       both in the Departments at Washington and in the field
       service, shall be made with the assistance of the United
       States Civil Service Commission, under a system of
       registration to test the relative fitness of applicants for
       appointment or employment. This system is competitive, and is
       open to all citizens of the United States qualified in respect
       to age, physical ability, moral character, industry, and
       adaptability for manual labor: except that in case of veterans
       of the civil war the element of age is omitted. This system of
       appointment is distinct from the classified service and does
       not classify positions of mere laborer under the civil-service
       act and rules. Regulations in aid thereof have been put in
       operation in several of the Departments and are being
       gradually extended in other parts of the service. The results
       have been very satisfactory, as extravagance has been checked
       by decreasing the number of unnecessary positions and by
       increasing the efficiency of the employees remaining."

          President’s Message,
          December 7, 1903.

    {106}

    CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906.
       Excellent legislation in Pennsylvania.

          See (in this Volume)
          PENNSYLVANIA.

    CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1906-1909.
       The Reform of the Consular Service.

       A great and greatly needed reformation of the consular service
       of the United States was begun in 1906, by the passage of an
       Act of Congress, approved April 5, which provided for the
       reorganization of the service, primarily by the classifying
       and grading of the consuls-general and the consuls, and the
       fixing of salaries in each class. Consuls-general were placed
       by the Act in seven classes, with salaries as follows:

       Class one, twelve thousand dollars.
       London, Paris.

       Class two, eight thousand dollars.
       Berlin, Habana, Hongkong, Hamburg, Rio de Janeiro, Shanghai.

       Class three, six thousand dollars.
       Calcutta, Cape Town, Constantinople, Mexico City,
       Montreal, Ottawa, Vienna, Yokohama.

       Class four, five thousand five hundred dollars.
       Antwerp, Barcelona, Brussels, Canton, Frankfort, Marseilles,
       Melbourne, Panama, Saint Petersburg, Seoul, Tientsin.

       Class five, four thousand five hundred dollars.
       Auckland, Beirut, Buenos Ayres, Callao, Chefoo, Coburg,
       Dresden, Guayaquil, Halifax, Hankau, Mukden, Munich,
       Niuchwang, Rome, Rotterdam, Saint Gall, Singapore.

       Class six, three thousand five hundred dollars.
       Adis Ababa, Bogota, Budapest, Guatemala, Lisbon, Monterey,
       San Salvador, Stockholm, Tangier.

       Class seven, three thousand dollars.
       Athens, Christiania, Copenhagen.

       Consuls were divided among nine classes, receiving salaries
       that range from $8000 in the first class and $6000 in the
       second, down to $2000 in the ninth. The first and second
       classes hold but one incumbent each, at Liverpool and
       Manchester, respectively. There are eight places in the third
       class, twelve in the fourth, and then the numbers mount
       rapidly, up to the sixty-nine included in the ninth class.

       All fees allowed to be collected for services rendered in
       connection with the duties of the consular office (which the
       President may prescribe) are directed by the Act to be
       accounted for thereafter and paid into the Treasury of the
       United States. All consular officers whose salaries exceed
       $1000 are forbidden to be interested in or to transact any
       business as a merchant, factor, broker, or other trader, or a
       clerk or other agent of one, or to practice as a lawyer for
       compensation, or to be interested in the fees or compensation
       of any lawyer. The whole service is placed under inspection by
       five inspectors, to be appointed from the members of the
       consular service; and each consular office must be inspected
       at least once in every two years.

       In June following this important enactment, the Secretary of
       State, Mr. Root, submitted to President Roosevelt the draft of
       a recommended executive order, which prescribed new rules to
       be followed in filling the consular offices, as classified by
       the recent Act. In doing so, the Secretary made this
       explanation: "The main features of the order were embodied in
       the early forms of the Consular Reorganization Bill passed at
       this session of Congress, but they were dropped out, largely
       for the reason that their enactment by Congress would appear
       to be an infringement upon the President’s constitutional
       power to appoint consuls. Your adoption of these rules by
       executive order will be free from that objection, and judging
       from the very positive commendation which many members of both
       Houses have expressed for the proposed change in the method of
       appointing consuls, I do not doubt that the new system will
       receive the hearty approval of the Senate and of Congress
       whenever occasion may arise for an expression upon the
       subject."

       The recommended order was approved and issued by the
       President. "Subject to the advice and consent of the Senate,"
       it declared in substance as follows:

       (1) Vacancies in the office of Consul-General and in the
       office of Consul above class 8 (salary, $2500) shall be filled
       by promotion from the lower grades of the service, based upon
       "ability and efficiency, as shown in the service";

       (2) vacancies in the office of Consul of these two remaining
       classes, 8 and 9, are to be filled

       (a) by promotion, "on the basis of ability and efficiency, as
       shown in the service," of consular clerks, vice-consuls, and
       consular agents, and

       (b) by new appointments from candidates who have passed an
       examination;

       (3) officials in the service of the Department of State, with
       salaries of $2000 or upward, shall be eligible for promotion,
       always on the basis of ability and efficiency, as shown in the
       service, to any grade of the consular service above the eighth
       class;

       (4) the board of examiners for admission to the service shall
       consist of the Secretary of State (or such other officer of
       the department as the President shall designate), the chief of
       the Consular Bureau, and the chief examiner of the Civil
       Service Commission (or such other officer, as this commission
       shall designate);

       (5) this board of examiners shall formulate the rules for
       examinations;

       (6) among the compulsory subjects shall be at least one modern
       language other than English, the natural industrial and
       commercial resources and commerce of the United States,
       political economy, and the elements of international,
       commercial, and maritime law;

       (7) 80 per cent. shall be necessary for eligibility;

       (8) candidates must be over twenty-one and under fifty years
       of age, citizens of the United States, and of good character
       and physique. They must also have been specially designated by
       the President for examination.

       Other significant provisions of the order are to the effect
       that no promotion shall be made except for efficiency and
       conduct, that "neither in the designation for examination or
       certification or appointment will the political affiliations
       of the candidate be considered"; and that "due regard should
       be had to the rule that, as between candidates of equal merit,
       appointments should be made so as to secure in the service
       proportional representation of all the States and
       Territories."

       The first examination of candidates for appointment under this
       order was held on the 14th and 15th of March, 1907, since
       which time no one has entered the consular service of the
       United States without satisfying that test.

       In June, 1908, Secretary Root announced the promotion or
       transfer of nearly sixty consular offices, setting in motion
       the desirable advancement of these officials from post to
       post, to make the best use of their proved capacity and
       acquired experience. About a year later, Mr. Root’s successor,
       Secretary Knox, made public the promotion of twenty-seven
       incumbents of consular office, and the appointment of
       twenty-three new recruits to the service from his eligible
       list. So the long striven-for reform of the American consular
       service may safely be said to have arrived.

    {107}

       A bill introduced in the Senate, providing for a permanent
       consular service, based on competitive examinations, was
       decided by the Committee on Foreign Relations to be
       unconstitutional, for the reason that the Constitution itself
       confers the power of appointment of consular officers upon the
       President, and that Congress has no right to limit this power
       in any way. President Taft, by an executive order, has
       practically put the scope of the proposed bill into effect,
       thereby, in part, limiting the power conferred upon himself.
       This, in the opinion of the Senators, is all that can be done
       legally.

    CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1908.
       Extension of the Merit System to nearly one-third of the
       Fourth Class Postmasters of the country.

       In the Annual Report of the Council of the National Civil
       Service Reform League, presented at the annual meeting of the
       League in December, 1908, it was said:

       "The great event of the year, which so aptly commemorates the
       25th anniversary of the passage of the Pendleton bill, is the
       extension of the competitive system to all fourth class
       postmasters in the part of the country north of the Ohio and
       east of the Mississippi, that is, in the New England States,
       New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois,
       Wisconsin, and Michigan. This is an extension covering more
       positions than suggested by the civil service commission. It
       is an extension large enough to be of present advantage, is
       made in the more thickly settled portions of the country,
       where it is easiest to carry it out, and yet it is not on so
       large a scale as to invite mistakes or perhaps partial
       failure. This extension covers about 15,000 positions. The
       order of President Cleveland of May 26, 1896, covered about
       31,000 places; and yet, from the point of political
       significance, this present extension is the most important, we
       believe, in the history of civil service reform since January
       16, 1883, and when its purpose is fully carried out it will
       include some 53,000 places."

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          Civil Service Reform: United States.

       The report then reviewed the efforts that had been in progress
       since 1889, with the support of Presidents Cleveland and
       Roosevelt, to bring about the inclusion of this class of
       postmasters, at the least, under the rule of appointment
       subject to competitive examination. President Roosevelt, in
       his annual Message of 1907, had said:

       "The fourth-class postmasters’ convention has passed a very
       strong resolution in favor of placing the fourth-class
       postmasters under the civil-service law. The Administration
       has already put into effect the policy of refusing to remove
       any fourth-class postmasters save for reasons connected with
       the good of the service; and it is endeavoring so far as
       possible to remove them from the domain of partisan politics.
       It would be a most desirable thing to put the fourth-class
       postmasters in the classified service. It is possible that
       this might be done without Congressional action, but, as the
       matter is debatable, I earnestly recommend that the Congress
       enact a law providing that they be included under the
       civil-service law and put in the classified service."

       Congress refused the desired legislation. The law committee of
       the League was unanimous in the opinion that the President
       held authority already to make the change by Executive Order,
       and Mr. Roosevelt gave a hearing on the subject to Messrs.
       McIlhenny and Greene, of the National Civil Service
       Commission, and the Honorable Richard Henry Dana, Chairman of
       the Council of the League. Evidently he became persuaded that
       his authority was sufficient, and was prepared to act
       accordingly. About the middle of November, 1908, the National
       League of Postmasters of the United States, which had been
       organized in 1905, sent a Committee, with its President, Mr.
       A. K. Hoag, of Orchard Park, New York, to present to the
       authorities at Washington their claim to a footing of
       non-political appointment under civil service rules. By good
       fortune they met at Washington Mr. Dana and Mr. Goodrich, of
       the National C. S. R. League, who were visiting the Capital on
       the same errand, and the doubled appeal had quick success. In
       an interview with President Roosevelt, the Committee of the
       Postmasters’ League received assurances that he would issue an
       order on the subject, provided that the President-elect, Mr.
       Taft, would approve his taking that step. The Committee went
       at once to the Hot Springs in Virginia, where the
       President-elect was then sojourning, received his ready
       endorsement of the plan, and conveyed it to the President in
       power. A fortnight later, on the 1st day of December, the
       memorable order was proclaimed. On the 1st of the following
       February a plan of filling vacancies was put into effect.

       It was wise, no doubt, to apply the extension of the reform in
       post-office appointments to one large and important section of
       the country, and obtain a showing of practical results, before
       attempting to overturn the old system as a whole. That more
       will follow in due time is reasonably sure. Mr. Hoag, the
       President of the National League of Postmasters, in a private
       note, remarks:

       "It is already evident that the change is to redound to a
       better service. Scores of new buildings, new quarters and new
       equipments are being installed by the emancipated postmasters;
       which shows that postmasters of this class dare, for the first
       time, to invest their money in better equipment, feeling that
       they are likely to remain postmasters long enough to make the
       investment a paying one, now that their tenure of office does
       not depend upon their relations to a political faction or
       boss."

    CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1909.
       The Census Bill.
       Inveteracy of Spoils-seeking in Congress.
       Veto of the bill in its first form by the President.
       The Amended Bill which became law.

       The greatness of the advance of civil service reform in the
       United States, within the quarter century since its beginning,
       is one of the most hopefully inspiring facts in recent
       American history. But, by the side of it stands the warning
       and shaming fact, that it has been achieved, from first to
       last, by forces outside of Congress, and outside of all other
       legislative bodies which supposedly represent the political
       will of the people. Every measure of legislation that has
       promoted it has been wrung from unwilling majorities in those
       bodies,—yielded only when they feared to refuse. That
       Congress, in both Houses, would wreck with eagerness, to-day,
       if it dared, the bettered public service of the nation, to
       recover for its members and their party henchmen the old
       "spoils" of office and place, was shown unmistakably, within
       the last year of this record, by its action on the bill to
       provide for the taking of the Census of 1910.

    {108}

       The President, and every responsible official connected with
       the Census Bureau, had borne testimony to the inefficiency and
       wasteful costliness of previous census-taking under the old
       system of appointment, and had besought Congress to provide in
       the bill for an effective test of qualification for the
       employment by competitive examination. Considerable majorities
       in both House and Senate turned an equally deaf ear to all
       considerations of public interest in the matter, and passed a
       bill which enabled Senators and Representatives to parcel out
       between themselves the large number of appointments to be
       made.

       President Roosevelt did not hesitate to veto the bill, and
       gave it a thorough dissection in the Message which explained
       his disapproval. In part, his comments on the Act offered to
       him were as follows:

       "Section 7 of the act provides in effect that appointments to
       the census shall be under the spoils system, for this is the
       real meaning of the provision that they shall be subject only
       to non-competitive examination. The proviso is added that they
       shall be selected without regard to political party
       affiliations. But there is only one way to guarantee that they
       shall be selected without regard to politics and on merit, and
       that is by choosing them after competitive examination from
       the lists of eligibles provided by the Civil Service
       Commission. The present Director of the Census in his last
       report states the exact fact about these non-competitive
       examinations when he says:

       ‘A non-competitive examination means that every one of the
       many thousands who will pass the examinations will have an
       equal right to appointment, and that personal and political
       pressure must in the end, as always before, become the
       determining factor with regard to the great body of these
       temporary employments. I cannot too earnestly urge that the
       Director of the Census be relieved from this unfortunate
       situation.’

       "To provide that the clerks and other employés shall be
       appointed after non-competitive examination, and yet to
       provide that they shall be selected without regard to
       political party affiliations, means merely that the
       appointments shall be treated as the perquisites of the
       politicians of both parties, instead of as the perquisites of
       the politicians of one party. I do not believe in the doctrine
       that to the victor belongs the spoils; but I think even less
       of the doctrine that the spoils shall be divided without a
       fight by the professional politicians on both sides; and this
       would be the result of permitting the bill in its present
       shape to become a law. Both of the last censuses, the eleventh
       and the twelfth, were taken under a provision of law excluding
       competition; that is, necessitating the appointments being
       made under the spoils system. Every man competent to speak
       with authority because of his knowledge of and familiarity
       with the work of those censuses has stated that the result was
       to produce extravagance and demoralization."

       The veto went to Congress on the 5th of February, 1909, one
       month before the expiration of President Roosevelt’s term of
       office. His successor-to-be was well known to be in sympathy
       with his views of the public service, and no attempt was made
       either to pass the bill over the veto, or to proffer its
       spoils-seeking provisions to the new occupant of the
       Presidency when he came in. Congress was compelled, in this
       case, as in many before, to surrender its cherished spoils of
       salaried public employment to civil service reform, simply
       because public interests and public sentiment are better
       represented, as a rule, in the White House than in the
       Capitol, which is not a pleasing fact.

       During the extra session that was called by President Taft, in
       March, an amended bill was passed which came near to
       satisfying the demands of reform. It kept a little opening for
       political favoritism, in a proviso, that the director of the
       Census may, "when the exigencies of the service require," make
       his selections from the list of eligibles, not by the
       candidates’ rating, but on the ground of "immediate
       availability" or previous experience in census work; but this
       was so small a loophole that the President’s signing of the
       bill was generally approved. "The act empowers the director of
       the census to appoint special agents to whom will be assigned
       principally the work of obtaining statistics from
       manufacturing establishments, mines and quarries. While no
       qualifying test is required by law for the appointment of
       these agents, Director Durand has nevertheless provided for
       their selection subject to a carefully worked out scheme of
       competitive examinations, to be conducted by the United
       States civil service commission. In rating the candidates the
       experience declaration and practical test are to be given
       equal credit. All candidates who receive a combined rating of
       70 will be placed on an eligible list, from which selection
       will be made as the needs of the service require. Eligibility,
       according to the instructions, ‘is not of itself a guarantee
       of appointment, but selection will be made solely with
       reference to equipment and availability for appointment.’"

          Good Government,
          October, 1909.

    CIVIL VETO, in Papal Elections.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

    CIVILISTAS, The.

          See (in this Volume).
          PERU.

    CLANRICARDE ESTATE, Evicted tenants of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

    CLARION FELLOWSHIP.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

    CLARK, Edgar E.:
       On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
       In the Sarrien-Clemenceau Ministry, and as Prime Minister.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906, and after.

    CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
       Disclaims for France the desire to revenge the German
       conquest of Alsace.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

    CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
       Triumph in the senatorial elections of 1909.

          See FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

    CLEMENCEAU, Eugene:
       His downfall from Premiership produced by an
       intemperate speech.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    CLERICAL PARTY.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

    CLEVELAND, Grover:
       Trustee of stock controlling the
       Equitable Life Assurance Society.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    {109}

    CLEVELAND, Ohio: A. D. 1901-1908.
       The Farm Colony Experiment.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

    COAL, Wasteful mining and use of.

          See (in this Volume)
          Conservation of Natural Resources.

    COAL AND COKE CARTELS.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (IN GERMANY).

    COAL COMBINATION, Alleged Anthracite:
       Proceedings of Government against it.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909,
          AND RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

    COAL MINES EIGHT HOURS ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR: ENGLAND.

    COAL MINING STRIKES.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION.

    COBALT SILVER MINES.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.

    COLLECTIVISM.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM.

    COLLEGES.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION.

    COLOGNE:
       Insurance against unemployment.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

    COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.
       Castro, of Venezuela, and the Liberals (Yellows) of Colombia.
       How they helped one another.

       The following passages are from an article in the American
       Review of Reviews on "South American War Issues," by Edwin
       Emerson, Jr., who spent some time with the Colombian
       insurgents in 1902 and acquired a good knowledge of the
       troubled political conditions in that republic and its near
       neighbors. It adds something to what is told in Volume VI. of
       this work concerning the revolt started in 1899 by Rafael
       Uribe-Uribe, and about its relation to the beginnings of the
       career of Cipriano Castro, in Venezuela

          See, in Volume VI,
          COLOMBIA, and VENEZUELA).

       "At the time when Spain was losing Cuba, the last Congress of
       Colombia sat in Bogota. The Liberal party had but one
       spokesman in the Congress—to wit, Rafael Uribe-Uribe. The
       government majority championed the cause of Spain. Many of the
       more ardent Liberals were fighting in the field for ‘Cuba
       Libre.’ Uribe-Uribe was the only man in the Congress who spoke
       for America as against Spain. He was hissed down. Next, the
       Panama Canal question came up. The French concession was to be
       extended for ten years. Again Uribe-Uribe spoke for America as
       against France. The project was voted down. The Congress was
       dissolved. President San Clemente, on his own motion, extended
       the French concession. For this he is said to have received one
       million dollars, cash. Then the revolution broke out, and
       Uribe-Uribe took the field, in Santander, the richest
       coffee-growing state of Colombia. He fell upon the town of
       Cúcuta and took it, only to be driven out again after a
       disastrous rout at Palo Negro. To make things worse for the
       rebels, the Bishop of Santander ordered the excommunication of
       those who would not renounce liberalism or all connection with
       Liberals. It was a crushing blow, aimed at the wives and
       daughters of the fighting insurgents.

       "While affairs were thus disturbed in Santander, Cipriano
       Castro, a Venezuelan exile living in Cúcuta, profited by the
       occasion to lead a small band of Colombian Liberals into
       Venezuela. They dashed across the border by night, and fell
       into Castro’s native town, Capachio Viejo. Castro’s father and
       five brothers, with other townsfolk, joined his standard and
       helped him win his first battle over a small detachment of
       Venezuelan government troops. Now the number of his adherents
       grew, especially as he won battle after battle or bought over
       his rival leaders. After a crushing defeat at Valencia,
       President Andrade fled the country, and Castro entered Caracas
       in triumph. His early Colombian adherents got Venezuelan
       government jobs.

       "All went well for a while, especially after the prompt
       suppression of a counter-revolution, until Castro’s sympathies
       with the Colombian Liberals in the field began to tell on his
       foreign policy. Uribe-Uribe had been badly beaten in Colombia.
       He was made welcome by Castro in Venezuela, and was intrusted
       with the command of a division on the Colombian frontier. The
       command was recruited from Colombians across the border. At
       the same time, Castro arbitrarily stopped all navigation on
       the Zulia and Catacumbo rivers, running from Colombian
       Cordillera to the Lake of Maracaibo, in Venezuela. This was a
       death-blow to the coffee industry of the Colombian state of
       Santander, which has no other outlet to the sea. Cúcuta was
       ruined. A German house failed for half a million dollars, an
       American hacienda lost $200,000, and other foreign merchants
       suffered in proportion. All commerce in Cúcuta and Maracaibo
       coffee almost came to a standstill. Then it was that the
       government forces in Santander, to bring relief to the
       stricken district, tried to open the closed rivers by a sudden
       armed invasion into that region. For the sake of appearances,
       they were led by Ranjel Garbiras, a Venezuelan revolutionist.
       They made for the prosperous town of San Cristobal, but
       Uribe-Uribe had managed to gather his corps of insurgents, and
       beat off the attack in a three days’ battle. Some two thousand
       men fell on both sides. Uribe-Uribe promptly prepared a
       counter invasion. He was aided in this by Castro, who
       practically put all Venezuelan forces in the Cordillera at his
       disposal.

       "President Castro, who was furious at so overt an act of war
       on the part of his old enemies, the Colombian Clericals,
       furthermore sent another expedition across the Goajira desert
       to aid his Colombian insurgent friends in that peninsula to
       take the Colombian port of Rio Hacha. Venezuelan gunboats
       appeared before Rio Hacha to do their part in the capture.
       Unfortunately for the Liberal cause, the Venezuelan army in
       the Goajira was taken unawares while on the march, and was all
       but annihilated. The gunboats chose to retire without firing a
       shot. Castro never recovered from this reverse. The expenses
       of his various armed expeditions ate up all his ready
       finances. When he could no longer maintain Uribe-Uribe’s
       troops, Uribe cut loose and recrossed the border, to join
       forces with other insurgent leaders in the interior of
       Colombia. Uribe’s cousin proceeded to Panama, and the civil
       war there broke out with fresh vigor. By their recent
       brilliant stroke in the harbor of Panama, the Colombian
       Liberals have won the command of the sea on the Pacific side.
       To assist them in doing the same on the Atlantic side, Castro
       has now supplied them with a torpedo-boat and a small
       gunboat."

    {110}

       These last mentioned successes of Uribe-Uribe had no permanent
       effectiveness, for his surrender, with 1300 men and 10 pieces
       of artillery, was announced presently as having occurred on
       the 25th of October, 1902. It seemed unfortunate that he did
       not succeed in overthrowing the Conservatives, or "Blues," who
       held the government, since most accounts of their rule
       represented it as hopelessly bad; but a change for the better
       came without revolution after no long time.

       The state of civil war was closed by a treaty of peace, signed
       on board the United States battleship Wisconsin, November 21.

    COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
       of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903.
       Rejection of Treaty with the United States for the
       building of the Panama Canal.
       Revolt and independence of Panama.

          See (in this Volume )
          PANAMA CANAL.

    COLUMBIA: A. D. 1903-1906.
       Feeling toward the United States.

       Of the feeling in Colombia toward the United States,
       consequent on what occurred in Panama, Mr. Barrett, American
       Minister at Bogota, reported in 1906 as follows:

       "The question is continually asked me: What is the attitude of
       the Colombian Government and people toward Americans and
       American interests on account of the Panama affair? Without
       entering upon any political discussion, I wish, in answering
       this pertinent inquiry, to take advantage of the opportunity
       to pay a just and frank tribute to Colombia. Speaking in the
       first place for myself as minister, I can truthfully say that,
       ever since my arrival here seven months ago, I have been
       treated with a generous kindness and sincere hospitality that
       have made a deep impression on me and increased my respect for
       Colombians in particular and Latin Americans in general. The
       United States minister has been extended invitations official
       and personal, and the United States legation in turn has been
       continually frequented by leading men of all parties, as if
       nothing had ever happened to mar the entente cordiale
       of the two countries.

       "In the granting of concessions and in the hearing of claims
       the Government has treated Americans with as much
       consideration as Europeans. During my stay here, and up to
       this writing, there has not been one complaint lodged by
       Americans in this legation of unkind treatment by Colombians
       due to any political anti-American feeling. In my own travels
       in various parts of the country, officials and peons alike
       have everywhere accorded me polite and even gracious
       attention. To let it be known that I was United States
       minister has always led to extra courtesies rather than to any
       lack of them.

       "I could not, however, have it understood abroad that there is
       not still strong feeling against the United States. It does
       exist, but the passing of years, and generous, fair treatment
       of Colombia and Colombians by the United States and its
       citizens, in international relations and friendly social and
       commercial intercourse, can effect its gradual disappearance.
       Such feeling does not take the attitude of personal enmity
       toward Americans. The Colombians, high and low, are too polite
       and sensible for that. It is a feeling in the minds and
       hearts, based on high political and patriotic grounds, which,
       however, with commendable philosophy, recognizes the
       inevitable and now turns to the future to bring blessings that
       will counterbalance the losses and sorrows of the past. The
       very courage and nobility of this attitude of Colombia is one
       of the chief reasons why I predict for her a magnificent
       future. Already this policy—if I may call it a policy—is
       bearing fruit in the development of a greater and more
       friendly and sympathetic interest throughout the United States
       in Colombia, which is destined to lead to a mutually favorable
       understanding and settlement of all differences in the near
       future."

    COLUMBIA: A. D. 1904.
       Arbitration of boundary dispute with Equador.

       A treaty for the arbitration of boundary questions with
       Equador was concluded November 4, 1904 .

    COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905.
       Arbitration Treaties with Peru.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU: A. D. 1905.

    COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906.
       A New Era, under President Reyes.

       "The New Era in Colombia" is the title of an article in the
       American Review of Reviews, May, 1906, by Francis P.
       Savinien, writing from the country in question.

       "By judicious, if not generous, action," says the writer,
       "President Rafael Reyes [who became President in the previous
       year] has succeeded in harmonizing nearly all elements of the
       population. His administration is neither Liberal nor
       Conservative. It is Nationalist. Placed in power by
       Conservatives and sustained by Liberals, his favors to the
       former preserve order in the center of the country, and his
       implicit trust in the latter insures peace on the frontiers.
       He has made General Uribe-Uribe minister to Chile, Argentina,
       and Brazil, and General Herrera commander along the Venezuelan
       border, thus bestowing the highest diplomatic and military
       honors on Liberals. From Conservatives he chose all his
       ministers (except Dr. Modesto Garees, of the Department of
       Public Works), the governor of the capital district, and other
       high officials for the center of government. His government is
       like that of Panama, the secession of which made a policy of
       reconciliation predominant in both countries. … The Colombian
       army has become a body of laborers. Troops are converted into
       sappers and employed in building or improving ways of
       communication. Idleness, as well as agitation, is beginning to
       receive general condemnation. It is true that there is little
       liberty. There is, however, less persecution than formerly.
       Journals are abject and individuals mute. There is no free
       speech or press. But there are few persons in prison or exile
       for political reasons. The policy of the government has become
       that of abstention rather than restraint."

       General Reyes had represented Colombia at the Pan-American
       Conference in the City of Mexico, in 1902, and had made a most
       favorable impression on the delegates from the United States.
       Referring to the occasion long afterwards, Mr. Sylvester
       Baxter said of him: "It is notable that in that Conference
       Colombia was represented by General Rafael Reyes, a high type
       of man—gentleman by birth and education, of scientific
       attainments, a natural leader, one of the strong characters of
       Spanish America; a man whose existence makes things seem
       hopeful when else they might look hopeless; a
       soldier-statesman in whom many see the potentialities of a
       second Diaz."

    {111}

       A similar expression of admiration appears in an interesting
       special report, entitled "Colombia, a Land of Great
       Possibilities," made in June, 1906, by the Honorable John
       Barrett, then American Minister to Colombia, more recently the
       Director of the International Bureau of American Republics.
       "Great credit," wrote Mr. Barrett, "is due to General Rafael
       Reyes, President of this Republic, for his untiring efforts to
       restore the prosperity of his country to the position it
       occupied before the last civil war and the loss of Panama. If
       he succeeds, he will deserve a place in history like that of
       President Diaz in Mexico. He has so far effectually stopped
       revolutions, and, if his life and health are spared, Colombia
       would seem to be assured of peace at least during his
       administration."

    COLUMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Troubles with Venezuela over the navigation of rivers flowing
       through both countries.

       The arbitrary action begun by the ill-tempered and arrogant
       Castro, of Venezuela, in 1902, when he stopped navigation on
       the rivers which flow from Colombia to Lake Maracaibo, in
       Venezuela, and thus open communication to the sea (see above),
       was continued or resumed in subsequent years, and was a
       distressing trouble to his Colombian neighbors.

       In July, 1905, the Colombian Government appealed to that of
       the United States for its good offices in maintaining the
       principle of free navigation on rivers that are common to
       neighboring countries. "From the time of the award which
       decided the boundary dispute between the two countries," said
       the Colombian Minister to the United States, in a
       communication to the American Secretary of State, "the policy
       of Venezuela in matters relating to the transit trade of
       Colombia and the navigation of the common rivers, has been
       marked by a conspicuous spirit of hostility. … Neither logical
       arguments nor historic precedents, such as those submitted by
       the Colombian chancellery to the Government of Venezuela for
       the recognition by the latter of the principle of free trade
       over the natural waterways placed by God at the disposal of
       all nations, have availed."

       The writer then reviewed at considerable length the arguments
       with which the Government of the United States had contended
       in the past with Spain and Great Britain for the free
       navigation of the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence, and said
       in conclusion: "It would be desirable, and I would ask that it
       be done if this note were favorably received by the Government
       of the United States, that the American minister at Caracas be
       appropriately instructed in the sense of declaring on behalf
       of the commercial interests of the citizens of the United
       States his desire that the Government of Venezuela make the
       navigation of the Zulia and Orinoco rivers free, and urging,
       by persuasion, that the principle be solemnly consecrated in
       its public treaties. My Government will join in such an
       action, which comes within its traditional policy in the
       matter, and will interpose no obstacle or delay to the meeting
       of an international mixed commission for the framing of
       regulations concerning the use of the above-named rivers
       without detriment to the legitimate interests of the countries
       through which they flow."

       To this request the then Acting Secretary of State, Mr. Adee,
       made a favorable reply, August 5, saying:

       "The principle of the free navigation of rivers has been
       advocated by the United States and maintained in its relations
       with its neighbors for many years. This government is ready,
       therefore, to use its good offices in the sense requested, and
       Mr. Russell has been instructed upon arriving at his new post
       in Venezuela to take advantage of fitting occasion to express
       to the minister for foreign affairs the great satisfaction
       with which the United States would view the adoption and
       proclamation by Venezuela of the general principle of the free
       navigation of rivers and fluvial arteries of communication
       common to neighboring countries.

       "It is of course to be understood that in touching upon this
       matter this government does not seek to intervene or mediate
       in any way in the relations between Colombia and Venezuela,
       but is merely interested in the universal recognition of a
       policy beneficial to the commerce of the world."

       In the following December, the endeavor seemed promising; for
       the American Minister to Colombia was able to report the
       signing, at Bogota, of a protocol, preparatory to a new treaty
       of amity, commerce, and navigation, to be concluded at
       Caracas. Four months later, on the 27th of April, 1906,
       Minister Russell, at Caracas, announced the arrival there of
       the Colombian plenipotentiary, General Benjamin Herrera,
       appointed for the negotiation of the treaty agreed upon, but
       reported further that the Venezuelan Government had refused to
       receive him, demanding that somebody else be sent. No
       settlement of the matter could be obtained while Castro
       controlled Venezuela. Since his elimination it has been
       reported that President Gomez, his successor, has annulled his
       decrees of hostility to Colombian commerce.

    COLUMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.
       Efficient but arbitrary Government produces discontent.
       Opposition to treaty with Panama and the United States.
       Vacation of President Reyes which ends in resignation.
       Revolt.
       Elections.

       While the Government organized under President Reyes was
       undoubtedly efficient and effective in restoring order and
       prosperity to the country, it was not satisfactory to the
       people; and perhaps it speaks well for them that they showed
       discontent. It was not a representative government, the
       existing Congress not being an elective body, but a
       provisional legislature made up by appointment. As admitted in
       the quotation above from a friendly Colombian writer, the
       citizens under it were tongue-tied subjects, having no free
       speech or Press. The political situation and the differing
       states of feeling produced by it were discussed in April,
       1909, by a special correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
       who wrote from Bogotá:

       "It seems to be confessed by the great majority of the people
       here that the country has not entered on that stage of
       political development in which the people can govern
       themselves by parliamentary methods. The history of their
       nearly one hundred years of independent national life has been
       that of almost continual civil strife, and of frequent civil
       wars, which have interrupted and almost destroyed all efforts
       at self-government; so that the present system of government
       by executive decrees, to be ratified by an appointed
       ‘Constitutional and Legislative Assembly,’ is about the only
       one that can preserve the peace and direct the country into
       the line of prosperity and progress.

    {112}

       "Under this system of government the country has enjoyed
       almost perfect internal peace during the year. This is the
       political theory that is most widely accepted at the present
       time in Colombia. Of course, there are those who do not agree
       with this theory, which they consider as the natural action of
       men who are more anxious to preserve order than they are to
       establish truth and justice, and there are not lacking those
       who say that in the long run it will be found to be a foolish
       system.

       "It is pointed out that the idea that grievances can be done
       away with by forbidding men to complain, or that the
       criticisms can be met by excommunicating the critics, or that
       changes can be prevented by putting the troublers to silence,
       is contradicted by the experience of the rest of the world.
       The kind of effort that is being made in Colombia to prevent
       the liberty of the press, of public speech, and of personal
       opinion, is like the effort to prevent the escape of steam by
       the safety valve, and is very likely to result in an
       explosion."

       The state of public feeling in Colombia became further
       complicated, no doubt, when, early in January, 1909, a
       tripartite treaty was negotiated, with Panama and the United
       States, for the settlement of questions connected with the
       secession of Panama in 1903. Panama, in this treaty, agreed to
       pay Colombia the sum of $3,500,000, as her share of the
       Colombian public debt, receiving recognition of her
       independence in return. The treaty was submitted to the
       Colombian Congress by President Reyes on the 24th of February,
       with a special message of recommendation; but public feeling
       was said to be bitterly against it, for the reasons that no
       wrongfulness in the transaction was recognized and the
       indemnity was insufficient. Disturbances which broke out at
       Bogota and in the provinces about the middle of March were
       attributed mostly to this cause of discontent. For some reason
       of discouragement or disgust, the President was reported to
       have resigned his office on the 13th, but was persuaded to
       resume it next day.

       It was now decided to suspend consideration of the tripartite
       treaty, until it could be submitted to an elected National
       Congress, the election for which would be held on the 20th of
       the coming July. In June, a few weeks before the appointed
       election, President Reyes made a sudden departure for Europe.
       Rumors that he had gone because tired of political strife and
       would not return were contradicted by the Colombian Consul at
       New York, in a published note which said: "His departure, the
       causes of which are well known throughout Colombia, was due to
       the fact that after five years’ strenuous labor he desired a
       rest, and last March to the National Assembly expressed his
       desire to retire temporarily from the Presidency, but, owing
       to the opposition of public sentiment and the strong desire of
       the people to have him remain, he determined not to leave the
       Presidency until elections to the coming Congress had been
       made. To this Congress, about to be convened, and in which all
       parties are represented, President Reyes confides many of the
       cares of government, left by law under his jurisdiction until
       Congress should assemble, and withdraws, temporarily only,
       from the discharge of his Presidential duties, leaving in his
       stead General Jorge Holguin, his most intimate friend and
       former minister of war, who will continue to pursue in all
       matters the same policy as that adopted by his predecessor.
       General Reyes during his stay in Europe, whence he has gone,
       will perfect plans for developing railroad and other
       industries in Colombia. There is absolute peace and
       tranquillity in all parts of the country."

       But the "absolute peace and tranquillity" of the country was
       shaken in the first week of July by a revolutionary outbreak
       at Barranquilla, soon suppressed, and the resignation of
       President Reyes was received soon thereafter, from abroad. The
       election of his successor now devolved on the new National
       Congress, elected by the people on the 20th of July. It gave
       the office, for the remainder of the unfinished term (which
       expires August 7, 1910) to Señor Gonzales Valencia, who had
       been proclaimed by the Barranquilla revolutionists the month
       before, though he disavowed their movement.

    COLONIAL CONFERENCES, British.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    COLONIAL DOMINION, The passing of the age of.

          See (in this Volume)
          WORLD MOVEMENTS.

    COLONIZATION: The colonizable regions of Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    COLORADOS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.

    COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY:
       Interchange of Professors with German and Scandinavian
       universities.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

    COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:
       Head of French Ministry.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October;
          also 1903, and 1905-1906.

    COMBES, Justin Louis Émile:
       Vindication under scandalous charges.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (JUNE-JULY).

       --------COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL: Start------

    COMBINATIONS: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909.
       Decision of the Federal High Court on the Anti-Trust Law.
       Prosecutions by the Government.

       "The first case brought under the Federal Anti-Trust Law ended
       in June last in a decision of the High Court to the effect
       that two important sections of the Act were ultra vires, as
       the Constitution only empowered the Commonwealth to regulate
       foreign and inter-State trade and gave it no authority to
       interfere with trade within a State. The Federal Government is
       now instituting proceedings against 27 firms which are alleged
       to belong to a coal combine trading with other countries and
       among the States of the Commonwealth. Each firm has been
       called upon to answer certain questions under the Act in
       question."

          Reuter Telegram,
          Melbourne, September 27, 1909.

    {113}

    COMBINATIONS: Canada: A. D. 1909.
       Merger of Dominion Iron, Steel, and Coal Companies.
       Cement Combination.

       The following is a Press despatch from Halifax, Nova Scotia,
       November 13, 1909:

       "The formation of the Canada Steel Corporation, the proposed
       $70,000,000 merger of the Dominion Iron and Steel Company and
       the Dominion Coal Company, was made possible by the agreement
       of James Ross of Montreal, president of the Dominion Coal
       Company, to transfer to a syndicate of Toronto capitalists a
       portion of his holdings of the coal company stock. Final
       arrangements regarding the stock transfer will be made here
       to-day. President Ross owns coal company stock of a par value
       of $5,000,000, and, although he does not dispose of all this,
       he is to transfer enough to give control of the coal company
       to the Toronto capitalists, who have already acquired a
       controlling interest in the steel company. The plants of the
       Dominion Iron and Steel Company and the Dominion Coal Company
       are in Cape Breton, where they give employment to thousands of
       men, and where they have caused little fishing villages to
       spring up into flourishing cities."

       Announcement of the completion of the merger was made in
       December.

    COMBINATIONS: CANADA: A. D. 1910.
       Anti-Trust Bill in the Dominion Parliament.

       A strongly constructed measure for controlling and regulating
       commercial and industrial combinations, to check restraints of
       trade and undue enhancement of prices, was brought into the
       Dominion House of Commons on the 18th of January, 1910, by the
       Minister of Labor, Mr. Mackenzie King, and its passage was
       said to be assured. Mr King’s explanation of the Bill, as
       summarized for the Associated Press, was as follows:

       "The Bill, Mr. King stated, was not designed to interfere with
       trade, but to protect the public from the operation of
       monopolies. The bill provides that if six or more persons show
       prima facie evidence to a superior court judge that a combine
       exists, which has unduly enhanced the price of a manufactured
       article, unduly limited the production of any commodity, or
       unduly restricted trade in any way, the judge shall order the
       minister of labor to have an investigation made. This shall be
       done by a board of three, one member to be appointed by those
       who complain, one by those complained against, and a chairman
       by the first two, and if they fail to select the judge who has
       heard the complaint shall act.

       "This board has the full powers of a court to compel the
       attendance of witnesses and the production of evidence. The
       board must report to the minister and he must give the report
       the fullest publicity.

       "Two remedies are provided where a combination is reported to
       exist. The government may withdraw the tariff protection from
       the articles produced by the combine and bring the
       manufacturers into competition with the world.

       "The other remedy is a provision that if the combine persists
       in its course after ten days there shall be a fine of $1,000 a
       day imposed until the abuse is remedied. There is also
       provision that when a patentee makes use of the protection of
       the patent act to restrict trade or unduly enhance prices his
       patent may be revoked.

       "The act provides for its expeditious and thorough
       enforcement, and all expenses of investigation are to be borne
       by the government.

       "Where question is raised as to the scope of the
       investigation, the board shall make it as thorough and
       complete as public interest requires. Boards are to conduct
       their investigations in public and the decision of two members
       shall be the decision of the board. Whenever the minister of
       labor believes that counsel should aid the investigation, the
       board may retain the services of a lawyer upon the consent of
       the minister of justice. Witnesses are to be allowed the same
       fees and traveling expenses allowed at the present in civil
       suits. With the consent of the minister of labor a board may
       employ experts to examine books and to report upon technical
       questions."

    COMBINATIONS: GERMANY:
       Corporation Reform as the Germans have handled it.

       "Thirty years ago the German people went through corporation
       experiences much like our own. There, as here, the
       corporation, as originally designed, was a mere shell. There,
       as here, under the shelter of that shell, the property of the
       country was being transferred from the German people at large,
       even the little they had, to the few. There, thirty years ago,
       as here now, great corporate scandals were exposed. And there,
       as here, the human nature that is everywhere behind
       civilization eventually began to recoil. It began there before
       it began here, only because conditions reached a climax there
       earlier than here, and because we as a people were too
       prosperous and too busy to look even a little way beneath the
       surface of things.

       "But when the work of reform did come there, it was a genuine
       reform. It did not content itself with indiscriminate
       denunciation, or with mere lawsuits. Nor did it die out,
       leaving the door still open to every character of corporation
       the cunning of men might conceive. Before a corporation can be
       organized in that country, it must prove, as in a court
       proceeding, its rightful title to a corporate existence. In
       the same way it must establish the amount and the character of
       the capitalization it is allowed to put out. When property is
       turned in, its value must be judicially ascertained. Upon
       officers and directors is not conferred supreme power; in the
       German corporation the shareholders’ meeting is the
       counterpart of our New England town meetings—a genuine
       assembly intended to do something more than pass resolutions
       of approval. And every violation of trust, not merely to the
       public, but to the shareholder as well, is quickly punished
       with punishment that smarts. There is in the German
       corporation no room for one to do, with impunity, in his
       capacity as a corporation officer or promoter, what if done
       individually would land him in the penitentiary."

          Judge Peter S. Grosscup,
          The Corporation and the People
          (The Outlook, January 12, 1907).

    COMBINATIONS: The Cartels.
       Industrial combinations, quite as effective as the Trusts of
       the United States, have been created in Germany on a wholly
       different plan. The constituent organizations in them, of
       capital and industry, are simply knitted or tied together by
       hard and fast agreements, instead of being fused into huge
       corporations, as the Trusts are. For the kind of covenant
       which unites them a military term has been borrowed, and they
       are called Cartels. The difference between the Cartel and
       the Trust is described by a Scottish writer, D. H. Macgregor,
       in his work on Industrial Combinations, as follows:

    {114}

       "The Cartel is an agreement for a time, the Trust is a
       permanent structure; the former is therefore a factor in
       industry full of speculative possibilities, both as regards
       its actual operation, and because the 'residual' competition
       of parties who break away at the end of the period is
       considerably to be feared. … The principle of the pure Cartel
       is compensatory action. It is an organization in which certain
       producers deal with themselves, and exist for that purpose in
       a double relation; they are producers of goods, and purchasers
       of their own produce. What they stand to lose in one aspect
       they stand to gain in the other. …

       "The operation is broadly as follows. The members of the
       Cartel, meeting as producers in general assembly, determine a
       price for their product which covers cost of production, being
       in fact practically a competitive price. This is the base or
       normal price (Richtpreis). Thus they assure themselves, in
       this capacity, of adequate remuneration. They then sell to the
       Syndicate, that is to themselves as members of the Syndicate,
       for what is called the ‘taking over’ or ‘accounting’ price
       (Verrechnungspreis) which is usually on the average higher
       than the base price, so that they have now created for
       themselves as producers a ‘Cartel advantage.’ The Syndicate
       then resells to the consumer, for a price which will be as
       high as it can get, but which varies with the competition to
       be met in different parts of the market; this price
       (Verkaufspreis) may not in some cases be so high as the
       taking-over price, or may not exceed it by more than the
       margin necessary to cover the Syndicate’s expenses of
       management. … It is the Syndicate which figures in the public
       eye; and while it itself offers no sign of monopoly profit it
       shelters the companies which gain by its handling of their
       goods. It conceals monopoly dividends."

          D. H. Macgregor,
          Industrial Combination
          (G. Bell & Sons, London, 1906).

    COMBINATIONS: The Coal and Coke Cartels.
       Their influence.

       An elaborate history and description of the "Monopolistic
       Combinations in the German Coal Industry," by Francis Walker,
       was published for the American Economic Association in 1904.
       These are treated as representative, because, says Mr. Walker,
       "the most important and fundamental of all German castellated
       industries" are those in mining and metallurgy. He traces
       their development from a beginning in 1858, when an
       association of the mining interests of the mining district of
       Dormund was founded. In part, his conclusions as to the effect
       of the coal cartels are as follows:

       "The German coal cartels have not had an injurious influence,
       in general, on the production of coal. More particularly they
       cannot be accused, justly, of unduly limiting production among
       themselves. Nor have they attempted to accomplish the same end
       by crushing outside competition, by unfair methods. It would
       be preposterous to say that they have hindered technical
       progress. The cost of production, on the other hand, probably
       has been somewhat increased by the preservation of weak and
       costly mines through participation in the cartels. In regard
       to prices, the policy of the coal cartels, on the whole, has
       been moderate, taking circumstances into consideration, while
       the policy of the coke cartel may be fairly pronounced
       extortionate. The prices of coal have been more stable than
       they would have been under free competition; during the
       hausse they were not screwed up so high as they might
       easily have been, but, on the other hand, they have not
       declined so quickly with the baisse. The like may be said of
       the coke prices, but, at the same time, they were exorbitant
       considered from the point of view of costs and profits. … The
       déroute of the iron industry was not due to the coal or
       coke cartels in any important degree, i. e., even with low
       prices, disaster to the iron industry would have been
       inevitable. No other industry was affected so much as iron,
       and it is at least very questionable whether the cartels in
       general (excluding the coal cartels in particular) are to be
       blamed for the crisis. … That they are to be blamed for the
       ill-judged over-development of certain industries, which was
       apparently the real cause of the crisis, does not seem to be a
       just conclusion. On the other hand, the cartels may be
       accused, with more probability of truth, of retarding the
       convalescence of German industry by not reducing prices, and
       if this is true, the coal and coke cartels are specially to
       blame."

          F. Walker,
          Monopolistic Combinations in the German Coal Industry
          (American Economic Association), 1904.

    COMBINATIONS: Growing magnitude of companies.
       Industrial concentration.

       "The tendency to industrial concentration is shown by the
       returns of public companies, which point to the growing
       domination of large undertakings. Of 4,749 registered public
       companies in 1895, 13.6 per cent. had a share capital not
       exceeding £5,000, but in 1906, of 5,000 such companies, only
       9.6 per cent. had a capital of that amount; the companies with
       a capital of from £5,000 to £12,500 decreased from 14.0 to
       10.4 per cent., and those with a capital of from £12,500 to
       £25,000 decreased from 16.9 to 14.2 per cent. On the other
       hand the companies with a capital of from £25,000 to £50,000
       increased from 20.7 to 21.3 percent.; those with a capital of
       from £50,000 to £250,000 increased from 28.5 to 35.0 per
       cent.; those with a capital of from £250,000 to £500,000
       increased from 3.4 to 5.4 per cent., and those with a capital
       exceeding £500,000 increased from 2.9 to 4.1 per cent. In 1896
       there were only two companies with a capital exceeding five
       millions; in 1906 there were nine such companies, and their
       combined capital was over seventy millions, having been more
       than doubled since 1896. In spite of this tendency towards the
       concentration of capital and the multiplication of large
       undertakings, however, Germany is still an interesting
       illustration of an industrial country which has not yet
       entirely gone over to the factory system of production. The
       handicrafts, the characteristic feature of which is the small,
       independent master-workman, surrounded by his handful of
       journeymen and apprentices, contend tenaciously, yet
       unfortunately with only partial success, against the on-coming
       tide of ‘great capitalism’ (private joint stock, and
       cooperative), and the house industries continue to afford
       employment to a multitude of workers of both sexes, estimated
       at half a million."

          William H. Dawson,
          The Evolution of Modern Germany,
          pages 59-60 (Unwin, London; Scribner's, New York, 1909).

    {115}

       "Among the home interests of the country nothing loomed up so
       large last year [1904] as the subject of industrial
       combinations. The process of consolidating industries and
       banks into powerful organizations again made gigantic strides;
       and the public mind, dazed and disquieted, is wondering what
       will be its final outcome. All the largest steel manufacturers
       have united in an association that shall have complete control
       of the steel and iron products of the country; and it is
       already effecting agreements with manufacturers of other
       countries for parceling out the world’s markets. At the same
       time the Coal Syndicate was reorganized to include all the
       independent producers of the West; and in connection with it,
       a great shipping and selling company was formed for the
       purpose of controlling the retail trade and eliminating
       recalcitrant dealers. These steel and coal combinations are
       working in complete harmony, and no independent manufacturer
       can exist against their will.

       "In that great industrial region many large iron companies had
       come into possession of coal mines. In order to induce these
       to put their mines into the Syndicate, they were given the
       right to produce, over and above their allotments, all the
       coal that they might need for their own furnaces. A new
       impetus was thus given to the process of consolidation. Strong
       coal companies hastened to absorb iron establishments, in
       order to earn larger profits by consuming their own coal in
       indefinite quantities. Furthermore, as the allotments were
       fixed absolutely for a long period, the strongest companies
       proceeded to buy weaker, less economically worked collieries,
       in order to shut them down and produce their allotments
       elsewhere at lower cost. This movement assumed large
       proportions. Miners by the thousand had to betake themselves
       to other parts of the country, and entire communities were
       threatened with depopulation. Industrial towns held
       indignation meetings, to protest, and to demand the
       nationalization of the mines; and excited operatives are still
       holding conferences to discuss a general strike. The
       Government has sent a commission to inquire into the movement;
       and the Minister of Commerce has urged the coal magnates to
       proceed as mildly as possible.

       "This powerful concentric movement of industries has taken a
       strong hold upon the thoughts of people and Government alike.
       The public is deeply concerned at the growth of private
       monopolies, and many persons who had hitherto favored letting
       economic development take its own course now call for drastic
       measures of prevention and repression. Country squires of the
       most conservative type advocate the nationalization of all
       coal deposits; and it is already asserted that a majority of
       the Prussian Diet would vote for such a measure. This
       convergence of the views of extreme Conservatism and radical
       Socialism is certainly one of the oddest results of the
       movement under discussion,—and one of the most instructive.
       The natural trend of events is unquestionably in the direction
       of some form of socialism. The Social Democracy clearly
       perceives this, and so hails every industrial consolidation as
       but another milestone on the way to state collectivism."

          W. C. Dreher,
          Recent Events in Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1905).

    COMBINATIONS: International:
       Of Transatlantic Shipping Companies.
       Agreements with the British Government.

       Announcement was made in October, 1902, of the incorporation
       on the 1st of that month, under a New Jersey charter, of the
       International Mercantile Marine Company, with a capital of
       $120,000,000, and an issue of 4½ per cent. bonds to the amount
       of $75,000,000. The combination included the American, the Red
       Star, the White, the Atlantic Transport, the Leyland and the
       Dominion lines. Both American and British capitalists were
       represented in the board of directors, the former in the
       majority. Several partners in the firm of J. Pierpont Morgan &
       Company were included, and Mr. Morgan was understood to be the
       architect of the combination; but he did not appear personally
       in its organization.

       The first step towards such a shipping combination had been
       taken sixteen years before, when the British Inman steamship
       line was taken over by the International Navigation Company,
       made up of Americans, at the head of whom was Mr. Clement A.
       Griscom, of Philadelphia. "The British Government promptly
       withdrew the liberal subsidy which it had been paying to the
       Inman liners; but Mr. Griscom and his comrades brought the
       New York and Paris beneath the Stars and
       Stripes, built the St. Louis and St. Paul, secured a
       subsidy from the United States and gave the first-class
       British lines a most formidable competitor. Indeed, commercial
       rivalry in high grade ships on the North Atlantic soon became
       too keen to permit of reasonable dividends and Mr. Griscom
       found British ship-owners in a responsive mood when he
       broached anew the great idea of an international combination.

       "This union was made all the easier by the fact that meanwhile
       another important British steamship concern, the Leyland line,
       had been acquired by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan in the spring of
       1901. This line, itself the fruit of several consolidations,
       controlled the largest British tonnage in the North Atlantic
       trade. It owned no fast mail ships, no greyhounds. But it did
       possess forty or fifty good, useful steamships of moderate
       speed, many of them of large tonnage, and fit for passengers
       as well as freight. The main Leyland service lay between
       Boston or New York on this side, and Liverpool or London on
       the other, and the business of the company had been so
       profitable for a long term of years that its shares were
       quoted at a handsome premium. Mr. Morgan paid a generous price
       for his maritime investment. It is said that he gave £14 10s.
       for each £10 share, or a bonus of 45 per cent. But amazement
       at Mr. Morgan’s ‘liberality’ ceased when the next stage in the
       great, far-sighted negotiation was unfolded.

       "This was the dramatic uniting of the Leyland line with the
       American and Red Star lines of the International Navigation
       Company, and the Atlantic Transport line, another British
       steam fleet owned by American capital. Later still it
       transpired that the famous White Star line of fast mail,
       passenger, and freight ships and the smaller but excellent
       Dominion line were embraced in the huge consolidation. The
       White Star was one of the two lines—the Cunard was the
       other—which performed the British mail service between
       Queenstown and New York. Its fleet included the great liners
       Oceanic and Celtic, the swift Teutonic
       and Majestic, and the favorite Britannic and
       Germanic which had held ocean records in their day,
       together with a considerable number of large and efficient
       freighters. The American purchase of the White Star line was
       long disputed, and when it was finally confirmed, something
       like consternation seized the British press and people, for
       the White Star fleet had been regarded as distinctively a
       British institution as the Bank of England. Its fast ships
       received not only the mail pay of the post-office, but the
       subventions of the Admiralty, and were enrolled on the
       ‘merchant cruiser’ list."

          Winthrop L. Marvin,
          The Great Ship "Combine"
          (American Review of Reviews, December, 1902).

    {116}

       The anxieties with which the combination was regarded at first
       in Great Britain were allayed materially by Mr. G. Balfour,
       President of the Board of Trade, who made public, in a speech
       at Sheffield, the terms of an arrangement that had been made
       by the Government with the Cunard Company, on one hand, and
       the Combination on the other. The Cunard Company, he said,
       "pledged themselves to remain in every respect a British
       company, managed by British directors—the shares not to be
       transferred to any but British subjects. Their ships were to
       be officered by British officers. They also engaged to
       construct two vessels of twenty-four to twenty-five knots
       which, as well as the entire Cunard fleet, the Admiralty would
       have the right to charter or purchase at any time on terms
       fixed in the agreement. The money for the construction of the
       fast steamers would be advanced to the company at the rate of
       2¾ per cent. interest, while in lieu of the present Admiralty
       subvention—£28,000 a year for the contingent use of three
       ships—the company would receive £150,000 a year. With Mr.
       Pierpont Morgan, the head of the Shipping Combination, who had
       shown the utmost readiness to meet the wishes of His Majesty’s
       Government, it had been agreed that the British companies in
       the Combination should remain British, not merely in name but
       in reality. The majority of their directors were to be British
       subjects. All their ships now flying the British flag were to
       continue to fly it, and at least one-half of those hereafter
       to be built for the Combination would likewise fly British
       colours, be commanded by British officers, and manned in
       reasonable proportion by British sailors. On the other hand,
       the combined companies would continue to be treated, as
       heretofore, on a footing of equality with other British
       companies in respect of any services, whether postal, or
       military, or naval, which His Majesty’s Government might
       require from the British mercantile marine. It had been
       further stipulated that in the event of the Combination
       pursuing a policy hostile to our mercantile marine or to
       British trade, the King’s Government should have the right to
       terminate the agreement."

    COMBINATIONS: United States: A. D. 1900.
       Definition of the term Industrial Combination formulated
       at the Census Bureau.
       Statistics as collected in 1900.

       "The officials of the Census Office, in order to prevent
       misconceptions and insure consistency in the plan and system
       of tabulation, formulated the following definition of the term
       ‘industrial combination’:

       "‘For the purpose of the Census, the rule has been adopted to
       consider no aggregation of mills an industrial combination,
       unless it consists of a number of formerly independent mills
       which have been brought together into one company under a
       charter obtained for that purpose. We therefore exclude from
       this category many large establishments comprising a number of
       mills, which have grown up, not by combination with other
       mills, but by the erection of new plants or the purchase of
       old ones.’ …

       "So far as can be ascertained from the data in the Census
       Office, the number of these industrial consolidations is 183.
       They control 2203 separate plants, scattered throughout the
       United States, 2029 being active and 174 idle during the
       census year. For 56 of the idle plants no returns could be
       obtained, making the total number of reporting plants 2147.
       The 183 combinations extend to almost all lines of industry,
       producing articles of luxury, materials essential to the
       upbuilding and growth of the country, and even the very
       necessities of life. Fully 50 per cent. of these combinations
       were chartered just prior to or during the census year; and it
       is noteworthy that the epidemic of industrial consolidation,
       as far as the so-called monopolies are concerned, has been
       practically confined to the past four years. It is evident,
       therefore, that the disease—if it be regarded as such—has
       spread very rapidly.

       "Naturally enough, iron and steel, with 69 combinations, heads
       the list. The number of reporting plants engaged in this
       industry is 469, and the capital invested, consisting of land,
       buildings, machinery, tools and implements, and cash and
       sundries, is valued at $348,000,000."

          W. R. Merriam,
          "Trusts" in the Light of Census Returns
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902).

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1903.
       The question of Federal Control and Regulation.
       Urgency of President Roosevelt for effective legislation.

       In his first Message to Congress, three months after his
       succession to the Presidency, President Roosevelt expressed
       his mind frankly and clearly on the then increasing demand in
       the country for more stringent measures of government, to
       control and regulate the exercise of the power which great
       aggregations of incorporated capital have created in recent
       times. In part, he then said:

       "The tremendous and highly complex industrial development
       which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter
       half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the
       beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems.
       The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding
       force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the
       accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial
       changes which have so enormously increased the productive
       power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. The growth of
       cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of
       the country, and the up building of the great industrial
       centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the
       aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large
       individual, and especially of very large corporate, fortunes.
       … The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of
       which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the
       rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the
       contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker,
       the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this
       country and at the present time. There have been abuses
       connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true
       that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be
       accumulated by the person specially benefited only on
       condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon
       others. …
    {117}
       The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems
       across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who
       have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great
       good to our people. Without them the material development of
       which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. …
       It cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with
       ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost
       inevitably endangers the interests of all. … Much of the
       legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly
       mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In
       accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or
       reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the
       evils which he has been nominally opposing.

       "All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real
       and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization
       because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and
       practical effort must be made to correct these evils. There is
       a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people
       that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of
       their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare.
       This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor
       lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have
       placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for
       commercial supremacy. … It is based upon sincere conviction
       that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited,
       but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in
       my judgment this conviction is right. … The first essential in
       determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations
       is knowledge of the facts—publicity. In the interests of the
       public, the Government should have the right to inspect and
       examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in
       interstate business. …

       "When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the
       eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the
       sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political
       conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the
       twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a matter of
       course that the several States were the proper authorities to
       regulate so far as was then necessary, the comparatively
       insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the
       day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly
       different action is called for. I believe that a law can be
       framed which will enable the National Government to exercise
       control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the
       experience gained through the passage and administration of
       the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the
       Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass
       such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be
       submitted to confer the power."

          President’s Message to Congress,
          December 3, 1901.

       In the following summer, during a tour which he made through
       some of the New England States the President gave prominence
       to the same subject in his addresses, emphasizing the
       necessity of federal legislation to arm the General Government
       with more effective authority for regulating the action of
       corporations engaged in interstate trade. In speaking at
       Providence especially, his remarks caused a great stir of
       feeling in the country, and seem to have signalled the
       beginning of an open array of hostile corporate interests
       against him. On that occasion he spoke partly as follows:

       "Those great corporations containing some tendency to
       monopoly, which we have grown to speak of rather loosely as
       trusts, are the creatures of the State, and the State not only
       has the right to control them, but is in duty bound to control
       them wherever the need for such control is shown. There is
       clearly a need of supervision—need to exercise the power of
       regulation on the part of the representatives of the public,
       wherever, as in our own country at the present time, business
       corporations become so very strong, both for beneficent work
       and for work that is not always beneficent. It is idle to say
       that there is no need for such supervision. A sufficient
       warrant for it is to be found over and over again in any of the
       various evils resulting from the present system, or, rather,
       lack of system.

       "There is in our country a peculiar difficulty in the way of
       exercising such supervision and control because of the
       peculiar division of governmental power. When the industrial
       conditions were simple, very little control was needed, and no
       trouble was caused by the doubt as to where power was lodged
       under the constitution. Now the conditions are complicated,
       and we find it difficult to frame national legislation which
       shall be adequate, while as a matter of practical experience
       State action has proved entirely insufficient, and in all
       human probability cannot or will not be made sufficient, to
       meet the needs of the case. Some of our States have excellent
       laws—laws which it would be well indeed to have enacted by
       the national legislature. But the wide differences in these
       laws, even between adjacent States, and the uncertainty of the
       power of enforcement result practically in altogether
       insufficient control.

       "I believe that the nation must assume this power of control
       by legislation, and if it becomes evident that the
       constitution will not permit needed legislation, then by
       constitutional amendment. The immediate need of dealing with
       trusts is to place them under the real, not nominal, control
       of some sovereign to which, as its creature, the trusts shall
       owe allegiance, and in whose courts the sovereign’s orders may
       with certainty be enforced. That is not the case with the
       ordinary so-called 'trust’ to-day, for the trust is a large
       State corporation, generally doing business in other States
       also, and often with a tendency to monopoly. Such a trust is
       an artificial creature not wholly responsible to or
       controllable by any legislature, nor wholly subject to the
       jurisdiction of any one court. Some governmental sovereign
       must be given full power over these artificial and very
       powerful corporate beings. In my judgment this sovereign must
       be the national government. When it has been given full power,
       then this full power can be used to control any evil
       influence, exactly as the government is now using the power
       conferred upon it under the Sherman Anti-Trust law.

       "Even when the full power has been conferred it would be
       highly undesirable to attempt too much or to begin by
       stringent legislation. The mechanism of modern business is as
       delicate and complicated as it is vast, and nothing would be
       more productive of evil to all of us, and especially to those
       least well off in this world’s goods, than ignorant meddling
       with this mechanism, and, above all, if the meddling was done
       in a spirit of class or sectional rancor.
    {118}
       It is desirable that this power should be possessed by the
       nation, but it is quite as desirable that the power should be
       exercised with moderation and self-restraint. The first
       exercise of that power should be the securing of publicity
       among all great corporations doing an interstate business. The
       publicity, though non-inquisitorial, should be real and
       thorough as to all important facts with which the public has
       concern. The full light of day is a great discourager of evil.
       Such publicity would by itself tend to cure the evils of which
       there is just complaint, and where the alleged evils are
       imaginary, it would tend to show that such is the case. When
       publicity is attained it would then be possible to see what
       further should be done in the way of regulation.

       "Above all, it behooves us to remember not only that we ought
       to try to do what we can, but that our success in doing it
       depends very much upon our neither attempting nor expecting
       the impossible. …

       "I see no promise of a complete solution for all the problems
       we group together when we speak of the trust question. But we
       can make a beginning in solving these problems, and a good
       beginning if only we approach the subject with a sufficiency
       of resolution, of honesty and of that hard common sense which
       is one of the most valuable, and, unfortunately, not one of
       the most common, assets in the equipment of any people. I
       think the national administration has shown its firm intention
       to enforce the laws as they now stand on the statute books
       without regard to persons, and I think that good has come from
       this enforcement. I think, furthermore, that additional
       legislation should be had, and can be had, which will enable
       us to accomplish much more than has been accomplished along
       these same lines."

          Theodore Roosevelt,
          Address at Providence, August 23, 1902
          (New York Tribune, August 24, 1902).

       In his next Message to Congress, President Roosevelt renewed
       his urgency for the needed legislation. "No more important
       subject can come before the Congress," he said, "than this of
       the regulation of interstate business. This country cannot
       afford to sit supine on the plea that under our peculiar
       system of government we are helpless in the presence of the
       new conditions, and unable to grapple with them or to cut out
       whatever of evil has arisen in connection with them. The power
       of the Congress to regulate interstate commerce is an absolute
       and unqualified grant, and without limitations other than
       those prescribed by the Constitution. The Congress has
       constitutional authority to make all laws necessary and proper
       for executing this power, and I am satisfied that this power
       has not been exhausted by any legislation now on the statute
       books."

          President’s Message to Congress,
          December 2, 1902.

       A year later, when the President addressed his Message to the
       next Congress, at the opening of its first session, he was
       able to say:

       "The country is especially to be congratulated on what has
       been accomplished in the direction of providing for the
       exercise of supervision over the great corporations and
       combinations of corporations engaged in interstate commerce.
       The Congress has created the Department of Commerce and Labor,
       including the Bureau of Corporations, with for the first time
       authority to secure proper publicity of such proceedings of
       these great corporations as the public has the right to know.
       It has provided for the expediting of suits for the
       enforcement of the Federal anti-trust law; and by another law
       it has secured equal treatment to all producers in the
       transportation of their goods, thus taking a long stride
       forward in making effective the work of the Interstate
       Commerce Commission."

          President’s Message to Congress,
          December 1, 1903.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1901-1906.
       A summary of governmental action against corporate
       wrongdoers, by Elihu Root.
       Legislation.
       Litigation.
       Court decisions.

       "The act creating the bureau of corporations, the act
       expediting the trial of trust cases, the anti-rebate act, the
       act for the regulation of railroad rates, have made possible
       redress which was impossible before. Under the direction of
       two successive Attorney Generals of the first order of
       ability, sincerity and devotion, in hundreds of courts,
       incessant warfare has been waged and is being waged under the
       federal laws against corporate wrongdoers.

       "The Northern Securities Company, which sought to combine and
       prevent competition between two great continental railroads,
       has been forced to dissolve by the judgment of the Supreme
       Court of the United States. The methods of the Beef Trust in
       combining to suppress competition in the purchase of livestock
       and the sale of meat have been tried and condemned, and the
       trust has been placed under injunction to abandon these
       practices by judgment of the Supreme Court. The combination of
       paper manufacturers in the territory from Chicago to the Rocky
       Mountains has been dissolved by the judgment of the Supreme
       Court, and the combination has been abandoned, and the price
       of white paper in that territory has gone down 30 per cent.
       The Retail Grocers’ Association in this country has been
       dissolved by decree of the court. The elevator combination in
       the West has been dissolved in like manner. The salt
       combination west of the Rocky Mountains has been dissolved by
       decree of the court. The Wholesale Grocers’ Association in the
       South, the meat combination and the lumber combination in the
       West, the combination of railroads entering the city of St.
       Louis to suppress competition between the bridges and ferries
       reaching that city; the Drug Trust, which suppresses
       competition all over the country, are being vigorously pressed
       in suits brought by the federal government for their
       dissolution. The salt combination has been indicted and
       convicted and fined for failing to obey the judgment of
       dissolution. The Beef Trust has been indicted for failing to
       obey the injunction against them, and have been saved so far
       only by a decision that they had secured temporary immunity by
       giving evidence against themselves. One branch of the Tobacco
       Trust is facing an indictment of its corporations and their
       officers in the federal court in New York, and the other
       branches are undergoing investigation. The lumber combination
       in Oklahoma is under indictment. The Fertilizer Trust, a
       combination of thirty-one corporations and twenty-five
       individuals to support and fix prices, has been indicted, the
       indictments have been sustained by the courts, and the
       combination has been dissolved. The ice combination of the
       District of Columbia is facing criminal trial. Special counsel
       are investigating the coal combination, and special counsel
       are investigating the Standard Oil combination.

    {119}

       "Three of the causes won in the Supreme Court of the United
       States have furnished decisions of the utmost importance. In
       the Tobacco Trust case of Hale agt. Henkel, the Supreme Court
       denied the claim of the trust corporations to be exempt under
       the Constitution from furnishing testimony against themselves
       by the production of their books and papers before a federal
       grand jury. Thus, the protection of secrecy for corporate
       wrongdoing is beaten down. In the Northern Securities case the
       Supreme Court held that a wrong accomplished by means of
       incorporating in accordance with the express provision of the
       New Jersey statute was just as much a violation of federal law
       as if there had been no incorporation. Thus, the state rights
       defence of protection from favoring state statutes is beaten
       down. In the Beef Trust case the Supreme Court held that,
       although the business of manufacture was carried on within the
       limits of a single state, yet the purchase of the raw material
       in different states and the sale of the finished product in
       different states brought the business within the interstate
       commerce clause of the Constitution and gave the federal
       government authority over it. Thus, the defence that the state
       alone can deal with manufacturing corporations, however
       widespread their business, is beaten down.

       "The obstacles to the enforcement of the federal anti-trust
       act thus removed are obstacles which stood in the way of all
       proceedings, and they had to be cleared away before any
       proceedings of the same character against the same classes of
       corporations could be successfully maintained. They have been
       removed, not by newspaper headlines and denunciation, but by
       skill, ability, and energy of the highest order.

       "After the Elkins anti-rebate law was passed by Congress in
       1903 it was supposed, and the Interstate Commerce Commission
       reported, that the railroads had substantially abandoned
       giving rebates. Their good resolutions do not seem, however,
       to have lasted. The struggle for business enabled the shippers
       soon to secure a renewal of rebates, or, by ingenious devices
       advantages equivalent to rebates. Thereupon the Department of
       Justice began active prosecutions for the enforcement of the
       law. Fifty-three indictments have been found against hundreds
       of defendants and covering many hundreds of transactions.
       There have been fourteen criminal convictions. Fourteen
       individuals have been fined, to the gross amount of $66,125.
       Nine corporations have been fined to the amount of $253,000.
       Thirty-five indictments are ready for trial in their regular
       order upon the court calendar. The original statute provided
       only for punishment by fine. Last winter it was amended by
       providing for punishment by imprisonment, and, if the lines
       imposed under the original law shall not prove to have stopped
       the practice, we shall see whether fear of the penitentiary
       under the amendment will not do so.

       "Under this statute also it was necessary to sweep away
       defences which stood as barriers to general prosecution, and
       in the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railroad case, decided
       by the Supreme Court February 19 of this year, and the
       Milwaukee Refrigerator Transit case, decided in the Seventh
       Circuit on May 31 of this year, the courts have held that the
       substance and not the form is to control in the application of
       the statute, and that, however the transaction may be
       disguised, an unlawful discrimination can be reached and
       punished. The way is therefore cleared for all other
       prosecutions.

       "The Railroad Rates act, which was the subject of such excited
       discussion during the last session of Congress, has already
       justified itself. Since the passage of the act, less than five
       months ago, there have been more voluntary reductions of rates
       by our railroads than during the entire nineteen years of the
       previous life of the Interstate Commerce Commission. On the
       single day of the 29th of August, 1906, two days before the
       act went into force, over five thousand notices of voluntary
       reduction of rates were filed with the Interstate Commerce
       Commission by the railroads of the United States."

          Elihu Root,
          Speech at Utica, November 1, 1906
          (New York Tribune, November 2, 1906).

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1903-1906.
       The "Beef Trust" suits and investigations.
       The United States v. Swift & Co. et al.
       Commissioner Garfield’s investigation.
       Indictment of Armour & Co. and others.
       Immunity decision of Judge Humphrey.
       Fines for receiving rebates from railways.

       In the case known as that of the United States v. Swift &
       Company et al., the defendants were seven corporations, one
       copartnership, and twenty-three other persons (commonly styled
       "the Beef Trust"), charged with violations of the anti-trust
       law, by combination in restraint of the trade which they
       conducted, namely, the buying of live stock, slaughtering the
       same in different states and selling the meats thus produced.
       It was affirmed by the Government that they, together,
       controlled about sixty per cent. of the total Volume of that
       trade in the country, and that if the alleged combination
       among them did not exist they "would be and remain in
       competition with each other"; but that by such "unlawful
       combination and conspiracy" they were directing and requiring
       their agents
       (1) not to bid against one another in the live-stock markets
       of the different States;
       (2) to bid up prices for a few days so as to induce cattlemen
       to send their stock to the stock-yards;
       (3) to fix prices at which they would sell, and hence, when
       necessary, to restrict shipments of meat;
       (4) to establish a uniform rule of credit to dealers and to
       keep a blacklist;
       (5) to make uniform and improper charges for cartage; and
       (6) to obtain less than lawful rates from the railways to the
       exclusion of all competitors.

       The case, on motion for injunction, was tried first in the
       Circuit Court of the Northern District of Illinois, Judge
       Peter S. Grosscup. The Opinion of the Court, given April 18,
       1903, held that, under the definition of the term by the
       Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case
       (see, in this Volume, Railways: United States: A. D.
       1890-1902), "there can be no doubt that the agreement of the
       defendants to refrain from bidding against each other in the
       purchase of cattle is combination in restraint of trade: so
       also their agreement to bid up prices to stimulate shipments,
       intending to cease from bidding when the shipments have
       arrived.
    {120}
       The same result," continued the judge, "follows when we turn
       to the combination of defendants to fix prices upon and
       restrict the quantities of meat shipped to their agents or
       their customers. Such agreements can be nothing less than
       restriction upon competition, and, therefore, combination in
       restraint of trade; and thus viewed, the petition, as an
       entirety, makes out a case under the Sherman Act. … The
       demurrer is overruled, and the motion for preliminary
       injunction granted."

       On appeal, the case went to the Supreme Court, where it was
       argued in January, 1905, and decided on the 30th of the same
       month. The Opinion of the Court, rendered by Justice Holmes,
       with no dissent, affirmed, but modified, the decree of
       injunction issued by Judge Grosscup; the aim of the
       modifications being to give more definiteness to the decree.
       "The defendants," said Justice Holmes, for example, "cannot be
       ordered to compete, but they properly can be forbidden to give
       directions or to make agreements not to compete. The
       injunction follows the charge. No objection was made on the
       ground that it is not confined to the places specified in the
       bill. It seems to us, however, that it ought to set forth more
       exactly the transactions in which such directions and
       agreements are forbidden. The trade in fresh meat referred to
       should be defined somewhat as it is in the bill, and the sales
       of stock should be confined to sales of stock at the
       stock-yards named, which stock is sent from other States to
       the stock-yards for sale or is bought at those yards for
       transport to another State."

          Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,
          Volume 2, prepared and edited by James A. Finch,
          by direction of the Attorney-General
          (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907).

    COMBINATIONS:
       Investigation by the Commissioner of Corporations.

       On the 7th of March, 1904, the House of Representatives
       adopted a resolution requesting the Secretary of Commerce and
       Labor to "investigate the causes of the low prices of beef
       cattle in the United States since July 1st, 1903, and the
       unusually large margins between the prices of beef cattle and
       the selling prices of fresh beef, and whether the said
       conditions have resulted in whole or in part from any
       contract, combination, in the form of trust or otherwise, or
       conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among the several States
       and Territories or with foreign countries; also, whether said
       prices have been controlled in whole or in part by any
       corporation, joint stock company, or corporate combination
       engaged in commerce among the several States or with foreign
       nations; and, if so, to investigate the organization,
       capitalization, profits, conduct and management of the
       business of such corporations, companies, and corporate
       combinations, and to make early report of his findings
       according to law."

       In compliance with this resolution, the Commissioner of
       Corporations, Mr. James R. Garfield, went to Chicago in April
       and began the requested investigation, which was prosecuted
       throughout most of the ensuing year. "The inquiries of the
       Bureau of Corporations were naturally concerned chiefly with
       the six great concerns which, by the injunction of 1902, were
       grouped together, and which were popularly considered as the
       Beef Trust. The ‘Big Six,’ in the approximate order of their
       magnitude as indicated by the number of animals slaughtered,
       are: Swift & Company, with seven large plants; Armour &
       Company, and the Armour Packing Company, which have the same
       stockholders, and which together operate five packing-houses;
       the National Packing Company, with eight comparatively large
       plants and two or three minor ones; Morris & Company,
       operating three plants; the Cudahy Packing Company, with three
       plants in the middle West and a minor one at Los Angeles; and
       the Schwarzschild & Sulzberger Company, operating three
       plants. Nearly all of the important packing-houses of these
       six companies are situated in the eight great live-stock
       markets,—Chicago, Kansas City, South Omaha, East St. Louis,
       South St. Joseph, Fort Worth, South St. Paul, and Sioux City."

       As for the National Packing Company, it grew, apparently, out
       of an abortive scheme for the consolidation of the other five
       concerns which was rumored in 1902. "Shortly prior to the
       formation of this company the Armour interests had acquired
       control of the G. H. Hammond Company and the Omaha Packing
       Company, the Swifts had secured the Anglo-American Provision
       Company and the Fowler Packing Association, and the Morris
       family had become dominant in the United Dressed Beef Company
       of New York. The National Packing Company, organized in 1903,
       took over the control of the various corporations thus
       previously acquired by the three packing interests named, and
       has since absorbed two or three other smaller concerns. The
       directorate of the National Company consists almost wholly of
       representatives of the Armour, Swift, and Morris companies.
       Aside from this community of interest, the bureau finds that
       there is no important inter-ownership of securities among the
       six leading packing companies."

       "The ‘Big Six’ are by no means the only slaughterers of cattle
       in the United States. They, with a few minor affiliated
       concerns, killed 5,521,697 cattle in 1903, while, from the
       best available data, the Bureau of Corporations computes the
       total slaughter of the country at about 12,500,000. But the
       proportion of 45 per cent. thus indicated by no means measures
       the full economic significance of the six great packers. Their
       importance lies in the fact that they are the only concerns
       which do an extensive business in shipping dressed beef. … The
       ‘Big-Six’ kill about 98 percent, of the cattle slaughtered at
       the eight leading Western markets above named."

          Edward Dana Durand,
          The Beef Industry and the Government Investigation
          (American Review of Reviews, April, 1905).

       Early in March, 1905, just before the adjournment of Congress,
       his report of it, in part, was transmitted by the President to
       Congress. The following summary of important facts set forth
       in the extended report was published in The Outlook of
       the following week:

       "The report as sent to Congress deals with the prices of
       cattle and dressed beef, the margins between such prices, and
       the organization, conduct, and profits of the corporations
       engaged in the beef-packing business. In some respects the
       conclusions presented are distinctly favorable to the packers;
       in others, quite as unfavorable. It appears that the profits
       of the six great companies whose operations were covered by
       the investigation were very much smaller during the years 1902
       and 1903 than the public had been led to suppose,—that, in
       fact, for a part of that period the business was conducted at
       an actual loss.
    {121}
       The percentage of profit on the gross Volume of business
       during the years 1902-1904 was comparatively low. That realized
       by Swift & Company is placed at two per cent. This, however,
       we repeat, is the percentage on total sales, which is a very
       different thing from profit on the investment. It is a
       well-known fact that the actual capitalization of the packing
       companies is very much less than the annual Volume of
       business. From statements made by the six companies to the
       Bureau of Corporations it appears that their gross business is
       not less than $700,000,000 per year, while their nominal
       capitalization is only $88,000,000, exclusive of $5,000,000
       bonds of Swift & Company. On the other hand, it is practically
       impossible, as the report shows, to determine accurately just
       what proportion of the total investment represents plants and
       properties concerned with the beef industry exclusively.
       Still, it is obvious that Swift & Company’s net profit of two
       per cent. on their sales would amount to very much more than
       two per cent, on their investment. The report makes an
       approximate estimate of twelve per cent.

       "On one other count the report is favorable to the companies.
       It declares that they are apparently not overcapitalized. This
       conclusion, it is true, is robbed of some of its exculpatory
       force when the private-car system is taken into consideration.
       It is shown that the companies’ profits on refrigerator cars,
       derived from mileage paid by the railroads, has ranged from 14
       to 22 per cent. The report gives clear and definite
       information as to the trust’s field of operations. It shows
       that the six companies slaughtered in 1903 only about 45 per
       cent. of all the cattle killed in that year, but that these
       companies slaughter nearly 98 per cent. of all the cattle
       killed in the leading Western packing centers, and that they
       control a large percentage of the trade in beef in many large
       cities—75 per cent. in New York, 85 per cent. in Boston, 95
       per cent. in Providence, and in a number of other important
       cities from 50 to 90 per cent. In all these centers of
       population the consumer is now paying more for meats than ever
       before, while the cattle-grower on the Western plains is
       receiving less for his beeves. These two facts are doubtless
       capable of explanation, but the published results of the
       investigation ordered by Congress throw little light on the
       matter."

    COMBINATIONS:
       Case of the United States v. Armour & Company et al.

       Soon after the publication of the report of the Bureau of
       Corporations a special Federal Grand Jury at Chicago began the
       investigation of charges brought by the Attorney-General of
       the United States against five of the corporations engaged in
       the meat-packing business and seventeen of their officials. An
       indictment was returned by the Grand Jury on the 1st of July,
       1905, charging, in a number of counts, persistent violation of
       the injunction laid on these corporations and their officials
       by Judge Grosscup with affirmation by the Supreme Court, and
       continued combination in restraint of trade,—by requiring
       their purchasing agents to refrain from bidding in good faith
       against one another; by agreements that fixed the prices of
       beef; by restricting sales to maintain prices, etc. On the
       trial of the indictment, which was begun on the 29th of
       January and concluded on the 21st of March, 1906, the
       defendants claimed immunity, under that clause of the Fifth
       Amendment to the Constitution of the United States which
       reads:

       "Nor shall any person be compelled in any criminal case to be
       a witness against himself."

       Their claim for immunity under this constitutional
       prescription was founded on the fact that "upon the lawful
       requirement of the Commissioner of Corporations" they "had
       furnished evidence, documentary and otherwise, of and
       concerning the matters charged in the indictment"; and that a
       section of the Act creating the Department of Commerce and
       Labor provides that persons testifying or producing evidence
       before the Commissioner shall be entitled to the immunities
       conferred by the Act in relation to testimony before the
       Interstate Commerce Commission of February 11, 1893. Judge
       Humphrey, of the United States District Court, before whom the
       case was tried, sustained the plea in his charge to the jury,
       so far as concerned the individual defendants, saying: "Under
       the law of this case, the immunity pleas filed by the
       defendants will be sustained as to the individual defendants,
       the natural persons, and denied as to the corporations, the
       artificial persons, and your verdict will be in favor of the
       defendants as to the individuals, and in favor of the
       Government as to the corporations."

    COMBINATIONS:
       Fines for accepting rebates.

       The same Federal Grand Jury at Chicago which returned the
       indictments dealt within the case mentioned above brought
       another indictment against four men in the employ of one of
       the meat-packing companies, who were accused of unlawfully
       combining and agreeing to solicit rebates for their
       corporation from the Michigan Central, the Chicago, Rock
       Island and Pacific, the Grand Trunk Western, the Lehigh
       Valley, the Boston and Maine, and the Mobile and Ohio
       railroads. It was charged that the defendants conspired with
       one another in presenting to the railroad companies pretended
       claims for damages which were in fact claims for rebates. They
       were brought for trial before Judge Humphrey in September,
       1905, and pleaded guilty. The Judge then pronounced sentence
       on them as follows:

       "Punishment for this offense as fixed by Congress has a wide
       range, giving the Court unusual latitude, ranging from a
       nominal fine without imprisonment to a heavy fine and two
       years’ imprisonment, all in the discretion of the Court. I am
       disposed to consider this case with reasonable moderation. The
       sentence of the Court in the case of the defendant Weil will
       be a fine of $10,000 and costs, and commitment to the county
       jail until the fine is paid, and in the cases of Todd,
       Skipworth, and Cusey a fine of $5,000 and costs, with the same
       provision in regard to payment."

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1904-1909.
       The Standard Oil Company.
       Federal Government investigation of its methods of business.
       Criminal prosecutions for violation of the law against
       rebates.
       The $29,000,000 fine and its annulment.
       Acquittal of the Company.

       After a dozen years or more of slight oil production in
       Kansas, that state became quite suddenly, in 1904, one of the
       important sources of petroleum supply. The Standard Oil
       Company had taken care to be prepared for whatever development
       might occur, and had organized its operations in this western
       field under the name of the Prairie Oil and Gas Company, of
       Kansas.
    {122}
       Its refineries were ready to furnish a market to the Kansas
       producers of crude oil, and they had no other. Independent
       enterprises in oil refining were made quite impossible, and
       the Prairie Oil and Gas Company was complete master of the
       situation. The Kansas oil producers were soon writhing under
       its dictation of prices and rules of dealing, as the
       Pennsylvanians had been years before, and the Kansas
       Legislature came promptly to their rescue. In the winter of
       1904-1905 it passed five vigorous acts; authorizing the
       establishment of a State oil refinery; making pipe lines
       common carriers within the State; placing them under the
       jurisdiction of the State board of railroad commissioners;
       fixing maximum rates for the transportation of oil by freight
       or pipe line; and, finally, prohibiting discrimination between
       localities in the sale of any commodities. Furthermore, the
       anti-trust laws of the State were brought into action against
       the Standard Oil Company and the railroads accused of giving
       it special rates and privileges.

       At the same time, the Kansas situation was brought to the
       attention of Congress and the Federal Executive. On motion of
       a Kansas representative, the lower House of Congress, in
       February, adopted a resolution calling on the President for an
       investigation of the methods of business pursued by the
       Standard Oil Company. The desired investigation was conducted
       in the following year by Commissioner Garfield, the head of
       the Bureau of Corporations, and his report was communicated to
       Congress on the 5th of May, 1906, with an accompanying special
       message, by the President. Nothing of the detail of facts in
       the report can be given here; but the conclusions drawn from
       them by the Commissioner were summed up by him, as follows:

       "Upon the request of its attorney, all the essential facts
       discovered by this Bureau were presented to the company at the
       close of the investigation, and an exhaustive statement
       relating thereto was made by its chief traffic officer. There
       was no denial of the facts found, but explanations of
       particular situations were offered, and it was urged that the
       facts did not show any violation by the Standard of the letter
       or spirit of the interstate-commerce law. A most careful
       review of the facts and the explanations leads to the
       following conclusions:

       "The Standard Oil Company has habitually received from the
       railroads, and is now receiving, secret rates and other unjust
       and illegal discriminations.

       "During 1904 the Standard saved about three-quarters of a
       million dollars through the secret rates discovered by the
       Bureau of Corporations, and of course there may be other
       secret rates which the Bureau has not discovered. This amount
       represents the difference between the open rates and the rates
       actually paid. Many of these discriminations were clearly in
       violation of the interstate-commerce law, and others, whether
       technically illegal or not, had the same effect upon
       competitors. On some State business secret rates were applied
       by means of rebates.

       "These discriminations have been so long continued, so secret,
       so ingeniously applied to new conditions of trade, and so
       large in amount as to make it certain that they were due to
       concerted action by the Standard and the railroads.

       "The Standard Oil Company is receiving unjust discriminations
       in open rates.

       "The published rates from the leading Standard shipping points
       are relatively much lower than rates from the shipping points
       of its competitors. The advantage to the Standard over its
       competitors from such open discriminations is enormous,
       probably as important as that obtained through the secret
       rates.

       "If an unfair discrimination be obtained by one shipper
       through a device which in itself is seemingly not prohibited
       by law, that fact shows that the law is defective and should
       be strengthened; it does not show that the discrimination is
       proper or just.

       "The following are a few of the most important discriminations
       and the methods by which they were obtained:

       "(1) For about ten years the New England territory has been in
       control of the Standard Oil Company by reason of the refusal
       of the New York, New Haven and Hartford road and of the Boston
       and Maine road, on all but a few divisions, to pro-rate—i. e.,
       to join in through rates—on oil shipped from west of the
       Hudson River, and by means of the adjustment of published
       rates. …

       "(2) The Standard Oil Company has been able to absolutely
       control for many years the sale of oil in the northeastern
       part of New York and in a portion of Vermont by means of
       secret rates from its refineries at Olean and Rochester. …

       "The saving to the Standard during 1904 by the secret rate
       from Olean to Rochester alone was $115,000. This and other
       less important rates from Olean were unknown to the
       independent refiners, and were not published on the ground
       that they were wholly State rates; yet in fact they were used
       for oil consigned to points beyond the State boundary of New
       York. Furthermore, all shipments from Olean on these secret
       rates were blind-billed—i. e., the rates were not shown
       on the waybills.

       "(3) The Standard Oil Company has maintained absolute control
       of almost the whole section of the country south of the Ohio
       River and east of the Mississippi by means of secret rates and
       open discriminations in rates from Whiting, Indiana. …

       "(4) The Standard Oil Company has for at least ten years
       shipped oil from Whiting to East St. Louis, Illinois, at a
       rate of 6 or 6¼ cents on three of the five railroads running
       between those places, while the only duly published rate on
       all roads has been 18 cents during all that period! This
       discrimination saved the Standard about $240,000 in 1904. …

       "Whiting is located in Indiana, about two miles from the
       Illinois line. East St. Louis is in Illinois, just across the
       river from St. Louis. The secret low rates were given by the
       Chicago, Burlington and Quincy, Chicago and Alton, and Chicago
       and Eastern Illinois railroads. They were not published, on
       the ground that they were State rates. …

       "(5) In the Kansas-Territory field there were some unfair open
       rates. …

       "(6) In California direct rebates, as well as discriminations
       by the use of secret rates, have been given on oil. …

       "(7) Open published rates from Whiting into a large part of
       the United States have given the Standard Oil Company an
       unfair advantage of from 1 to 20 cents per hundred pounds.

    {123}

       "This discrimination seriously limits independent refiners in
       some markets, and shuts them out completely from other
       markets. It is accomplished by the use of commodity rates—that
       is, rates which apply only to petroleum and its products—and
       by refusal to pro-rate."

          Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the
          Transportation of Petroleum,
          May 2, 1906, Letter of Submittal, pages xxi-xxv.
          (59th Congress, 1st Session House Document. number 812).

       Consequent on the information secured by this investigation,
       criminal proceedings against the Standard Oil Company in its
       various State organizations were instituted in 1906-1907. The
       number and character of the indictments found in these cases
       are set forth in tabular form, in an article on "The Oil Trust
       and the Government," by Francis Walker, published in the
       Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908. The following
       statement of them is summarized from that table:

       In the Northern District of Illinois, August 27, 1906, against
       the Standard Oil Co. of Indiana, 1903 and 134 indictments on
       shipments over the Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting,
       Indiana, to East St. Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell,
       Illinois, to St. Louis, Missouri.

       In same District, same date, against same Company, 2124 and
       220 indictments on shipments over the Chicago, Burlington and
       Quincy Railway, from Whiting to East St. Louis and St. Louis.

       In same District, same date, against same Company, 1318 and
       597 indictments on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern
       Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways, from
       Whiting to Evansville.

       In same District, same date, against same Company, 103
       indictments, on shipments over the Chicago and Eastern
       Illinois and the Evansville and Terre Haute railways from
       Whiting, via Grand Junction, Tennessee, to various points in
       the South.

       In the Eastern Division of the Western District of Tennessee,
       October 16, 1906, against the Standard Oil Company of Indiana,
       1524 indictments, on shipments over the Illinois Central and
       Southern railways, from Evansville, via Grand Junction, to
       various points.

       In the Eastern District of Missouri, November 18, 1906,
       against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 76 indictments, on
       shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain and Southern
       Railway, to various points.

       In the Western District of Louisiana, January 28, 1907,
       against the Waters-Pierce Oil Company, 32 indictments, on
       shipments over the St. Louis, Iron Mountain. and S. Railway,
       to various points.

       In the Western District of New York, August 10, 1907, against
       the Vacuum Oil Company, 23 indictments, on shipments from
       Olean to Vermont.

       In the Western District of New York, August 24, 1906, against
       the Standard Oil Company of New York, 23 and 123 indictments,
       on shipments from Olean to Vermont.

       In same District, August 9, 1907, against same Company, 188
       and 40 indictments, on shipments from Olean, New York, to
       Burlington, Vermont, over New York Central and Rutland and
       Vermont Central railways.

       In same District, same date, against the Vacuum Oil Company,
       188 and 40 indictments on shipments from Olean to Burlington
       and to Rutland and Burlington.

       In same District, September 6, 1907, against the Standard Oil
       Company of New York, 54 indictments, on shipments from Olean
       and Rochester to points in Vermont.

       The most notable of these criminal prosecutions has been the
       one described first in the list above. The opening chapter of
       its history is sketched as follows by Mr. Walker, in the
       article already referred to:

       "The only important case which, up to December, 1907, had come
       to trial, was the indictment against the Standard Oil Company
       of Indiana for accepting a secret rate on shipments over the
       Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting, Indiana, to East St.
       Louis, Illinois, and from Chappell, Illinois, to St. Louis,
       Missouri. The published rate on this traffic was eighteen
       cents per hundred pounds (as far as East St. Louis, a bridge
       toll of one and a half cents being added on shipments to St.
       Louis); while the rate paid by the Standard Oil Company of
       Indiana, during the period of about three years covered by the
       indictment and for many years before, was only six cents per
       hundred pounds. On this rate, the Standard had transported, as
       charged in the indictment, 1903 carloads of oil, each carload
       being made the subject of a distinct count and separate proof.
       The trial of this case began in Chicago, on March 4, 1907.

       "The defence not only exhausted every device of technical
       objection and obstruction but also attacked the
       constitutionality of the ‘Elkins’ law forbidding rate
       discrimination, alleging the right of the railroads and
       shippers to make private contract rates, an impudent assertion
       which the court justly characterized as an ‘abhorrent heresy.’
       The question of guilt in the matter of technical proof
       depended to a large extent on the requirements of the law that
       carriers must file rates, and the argument of the prosecution
       was that shippers must be charged with the knowledge as to
       whether such rates were lawfully filed or not. The defendant
       pretended ignorance of the fact that the six-cent rate had not
       been filed by the Alton and alleged that it was an
       unreasonable requirement to charge it with such knowledge. On
       this point the court said in rendering judgment:

       "‘The honest man who tenders a commodity for transportation by
       a railway company will not be fraudulently misled by that
       company into allowing it to haul his property for less than
       the law authorizes it to collect. For the carrier thus to
       deceive the shipper would be to deliberately incriminate
       itself, to its own pecuniary detriment, which it may safely be
       trusted not to do. The only man liable to get into trouble is
       he who, being in control of the routing of large Volumes of
       traffic, conceives a scheme for the evasion of the law, and
       connives with railway officials in its execution.’

       "The jury returned a verdict of guilty on 1462 counts, on
       April 14, 1907: a considerable number of counts, namely 441,
       were thrown out on technical grounds. In the matter of
       penalty, the Standard’s counsel argued
       (1) that there were only three offences shown, namely, one for
       each year in which the rate was in force;
       (2) that there were only 36 offences shown, namely, one for
       each monthly settlement of freight charges; and
       (3) that each train load constituted a separate offence. The
       court held, however, that the unlawful rate was made on a
       carload basis, and that each carload unlawfully transported
       constituted a distinct offence.
    {124}
       In considering the amount of the fine to be levied, the court
       demanded information from the officials of the Standard Oil
       Company regarding the net earnings and dividends of the chief
       holding company of the trust—the Standard Oil Company of New
       Jersey. Their attendance and testimony were obtained only by
       writ of subpoena; and it was admitted that the net profits
       during the years 1903 to 1905 (when these rebates existed)
       amounted to $81,336,994, $61,570,110, and $57,459,356
       respectively.

       "In view of the fact that the counsel of the defendant openly
       maintained the right of the railways and shippers to make
       private contracts for rates, the court declared that it was
       ‘unable to indulge the presumption that in this case the
       defendant was convicted of its virgin offence.’ The defendant
       also claimed that, as there were no other shippers of oil over
       the Chicago and Alton Railway, no one was injured by the
       secret rate. On this matter the court said:

       "‘It is novel, indeed, for a convicted defendant to urge the
       complete triumph of a dishonest course as a reason why such a
       course should go unpunished.

       "‘Of course, there was no other shipper of oil, nor could
       there be, so long as, by secret arrangement, the property of
       the Standard Oil Company was hauled by railway common carriers
       for one-third of what anybody else would have to pay.’

       "Moved by these considerations, the court adjudged, on August
       3, 1907, that the defendant should pay the maximum penalty and
       fined the Standard Oil Company $20,000 for each offence, that
       is, for each of the 1462 counts in the indictment upon which
       conviction was obtained. The total fine, therefore, amounted
       to $29,240,000."

          Francis Walker,
          The Oil Trust and the Government
          (Political Science Quarterly, March, 1908).

       On a writ of error the case went now to the United States
       Circuit Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, where it was
       argued at the April session, 1908, and the opinion, by Judge
       Peter S. Grosscup, Circuit Judge, delivered on the 22d of the
       following July. In this opinion the District Court was held to
       have erred in deciding that each single carload of oil was to
       be dealt with as a separate offence, and that it reasoned
       erroneously in determining the fine imposed. On this latter
       point Judge Grosscup said:

       "Did the court, in the fine imposed, abuse its discretion? The
       defendant indicted, tried, and convicted, was the Standard Oil
       Company, a corporation in Indiana. The capital stock of this
       corporation is one million dollars. There is nothing in the
       record, in the way of evidence, either before conviction, or
       after conviction and before sentence, that shows that the
       assets of this corporation were in excess of one million
       dollars. There is nothing in the record, either before
       conviction, or after conviction and before sentence, that
       shows that the defendant, before the court, had ever before
       been guilty of an offence of this character. It may,
       therefore, be safely assumed, that but for the relation of the
       defendant before the court to another corporation, not before
       the court—a relation to be presently stated—the court would
       have measured out punishment on the basis of the facts just
       stated.

       "That under such circumstances the punishment would have been
       the maximum punishment, does not seem possible; for the
       maximum sentence, put into execution against the defendant
       before the court, would wipe out, many times, and for its
       first offence, all the property of the defendant. …

       "Briefly stated, the reason of the trial court for imposing
       this sentence was because, after conviction and before
       sentence, it was brought out, on an examination of some of the
       officers and stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New
       Jersey, that the capital stock of the Standard Oil Company of
       Indiana, the defendants before the court, was principally
       owned by the New Jersey corporation, a corporation not before
       the court—the trial court adding (upon no evidence however to
       be found in the record, and upon no information specially
       referred to) that in concessions of the character for which
       the defendant before the court had been indicted, tried, and
       convicted, the New Jersey corporation was not a ‘virgin’
       offender.

       "Is a sentence such as this, based on reasoning such as that,
       sound? Passing over the fact that no word of evidence or other
       information supporting the trial court’s comment is to be
       found in the record, would the comment, if duly proven,
       justify a sentence such as this—one that otherwise would not
       have been imposed? Can a court, without abuse of judicial
       discretion, wipe out all the property of the defendant before
       the court, and all the assets to which its creditors look, in
       an effort to reach and punish a party that is not before the
       court—a party that has not been convicted, has not been tried,
       has not been indicted even? Can an American judge, without
       abuse of judicial discretion, condemn any one who has not had
       his day in court?

       " That, to our mind, is strange doctrine in Anglo-Saxon
       jurisprudence. …

       "The judgment of the District Court is reversed and the case
       remanded with instructions to grant a new trial, and proceed
       further in accordance with this opinion."

       The Government failed in attempts to secure a rehearing before
       the Appellate Court, as well as in an application for the
       reviewing of the case by the Supreme Court.

       On the new trial to which the case was remanded Judge Landis,
       whose judgment had been set aside, declined to sit, and Judge
       A. B. Anderson, of Indianapolis, was called to Chicago to
       occupy his bench. The trial was opened on the 23d of February,
       1909. On the 2d of March Judge Anderson sustained the motion
       of the defence that the government must proceed on the theory
       that there were thirty-six alleged offences—that is, that each
       settlement on which an alleged rebate was paid instead of each
       carload, constituted a separate offence. This made it
       impossible to claim a penalty beyond $720,000, being at the
       rate of $20,000 for each offence. But even that was put out of
       the question by the ultimate decision of the Judge, that the
       law, as laid down by the United States Court of Appeals,
       required him to direct the jury to find the Standard Oil
       Company not guilty on the charge of accepting rebates from the
       Chicago and Alton Railroad. This instruction he gave on the
       10th of March, thus bringing the case to an end.

    {125}

       The outcome in this case was said to mean that all but two of
       the pending indictments against the Standard Oil Company of
       Indiana, as recapitulated above, are void and would be
       abandoned by the Government. The two cases not affected are
       cases involving the shipment of 1915 carloads of oil from
       Whiting, Indiana, to Evansville, Indiana, via Dolton Junction,
       over the Chicago and Eastern Illinois Railroad.

       On the 15th of March, five days after the acquittal of the
       Company in Illinois, a fine of $20,000 was imposed upon it by
       the United States District Court of the Western District of
       New York, on one of the indictments founded on shipments from
       Rochester and Olean to points in Vermont. Previously, the New
       York Central Railroad had paid a heavy fine for granting
       rebates on those shipments.

       Numerous State prosecutions, under State laws in Missouri,
       Texas, Minnesota, Ohio, and elsewhere, had been assailing the
       monopolistic corporation simultaneously with the proceedings
       of the General Government against it, and some of them with
       greater seriousness of effect than the Federal prosecutors had
       accomplished. The more important of these were in Texas,
       against the subsidiary Waters-Pierce Oil Company of Missouri,
       and in Missouri, against that Company in association with the
       Standard of Indiana, and with another of the same Trust
       family. The Texas suit, after making its slow way through the
       State courts and to the United States Supreme Court, came to
       its conclusion early in 1909, with the result of a fine of
       $1,623,500, and the exclusion of the Company from business in
       the State. The suit in Missouri, as decided at about the same
       time by the Supreme Court of the State, resulted in an order
       for the dissolution of the Waters-Pierce Company and for the
       perpetual exclusion of the other companies, chartered
       elsewhere, from operations within the State. The outcome of
       this vindication of the law of the State is understood to have
       been an arrangement under which the business of the
       Waters-Pierce Company is taken over by a new company, the
       stock of which is held by trustees approved by the Supreme
       Court of the State and acting as officers of the Court.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1905-1906.
       The Tobacco Trust Case of Hale v. Henkel.
       Denial by the Supreme Court of the claim of corporations
       to be exempt from the production of books and papers
       before a Grand Jury.

       A proceeding begun by the Government of the United States, in
       the spring of 1905, to ascertain the lawfulness or
       unlawfulness of the methods of business pursued by the
       so-called Tobacco Trust, was embarrassed by the refusal of a
       witness to give evidence for which he was summoned before the
       grand jury of the Circuit Court of the United States for the
       Southern District of New York. The case pending was between
       the United States and the American Tobacco Company and
       MacAndrews & Forbes Company. The witness, Hale, was secretary
       and treasurer of the MacAndrews & Forbes Company. He refused
       to answer any questions that were put to him concerning the
       business of that company, or to produce any of the books,
       accounts, contracts, correspondence, etc., that were demanded,
       being advised by counsel that he was under no legal obligation
       to do so, and that the evidence given or produced by him might
       tend to incriminate himself. He was held to be in contempt of
       Court and was committed to the custody of the United States
       Marshal. Being then, on a writ of habeas corpus,
       brought before another judge of the same Court, after a
       hearing, the writ was discharged and he was remanded to
       custody (June 18, 1905). An appeal to the Supreme Court
       followed, which was argued in the early days of January, 1906,
       and decided on the 12th of March following.

       The decision of the Court, rendered by Justice Brown, was on
       two issues which it found to be presented in the case: The
       first involving "the immunity of the witness from oral
       examination; the second the legality of his action in refusing
       to produce the documents called for by the subpœna duces
       tecum." The witness justified his refusal to answer questions,
       "1st upon the ground that there was no specific ‘charge’
       pending before the grand jury against any particular person;
       2d that the answers would tend to criminate him." On the first
       point the Court found it "entirely clear that under the
       practice in this country, at least, the examination of
       witnesses need not be preceded by a presentment or indictment
       formally drawn up, but that the grand jury may proceed, either
       upon their own knowledge or upon the examination of witnesses,
       to inquire for themselves whether a crime cognizable by the
       Court has been committed." As to the plea of an apprehended
       self-incrimination, the Court held that the witness was
       protected by the act which provides that no person shall be
       prosecuted on account of anything concerning which he may
       testify or produce evidence. But it was further insisted that
       while the immunity statute may protect individual witnesses it
       would not protect the corporation of which the appellant was
       the agent and representative. "This is true," says the Court,
       "but the answer is that it was not designed to do so. The
       right of a person under the Fifth Amendment to refuse to
       incriminate himself is purely a personal privilege of the
       witness. It was never intended to permit him to plead the fact
       that some third person might be incriminated by his testimony,
       even though he were the agent of such person."

       On the second issue in the case, the substance of the decision
       is in the following passages from it:

       "Having already held that, by reason of the immunity act of
       1903, the witness could not avail himself of the Fifth
       Amendment, it follows that he cannot set up that Amendment as
       against the production of the books and papers, since in
       respect to these he would also be protected by the immunity
       act. … We are of the opinion that there is a clear distinction
       in this particular between an individual and a corporation,
       and that the latter has no right to refuse to submit its books
       and papers for an examination at the suit of the State. … The
       individual may stand upon his constitutional rights as a
       citizen. He is entitled to carry on his private business in
       his own way. … Among his rights are a refusal to incriminate
       himself, and the immunity of himself and his property from
       arrest or seizure except under a warrant of the law. … Upon
       the other hand, the corporation is a creature of the State. It
       is presumed to be incorporated for the benefit of the public.
       … Its rights to act as a corporation are only preserved to it
       so long as it obeys the laws of its creation. There is a
       reserved right in the Legislature to investigate its contracts
       and to find out whether it has exceeded its powers. … The
       defense amounts to this: That an officer of a corporation,
       which is charged with a criminal violation of the statute, may
       plead the criminality of such corporation as a refusal to
       produce its books.
    {126}
       To state this proposition is to answer it. While an individual
       may lawfully refuse to answer incriminating questions unless
       protected by an immunity statute, it does not follow that a
       corporation, vested with special privileges and franchises,
       may refuse to show its hand when charged with an abuse of such
       privileges."

       Taking note of the fact that the franchises of the corporation
       in this case were derived from one of the States, the Court
       proceeds to say:

       "Such franchises, so far as they involve questions of
       inter-State commerce, must also be exercised in subordination
       to the power of Congress to regulate such commerce, and in
       respect to this the General Government may also assert a
       sovereign authority to ascertain whether such franchises have
       been exercised in a lawful manner, with due regard to its own
       laws. … The powers of the General Government in this
       particular, in vindication of its own laws, are the same as if
       the corporation had been created by an act of Congress."

       Justices Harlan and McKenna dissented from some of the views
       set forth in the opinion of the majority, as declared by
       Justice Brown, but concurred in the final judgment, which
       affirmed the order of the Circuit Court, remanding the
       prisoner to the custody of the Marshal. Justice Brewer and the
       Chief Justice dissented from the conclusions relative to
       corporations, and from the judgment, holding that "the order
       of the Circuit Court should be reversed and the case remanded
       with instructions to discharge the petitioner, leaving the
       grand jury to initiate new proceedings not subject to the
       objections to this."

          Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906,
          prepared and edited by
          James A. Finch by direction of the Attorney-General,
          Volume 2, page 874
          (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907).

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1906-1910.
       The Standard Oil Company.
       Suit of the Government for its dissolution.
       Decree for its dissolution by the Circuit Court.
       Appeal to the Supreme Court.

       Entirely distinct from the criminal prosecutions of the
       Standard Oil Company by the United States Government, as
       reviewed above was a suit begun in November, 1906, in the
       United States Circuit Court for the Eastern Division of
       Missouri. The former actions were to penalize the Company for
       violations of the Elkins Act, by the procuring of railway
       rebates. The later suit was to dissolve the combination in
       restraint of trade which the Company was alleged to be, and
       therefore illegally existing, in the view of the Sherman
       Anti-Trust Law. The complaint was directed against the parent
       organization, known as the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey,
       with its various subsidiary corporations. It was also directed
       against seven individuals namely, John D. Rockefeller, William
       Rockefeller, Henry M. Flagler, Henry H. Rogers (now deceased),
       John D. Archbold, Oliver H. Payne, and Charles M. Pratt. The
       main company, its branches, and these individuals were charged
       in the complaint with having entered into an agreement,
       combination, and conspiracy to restrain trade and commerce
       among the several States, to monopolize the trade in
       petroleum, both in its purchase and its shipment and
       transportation by pipe-line, steamships and by rail, also in
       the manufacture and refining of petroleum.

       One of the evidences of its monopoly adduced by the Government
       was the enormity of its earnings which were summarized thus:
       The Standard Oil Trust and the Standard Oil Company, on an
       investment of $69,024,480, had earned up to the end of 1906,
       $838,783,783. Adding the estimated profits of 1907 and 1908,
       we have substantially, the brief states, a billion dollars
       earned by this company in twenty-seven years, with an original
       investment of about $69,000,000.

       The United States asked for a perpetual injunction, and for
       the dissolution of the Standard Oil combination. Hearings were
       held in New York, Washington, Chicago, Cleveland, and St.
       Louis, about four hundred witnesses being examined. It was not
       until the 5th of April, 1909, that the case reached the stage
       of argument, before Judges Walter H. Sanborn, Willis Van
       Devanter, William C. Hook and Elmer B. Adams, constituting the
       United States Circuit Court at St. Louis. The decision of the
       Court was announced on the 20th of the following November, the
       four judges concurring in the opinion, written by Judge
       Sanborn, which held the Standard Oil Company to be an illegal
       corporation and decreed its dissolution. The character of the
       decision appears from the syllabus of Judge Sanborn’s opinion,
       which reads:

       "Congress has power under the commercial clause of the
       Constitution to regulate and restrict the use in commerce
       among the several States, and with foreign nations, of
       contracts, of the method of holding title to property and of
       every other instrumentality employed in that commerce, so far
       as it may be necessary to do so, in order to prevent the
       restraint thereof denounced by the Anti-Trust Act of July 2,
       1890 (26 Stat. 29).

       "Test of the legality of a combination under this act is its
       necessary effect upon competition in commerce among the States
       or with foreign nations. If its necessary effect is only
       incidentally or indirectly to restrict the competition, while
       its chief result is to foster the trade and increase the
       business of those who make and operate it, it does not violate
       that law. But if its necessary effect is to stifle or directly
       and substantially to restrict free competition in commerce
       among the States, or with foreign nations, it is illegal
       within the meaning of that statute.

       "The power to restrict competition in commerce among the
       several States, or with foreign nations, vested in a person or
       an association of persons by a combination, is indicative of
       the character of the combination, because it is to the
       interest of the parties that such a power should be exercised,
       and the presumption is that it will be.

       "The combination in a single corporation or person, by an
       exchange of stock, of the power of many stockholders holding
       the same proportions, respectively, of the majority of the
       stock of each of the several corporations engaged in commerce
       in the same articles among the States, or with foreign
       nations, to restrict competition therein, renders the power
       thus vested in the former greater, more easily exercised, more
       durable, and more effective than that previously held by the
       stockholders, and it is illegal.

    {127}

       "In 1899 the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company of New
       Jersey owned a majority of the stock of nineteen other
       corporations in the same proportions that they owned the stock
       of the Standard Company, and those twenty corporations
       controlled by the owners of the majority of their stock or
       otherwise many other corporations. Each of these corporations
       was engaged in some part of the business of producing, buying,
       refining, transporting, and selling petroleum and its
       products, and they were conducting about 30 per cent. of the
       production of the crude oil and more than 75 per cent. of the
       business of the purchasing, refining, transporting, and
       selling petroleum and its products in this country. Many of
       them were engaged in commerce in these articles among the
       several States and with foreign nations, and were naturally
       competitive.

       "During the ten years prior to 1879 the seven individual
       defendants had acquired control of many corporations,
       partnerships, and refiners that had been competing in this
       business, had placed the majority of the stock of those
       corporations and the interests in property in business thus
       obtained in various trustees to be held and operated by them
       for the stockholders of the Standard Oil Company, one of the
       nineteen companies in which the individual defendants were
       principal stockholders, and had thereby suppressed competition
       among these corporations and partnerships.

       "In 1879, they and their associates caused all the trustees to
       convey their interests in the stock, property and business of
       these corporations to five trustees, to be held, operated and
       distributed by them for the stockholders of the Standard
       Company of Ohio. From 1879, until 1892, they prevented these
       corporations and others engaged in this business, of which
       they secured control, from competing in this commerce by
       causing the control of their operations and generally of a
       majority of their stocks, to be held in trust for the
       stockholders of the Standard Company of Ohio, and, from 1892,
       until 1899, they accomplished the same result by a similar
       stock-holding device, and by the joint equitable ownership of
       the majority of the stocks of the corporations."

       Appeal from the decree has been taken to the Supreme Court,
       where it was preceded by the appeal of the Tobacco Trust from
       a similar decree, involving substantially the same questions,
       according to what seems to be the general view of the Bar. On
       the 17th of January, 1910, the Supreme Court of the United
       States granted the motion of the Government for the
       advancement on the docket of the Standard Oil case, and set
       the hearing for March 14.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.
       The chief existing combinations.
       Their operation through stock ownership.

       "Passing the matter of railroad combinations, as to which it
       may be said that through stock ownership the control of all
       American lines is now concentrated in seven groups of parent
       properties, we are chiefly concerned with the practical use
       that has been made of the new corporate power by the largest
       and strongest of our manufacturing and industrial enterprises.

       "The United States Steel Corporation, organized under the laws
       of New Jersey, with a capital stock of $1,100,000,000 owns a
       majority of the stock of eleven subsidiary companies, and
       controls industries scattered over the entire country under
       different styles and corporate names. This corporation owns or
       manages 213 manufacturing and transportation plants and
       forty-one mines located in eighteen different States; it has
       more than 1,000 miles of railroad tracks to ore, coke and
       manufacturing properties, and a lake fleet of 112 vessels.
       This stock ownership gives it control of hundreds of millions
       of capital that is not represented by its own billion dollars
       of stock.

       "The Amalgamated Copper Company, incorporated in New Jersey,
       has no asset whatever except the stocks of other corporations.
       It owns all the stock of four operating companies and a
       controlling interest in seven others, and has taken them over
       by an issue of $155,000,000 of its own stock.

       "The American Smelting and Refining Company, organized under
       the laws of New Jersey, controls the business of thirteen
       corporations, in which it either owns the entire stock or a
       majority interest. Associated with it are the American Linseed
       Company, the National Lead Company and the United Lead
       Company, and they together control twenty-eight concerns and
       ninety-three affiliated corporations.

       "The Standard Oil Company, incorporated in New Jersey, with a
       capital stock of $110,000,000, controls, directs and manages
       more than seventy corporations through its possession of a
       majority of their stock. Some of these companies own stock in
       still other corporations, and all together the combine
       operates more than 400 separate and distinct properties, thus
       monopolizing 90 per cent, of the export oil trade and 84 per
       cent. of the domestic trade. The market value of its
       capitalization is about $650,000,000, and all this vast
       property was brought together under one head without the
       payment of a single dollar of cash, the whole consolidation
       being effected through the issue of stock in the holding
       company in payment of stock in the companies that are held.

       "The United Gas Improvement Company, incorporated in
       Pennsylvania, own stock in thirty corporations doing the
       character of business for which it was organized, and in
       addition to this is interested in numerous street railway
       properties, including the New York City surface railways. With
       it is allied the Public Service Corporation of New Jersey and
       the Rhode Island Securities Company, which last named owns all
       the stock of the Rhode Island Company, which again has leased
       for 999 years several of the most important railroad companies
       doing business in that State. The power of this corporation,
       through this system of stock ownership, is scarcely
       calculable, and the value of properties controlled would equal
       hundreds of millions, although its own capital stock is but
       $36,000,000.

       "The American Tobacco Company, organized under the laws of New
       Jersey, with a capital stock of $40,000,000, practically
       controls the whole market through its ownership of the stock
       of innumerable other corporations.

       "The International Harvester Company, incorporated in New
       Jersey, with a capital stock of $120,000,000, while probably
       not a holding company, maintains most, if not all, the
       corporations which it has bought out, and they are operated as
       if they were distinct and competing concerns.

       "The American Sugar Refining Company, incorporated in New
       Jersey, with a common stock of $40,000,000, controls
       fifty-three other corporations.

    {128}

       "The American Telegraph and Telephone Company, incorporated in
       New York, with a capital stock of $250,000,000 controls,
       through stock ownership, thirty-five subsidiary corporations.

       "The Western Union Telegraph Company owns stock in twenty-four
       other corporations; the Distillers’ Security Company owns 90
       per cent. of the stocks of the Distilling Company of America,
       and has acquired ninety-three plants, representing 60 per
       cent. of the industry; the Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company
       owns the stock of twelve elevated and street railway
       companies; the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company owns the stock
       of seven others; the Metropolitan Securities Company of New
       York owns the stock of many traction companies, and the
       controlling interest in others; the Inter-State Railways of
       New Jersey own all the stock of the United Power and
       Transportation Company, which latter company controls the
       capital and franchises of about forty other projected
       companies in New Jersey and Pennsylvania; while the
       International Mercantile Marine Company of New Jersey owns a
       majority of the shares of many of the most important steamship
       companies whose vessels cross the Atlantic Ocean.

       "These are but a few instances of the promotion of
       combinations through stock ownership."

          Wade H. Ellis,
          Attorney-General of Ohio,
          Paper read at National Conference on Trusts and
          Combinations, Chicago, October 22, 1907.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907.
       National Conference on the Trust Question, invited
       by the National Civic Federation.

       A remarkably representative and impressive assembly at
       Chicago, of delegates from all parts of the country, and
       voicing all interests, was brought about by the invitation of
       the National Civic Federation, in October, 1907, for a
       thorough discussion of the questions which troubled the
       country and confused its attitude toward Trusts and
       Combinations, as subjects of regulation by law. There had been
       a similar conference at Chicago in 1899, at the call of the
       Civic Federation of that city; but no common ground of
       agreement could then be found. The subject, as was afterwards
       said, "was too new, too vaguely understood for men to be of
       one mind in regard to it." But eight years later, in 1907, "it
       appeared to the leaders of the National Civic Federation not
       improbable that a new conference might lead to some definite
       pronouncement of opinion. … Leaders of opinion in all walks of
       life gave the project their hearty endorsement. … The matter
       was taken up with great interest by the Governors of the
       several States and by the presidents of commercial bodies, who
       named delegates in response to the invitation of the National
       Civic Federation. A significant evidence of this greater
       interest is found in the larger number of delegations
       appointed in 1907 than in 1899. The records show the
       following:

       Delegations.             1899. 1907.

       Appointed by Governors    33    39

       Appointed by national
       and State organizations   22    33

       Appointed by
       labor organizations        7    14

       Appointed by local
       commercial bodies         33    58

       Total                     95   144

       "Furthermore, the attendance of 492 delegates in 1907 might be
       contrasted with that of 238 delegates at the earlier
       conference.

       "The conference of 1907, though larger in numbers, was much
       more of a unit in sentiment. It developed at an early stage of
       the discussion that there was no important element
       antagonizing the trust and combination as such. There were few
       speakers who failed to dwell upon the advantages which had
       accrued to the nation from some combinations, and from the
       spirit of association which, after all, cannot be separated
       from them. On the other hand, there was no lack of emphasis in
       dwelling upon the evils which had been disclosed among trusts
       and combinations.

       "The resolutions of the conference, adopted by a unanimous
       vote, reveal these tendencies. They are a call for further
       examination and more light, but a call for such examination
       along certain pretty well-defined lines. They should receive
       the attention of Congress as an expression of the popular will
       on this pressing question."

       The Conference held nine sessions, extending over four days,
       focusing the thought of the best minds of the country, and the
       counsels of the largest practical experience, on all points in
       the many-sided problem before it. On all that appear most
       important among those points it came to a full and clear
       agreement in its conclusions, as embodied in the following
       resolutions, which were adopted by unanimous vote, a committee
       being appointed to present them to Congress and to the
       President:

       "After twenty years of Federal legislation as interpreted by
       the courts, directed against the evils of trusts and
       combinations, and against railroad rebates, beginning with the
       interstate commerce act of 1887 and the anti-trust act of
       1890, a general and just conviction exists that the experience
       gained in enforcing these federal acts and others succeeding
       them demonstrates the necessity of legislation which shall
       render more secure the benefits already gained and better meet
       the changed conditions which have arisen during a long period
       of active progress, both in the enforcement of statute law and
       in the removal of grave abuses in the management of railroads
       and corporations. These changes now demanded are:

       "First—Immediate legislation is required, following the
       recommendation of President Roosevelt and the Interstate
       Commerce Commission, permitting agreements between railroad
       corporations on reasonable freight and passenger rates,
       subject in all respects to the approval, supervision, and
       action of the Interstate Commerce Commission.

       "Second—The enforcement of the Sherman act and the proceedings
       under it during the administrations of Presidents Harrison,
       Cleveland, McKinley, and Roosevelt have accomplished great
       national results in awakening the moral sense of the American
       people and in asserting the supremacy and majesty of the law,
       thus effectually refuting the impression that great wealth and
       large corporations were too powerful for the impartial
       execution of law. This great advance has rendered more secure
       all property rights, resting, as they must, under a popular
       government, on universal respect for and obedience to law. But
       now that this work is accomplished, it has revealed the
       necessity for legislation which shall maintain all that the
       Sherman act was intended to secure and safeguard interests it
       was never expected to affect.

    {129}

       "As the next step in executing the determination of the
       American people to secure in all industrial and commercial
       relations justice and equality of opportunity for all, with
       full sympathy and loyal support for every effort to enforce
       the laws in the past, we urge upon Congress without delay to
       pass legislation providing for a non-partisan commission, in
       which the interests of capital, of labor, and of the general
       public shall be represented. This commission, like a similar
       commission, which proved most successful in Germany in 1870,
       shall consider the entire subject of business and industrial
       combinations and report such proposals, as to the formation,
       capitalization, management and regulation of corporations (so
       far as the same may be subject to federal jurisdiction) as
       shall preserve individual initiative competition, and the free
       exercise of a free contract in all business and industrial
       relations. Any proposed legislation should also include
       modification of the prohibition now existing upon combinations
       on the following subjects:

       "1. National and local organizations of labor and their trade
       agreements with employers relating to wages, hours of labor,
       and conditions of employment.

       "2. Associations made up of farmers, intended to secure a
       stable and equitable market for the products of the soil free
       from fluctuations due to speculation.

       "3. Business and industrial agreements of combinations whose
       objects are in the public interest as distinguished from
       objects determined to be contrary to the public interest.

       "4. Such commission should make a thorough inquiry into the
       advisability of inaugurating a system of federal license or
       incorporation as a condition for the entrance of certain
       classes of corporations upon interstate commerce and also into
       the relation to the public interest of the purchase by one
       corporation of the franchises or corporate stock of another.

       "On no one of these subjects must what has been gained be
       sacrificed until something better appears for enactment. On
       each, this conference recognizes differences between good men.
       On all, it asks a national non-partisan commission to be
       appointed next winter to consider the question and report at
       the second session of the approaching Congress for such action
       as the national legislature, in the light of this full
       investigation, may enact.

       "Third—The examination, inspection and supervision of great
       producing and manufacturing corporations, already begun by the
       Department of Commerce and Labor and accepted by these
       corporations, should be enlarged by legislation requiring,
       through the appropriate bureaus of the Department of Commerce
       and Labor, complete publicity in the capitalization, accounts,
       operations, transportation charges paid, and selling prices of
       all such producing and manufacturing corporations whose
       operations are large enough to have a monopolistic influence.
       This should be determined and decided by some rule and
       classification to be devised by the commission already
       proposed.

       "Fourth—The conflicts between State and Federal authorities
       raised in many States over railroad rates being now under
       adjudication and under way to a final and ultimate decision by
       the Federal Supreme Court, this conference deems the
       expression of an opinion on these issues unfitting, and
       confidently leaves this great issue to a tribunal which for
       118 years has successfully preserved the balance between an
       indissoluble union and indestructible State, defining the
       supreme and national powers of the one and protecting the
       sovereign and individual powers of the other."

          Proceedings of the National Conference
          on Trusts and Combinations,
          Chicago, October 22-25, 1907
          (New York: National Civic Federation, 1908).

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Thievery of the Sugar Trust.

       In the fall of 1907 disclosures were made to the Government
       which led to an investigation of the methods whereby imports
       of raw sugar for the American Sugar Refining Company, known
       commonly as the Sugar Trust, were weighed for the payment of
       Customs duties, at the Company’s docks in Williamsburgh and
       Jersey City. The result of the investigation was to prove that
       this enormously wealthy corporation, not satisfied with
       extortions of profit from the public by its monopoly of the
       vast sugar trade of the country, had stooped to practices of
       systematic theft from the Government, by devices that would
       almost shame the professional players of a thimble rigging
       game. Several ingenious inventions of trickery with the
       weighing scales had been employed at the sugar docks prior to
       1904, but the crowning one appears to have been brought to use
       in that year. "This," said the New York Evening Post of
       April 29, 1909, in a full rehearsal of the story of the Sugar
       Trust larcenies, "consisted of a thin steel corset spring,
       which was inserted through a hole drilled in the uprights or
       stanchions supporting the scales. If inserted at a time when
       there was a load on the platform, its pressure against the
       walking beam of the scale resulted in creating a false
       balance, and in making the load appear considerably lighter
       than it really was. This little device proved to be so
       satisfactory for the purposes for which it was designed that
       it was fitted to all the seventeen government scales at the
       Havemeyer & Elder refinery. Holes were drilled in the
       stanchions of each of the scales—hence the ‘case of the
       seventeen holes’ to which Mr. Stimson called attention. So
       successful was the operation of this mechanism that it was
       used constantly down to the very day, November 20, 1907, when
       a United States Treasury agent found it in use.

       "The method of use was simple. The scales were placed with the
       stanchions in a dark corner, next to the wall, and close
       beside this stanchion sat the company’s checker, whose
       ostensible duty it was to record in a little book the weight
       of each load as it was read off to him by the government
       weigher standing at the other end of the scale. The checker’s
       really important duty seems to have been, however, to
       manipulate the steel spring through the hole in the stanchion,
       so that on each truck load, the company which employed him was
       saved the payment of duty on some fourteen pounds of sugar.

       "Evidence was adduced at the subsequent trial to show that the
       company considered this special service on the part of its
       checkers worthy of additional compensation. For although there
       were seventeen scales, all of which could be used for this
       purpose, practically all the weighing was done on six, and the
       six reliable checkers who, year in and year out, operated the
       little steel springs, all received extra pay in their weekly
       pay envelopes for this service."

    {130}

       Consequent on the discovery of these facts, "several
       indictments were found against the Sugar Trust’s employees,
       and with that discovery as a basis the government began to
       work up its case. … When the government came to work up its
       case and to fix approximately the amount out of which it had
       been defrauded, it was found possible to present a piece of
       evidence which so thoroughly clinched the case that defence,
       when it came to be made, was so weak as to be negligible. This
       evidence consisted of a tabulation comparing the weights of
       sugar on which duty was paid and the weights for which the
       company paid the planters between the time the first cargo of
       sugar of December, 1901, arrived at the refinery and the
       discovery of the fraud in November, 1907.

       "It took a score or more of accountants working steadily for
       six months to complete the tabulation, but when it was
       finished the astonishing corroborative story it told made it
       well worth all the time and trouble expended. Never was there
       a better example of the deadly parallel. For every entry the
       weights on which duties were levied was set alongside of the
       weights for which the company paid the planters."

       The first result of the proceedings of the Government against
       the thievish Trust was a pecuniary settlement with it,
       concerning which the following official statement was given
       out at Washington, by Attorney-General Wickersham, on the 29th
       of April, 1909:

       "The Attorney-General, with the concurrence of the Secretary
       of the Treasury, has just approved a settlement between the
       American Sugar Refining Company and the United States
       Government of all the claims which the latter has against it
       arising out of the fraudulent weighing on the docks of its
       refineries at Brooklyn and Jersey City. In making this
       settlement the sugar company pays in full the recent judgment
       for the penalty in the amount of $134,411.03, which was
       awarded against it by the jury in the case tried in the
       federal court last March, with interest, and agrees to take no
       appeal from the judgment.

       "In addition to this, it pays into the United States treasury
       $2,000,000 more, representing the duties which have been
       unpaid during the last twelve years, owing to the fraudulent
       practices, $1,239,088.97 of this amount has already been paid
       in under protest to Collector Loeb on his reliquidation, as a
       result of the trial above mentioned, of the duties upon the
       cargoes entered at the Havemeyer & Elder refineries between
       the years 1901 and 1907, when the frauds were discovered.

       "The sugar company abandons its protests on these payments and
       gives up its right to appeal from Mr. Loeb’s reliquidation and
       in addition to this pays into the United States treasury the
       above judgment and over $760,000 more to cover the duties
       unpaid at the Havemeyer & Elder docks prior to 1901 and at the
       Jersey City refinery between 1896 and 1906.

       "This settlement with the sugar company in nowise affects the
       criminal prosecution of the individuals who are responsible
       for the perpetration of these frauds, and such prosecutions
       will be pressed to a finish by the government."

       [Soon after this settlement with the Government by the Sugar
       Trust for shortage in payment of duties, the firm of Arbuckle
       Brothers made a similar settlement, paying $695,573.19.]

       A few days after the above announcement of a pecuniary
       settlement with the American Sugar Refining Company, the Grand
       Jury of the Circuit Court in the New York District presented
       indictments against Oliver Spitzer, who was superintendent on
       the company’s docks, Thomas Kehoe, Eugene M. Voelker, Edward
       A. Boyle, J. R. Coyle, J. M. Halligan, Jr., and Patrick J.
       Hennessy.

       In November, further indictments were found against these
       employees of the company, and James F. Bendernagel, general
       superintendent of the Williamsburgh refinery for many years
       past, was arrested on an indictment found by the same grand
       jury. The trial of the accused, in the United States District
       Court, was opened on the 30th of November.

       On the 17th of January, 1910, Charles R. Heike, secretary and
       treasurer of the American Sugar Refining Company, was
       arraigned before Judge Hough in the criminal branch of the
       United States Circuit Court, charged with making false entries
       and conspiring to defraud the government.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Suit of the Government against the Tobacco Trust.
       Decree of Circuit Court restraining the combined
       companies from interstate and foreign trade.

       On the 10th of July, 1907, the Government began suit at New
       York against the so-called Tobacco Trust. The defendants in
       the case included 65 corporations and 27 individuals, the
       principals, however, being six companies, namely, the American
       Tobacco Company, the British-American Tobacco Company, the
       Imperial Tobacco Company, the American Snuff Company, the
       American Cigar Company, and the United American Cigarette
       Company. Of these the parent organization, dominating all the
       others, is the American Tobacco Company, which began the
       finally gigantic combination in a small way in 1890. The
       object sought in the Government’s suit was an injunction to
       restrain the combination as such from engaging in interstate
       and foreign trade, or for the appointment of receivers to take
       the management of the business concerned.

       The case was argued before the Second Circuit Court of the
       United States in May, 1908, and the decision of the Court was
       announced on the 7th of November following, Judges Lacombe,
       Noyes, and Coxe agreeing and Judge Ward dissenting. The Court
       found that an injunction should issue against some, but not
       all, of the principal defendants, to prevent the continuance
       of their violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It acquitted
       the Trust, however, of the charge of dishonest and oppressive
       practices, and it denied the application for receiverships.
       The final decree of the Court was filed on the 15th of
       December, 1908.

       Appeals to the Supreme Court of the United States were taken,
       both by the Government and by the defendants, and the case was
       pending in that Court at the close of the year 1909. Mean time
       the decree has been in suspense.

    {131}

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Suit to dissolve the alleged Anthracite Coal Combination.

       The following statements were made in an Associated Press
       despatch from Philadelphia, March 8, 1909:

       "Testimony of the Government in its suit against the
       anthracite coal-carrying railroads and several coal companies,
       to dissolve a so-called Trust agreement, alleged to be
       existing among them, has been filed in the Circuit Court of
       the United States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

       "Suit was begun here on June 12, 1907, and in the course of
       three months all the defendants made answer, denying the
       allegations of the Government. Subsequently, the court
       appointed an examiner to take testimony, and a great part of
       last year was taken up in hearing witnesses, sessions being
       held mainly in Philadelphia and New York.

       "The Government closed its case in New York several weeks ago,
       having taken more than its allotted time, and the next move
       will be for the Government to file a motion apportioning a
       certain amount of time for the defendant companies to present
       their witnesses for examination. Much of the testimony thus
       far has been documentary, and it is believed this will be the
       case with the defendants. After all the testimony is filed
       with the court for review, arguments will be had on the case.

       "It is impossible at this time to indicate when the case will
       be ended, but it seems probable that a year or more will have
       elapsed before it is legally decided whether a hard coal
       monopoly, as alleged, exists in Pennsylvania."

          See, also, proceedings under the "Commodities Clause" of
          the Hepburn Act, and decision of United States Supreme
          Court, in this Volume, under RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D.
          1906-1909.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908.
       Declarations in Party Platforms on Trusts.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Amending the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.
       Action of the National Civic Federation.

       The resolutions adopted at the great National Conference of
       1907 on the Trust Question, as recited above, were duly
       presented to Congress at its next session, and to the
       President, with results which were stated at the annual
       meeting of the National Civic Federation in December, 1908, by
       its President, the Honorable Seth Low, as follows:

       "When these resolutions were presented to the two Houses, the
       Conference Committee was asked to submit a definite Bill in
       legislative form to carry out its proposals. The Conference
       itself had given no such authority to any Committee; but, in
       view of the situation as it had developed, the Executive
       Committee of the Federation took the matter up. The result of
       its action was the preparation of a Bill, which was submitted
       in due time to Congress, and which became the subject of
       numerous hearings before the Judiciary Committees both of the
       House and of the Senate, but especially of the House. The Bill
       of last spring was based upon the belief that at that time,
       and before the approaching Presidential election, it would be
       impossible to change the substantive law as embodied in the
       Sherman Anti-Trust Act. This being taken for granted, it
       became impossible to do more than propose a method by which,
       without changing the law, certain restraints of trade, if not
       disapproved in advance by some government authority, might be
       assured freedom from prosecution. The hearings before the
       Congressional Committees made it evident that no relief from
       the embarrassments caused by the Sherman Anti-Trust Law can be
       looked for along this line of procedure. Perhaps it ought also
       to be said that none ought to be looked for, because the
       situation really calls for a change in the substantive
       provisions of the law. Let no one imagine, however, that it is
       an easy thing to say what such changes in the law ought to be.
       Your Committee last spring began its work in the hope that it
       would be able to submit a law which would command very large
       support, not only from employers but also from organized
       labor. After working upon the subject for many weeks, the Bill
       which it actually presented commanded no large measure of
       support from either. The mercantile classes favor amendments
       to the law which, instead of forbidding all restraints of
       trade, will forbid only unreasonable restraints of trade; and
       which will provide amnesty for the past,
       (1) on the theoretical ground that what has been done has
       often been done without any realization that it was contrary
       to the law; and
       (2) on the practical ground that to attempt to rip up what has
       already been done will destroy the industry of the country. The
       representatives of organized labor, on the other hand, ask to
       be omitted altogether from the provisions of the Sherman Act.
       It is evident to your Committee that the changes desired by
       the mercantile classes are going to meet with very serious
       objection, unless they are combined with some positive
       legislation which will provide some effective method of
       assuring to the country, in the future, the power to protect
       itself in advance from new combinations in the industrial
       sphere, such as have been made in the past, and which
       originally created the sentiment which placed the Sherman
       Anti-Trust Law upon the statute books.

       "In other words, precisely as a city may desire to limit the
       height of buildings, for the future, without taking down those
       that are already erected, so many persons believe that the
       right to make commercial combinations, in the future, should
       be under some sort of governmental control, even though those
       already formed be left unmolested; and such persons, also,
       believe that there is the same inherent right in the body
       politic to do the one as the other. On the other hand, the
       demand of organized labor to be exempted altogether from the
       operations of this Act has been objected to in the past, and
       is likely to be objected to in the future, as class
       legislation of a kind that has no place on American soil,
       because organized labor is believed to be capable of
       exercising restraint of trade no less than commercial
       corporations.

       "These being the terms of the problem, it is apparent, on the
       face of things, that the effort to amend the Sherman
       Anti-Trust Law in any effective way is beset by difficulties
       at every turn. … The whole subject is made infinitely
       difficult by the Constitutional limitations upon the power of
       Congress, which have led the United States Supreme Court to
       decide, in effect, that Congress can regulate inter-State
       commerce, but cannot regulate the corporation that does it;
       because the corporation that does inter-State commerce is a
       creature of the State and not of the United States. The
       separate States, on the other hand, can regulate the
       corporations that do inter State commerce, because they create
       them; but the States cannot regulate the inter-state commerce
       that is done, because under the United States Constitution,
       inter-State commerce is under National control. It cannot be
       too clearly apprehended that the effect of this situation is,
       that neither sovereignty—neither the National sovereignty nor
       the State sovereignty—can regulate both the agent that does
       inter-State commerce and the inter-State commerce that is
       done."

    {132}

       In the National Civic Federation Review of March, 1909,
       it was announced that "the Executive Council of the National
       Civic Federation has appointed a committee to draft proposed
       amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust act. By request of the
       lawyers upon the committee Seth Low will serve as chairman.
       The other members are Frederick P. Fish, of Boston; Frederick
       N. Judson, of St. Louis; Reuben D. Silliman, of New York, and
       Henry W. Taft, of New York.

       "No attempt will be made to submit anything to the present
       session of Congress. It is proposed to draft a tentative bill
       as soon as a careful study of the problems will permit. This
       will then be submitted for examination and suggestion to
       various representative bodies in all parts of the country, and
       with the aid of the comments thus received the final draft of
       the bill to be submitted will be prepared."

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
       Report of the Commissioner of Corporations on the
       Tobacco Combination, or so-called Trust.

       Parts of an elaborate report on the organization of the
       Tobacco Combination were published in February, 1909, by the
       Commissioner of Corporations, Herbert Knox Smith. It showed
       the combination to be composed of "the American Tobacco
       Company and its three great subsidiary combinations, the
       American Snuff Company, the American Cigar Company, and the
       British-American Company, besides eighty two other subsidiary
       concerns doing business in the United States, Porto Rico, and
       Cuba. The combination represents a total net capitalization of
       over $316,000,000. A very small group of ten stockholders
       controls 60 per cent. of the outstanding voting stock of the
       American Tobacco Company, through which company the entire
       combination is controlled."

       A list of the subsidiary companies controlled, "including over
       twenty hitherto secretly controlled, so-called ‘bogus
       independent concerns,'" is given in the report. It is shown
       also that the combination is practically the only important
       exporter of tobacco manufactures from this country. In 1891
       the combination controlled 89 per cent. of the business of
       cigarette manufactures, and this proportion practically is
       maintained. In cigars its output increased from 4 per cent. of
       the business in 1897 to 14.7 per cent, in 1906; while in
       manufactured tobacco (chewing, smoking, fine-cut, and snuff)
       "the combination’s output increased from 7 per cent. of the
       total in 1891 to 77 per cent. in 1906. Finally, in 1906, the
       combination controlled of these separate products,
       respectively, plug, 82 per cent.; smoking, 71 per cent.;
       fine-cut, 81 per cent., and snuff, 96 per cent." In the year
       1906 the combination used in the manufacture of its various
       products nearly 300,000,000 pounds of leaf tobacco. The report
       adds:

       "An idea of the absorption of competing plants and of the
       changes through combination within the last decade may be had
       from the fact that in 1897 the combination had ten plants,
       each producing over 50,000 pounds of manufactured tobacco or
       snuff per year, while there were 243 independent plants of the
       same class. In 1906, on the other hand, the combination had 45
       plants of this class, and independent manufacturers 140.
       Especially conspicuous has been the absorption of the large
       plants. In 1897 the combination had eight plants, each
       producing over 1,000,000 pounds of these products per year,
       while its competitors had forty-six such plants. In 1906 the
       combination had thirty-four plants of this size, and
       independent concerns only seventeen."

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
       Merger of Telephone and Telegraph Corporations.

       Announcement of one of the most important financial mergers of
       recent years was made November 16, 1909, when the American
       Telephone and Telegraph Company disclosed its acquirement of
       control of the Western Union Telegraph Company. "The American
       Telephone and Telegraph Company has obtained the control of a
       substantial minority interest in the shares of the Western
       Union Telegraph Company," was the wording of the official
       statement, but it became known that sufficient voting rights
       of other stock had been obtained to give the telephone
       interests control of the telegraph company.

       According to a statement issued on May 1, 1909, the total
       capital and outstanding interest-bearing obligations of the
       American Telephone and Telegraph Company and allied systems
       was $592,475,400. This amount included capital stock
       aggregating $361,636,800, subdivided as follows: American
       Telephone and Telegraph Company, $208,393,500; associated
       operating companies in the United States and Canada, about
       thirty-five in number, $142,674,400; associated holding and
       manufacturing companies, $10,668,900. "The Western Union has a
       capitalization of $125,000,000 in stock and $40,000,000 in
       bonds.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
       Threatened combination to control the Water Power of the
       country.

       Speaking at the National Irrigation Congress, convened at
       Spokane, Washington, in August, 1909, the National Forester,
       Gifford Pinchot, declared that, notwithstanding the
       contradictions issued by the parties in interest, a gigantic
       combination was forming to seize the sources of the country’s
       water power, and be in a position later to dominate all
       industry.

       "There could be no better illustration," he said, "of the
       eager, rapid, unwearied absorption by capital of the rights
       which belong to all the people than the Water Power Trust, not
       yet formed, but in rapid progress of formation. This statement
       is true, but not unchallenged. We are met at every turn by the
       indignant denial of the water power interests. They tell us
       that there is no community of interest among them, and yet
       they appear year after year at these Congresses by their paid
       attorneys, asking for your influence to help them remove the
       few remaining obstacles to their perpetual and complete
       absorption of the remaining water powers. They tell us it has
       no significance that the General Electric interests are
       acquiring great groups of water powers in various parts of the
       United States, and dominating the power market in the region
       of each group. And whoever dominates power, dominates all
       industry. … The time for us to agitate this question is now,
       before the separate circles of centralized control spread into
       the uniform, unbroken, nation-wide covering of a single
       gigantic Trust. There will be little chance for mere agitation
       after that. No man at all familiar with the situation can
       doubt that the time for effective protest is very short."

    {133}

       The same warning has been given by others who are in a
       position to speak with knowledge, and heed has been given to
       them by the Government. The annual report of the Secretary of
       the Interior, the Honorable Richard A. Ballinger, made public
       November 28, 1909, contained the following important
       announcement: "In anticipation of new legislation by Congress
       to prevent the acquisition of power sites on the public domain
       by private persons or corporations with the view of
       monopolizing or adversely controlling them against the public
       interest, there have been temporarily withdrawn from all forms
       of entry approximately 603,355 acres, covering all locations
       known to possess power possibilities on unappropriated lands
       outside of national forests. Without such withdrawals these
       sites would be enterable under existing laws, and their
       patenting would leave the general government powerless to
       impose any limitations as to their use.

       "If the Federal government desires to exercise control or
       supervision over water-power development on the public domain,
       it can only do so by limitations imposed upon the disposal of
       power and reservoir sites upon the public lands, the waters of
       the streams being subject to State jurisdiction in their
       appropriation and beneficial use. I would, therefore, advise
       that the Congress be asked to enact a measure that will
       authorize the classification of all lands capable of being
       used for water-power development, and to direct their
       disposal, through this department. …

       "Unreasonable or narrow restrictions beyond the necessity of
       public protection against monopoly, or extortion in charges,
       will, of course, defeat development and serve no useful
       purpose. The statute should, therefore, while giving full
       protection against the abuses of the privileges extended, so
       far as consistent, encourage investment in these projects; and
       it must always be borne in mind that excessive charges for the
       franchise will fall upon the consumer. Legislation of this
       character proceeds upon the theory that Congress can impose
       such contractual terms and conditions as it sees fit in the
       sale or use permitted of government lands so long as such
       limitations do not conflict with the powers properly exercised
       by the State wherein they may be situated."

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
       The Sugar Trust settles a conspiracy charge.

       While the American Sugar Refining Company, in the spring of
       1909, was being forced to make good to the Government its long
       cheating of the Custom House, it was being compelled, at the
       same time, to indemnify a competitor in business, whom it had
       ruined by means which the Sherman Anti-Trust Law forbade. Its
       victim was the Pennsylvania Sugar Refining Company, whose
       refinery had been established by Mr. Adolph Segal, of
       Philadelphia, in 1903. Segal became financially embarrassed,
       and was lured into taking a loan of $1,250,000, from a person
       who acted secretly in the transaction for the American Sugar
       Refining Company. The loan was made on terms which gave the
       lender control of a majority of the stock of the Pennsylvania
       Sugar Refining Company, and Mr. Segal found, when too late,
       that the real lender was the Sugar Trust. It used its power to
       shutdown the plant, which was said to be the most perfect of
       its kind, and the Pennsylvania Company was wrecked. It brought
       a suit for damages to the amount of $30,000,000, inflicted
       upon it in contravention of the Anti-Trust Law. Before the
       trial ended, the defendants found so much reason to fear its
       outcome that negotiations were opened which resulted (June 8,
       1909) in a settlement of the claim outside of court. The
       settlement was said to involve a cash payment by the American
       Company to the Pennsylvania Company of $750,000, the
       cancellation of the $1,250,000 loan made by the trust to
       Adolph Segal, of Philadelphia, and the return of the
       securities given by Segal as collateral for the loan.

       Subsequently the Government procured indictments of certain of
       the officials of the American Sugar Refining Company for their
       participation in the conspiracy; but the prosecution was
       blocked in October by a decision from Judge Holt, of the
       United States Circuit Court, that the acts charged were
       outlawed by the statute of limitations. Later, in November, it
       was reported that the Government was preparing an appeal to
       the Supreme Court.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
       Dissolution of a Paper-making Combination.

       By a decree of the United States Circuit Court, Judge Hough,
       at New York, in May, 1909, the Fiber and Manila Association, a
       combination of 25 paper manufacturers, located in many parts
       of the country, East and West, was adjudged to be an illegal
       combination in restraint of trade, and perpetually enjoined
       from further operations in such combination. The members were
       enjoined further from fixing prices or the qualities that
       shall be manufactured or to maintain any pool or fund made up
       of contributions from its members. Counsel for the Association
       announced that no appeal would be made.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
       Chartering of the United Dry Goods Companies.

       "Details of the greatest dry goods combination ever attempted
       in this country were available to-day for the first time since
       the United Dry Goods Companies took out a Delaware charter
       last Friday [April 21, 1909], The concern will control many of
       the largest dry goods stores in this city and at important
       commercial centres of the South and West, acting first as a
       holding company and later possibly as an operating concern,
       with headquarters here. John Claflin will be the head of the
       combination. The present managers of the various absorbed
       stores will be continued. J. P. Morgan & Co. are financing the
       deal, and public announcement will be made immediately.

       "The United Dry Goods Companies will have a capital of
       $51,000,000. Of this only $20,000,000 will be immediately
       issued in the form of $10,000,000 7 per cent. cumulative
       preferred stock and $10,000,000 common stock. The preferred
       stock has preference as to both assets and dividends. The new
       combination will purchase $8,650,000 of the outstanding
       $17,250,000 capital stock of the Associated Merchants’
       Company. …

       "John Claflin said this afternoon that the new company would
       not buy any mills, as it was not the purpose of the
       combination to control the sources of production. All the
       stores—there are more than forty, which the United Companies
       and its allies will own in whole or in part—will be free to
       purchase from whatever interests they wish, without being
       restricted to any one market or to the product of any special
       mills. The general business will be directed from the city,
       but resident directors at different centres will have full
       charge of the detail work."

          New York Evening Post,
          May, 25-26, 1909.

    {134}

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909.
       The illegality of a Trust invalidates a debt to it.

       In a suit brought by the Continental Wall Paper Company to
       recover a debt, payment of which was resisted on the ground
       that the Company was an illegal combination in restraint of
       trade, the Supreme Court of the United States, on the 1st of
       February, 1909, affirmed a judgment of the Circuit Court of
       Appeals which had dismissed the suit. The case was so decided
       by a bare majority of one. The opinion of the majority,
       delivered by Justice Harlan, held that a judgment in favor of
       the Company would give effect to agreements constituting the
       illegal combination. "Upon the whole case," said Justice
       Harlan, "and without further citation of authority, we adjudge
       upon the admitted facts that the combination represented by
       the plaintiff in this case was illegal under the anti-trust
       act of 1890; is to be taken as one intended, and which would
       have the effect, directly to restrain and monopolize trade
       among the several states and with foreign states; and that the
       plaintiff cannot have a judgment for the amount of the account
       sued on because such a judgment would, in effect, be in aid of
       the execution of agreements constituting that illegal
       combination. We consequently hold that the circuit court of
       appeals properly sustained the third defense in the case and
       rightly dismissed the suit."

       In the dissenting opinion by Justice Holmes and others it was
       set forth that "whenever a party knows that he is buying from
       an illegal trust, and still more when he buys at a price that
       he thinks unreasonable, but is compelled to pay in order to
       get the goods he needs, he knows that he is doing an act in
       furtherance of the unlawful purpose of the trust, which always
       is to get the most it can for its wares. But that knowledge
       makes no difference, because the policy of not furthering the
       purposes of the trust is less important than the policy of
       preventing people from getting other people’s property for
       nothing when they purport to be buying it."

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1909-1910.
       Morgan & Co. Banking Combination.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES.

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.
       Special Message of President Taft
       on Legislation touching "Trusts."

       An important special Message, recommendatory of legislation on
       the two subjects of interstate commerce and the combinations
       called "Trusts," was addressed to Congress by President Taft
       on the 7th of January, 1910. It had been expected that the
       Executive would advise amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust
       Law, so-called, but he did not. On the contrary he favored the
       policy of leaving that law untouched, on the ground that its
       defects have been cured already to a great extent by judicial
       decisions, and that it is safer and better for the business
       interests of the country to trust the law to the gradual
       molding which the courts are giving it, than to undertake
       amendments which would start anew series of judicial
       interpretations. But the President’s conclusions on this point
       were supplemented by the advocacy of an enactment to provide
       for the federal chartering of corporations engaged in
       interstate commerce, as a means of substituting continuous
       regulation of such organizations for the spasmodic and
       disturbing investigations which the Government is now
       compelled frequently to institute.

       In part, the President’s discussion of these questions is as
       follows:—

       "The statute has been on the statute book now for two decades,
       and the Supreme Court in more than a dozen opinions has
       construed it in application to various phases of business
       combinations and in reference to various subjects-matter. It
       has applied it to the union under one control of two competing
       interstate railroads, to joint traffic arrangements between
       several interstate railroads, to private manufacturers engaged
       in a plain attempt to control prices and suppress competition
       in a part of the country, including a dozen States, and to
       many other combinations affecting interstate trade. The value
       of a statute which is rendered more and more certain in its
       meaning by a series of decisions of the Supreme Court
       furnishes a strong reason for leaving the act as it is, to
       accomplish its useful purpose, even though if it were being
       newly enacted useful suggestions as to change of phrase might
       be made.

       "It is the duty and the purpose of the Executive to direct an
       investigation by the Department of Justice, through the grand
       jury or otherwise, into the history, organization, and
       purposes of all the industrial companies with respect to which
       there is any reasonable ground for suspicion that they have
       been organized for a purpose, and are conducting business on a
       plan which is in violation of the Anti-Trust law. The work is
       a heavy one, but is not beyond the power of the Department of
       Justice, if sufficient funds are furnished, to carry on the
       investigations and to pay the counsel engaged in the work. But
       such an investigation and possible prosecution of corporations
       whose prosperity or destruction affects the comfort not only
       of stockholders, but of millions of wage-earners, employees,
       and associated tradesmen, must necessarily tend to disturb the
       confidence of the business community, to dry up the now
       flowing sources of capital from its places of hoarding, and
       produce a halt in our present prosperity that will cause
       suffering and strained circumstances among the innocent many
       for the faults of the guilty few. The question which I wish in
       this message to bring clearly to the consideration and
       discussion of Congress is whether in order to avoid such a
       possible business danger something cannot be done by which
       these business combinations may be offered a means, without
       great financial disturbance, of changing the character,
       organization, and extent of their business into one within the
       lines of the law under Federal control and supervision,
       securing compliance with the anti-trust statute.

       "Generally, in the industrial combinations called ‘Trusts,’
       the principal business is the sale of goods in many States and
       in foreign markets; in other words, the interstate and foreign
       business far exceeds the business done in any one State. This
       fact will justify the Federal government in granting a Federal
       charter to such a combination to make and sell in interstate
       and foreign commerce the products of useful manufacture under
       such limitations as will secure a compliance with the
       Anti-Trust law. It is possible so to frame a statute that
       while it offers protection to a Federal company against
       harmful, vexatious, and unnecessary invasion by the States, it
       shall subject it to reasonable taxation and control by the
       States, with respect to its purely local business.

    {135}

       "Many people conducting great businesses have cherished a hope
       and a belief that in some way or other a line may be drawn
       between ‘good Trusts’ and ‘bad Trusts,’ and that it is
       possible, by amendment to the Anti-Trust law, to make a
       distinction under which good combinations may be permitted to
       organize, suppress competition, control prices, and do it all
       legally, if only they do not abuse the power by taking too
       great profit out of the business. … Now, the public, and
       especially the business public, ought to rid themselves of the
       idea that such a distinction is practicable or can be
       introduced into the statute. Certainly under the present
       Anti-Trust law no such distinction exists. It has been
       proposed, however, that the word ‘reasonable’ should be made a
       part of the statute, and then that it should be left to the
       court to say what is a reasonable restraint of trade, what is
       a reasonable suppression of competition, what is a reasonable
       monopoly. I venture to think that this is to put into the
       hands of the court a power impossible to exercise on any
       consistent principle which will insure the uniformity of
       decision essential to just judgment. It is to thrust upon the
       courts a burden that they have no precedents to enable them to
       carry, and to give them a power approaching the arbitrary, the
       abuse of which might involve our whole judicial system in
       disaster.

       "In considering violations of the Anti-Trust law, we ought, of
       course, not to forget that that law makes unlawful, methods of
       carrying on business which before its passage were regarded as
       evidence of business sagacity and success, and that they were
       denounced in this act, not because of their intrinsic
       immorality, but because of the dangerous results toward which
       they tended, the concentration of industrial power in the
       hands of the few, leading to oppression and injustice. In
       dealing, therefore, with many of the men who have used the
       methods condemned by the statute for the purpose of
       maintaining a profitable business, we may well facilitate a
       change by them in the method of doing business. …

       "To the suggestion that this proposal of Federal incorporation
       for industrial combinations is intended to furnish them a
       refuge in which to continue industrial abuses under Federal
       protection, it should be said that the measure contemplated
       does not repeal the Sherman Anti-Trust law, and is not to be
       framed so as to permit the doing of the wrongs which it is the
       purpose of that law to prevent, but only to foster a
       continuance and advance of the highest industrial efficiency
       without permitting industrial abuses. …

       "A Federal compulsory license law, urged as a substitute for a
       Federal incorporation law, is unnecessary except to reach that
       kind of corporation which, by virtue of the considerations
       already advanced, will take advantage voluntarily of an
       incorporation law, while the other State corporations doing an
       interstate business do not need the supervision or the
       regulation of a Federal license and would only be
       unnecessarily burdened thereby.

       "The attorney-general, at my suggestion, has drafted a Federal
       incorporation bill embodying the views I have attempted to set
       forth, and it will be at the disposition of the appropriate
       committees of Congress."

    COMBINATIONS: A. D. 1910.
       Renewed investigation of the Beef Trust.

       A renewed investigation of the business methods of the great
       meat-packing concerns at Chicago, by the grand jury of the
       United States District Court, Judge K. M. Landis, was begun on
       the 24th of January, 1910. It is understood to have special
       reference to the causes of the rising prices of meats. The
       firms against which the Government is thus preparing to
       proceed are: Swift & Co., Armour & Co., and Morris & Co., who,
       it is alleged, control the National Packing Company, for their
       common benefit.

       ----------COMBINATIONS: End--------

    COMMERCE AND LABOR, The United States Department of.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

    COMMERCIAL UNIVERSITIES, in Germany:
       Their recent rise.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.

    "COMMISSION PLAN," of City Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    COMMODITIES CLAUSE, of the Hepburn Act:
       Supreme Court decision on.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

    COMMUNAL SYSTEM, Russian:
       Its modification.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 AND 1909 (APRIL).

    CONCENTRATION CAMPS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    CONCILIATION BOARDS, Canadian.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907-1908.

    CONCILIATION COMMITTEE, of National Civic Federation.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

    CONCORDAT OF 1802, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    CONFÉDÉRATION GÉNÉRALE DU TRAVAIL.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

    CONFERENCE OF STATE GOVERNORS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    CONFERENCES FOR EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH, Annual.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

    CONGER, Edwin H.: U. S. Minister to China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

    CONGESTED ESTATES.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1909.

    {136}

       ----------CONGO STATE: Start--------

    CONGO STATE:
       How the natives have been enslaved and oppressed.
       The "Domaine Privé."

       "The Berlin Conference laid it down that no import dues should
       be established in the mouth of the Congo for twenty years. But
       in 1890 King Leopold, alleging the heavy expenses to which he
       had been put by the campaign against the Arabs in the Upper
       Congo, applied for permission to levy import duties. It was
       the first disillusionment; and the British Chambers of
       Commerce began to wonder whether their opposition to the
       Anglo-Portuguese Convention had not been mistaken. The King’s
       request was granted (the Powers merely reserving to themselves
       the right to revert to the original arrangement in fifteen
       years), but not without the bitter opposition of the Dutch,
       who had very important commercial interests in the Congo,
       backed by the British Chambers of Commerce and all the traders
       in the Congo, irrespective of nationality. A representative
       gathering was held in London on November 4th, 1900, presided
       over by Sir Albert Rollit, to protest against the imposition
       of import duties and to denounce the hypocrisy which
       attributed to philanthropic motives the desire on the part of
       the Congo State so to impose upon them. …

       "They were able to show that … King Leopold, notwithstanding
       his formal assurances to the commercial world that the Congo
       State would never directly or indirectly itself trade within
       its dominions, was buying, or rather stealing, ivory from the
       natives in the Upper Congo and retaining the proceeds of the
       sale on the European market. They proved that, profiting by
       the silence of the Berlin Treaty on the subject of export
       duties, the Congo State had already imposed taxes amounting to
       17½ per cent. on ivory, 13 per cent, on rubber and 5 per cent.
       on palm kernels, palm-oil and ground-nuts, the total taxation
       amounting to no less than 33 per cent. of the value of the
       whole of the trade. Finally they had no difficulty in
       demonstrating that, with all his professed wish to stamp out
       the slave-raiding carried on by the half-caste Arabs in the
       Upper Congo, His Majesty was himself tacitly encouraging the
       slave trade by receiving tribute from conquered Chiefs in the
       shape of slaves, who were promptly enrolled as soldiers in the
       State army. …

       "Five months after the termination of the Berlin Conference
       King Leopold issued a decree (July, 1885) whereby the State
       asserted rights of proprietorship over all vacant lands
       throughout the Congo territory. It was intended that the term
       vacant lands should apply in the broadest sense to lands not
       actually occupied by the natives at the time the decree
       was issued. By successive decrees, promulgated in 1886, 1887
       and 1888, the King reduced the rights of the natives in their
       land to the narrowest limits, with the result that the whole
       of the odd 1,000,000 square miles assigned to the Congo State,
       except such infinitesimal proportions thereof as were covered
       by native villages or native farms, became ‘terres
       domaniales.' On October 17th, 1889, the King also issued a
       decree ordering merchants to limit their commercial operations
       in rubber to bartering with the natives. This decree was
       interesting merely as a forewarning of what came later,
       because at that time the rubber trade was very small. In July,
       1890, the same year as the Brussels Conference, the Congo
       State went a step further. A decree issued in that month
       confirmed all that was advanced in November of the same year
       by the speakers at the London Conference held to protest
       against the imposition of import duties by the State. By its
       terms King Leopold asserted that the State was entitled to
       trade on its own account in ivory—the first open violation of
       his pledges. Moreover the decree imposed sundry extra taxes
       upon all ivory bought by merchants from the natives, which,
       since the State had become itself a trading concern,
       constituted an equally direct violation of the Berlin Act, by
       establishing differential treatment in matters of trade. Such
       were the plans King Leopold made, preparatory to obtaining
       from the Powers the power to impose import duties. Everything
       was ready for the great coup, which should also
       inaugurate the Fifth Stage of His Majesty’s African policy.

       "The Brussels Conference met. The Powers with inconceivable
       fatuity allowed themselves to be completely hoodwinked, and
       within a year the greatest injury perpetrated upon the
       unfortunate natives of Africa since the Portuguese in the XVth
       century conceived the idea of expatriating them for labour
       purposes had been committed, and committed too by a Monarch
       who had not ceased for fifteen years to pose as their
       self-appointed regenerator. On September 21st, 1891, King
       Leopold drafted, in secret, a decree which he caused to be
       forwarded to the Commissioners of the State in the
       Uban-ghi-Welle and Aruwimi-Welle districts, and to the Chiefs
       of the military expeditions operating in the Upper Ubanghi
       district. This decree never having been published in the
       official Bulletin of the State, its exact terms can only be a
       matter of conjecture, but we know that it instructed the
       officials to whom it was addressed ‘to take urgent and
       necessary measures to preserve the fruits of the domain to the
       State, especially ivory and rubber.’ By ‘fruits of the domain’
       King Leopold meant the products of the soil throughout the
       ‘vacant lands’ which he had attributed to himself, as already
       explained, by the decree of 1885. The King’s instructions were
       immediately followed, and three circulars, dated respectively
       Bangala, 15th December, 1891, Basankusu, 8th May, 1892, and
       Yokoma, 14th February, 1892, were issued by the officials in
       question. Circular Number 1 forbade the natives to hunt
       elephants unless they brought the tusks to the State’s
       officers. Circular Number 2 forbade the natives to collect
       rubber unless they brought it to the State’s officers.
       Circular Number 3 forbade the natives to collect either ivory
       or rubber unless they brought the articles to the State’s
       officers, and added that ‘merchants purchasing such articles
       from the natives, whose right to collect them the State only
       recognised provided that they were brought to it, would be
       looked upon as receivers of stolen goods and denounced to the
       judicial authorities.’ Thus did the Sovereign of the Congo
       State avail himself of the additional prestige conferred upon
       him by the Brussels Conference. …

    {137}

       "In theory, then, the decrees of September, 1891, and October,
       1892, made of the native throughout the Domaine Privé a
       serf. In theory a serf he remained, for a little while. But as
       the grip of Africa’s regenerator tightened upon the Domaine
       Privé, as the drilled and officered cannibal army, armed
       with repeating rifles, gradually grew and grew until it was
       larger than the native forces kept up by any of the great
       Powers of Europe on African soil, as the radius of the rubber
       taxes was extended, as portions of the country began to be
       farmed out to so-called 'Companies' whose agents were also
       officials of the King, the native of the Domaine Privé
       became a serf not in theory only but in fact, ground down,
       exploited, forced to collect rubber at the bayonet’s point,
       compelled to pay onerous tribute to men whose salaries depend
       upon the produce returns from their respective stations—the
       punishment for disobedience, slothfulness or inability to
       comply with demands ever growing in extortion, being anything
       from mutilation to death, accompanied by the destruction of
       villages and crops."

          E. D. Morel,
          The Belgian Curse in Africa
          (Contemporary Review, March, 1902).

    CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.
       The alleged oppressiveness, barbarity, and rapacity of its
       administration under King Leopold.
       Observations of Lord Cromer on the Nile border.
       Reports of a British Consular Officer, and of King Leopold’s
       Belgian Commission.
       Action of the British Government.

       Serious accusations of oppression and barbarity in the
       exploiting of the natural wealth of the so-called Independent
       Congo State, under the administration of its royal proprietor,
       King Leopold, of Belgium, were beginning to be made a dozen
       years ago, as will be seen by reference to the subject in
       Volume VI. of this work. The King and the companies which
       operated in the region under his grants were reputed to be
       taking enormous profits from it. Of one of those
       concessionaire companies, sometimes referred to as the A. B.
       I. R. Co. and sometimes as "the Abir," it was stated in 1901
       that its £40,000 of shares could have been sold for
       £2,160,000, and that half of its profits went to Leopold. But,
       as was said later by a member of the British Parliament, who
       wrote on the subject in one of the reviews, "meanwhile Europe
       was becoming aware of the price that was being paid in Africa
       for these profits in Belgium. Travellers, missionaries of
       various nationalities, administrators in the neighbouring
       territories belonging to England and France, sent home graphic
       reports of the cruel oppression that was being practised on
       the helpless population. In England especially, through the
       efforts of Sir Charles Dilke, of Mr. Fox-Bourne, the secretary
       of the Aborigines Protection Society, of Mr. E. D. Morel and
       of other disinterested men, public opinion was informed of the
       truth. In May, 1903, a resolution, which I had the honor of
       moving in the House of Commons, calling upon the Government to
       take action with a view to the abatement of the evils
       prevalent in the Congo Free State, was accepted by Mr. Balfour
       and unanimously passed. A diplomatic correspondence ensued
       between the two governments. The British Consul in the Lower
       Congo, Mr. Roger Casement, was sent on a tour of inquiry into
       the interior, and his lengthy and detailed report fully
       confirmed—in some respect extending—the indictment that had
       been drawn. A Congo Reform Association was founded, and
       immediately secured influential support. … At last King
       Leopold, pressed by the despatches of the British Government
       and bowing to the storm of public opinion, yielded so far as
       to authorise further inquiry into the charges that had been
       made. The investigation by an International Commission, which
       had been proposed, he rejected. He nominated three
       Commissioners of his selection, one a legal officer in the
       service of the Belgian Government, one a judge in the service
       of the Congo State, and the third a Swiss jurist of repute. In
       October, 1904, the Commission reached the Congo. It stayed for
       five months and made an extended journey into the interior.
       After an unexplained delay of eight months its report was
       published on the 6th of November of this year [1905]. …

       "Had the report embodied an acquittal of the Congo State it
       would not, under the circumstances, have been surprising. The
       Commissioners, however, have to a great degree risen superior
       to their natural prepossessions. … It is most regrettable …
       that they present no minutes of the evidence taken before
       them—a circumstance which deprives the report of actuality
       and force, and prevents outside observers from drawing their
       own conclusions from the facts which had been ascertained. But
       the inquiry was painstaking. The case was fairly tried. The
       judgment is an honest judgment.

       "Being honest, it is necessarily a condemnation. The Belgian
       defenders of the Congo Government, who were led by a
       conception of patriotic duty as profoundly false as that of
       the anti-Dreyfusards in France to deny everything and to meet
       the critics merely with unceasing torrents of abuse, now have
       their answer. A tribunal, not of our choosing, selected by the
       defendant in their cause, has shown that those who denounced
       Congo misrule were in the right, that the atrocities were not
       imaginary, that a cruel oppression of the natives has been
       proceeding unchecked for years."

          Herbert Samuel,
          The Congo State
          (Contemporary Review, December, 1905).

       Before this report appeared many witnesses had testified for
       and against the impeached Government and its commercial
       monopoly of the Congo State. Atrocities of slaughter,
       mutilation and flogging, committed by the soldiery, the
       sentries and other extortioners of a labor tax from the
       helpless natives, were asserted and denied. It is best,
       perhaps, to drop these blackest counts from the Congo
       indictment, because of the controversy over them; and enough
       remains in the Report of the King’s own Commission of Inquiry,
       and in general conditions which are flagrantly in evidence, to
       convict King Leopold and his agents of soulless rapacity, in
       their treatment of the vast African country that was entrusted
       to him by the Conference of Powers assembled at Berlin in
       1884-1885.

       There is great weight of meaning, for example, in a few words
       that were written, in January, 1903, by Lord Cromer, while
       returning from a long trip up the Nile, in which his steamer
       passed along about eighty miles of Congolese shore. Before
       reaching that border of Leopold’s domain he had traversed 1100
       miles of the country lately wrested by the British from
       dervishes and slave dealers, where, he remarks, "it might well
       have been expected that much time would be required to inspire
       confidence in the intentions of the new Government." But,
       "except in the uninhabitable ‘Sudd’ region," he wrote,
       "numerous villages are dotted along the banks of the river.
    {138}
       The people, far from flying at the approach of white men, as
       was formerly the case, run along the banks, making signs for
       the steamer to stop. It is clear that the Baris, Shilluks, and
       Dinkas place the utmost trust and confidence in the British
       officers with whom they are brought in contact. …

       "The contrast when once Congolese territory is entered is
       remarkable. From the frontier to Gondokoro is about 80 miles.
       The proper left, or western, bank of the river is Belgian. The
       opposite bank is either under the Soudanese or the Uganda
       Government. There are numerous islands, and as all these are
       under British rule—for the thalweg which, under Treaty, is the
       Belgian frontier, skirts the western bank of the river—I
       cannot say that I had an opportunity of seeing a full 80 miles
       of Belgian territory. At the same time, I saw a good deal, and
       I noticed that, whereas there were numerous villages and huts
       on the eastern bank and on the islands, on the Belgian side
       not a sign of a village existed. Indeed, I do not think that
       any one of our party saw a single human being in Belgian
       territory, except the Belgian officers and men and the wives
       and children of the latter. Moreover not a single native was
       to be seen either at Kiro or Lado. I asked the Swedish officer
       at Kiro whether he saw much of the natives. He replied in the
       negative, adding that the nearest Bari village was situated at
       some distance in the interior. The Italian officer at Lado, in
       reply to the same question, stated that the nearest native
       village was seven hours distant. The reason of all this is
       obvious enough. The Belgians are disliked. The people fly from
       them, and it is no wonder they should do so, for I am informed
       that the soldiers are allowed full liberty to plunder, and
       that payments are rarely made for supplies. The British
       officers wander, practically alone, over most parts of the
       country, either on tours of inspection or on shooting
       expeditions. I understand that no Belgian officer can move
       outside the settlements without a strong guard."

       This is in line with some parts of the experience of Mr.
       Casement, the British Consular Officer referred to in the
       article quoted above, who travelled for about ten weeks on the
       Upper Congo in 1903, and whose report of what he saw includes
       such accounts as the following, of conditions around Lake
       Matumba:

       "Each village I visited around the lake, save that of Q. and
       one other, had been abandoned by its inhabitants. To some of
       these villages the people have only just returned; to others
       they are only now returning, In one I found the bare and burnt
       poles of what had been dwellings left standing, and at another
       —that of R—the people had fled at the approach of my steamer,
       and despite the loud cries of my native guides on board,
       nothing could induce them to return, and it was impossible to
       hold any intercourse with them. At the three succeeding
       villages I visited beyond R., in traversing the lake towards
       the south, the inhabitants all fled at the approach of the
       steamer, and it was only when they found whose the vessel was
       that they could be induced to return."

       An incident related by Mr. Casement is this:

       "Steaming up a small tributary of the Lulongo, I arrived,
       unpreceded by any rumour of my coming, at the village of A. In
       an open shed I found two sentries of the La Lulanga Company
       guarding fifteen native women, five of whom had infants at the
       breast, and three of whom were about to become mothers. The
       chief of these sentries, a man called S—who was bearing a
       double-barrelled shot-gun, for which he had a belt of
       cartridges—at once volunteered an explanation of the reason
       for these women’s detention. Four of them, he said, were
       hostages who were being held to insure the peaceful settlement
       of a dispute between two neighbouring towns, which had already
       cost the life of a man. … The remaining eleven women, whom he
       indicated, he said he had caught and was detaining as
       prisoners to compel their husbands to bring in the right
       amount of india-rubber required of them on next market day.
       When I asked if it was a woman’s work to collect india-rubber,
       he said, ‘No; that, of course, it was man’s work.’ ‘Then why
       do you catch the women and not the men?’ I asked. ‘Don’t you
       see,’ was the answer, ‘if I caught and kept the men, who would
       work the rubber? But if I catch their wives, the husbands are
       anxious to have them home again, and so the rubber is brought
       in quickly and quite up to the mark.’ When I asked what would
       become of these women if their husbands failed to bring in the
       right quantity of rubber on the next market day, he said at
       once that then they would be kept there until their husbands
       had redeemed them."

          Parliamentary Papers, Africa,
          Number 1 (1904), Cd. 1933.

       But the facts which condemn the Congo administration most
       conclusively are found in the report of the Commission of
       Inquiry appointed by King Leopold himself,—especially in what
       it represents of the heartless oppression of the labor tax, or
       labor imposed on the natives, in their compulsory carrying of
       goods or collection of rubber, food and wood, for the State
       and for the companies that operate under the King’s grants. As
       to the labor tax exacted in food, for example, the Commission
       expresses itself as follows:

       "The decree fixes at forty hours per month the work which each
       native owes to the State. This time, considered as a maximum,
       is certainly not excessive, especially if one takes account of
       the fact that the work ought to be remunerated; but as in the
       immense majority of cases … it is not precisely the work which
       is demanded of the native, but rather a quantity of products
       equivalent to forty hours of work, the criterion of time
       disappears in reality and is replaced by an equivalent
       established by the Commissioner of the district after diverse
       methods. …

       "Chikwangue (kwanga)is nothing but manioc bread. … The
       preparation of this food requires many operations: the
       clearing of the forest, the planting of manioc, the digging up
       of the root and its transformation into chikwangue,
       which comprises the operations of separating the fibers and
       stripping the bark, pulverizing, washing, making it into
       bundles, and cooking it. All these operations, except clearing
       the land, fall to the women. The chikwangues so
       prepared are carried by the natives to the neighboring post
       and served for the food supply of the personnel of the
       State—soldiers and laborers. … As the chikwangue keeps
       only a few days, the native, even by redoubling his activity,
       cannot succeed in freeing himself from his obligations for any
       length of time.
    {139}
       The requirement, even if it does not take all his time,
       oppresses him continually by the weight of its recurrent
       demands, which deprive the tax of its true character and
       transform it into an incessant corvée. … Doubtless the
       adage, ‘time is money,’ cannot be applied to the natives of the
       Congo; it is none the less inadmissible that a taxpayer should
       be obliged to travel over ninety-three miles to carry to the
       place of collection a tax which represents about the value of
       twenty-nine cents. …

       "Natives inhabiting the environs of Lulonga were forced to
       journey in canoes to Nouvelle-Anvers, which represents a
       distance of forty to fifty miles, every two weeks, to carry
       their fish; and taxpayers have been seen to submit to
       imprisonment for delays which were perhaps not chargeable to
       them, if we take into account the considerable distances to be
       covered periodically to satisfy the requirements of the tax."

       As applied to the collection of rubber, the so-called labor
       tax was found by the commission to consume so much of the time
       of the natives subjected to it that it practically made slaves
       of them, and nothing less.

       When the abused native is pretendedly paid for his labor or
       its product, it is by some trifle in metal or flimsy woven
       stuff, which costs the State and its tributary companies next
       to nothing and is next to worthless to the recipient.

       And not only does the State exercise over the unfortunate
       subjects that were delivered to it an authority of Government
       which appears to be little else than a power of extortion, but
       it has taken all their lands from them, substantially, and
       left them next to nothing on which to perform any labor for
       themselves. It has decreed to itself the ownership of all land
       not included in the native villages or not under cultivation.
       Concerning which decree the Commission remarks:

       "As the greater part of the land in the Congo has never been
       under cultivation, this interpretation gives to the State a
       proprietary right, absolute and exclusive, to almost all the
       land, and as a consequence it can grant to itself all the
       product of the soil and prosecute as robbers those who gather
       the smallest fruit and as accomplices those who buy the same.
       … It thus happens sometimes that not only have the natives
       been prohibited from moving their villages, but they have been
       refused permission to go, even for a time, to a neighboring
       village without a special permit."

       In the summer of 1903 the British Government was moved to
       address a formal communication to all the Powers which had
       been parties to the Act of the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885,
       whereby the Congo State was created and entrusted to King
       Leopold, asking them to consider whether the system of
       government and of trade monopoly established in that State was
       in conformity with the provisions of the Act. The British
       Foreign Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, in his despatch (August 8,
       1903), rehearsed at length the charges that were brought
       against the Congo administration, concerning its extortion of
       labor from the natives by a method "but little different from
       that formerly employed to obtain slaves," saying: "His
       Majesty’s Government do not know precisely to what extent
       these accusations may be true; but they have been so
       repeatedly made, and have received such wide credence, that it
       is no longer possible to ignore them, and the question has now
       arisen, whether the Congo State can be considered to have
       fulfilled the special pledges, given under the Berlin Act, to
       watch over the preservation of the native tribes, and to care
       for their moral and material advancement."

       At the same time, the dispatch called the attention of the
       Powers to the question of rights of trade in the Congo,
       saying: "Article I of the Berlin Act provides that the trade
       of all nations shall enjoy complete freedom in the basin of
       the Congo; and Article V provides that no Power which
       exercises sovereign rights in the basin shall be allowed to
       grant therein a monopoly or favour of any kind in matters of
       trade. In the opinion of His Majesty’s Government, the system
       of trade now existing in the Independent State of the Congo is
       not in harmony with these provisions. … In these
       circumstances, His Majesty’s Government consider that the time
       has come when the Powers parties to the Berlin Act should
       consider whether the system of trade now prevailing in the
       Independent State is in harmony with the provisions of the
       Act; and, in particular, whether the system of making grants
       of vast areas of territory is permissible under the Act if the
       effect of such grants is in practice to create a monopoly of
       trade."

          Parliamentary Papers, Africa,
          Number 14 (1903), Cd. 1809.

    CONGO STATE: A. D. 1904.
       Feeling in Belgium concerning the charges of oppression and
       inhumanity to the natives.

          See (in this Volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.

    CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
       Reform Decrees and their small effect.
       Continued reports of rapacious exploitation.
       Concession secured by American capitalists.
       Annexation of the State by Belgium.
       Recognition of the annexation withheld by
       Great Britain and the United States.

       Apparently the endeavor of the British Government to set in
       motion some action of the Powers which had been parties to the
       creation of the Congo State, for the purpose of ascertaining
       whether the provisions of the Berlin Act were being complied
       with in the administration of that great trust, had no
       practical result. During the next two years the Congo
       Government was persistent in denying and attempting to refute
       some parts of the reports sent home by British consular
       officers in the Congo; but after the publication of the report
       of its own investigating Commission, in 1905, there seems to
       have been more reticence observed. In June, 1906, a series of
       new decrees, supposed to embody the recommendations of the
       Reforms Commission, was sanctioned by the King. But the
       Consuls who reported to London from the Congo country do not
       seem to have found the wretched natives much relieved by these
       decrees. Vice-Consul Armstrong, writing from Boma December,
       1907, after a prolonged journey through rubber-collecting
       regions, declared his conviction that "the people worked from
       twenty to twenty-five days a month" to satisfy their labor
       tax. He added:

       "The improvement that has been made by the application of the
       Reform Decrees of June 1906 is solely in the withdrawal of
       armed sentries, a reform which the serious decimation of the
       population by the sentries demanded. … I saw nothing which led
       me to view the occupation of this country in the light of an
       Administration.
    {140}
       The undertakings of the Government are solely commercial, with
       a sufficient administrative power to insure the safety of its
       personnel and the success of its enterprise. … The
       following is an estimate of the profits of the State on their
       rubber tax. I take the village of N’gongo as being a large
       one, and one of the few villages that supply the amount
       actually assessed:—

    Amount assessed yearly. 1,440 kilograms of rubber.
                                                   £    s.  d.
    1,440 kilograms of rubber at 10 fr.           576   0   0
    Amount paid to natives at 50 c. per kilogram   28  16   0

       "I calculate the rubber at 10 fr. per kilogram, the value
       placed upon it by the State in the Commercial Report issued
       this year. The market value in Antwerp is from 12 fr. to 13
       fr. per kilogram. From this amount of 576£. must be deducted
       the cost of transport, which cannot be more than 2 fr. per
       kilogram rendered at Antwerp, so that the net profits derived
       from this one village would be a little more than 456£. per
       annum. One hundred and twenty natives, together with their
       wives and children, which would bring the population of the
       town to about 400 souls, share this amount of 28£ 16s., and as
       this is paid in cloth at 7½d. per yard and salt at 1s. 7½d.
       per kilogram, it is evident that they cannot receive very much
       each, and that they complain of their remuneration."

       These were not the only official witnesses now testifying to
       the barbarities of commercial exploitation that were
       perpetrated in the Congo country under pretences of
       administering the Government of a State. Reports to the same
       effect were coming to the Government of the United States from
       its Consuls in the Congo. Consul-General C. R. Slocum wrote on
       the 1st of December, 1906, to the Department of State at
       Washington:

       "I have the honour to report that I find the Congo Free State,
       under the present regime, to be nothing but a vast commercial
       enterprise for the exploitation of the products of the
       country, particularly that of ivory and rubber. Admitted by
       Belgian officials and other foreigners here, the State, as I
       find it, is not open to trade in the intended sense of article
       5 of the Berlin Act under which the State was formed."

       A year later, the succeeding Consul-General of the United
       States in the Congo State, Mr. James A. Smith, made a similar
       report:

       "In excluding the native," he wrote, "from any proprietary
       right in the only commodities he possessed which would serve
       as a trade medium—that is, the products of the soil—and in
       claiming for itself and granting to a few concessionary
       companies in which it holds an interest exclusive ownership of
       these products, the Administration, in its commercial
       capacity, has effectively shut the door to free trade and
       created a vast monopoly in all articles the freedom of buying
       and selling which alone could form a proper basis for
       legitimate trade transactions between the native and
       independent purchasers. Competition, by which alone can a
       healthy condition of trade be maintained, has been entirely
       eliminated. The Government is but one tremendous commercial
       organization; its administrative machinery is worked to bar
       out all outside trade and to absolutely control for its own
       benefit and the concessionary companies the natural resources
       of the country."

       In the same report Mr. Smith gave details of an experiment he
       had made, in conjunction with the chef de secteur at
       Yambata, to test the truth of the assertions made by the
       natives as to the length of time necessary to gather the
       rubber which they are compelled to furnish. The place for the
       experiment was selected by the chef de secteur, and he
       chose the five natives who were employed in the experiment,
       and who were promised rewards as an incentive to do their
       best. The men worked for four hours, and although Mr. Smith
       vouches for the fact that they did not lose a minute, they
       only succeeded in gathering 650 grammes. From this, as Mr.
       Smith argues, the amount of time they would have to spend in
       collecting the rubber tax works out at 93 hours a month, or,
       counting eight hours a day, at 140 days a year. This did not
       include the time spent in travelling to and from the
       rubber-bearing districts.

       Before this time, American interest in the Congo State had
       become more than humanitarian, and more than a commercial
       interest in the general opportunities of trade; for heavy
       American capitalists had secured concessions from King Leopold
       in a large territory for the development of railways, rubber
       production and mines. The fact was announced in the fall of
       1906, and the names of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., Thomas F.
       Ryan, Harry Payne Whitney, Edward B. Aldrich and the Messrs.
       Guggenheim were mentioned as prominent in the group to which
       the grant was made.

       Under the Convention of 1890 between King Leopold and the
       Congo State, as one party, and the Kingdom of Belgium as the
       other, it became the right of the latter, on the expiration of
       ten years, in 1900, to annex the Congo State to itself.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1900.

       The right was not then exercised; but the question of taking
       over the sovereignty of that great African domain came under
       warm discussion in Belgium before many years, and, finally, in
       1908, it reached the point of a keen negotiation of terms with
       the King, attended by lively conflicts in the Belgian
       Chambers. While the question was thus pending in Belgium, the
       British Government took occasion to express its views to the
       Belgian Government, as to the obligations which such an
       annexation would involve. This was done on the 27th of March,
       1908, in a despatch from the Foreign Minister, Sir Edward
       Grey, communicating an extended "Memorandum respecting
       Taxation and Currency in the Congo Free State." The language
       of the despatch, in part, was as follows:

       "His Majesty’s Government fully recognize that the choice of
       the means by which the administration of the Congo may be
       brought into line by the Berlin Act rests exclusively with
       Belgium. Nevertheless, while disclaiming all idea of
       interference, His Majesty’s Government feel that in fairness
       they should leave the Belgian Government in no doubt that in
       their opinion the existing administration of the Congo State
       has not fulfilled the objects for which the State was
       originally recognized, or the conditions of Treaties, and that
       changes are therefore required, which should effect the
       following objects:
       1. Relief of the natives from excessive taxation.
       2. The grant to the natives of sufficient land to ensure their
       ability to obtain not only the food they require, but also
       sufficient produce of the soil to enable them to buy and sell
       as in other European Colonies.
       3. The possibility for traders whatever their nationality may
       be to acquire plots of land of reasonable dimensions in any
       part of the Congo for the erection of factories so as to
       enable them to establish direct trade relations with the
       natives. …

    {141}

       "Taking the three points enumerated above in order, it appears
       to His Majesty’s Government that—

       "1. As regards the question of taxation in labour, the abuses
       to which the system has given rise have only been rendered
       possible by the absence of a proper standard of value. They
       believe, therefore, that the only sure and efficacious means
       of precluding the existence of such abuses in the future is
       the introduction of currency throughout the State at the
       earliest possible date. Both the Reports of the Commission of
       Inquiry and the experience of His Majesty’s Consular officers
       agree in the conclusion that the native has learnt the use of
       money, and that currency would be welcomed by all classes,
       native and European alike.

       "2. The natives in the concessionary areas should not be
       compelled, by either direct or indirect means, to render their
       labour to the Companies without remuneration. The introduction
       of currency should contribute greatly to the protection of the
       native against the illicit and excessive exactions on the part
       of private individuals. Such protection, however, cannot be
       adequately secured unless the latter be compelled to pay the
       native in specie at a fair rate to be fixed by law.

       "3. They would urge that a large increase should be made in
       the land allotted to the natives."

       The exceptional failure of the Congo State, among African
       colonies, to introduce the use of currency in transactions
       with the natives, and the connection of this failure with the
       state of things existing there, is discussed at length in the
       Memorandum, with a practical summing up in these sentences:

       "The Secretaries-General said the native in the Congo had no
       specie. True, but why has he no specie? Because, as already
       explained, during the twenty-three years that the Congo State
       has been in existence no serious attempt, in spite of all
       assertions to the contrary, has ever been made by the State to
       introduce currency on a sufficiently large scale. In every
       other European Colony in Africa has the native come to learn
       the practical value of a medium of exchange. What are the
       reasons that the Congo State should stand in an exceptional
       position in this respect? They are unfortunately obvious
       enough. The truth is that it is precisely owing to the absence
       of a proper standard of value that the Congo Government and
       the Concessionary Companies have been able to abuse the system
       of taxation in labour, and realize enormous profits out of the
       incessant labour wrung from the population in the guise of
       taxation."

       This communication from Great Britain to the Belgian
       Government was followed soon (in April) by memoranda from the
       Government of the United States, setting forth the hopes and
       expectations of administrative reform with which it
       contemplated the proposed annexation of the Congo State.

       A few months later the treaty of annexation was agreed upon,
       and the annexation consummated by an Act of the Belgian
       Parliament, promulgated on the 20th of October, 1908. To an
       announcement of the fact by the Belgian Minister at
       Washington, Secretary Root replied at considerable length, in
       a communication which bears the date of June 11, 1909: "The
       Government of the United States," said the Secretary, "has
       observed with much interest the progress of the negotiations
       looking to such a transfer, in the expectation that under the
       control of Belgium the condition of the natives might be
       beneficially improved and the engagements of the treaties to
       which the United States is a party, as well as the high aims
       set forth in the American memoranda of April 7 and 16, 1908,
       and declared in the Belgium replies thereto, might be fully
       realized.

       "The United States would also be gratified by the assurance
       that the Belgian Government will consider itself specifically
       bound to discharge the obligations assumed by the Independent
       State of the Congo in the Brussels Convention of July 2, 1890,
       an assurance which the expressions already made by the
       Government of Belgium in regard to its own course as a party
       to that convention leave no doubt is in entire accordance with
       the sentiments of that Government. Among the particular
       clauses of the Brussels Convention which seem to the United
       States to be specially relevant to existing conditions in the
       Congo region are the clauses of Article II., which include
       among the objects of the convention:

       "‘To diminish intestine wars between tribes by means of
       arbitration; to initiate them in agricultural labour and in
       the industrial arts so as to increase their welfare; to raise
       them to civilization and bring about the extinction of
       barbarous customs. …

       "‘To give aid and protection to commercial enterprises; to
       watch over their legality by especially controlling contracts
       for service with natives; and to prepare the way for the
       foundation of permanent centres of cultivation and of
       commercial settlements.’

       "The United States has been forced to the conclusion that in
       several respects the system inaugurated by the Independent
       State of the Congo has, in its practical operation, worked out
       results inconsistent with these conventional obligations and
       calling for very substantial and even radical changes in order
       to attain conformity therewith." Moreover, it renders nugatory
       the provisions of the successive declarations and conventions,
       cited by the Secretary, which have given such rights in the
       Congo State to citizens of the United States and others as
       must be maintained.

       "It should always be remembered," wrote Mr. Root, "that the
       basis of the sovereignty of the Independent State of the Congo
       over all its territory was in the treaties made by the native
       Sovereigns who ceded the territory for the use and benefit of
       free States established and being established there under the
       care and supervision of the International Association, so that
       the very nature of the title forbids the destruction of the
       tribal rights upon which it rests without securing to the
       natives an enjoyment of their land which shall be a full and
       adequate equivalent for the tribal rights destroyed."

       Referring to a statement made in the Belgian reply given to
       his memorandum of April 16, which he quotes as in these
       words:—

    {142}

       "When it annexes the possessions of the Independent State
       Belgium will inherit its obligations as well as its rights; it
       will be able to fulfil all the engagements made with the
       United States by the declarations of April 22, 1884"—Mr. Root
       closes his letter with these remarks:

       "It would be gratifying to the United States to know that the
       last clause of the statement just quoted is not intended to
       confine the rights of the United States in the Independent
       State to the declarations of the Commercial Association which
       preceded the creation of the Congo State as a sovereign power,
       but includes the conventional rights conferred upon the United
       States by the treaty concluded with the Independent State
       immediately after its recognition.

       "In the absence of a fuller understanding on all these points,
       I confine myself for the present to acknowledging your note of
       November 4 last and taking note of the announcement therein
       made."

       Thus no recognition was given to the Belgian annexation.
       Recognition was held in abeyance, awaiting further information
       and evidence of reform in the administration of the Congo
       State. And this is the attitude assumed by the British
       Government, which waited long and with growing impatience for
       assurances from Belgium, with proceedings that would give sign
       of making them good. On the 24th of February, 1909, the
       subject came up in Parliament, with assertions that
       "oppression of the natives was still going on just as before
       the annexation," and that "Great Britain had waited for months
       while the cruelties against which she had protested still
       continued." In the debate, Sir Charles Dilke referred to the
       harmony of action in the matter by the United States and Great
       Britain, and expressed his conviction that "the cooperation of
       two such powerful Governments in the cause of humanity would
       be irresistible." Sir Edward Grey, speaking for the Ministry,
       said:

       "I am glad that in the course of the debate it has been
       emphasized that this attitude is not ours alone, but that the
       United States has spoken with equal emphasis and taken up the
       same position. I am sorry that no other Power has taken up the
       same position so strongly; but as there is only one Power
       which has declared itself so definitely on the question as
       ourselves, I should like to say that I am glad it is the
       United States."

       Alluding to a remark made by one of the speakers in the
       debate, that the Government might have prevented the
       annexation of the State by Belgium, Sir Edward said:

       "I do not think we should have prevented the annexation, but
       in any case I should not have tried to prevent the annexation.
       And for this reason among others—that if Belgium was not going
       to take the Congo State in hand and put it right, who was? I
       have never been able to answer that question. Certainly not
       ourselves, because we have always denied the intention of
       assuming any responsibility over an enormous tract of land
       where we have sufficient responsibility already."

       The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech by saying:

       "If Belgium makes the administration of the Congo humane and
       brings it into accord, in practice and spirit, with the
       administration which exists in our own and neighbouring
       African colonies, no country will more cordially welcome that
       state of things than this or more warmly congratulate Belgium.
       But we cannot commit ourselves to countersign, so to say, by
       recognition a second time, the system of administration which
       has existed under the old regime."

       Again, in May, the question came up in Parliament, with
       impatient criticism of the Government for not taking
       peremptory measures to compel a reformation of Belgian rule in
       the Congo State, one speaker suggesting a "peaceful blockade"
       of the mouth of the Congo. Sir Edward Grey replied:

       "If this question were rashly managed it might make a European
       question compared to which those which we have had to deal
       with in the last few months might be child’s play. Take, for
       instance, the question of peaceful blockade. It is no good
       talking of peaceful blockade. Blockade is blockade. It is the
       use of force. If you are to have blockade you must be prepared
       to go to war, and a blockade of the mouth of the Congo means
       blockading a river which is not the property of the Congo or
       Belgian Government. They have one bank of the river. It is a
       river which by international treaty must be opened to
       navigation, and if you are to blockade to any effect you must
       be prepared to stop every ship going in or out of the Congo,
       whether under the French, Belgian, German, or whatever flag it
       is. Surely if you are going to pledge yourself to take steps
       of that kind, and to accept the responsibility for them, it is
       not too much to say that you must be prepared to raise a
       European question which would be of the gravest kind. I do not
       say there are not circumstances which might justify a question
       of that kind, but do not let the House think that by smooth
       words, such as by applying the adjective ‘peaceful’ to
       blockade, you are going to minimize what will be the ultimate
       consequences of the step you are taking."

    CONGO STATE: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Programme of reforms promised by the Belgian Government.

       The programme of long promised reforms to be instituted by the
       Belgian Government in its administration of the now annexed
       Congo State was announced in the Belgian Chamber on the 28th
       of October, 1909, by the Minister for the Colonies, M. Renkin.
       "He repeated his solemn assurance that the charges of cruelty
       or oppression made against the Belgian Colonial Administration
       were false. He had questioned missionaries, officials, chiefs,
       and other natives during his visit, and heard nothing to
       justify the accusation. Individual breaches of the law might
       possibly have occurred, but every abuse brought to the notice
       of the authorities was immediately made the object of inquiry.

       "It was useless, he said, to refer to the past; the situation
       had been radically altered by the annexation. As regards the
       land system, the assignment of vacant lands to the State was
       juridically unassailable, but they must also have regard to
       the development of the natives. The natives would therefore be
       granted the right to take the produce of the soil in the
       Domain. This would be accomplished in three stages. On July 1,
       1910, the Lower Congo, Stanley Pool, Ubangi, Bangala, Kwango,
       Kasai, Katanga, the southern portion of the Eastern Province,
       Aruwimi, and the banks of the river as far as Stanleyville
       would be opened to freedom of trade. On July 1, 1911, the
       Domain of the Crown, and on July 1, 1912, the Welle district
       would also be thrown open. Furthermore, the Government would
       levy taxes in money, and the system of the provisioning of the
       agents would be abolished."

    {143}

       M. Renkin said furthermore that in regard to the territories
       held by concessionnaires in the Congo the Government
       would make an investigation with a view to ascertaining
       whether it would not be advisable to make fresh arrangements
       in agreement with the persons interested.

       Writing from Brussels a mouth later, an English correspondent
       represents the Belgian Reformers, who had most bitterly
       denounced the atrocities of the Leopold regime in the Congo
       State, as believing that M. Renkin's scheme is on the whole a
       reasonable and satisfactory scheme, and above all a practical
       scheme, that the Belgian Government are sincerely determined
       to carry it through, and that, even if there were any
       sufficient reason for doubting their sincerity, the Belgian
       nation is in earnest and has the means of enforcing the
       execution of the reforms by the exercise of the Parliamentary
       control with which it is now for the first time invested over
       the affairs of the Congo as a consequence of annexation.

       On the other hand, English opinion, which had been roused to
       much heat on the Congo question, is far from satisfied with
       the Belgian proposals, and criticises them with a sharpness
       which the Belgians resent.

       ----------CONGO STATE: End--------

       ----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Start--------

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Australia:
       Undertakings of Irrigation and Forestry.

       During a brief visit to the United States in 1902, Sir Edmund
       Barton, then Premier of the Commonwealth of Australia,
       contributed to The Independent an article on "Australia
       and her Problems," in which he wrote:

       "Another great problem with which we are struggling is that of
       irrigation, and a joint irrigation scheme is afoot for using
       the waters of the Murray, our greatest river, to fertilize
       lands in New South Wales and Victoria. The Murray forms the
       boundary of those two States and afterward flows through South
       Australia. It is to the interest of New South Wales and
       Victoria to use the waters of the Murray for irrigation
       purposes, and it is to the interest of South Australia to use
       the Murray for navigation. We hope to harmonize those
       interests and are working to that end.

       "Just before I left Australia I attended a conference, held on
       the border, between representatives of the various States as a
       result of which each has appointed a hydraulic engineer to a
       joint commission on irrigation. These will make an
       investigation and report their opinion in regard to the best
       practicable system for conserving, storing and distributing
       the Murray’s waters without interfering with its navigation.
       We have good reason to believe that by means of a system of
       locks and weirs it is quite possible to irrigate a very large
       extent of dry country by means of the Murray without injuring
       its navigability. Later we will take up the problem of using
       the waters of the Darling in a similar way. It is a very long
       river, which during the rainy season sends an immense Volume
       of water into the Murray.

       "Another of our problems is in regard to forestry. We have
       planted some trees but not nearly enough of them, and cannot
       yet tell anything about results. Along with this tree
       planting, also, denudation of our timber has been going on,
       for Australian hard woods, being impervious to water, are now
       used all over the world for street paving purposes. Great harm
       has been done, and the waste is still going on, for our
       national Government cannot interfere in the matter, and the
       land owners are in many instances reckless. The remedy must
       come from the common sense of the people."

       Since the above was written, progress has been made in
       carrying out the projects of irrigation, as was stated in a
       speech by Lord Northcote after his return to England, in the
       autumn of 1909, from five years of service as Governor-General
       of Australia. "Both in New South Wales and Victoria," he said,
       "very large irrigation works are in progress, and will be
       completed in a very short time, adding enormously to the
       acreage of land fit for cultivation."

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Canada:
       The Dominion Forest Reserves Act.
       Irrigation in the Northwest.

       A Dominion Act of 1906, thus short-titled, provides as
       follows:

       "All Dominion lands within the respective boundaries of the
       reserves mentioned in the schedule to this Act are hereby
       withdrawn from sale, settlement and occupancy under the
       provisions of the Dominion Lands Act, or of any other Act, or
       of any regulations made under the said Act or any such Act,
       with respect to mines or mining or timber or timber licenses
       or leases or any other matter whatsoever; and after the
       passing of this Act no Dominion lands within the boundaries of
       the said reserves shall be sold, leased or otherwise disposed
       of, or be located or settled upon, and no person shall use or
       occupy any part of such lands, except under the provisions of
       this Act or of regulations made thereunder."

       The schedule referred to lists 21 Forest Reserves in British
       Columbia, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. They are placed
       under the management of the Superintendent of Forestry, for
       the maintenance and protection of the growing timber, the
       animals and birds in them, the fish in their waters and their
       water supply, the Governor in Council to make the needed
       regulations.

       In a paper read before the Royal Colonial Institute at London,
       England, in January, 1910, Mr. C. W. Peterson, Manager of the
       Canadian Pacific Irrigation Colonization Company, gave the
       following account of what is being done in the Arid Belt, so
       called, near Calgary, in the Canadian Northwest:

       "The irrigated land in Alberta and Saskatchewan nearly
       equalled half of the total irrigated area of the United
       States. In the year 1894 the Dominion Government withdrew from
       sale and homestead entry a tract of land containing some
       millions of acres located east of the city of Calgary, along
       the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The object of
       that reservation was to provide for the construction,
       ultimately, of an irrigation scheme to cover the fertile Bow
       River Valley. The Canadian Pacific Railway Company undertook
       to construct the gigantic irrigation system in question, and
       selected as part of its land grant a block comprising three
       million acres of the best agricultural lands. It had now been
       opened for colonization, and this project—the greatest of the
       kind on the American continent—was being pushed to its
       completion. The tract had an average width of forty miles from
       north to south, and extended eastwards from Calgary 150 miles."

    {144}

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Egypt: A. D. 1909.
       Completion of the Esneh Barrage.

       An important addition to the irrigation works in Egypt,
       supplementing the great dam at Assouan and the Assiout
       barrage, was completed in February, 1909, when the Esneh
       barrage was formally opened, on the 9th of that month. Esneh
       is a town of some 25,000 inhabitants, situated in Upper Egypt,
       on the west bank of the Nile, and the work now completed will,
       even in the lowest of floods, ensure a plentiful supply of
       water to a great tract of land in the Nile valley from Esneh
       northwards. In deciding to undertake the construction of this
       latest barrage, at a point about 100 miles north of the
       Assouan reservoir, the Government were influenced by the great
       success of the Assiout barrage, but that work differs from the
       new barrage in being designed as a low-water summer regulator,
       whereas the function of the Esneh barrage is to hold up the
       water in low floods.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Germany:
       The work begun a century ago, and its result.

       "Germany, a century ago, faced just such a situation as now
       confronts us [the United States]. Then there began the work
       which we must now undertake. New forests were planted,
       wherever the land was unsuitable for other purposes. This
       planting was done year after year, so that each year a new
       tract would come to maturity. Forest wardens watched for
       fires, and laws forbade careless hunters setting fires in the
       woods. Timbermen were forced to gather and burn what twigs
       from the slashings could not be used in the still or burned
       for charcoal, and broad lanes were left through the forests as
       stops for fires. In this way there arose those magnificent
       German forests which now return the empire an average net
       annual profit of two dollars and a half for each acre, on land
       which is otherwise unusable; and, besides, give their services
       free for the storage of water and for the retention of the
       soil.

       "In our own land something of this sort has already been done.
       New York has nearly two million acres of land in forest
       reserves which are being carefully tended. Pennsylvania has
       half as much. Minnesota is already securing considerable
       profit from the management of its white pine reserves and is
       seeding down large areas; and the other lake states are also
       moving, but all this is being done slowly, and lacks much of
       the energy and cooperation which should accompany it."

          J. L. Mathews,
          The Conservation of our National Resources
          (Atlantic Monthly, May, 1908).

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Great Britain:
       Outline of undertakings by the Government in 1909.
       Development and Road Improvement Act.

       In his Budget speech to the House of Commons April 29, 1909,
       the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, gave
       a broad indication of undertakings contemplated by the
       Government, in forestry work (afforestation, or
       reafforestation) and on other lines directed toward a more
       effective preservation and development of the natural
       resources of the country. In the afforestation of the waste
       lands of the country, he said, "We are far behind every other
       civilized country in the world. I have figures which are very
       interesting on this point. In Germany, for instance, out of a
       total area of 133 million acres, 34 millions, or nearly 26 per
       cent., are wooded; in France, out of 130 million acres, 17 per
       cent.; even in a small and densely-populated country such as
       Belgium, 1,260,000 acres are wooded, or 17 per cent. In the
       United Kingdom, on the other hand, out of 77 million acres,
       only 3 millions, or 4 per cent., are under wood. Sir Herbert
       Maxwell, who has made a study of this question for a good many
       years, and whose moderation of statement is beyond challenge,
       estimates that, in 1906, ‘eight millions were paid annually in
       salaries for the administration, formation, and preservation
       of German forests, representing the maintenance of about
       200,000 families, or about 1,000,000 souls; and that in
       working up the raw material yielded by the forests wages were
       earned annually to the amount of 30 millions sterling,
       maintaining about 600,000 families, or 3,000,000 souls.’ The
       Committee will there perceive what an important element this
       is in the labour and employment of a country. Any one who will
       take the trouble to search out the census returns will find
       that the number of people directly employed in forest work in
       this country is only 16,000. And yet the soil and the climate
       of this country are just as well adapted for the growth of
       marketable trees as that of the States of Germany. Recently we
       have been favoured with a striking report of a Royal
       Commission, very ably presided over by my honourable friend
       the member for Cardiff. A perusal of the names attached to
       that report will secure for it respectful and favourable
       consideration. It outlines a very comprehensive and
       far-reaching scheme for planting the wastes of this country.
       The systematic operation which the Commission recommend is a
       gigantic one, and, before the Government can commit themselves
       to it in all its details, it will require very careful
       consideration by a body of experts skilled in forestry. I am
       informed by men whom I have consulted, and whose opinion on
       this subject I highly value, that there is a good deal of
       preliminary work which ought to be undertaken in this country
       before the Government could safely begin planting on the large
       scale indicated in that report. … I am also told that we
       cannot command the services in this country of a sufficient
       number of skilled foresters to direct planting. …

       "I doubt whether there is a great industrial country in the
       world which spends less money directly on work connected with
       the development of its resources than we do. Take the case of
       agriculture alone. Examine the Budgets of foreign countries—I
       have done it with great advantage in other directions—examine
       them from this particular point of view, and honourable
       members, I think, will be rather ashamed at the contrast
       between the wise and lavish generosity of countries much
       poorer than ours and the short-sighted and niggardly parsimony
       with which we dole out small sums of money for the
       encouragement of agriculture in our country. …

       "I will tell the House what we propose. There is a certain
       amount of money, not very much, spent in this country in a
       spasmodic kind of way on what I will call the work of national
       development—in light railways, in harbours, in indirect but
       very meagre assistance to agriculture.
    {145}
       I propose to gather all these grants together into one grant
       that I propose to call a development grant, and this year to
       add a sum of £200,000 to that grant for these purposes. … The
       grant will be utilized in the promotion of schemes which have
       for their purpose the development of the resources of the
       country, and will include such objects as the institution of
       schools of forestry, the purchase and preparation of land for
       afforestation, the setting up of a number of experimental
       forests on a large scale, expenditure upon scientific research
       in the interests of agriculture, experimental farms, the
       improvement of stock—in respect of which I have had a good
       many representations from the agricultural community—the
       equipment of agencies for disseminating agricultural
       instruction, the encouragement and promotion of co-operation,
       the improvement of rural transport so as to make markets more
       accessible, the facilitation of all well-considered schemes
       and measures for attracting labour back to the land by small
       holdings or reclamation of wastes."

       In realization of this programme an important "Development and
       Road Improvement Funds Act" was introduced by Mr. Lloyd-George
       in August, and passed, after considerable amendment of its
       administrative details in Committee of the Commons and in the
       House of Lords. It is divided into two parts, the first
       dealing with development, or the aiding and encouraging of
       agriculture and other rural industries, inclusive of forestry,
       reclamation and drainage of land, improvement of rural
       transport, construction and improvement of inland navigation
       and harbors, and the development and improvement of fisheries.
       The Act enables the Treasury to make free grants and loans,
       from a Development Fund fed by an annual Parliamentary vote
       and by a charge on the Consolidated Fund. An independent
       Development Commission is to be appointed by the Treasury,
       consisting of five members appointed for ten years, whose
       recommendation for the rejection of applications shall be
       final, though not that for their acceptance. The second part
       of the Act sets up a Road Board to carry out schemes of road
       improvement, either under its own direct control or through
       the existing highway authorities.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: North America:
       International Conference of Delegates from Canada, Mexico,
       and the United States.

       The movement instituted in the United States for a better
       conservation of the natural resources of the country was
       broadened, early in 1909, into a continental and international
       movement, by an invitation from President Roosevelt to the
       Governments of Canada and Mexico to send delegates to a
       general conference on the subject at Washington, for the
       purpose of arranging some cooperative and harmonious plans of
       action in the three countries. The invitation was cordially
       accepted in both of the neighboring countries, and the
       delegates sent were met, on the 18th of February, by many of
       the leaders of the conservation movement in the United States,
       including the National Conservation Commission. After being
       received and addressed by the President at the White House, a
       two days session of the Conference was held in the diplomatic
       room of the State Department, with good results.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: Turkey: A. D. 1909.
       Reclamation projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: United States:
       The Great Movement for an Arresting of Waste.
       An organized National care-taking of Forests, Waters, Lands,
       and Minerals.
       Forest Service, Irrigation, Development of Waterways.

       It is more than possible that the administration of Government
       in the United States under President Roosevelt will be
       distinguished, in the judgment of coming generations, most
       highly by the impulse and the organization it gave to measures
       for conserving the natural resources of the country, in woods,
       water sources, mineral deposits and fertile or fertilizable
       soils,—rescuing them from a hitherto unrestrained recklessness
       of waste. The key-note of a new determination in governmental
       policy, pointed to this end, was sounded by the President in
       his first Message to Congress, on the 3d of December, 1901,
       when he opened the subject largely and earnestly, saying,
       among other things, this:

       "The preservation of our forests is an imperative business
       necessity. We have come to see clearly that whatever destroys
       the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our
       well-being. At present the protection of the forest reserves
       rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and
       description of their timber with the United States Geological
       Survey, and the preparation of plans for their conservative
       use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged with
       the general advancement of practical forestry in the United
       States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau
       of Forestry, to which they properly belong. The present
       diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It
       prevents that effective cooperation between the Government and
       the men who utilize the resources of the reserves, without
       which the interests of both must suffer. The scientific
       bureaus generally should be put under the Department of
       Agriculture. The President should have by law the power of
       transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the
       Department of Agriculture. He already has such power in the
       case of lands needed by the Departments of War and the Navy. …

       "The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not
       less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to
       those which depend on wood and grass. The water supply itself
       depends upon the forest. In the arid region it is water, not
       land, which measures production. The western half of the
       United States would sustain a population greater than that of
       our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste
       were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water
       problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the
       United States. …

       "The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and
       conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works
       are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the
       flood waters. Their construction has been conclusively shown
       to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it
       be best accomplished by the individual States acting alone.
       Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the
       resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is
       properly a national function. at least in some of its
       features. …

    {146}

       "The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a
       different problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow
       of streams. The object of the Government is to dispose of the
       land to settlers who will build homes upon it. To accomplish
       this object water must be brought within their reach. …
       Whatever the Nation does for the extension of irrigation
       should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of
       those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the
       starting-point of this development. Over two hundred millions
       of private capital have already been expended in the
       construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of
       arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability
       has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said
       in reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and
       value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of
       titles to water; but the majority of these rest on the
       uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary
       suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the arid
       States have failed to provide for the certain and just
       division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain
       laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in
       excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have
       already passed into private ownership, or a control equivalent
       to ownership."

          President's Message to Congress,
          December 3, 1901.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       The Nationalizing of Irrigation Works.

       The highest quality of statesmanship is represented by such
       recommendations as these. So far as concerned the proposed
       nationalization of irrigation works, to reclaim the arid lands
       of the West, they bore fruit within a year, in the passage by
       Congress of the Reclamation Act of June 17, 1902. It devoted
       most of the proceeds of the sale of public lauds, in Arizona,
       California, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nevada, New
       Mexico, North and South Dakota, Oklahoma, Utah, Washington,
       and Wyoming, to a special Reclamation Fund in the Treasury,
       for the creation and maintenance of irrigation works. This was
       a measure for which the late Major John W. Powell, Director of
       the United States Geological Survey, had labored incessantly
       for many years. In his book on "The Lands of the Arid Regions"
       he was the first to show the possibility of redemption for
       most of the wide spaces of land then supposed to be hopeless
       desert, and he pleaded with Congress, session after session,
       for some national undertaking to store and distribute the
       waters from the mountains that would give life to their soil.
       In 1888 he succeeded so far as to win authority and means for
       investigating the water supply for the region, and from that
       time he had kept an efficient small corps of engineers at work
       in the survey and measurement of streams, accumulating
       information that was ready for immediate use when actual
       constructive work was taken in hand. At once, on the passage
       of the Reclamation Act, the Director of the Geological Survey,
       acting under the Secretary of the Interior, began the
       execution of plans already well matured, for irrigation in
       Arizona and Nevada; and was able three years later to report
       similar undertakings in progress within three of the ten
       Territories and thirteen States.

       In May, 1908, the following statement of the reclamation work
       then in progress appeared in The Outlook: "The work as
       a whole rivals the Panama Canal in the labor and expense
       involved. The employment of 16,000 men and the expenditure of
       $1,250,000 every month are but incidents in the service.
       Already the canals completed reach a total of 1,815 miles—as
       far as from New York to Denver. Homes have been made for ten
       thousand families where before was desert. In the past five
       years $33,000,000 has been spent, and the enterprises already
       planned will add more than a hundred millions to this sum. Nor
       is this money spent in one locality. In New Mexico one of the
       largest dams in the world is being constructed. In California
       and Nevada great reservoirs and irrigation plants are being
       built. In western Kansas the beet-sugar raisers are to have a
       $250,000 plant for pumping the ‘underflow,’ or the sheet water
       found a few feet beneath the top-soil, of the Arkansas River
       Valley to the surface, that ditches may be filled and crops
       made certain. On seven great projects, involving the
       expenditure of $51,000,000 and the reclamation of over a
       million acres, the benefit is directly to the Northwest. These
       projects lie in North and South Dakota, Montana, and
       Washington. In these States lands that have been considered as
       worthless except for the coarsest kind of grazing are being
       transformed into productive farms. In South Dakota the largest
       earth dam in the world is being constructed, that ninety
       thousand acres of land may be made fertile; while just east of
       the Yellowstone Park is being built a solid wall of masonry
       310 feet high to hold back the waters of the Shoshone River
       until a reservoir of ten square miles, capable of irrigating a
       hundred thousand acres, is formed. The production of these
       irrigated lands is marvelous."

       The latest official statistics that are available represent
       the total of acres irrigated at the end of the year 1907 as
       being 11,000,000, in 167,200 farms, at an average cost (of
       constructive work) of $13.46 per acre.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       A National Forest Policy.

       Less promptitude of action followed the President's urging of
       measures for forest preservation, and his warnings to Congress
       and the country, against the consequences of this inaction,
       were repeated from year to year. His Message of December,
       1904, carried a specially urgent plea for legislation to unify
       the national forest work.

       "I have repeatedly," he said, "called attention to the
       confusion which exists in Government forest matters because
       the work is scattered among three independent organizations.
       The United States is the only one of the great nations in
       which the forest work of the Government is not concentrated
       under one department, in consonance with the plainest dictates
       of good administration and common sense. The present
       arrangement is bad from every point of view. Merely to mention
       it is to prove that it should be terminated at once. As I have
       repeatedly recommended, all the forest work of the Government
       should be concentrated in the Department of Agriculture, where
       the larger part of that work is already done, where
       practically all of the trained foresters of the Government are
       employed, where chiefly in Washington there is comprehensive
       first-hand knowledge of the problems of the reserves acquired
       on the ground, where all problems relating to growth from the
       soil are already gathered, and where all the sciences
       auxiliary to forestry are at hand for prompt and effective
       coöperation."

    {147}

       During its following session Congress took the desired action,
       and the whole forest service was transferred to the Department
       of Agriculture in February, 1905.

       Early in June of that year the efforts of the President to
       waken attention to the seriousness of the forest destruction
       in the country were greatly helped by a notable convention at
       Washington of about twelve hundred men, having both interest
       and knowledge in the matter, who came together to discuss the
       problems involved. They were mostly practical foresters,
       intelligent lumbermen, railway men, ranch-owners, engineers
       and miners, and their urgency of a systematic conservative
       treatment of the surviving forest wealth of the country
       carried great weight. The convention was under the direction
       of the Secretary of Agriculture, and was addressed by the
       President.

       During a journey through parts of the Southern States, in
       October, 1905, the President took occasion, in some of his
       speeches, to urge that a large part, at least, of the rapidly
       disappearing forests on the Atlantic side of the country
       should be nationalized, for preservation in the manner of the
       forest reserves of the Far West. In his Message of 1906 he
       submitted this to Congress, as a specific recommendation,
       saying that the forests of the White Mountains and the
       Southern Appalachian regions need to be preserved, and "cannot
       be unless the people of the States in which they lie, through
       their representatives in the Congress, secure vigorous action
       by the National Government." This proposal encountered strong
       opposition from selfish interests, and Congress was prevailed
       upon with difficulty to authorize a survey of the forests of
       the White Mountains and the Southern Appalachians, which
       resulted in a recommendation by the Secretary of Agriculture
       that 600,000 acres in the former region and 5,000,000 in the
       latter be purchased for a National Reserve. A bill responsive
       to this recommendation was passed by the Senate, but rejected
       by the House, which appointed a commission, instead, to make
       further investigations in the matter. Meantime, in the White
       Mountains alone, busy slaughterers of the forests were said to
       be stripping three hundred acres per day.

       On the eve of the adjournment of Congress in March, 1907, the
       President issued a proclamation adding some seventeen millions
       of acres of forest lands to the National Forest Reserves
       already established. This was just before he signed an Act of
       Congress which abridged his authority to create reserves in
       Colorado, Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington. It
       was a characteristic proceeding, for which the President had
       ample power under a statute of 1891, and it simply held the
       forests designated in safety from destruction until the
       question of their treatment was more carefully considered. The
       next Congress, or the next President, could give them up to
       private ownership, in whole or in part, if the one or the
       other found reason for doing so. Meantime they were sheltered
       from the axeman, while undergoing study. As a matter of fact,
       Mr. Roosevelt’s successor, President Taft, did conclude that
       some of the lands reserved should be released for sale, and so
       ordered soon after he entered the executive office.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       The Inland Waterways Commission.

       In his annual Message of December, 1907, the President
       enlarged the range of considerations that connect themselves
       with the question of economic forestry, by directing attention
       to the importance of the waterways of the country and their
       claim to a more systematic development. "For the last few
       years," he said, "through several agencies, the Government has
       been endeavoring to get our people to look ahead, and to
       substitute a planned and orderly development of our resources
       in place of a haphazard striving for immediate profit. Our
       great river systems should be developed as National water
       highways; the Mississippi, with its tributaries, standing
       first in importance, and the Columbia second, although there
       are many others of importance on the Pacific, the Atlantic and
       the Gulf slopes. The National Government should undertake this
       work, and I hope a beginning will be made in the present
       Congress; and the greatest of all our rivers, the Mississippi,
       should receive especial attention. From the Great Lakes to the
       mouth of the Mississippi there should be a deep waterway, with
       deep waterways leading from it to the East and the West. Such
       a waterway would practically mean the extension of our coast
       line into the very heart of our country. It would be of
       incalculable benefit to our people. If begun at once it can be
       carried through in time appreciably to relieve the congestion
       of our great freight-carrying lines of railroads. …

       "The inland waterways which lie just back of the whole eastern
       and southern coasts should likewise be developed. Moreover,
       the development of our waterways involves many other important
       water problems, all of which should be considered as part of
       the same general scheme. The Government dams should be used to
       produce hundreds of thousands of horsepower as an incident to
       improving navigation; for the annual value of the unused
       water-power of the United States perhaps exceeds the annual
       value of the products of all our mines. As an incident to
       creating the deep waterway down the Mississippi, the
       Government should build along its whole lower length levees
       which taken together with the control of the headwaters, will
       at once and forever put a complete stop to all threat of
       floods in the immensely fertile Delta region. The territory
       lying adjacent to the Mississippi along its lower course will
       thereby become one of the most prosperous and populous, as it
       already is one of the most fertile, farming regions in all the
       world. I have appointed an Inland Waterways Commission to
       study and outline a comprehensive scheme of development along
       all the lines indicated. Later I shall lay its report before
       the Congress."

       The Inland Waterways Commission thus appointed by the
       President in March, 1907, gave its attention first to the
       project of a "Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Water Way," which had
       been commanding wide interest in the Mississippi Valley for
       some years. What the project, in its full magnitude,
       contemplated, was stated as follows in the resolutions of a
       great convention, of 4000 delegates, from 44 States, assembled
       at Chicago in October, 1908:

       "Any plan for the inland waterway development so imperatively
       necessary to the material welfare of the valley should
       comprise a main trunk line in the form of a strait connecting
       Lake Michigan with the Gulf of Mexico by way of the Illinois
       and Mississippi rivers.
    {148}
       The development of this trunk line should begin at once. The
       improvement of the branches of this main line, such as the
       upper Mississippi, with its tributaries; the Ohio, with its
       leading tributaries, including the Tennessee and Cumberland;
       the Missouri, the Arkansas, the Red, the White, and other
       rivers, and the interstate inland waterway of Louisiana and
       Texas, should proceed simultaneously with the development of
       the principal line.

       "The deep waterway is practically complete from Chicago to
       Joliet through the courage and enterprise of the single city
       of Chicago, which has by the expenditure of $55,000,000
       created a deep waterway across the main divide between the
       waters of Lake Michigan and those of the Mississippi. A
       special board of survey, composed of United States engineers,
       reported to Congress in 1905 that the continuation of the deep
       waterway from Joliet to St. Louis was feasible and would cost
       only $31,000,000. The State of Illinois, assuming that the
       Federal Government will take the responsibility of completing
       the waterway to the Gulf, is about to cooperate to the extent
       of $20,000,000."

       The waterway here mentioned as being "practically complete from
       Chicago to Joliet" is that known as the Chicago Drainage
       Canal. The $20,000,000 with which the State of Illinois would
       cooperate in carrying out the whole project was voted by that
       State in November, 1908, for building an extension of the
       Drainage Canal from Joliet to Utica, Illinois, sixty-one
       miles, for a development of water power. The depth of these
       channels is and is to be twenty-four feet, and the project of
       the Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Waterway contemplated that depth
       throughout. The Board of Engineers to which the project was
       referred reported, however, in June, 1909, against the
       desirability of a waterway of such depth. Its cost from St.
       Louis to the Gulf is estimated to be $128,000,000 for
       construction, and $6,000,000 yearly for maintenance. In the
       judgment of the board, the present demands of commerce between
       St. Louis and the Gulf will be adequately met by an eight-foot
       channel from St. Louis to the mouth of the Ohio and a channel
       of not less than nine feet in depth below the mouth of the
       Ohio. The board’s belief is that an eight-foot channel from
       Chicago to St. Louis corresponding with the eight-foot project
       from St. Louis to Cairo is the least that would adequately
       meet the demands of commerce. It adds that such a waterway
       would be desirable, provided its cost is reasonable. Present
       and prospective demands of commerce between Chicago and the
       Gulf would be adequately served, the board reports, by a
       through nine-foot channel to the Gulf.

       In the States bordering on the Atlantic a "Deeper Waterways
       Association" is pressing long-mooted plans for uniting the
       bays, sounds, and navigable rivers along the Atlantic coast by
       canals, thus affording safe deep-water communication from
       Boston on the east to Florida at the far south.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       Conference of Governors at Washington.

       In all his endeavors to establish a national policy directed,
       systematically and scientifically, to the arresting of waste
       in the use and treatment of the natural resources of the
       country, President Roosevelt was assisted very greatly by the
       knowledge and the energetic public spirit of the chief of the
       National Forest Service, Mr. Gifford Pinchot. It is understood
       to have been on the initiative of Mr. Pinchot that the
       crowning expedient for stirring and determining public feeling
       on the subject was planned, early in the winter of 1908, when
       the President invited the Governors of all the States and
       Territories to a Conference in Washington, for considering the
       whole question of an economic conservation of natural
       resources and concerting measures to that end. It was said,
       indeed, by the President, in addressing the meeting of
       Governors, that if it had not been for Mr. Pinchot "this
       convention neither would nor could have been called." The
       invitation went to others than Governors,—to men of national
       prominence in public life, in scientific pursuits, in business
       experience, and to heads of great associations. The resulting
       assembly at the White House, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th of
       May, 1908, marked an epoch in American history. There were
       Governors from forty of the forty-six States of the Union,
       with the President and members of his Cabinet, the Justices of
       the Supreme Court, many Senators and Representatives from the
       Congress, and a distinguished gathering of such citizens as
       William Jennings Bryan, Seth Low, James J. Hill, Andrew
       Carnegie, John Mitchell and Samuel Gompers. All sides of the
       national thriftlessness that needed correction were discussed
       by men who could best describe the evils produced and best
       indicate the methods of remedy. Before adjourning their
       meeting the Governors present adopted with unanimity a
       declaration in which they say:

       "We agree that our country’s future is involved in this: that
       the great natural resources supply the material basis upon
       which our civilization must continue to depend, and upon which
       the perpetuity of the nation itself rests. We agree, in the
       light of the facts brought to our knowledge and from the
       information received from sources which we cannot doubt, that
       this material basis is threatened with exhaustion. …

       "We declare our firm conviction that this conservation of our
       natural resources is a subject of transcendent importance
       which should engage unremittingly the attention of the nation,
       the States, and the people in earnest cooperation. These
       natural resources include the land on which we live and which
       yields our food; the living waters which fertilize the soil,
       supply power, and form great avenues of commerce; the forests
       which yield the materials for our homes, prevent erosion of
       the soil, and conserve the navigation and other uses of the
       streams; and the minerals which form the basis of our
       industrial life, and supply us with heat, light, and power. …

       "We commend the wise forethought of the President in sounding
       the note of warning as to the waste and exhaustion of the
       natural resources of the country, and signify our high
       appreciation of his action in calling this Conference to
       consider the same and to seek remedies therefor through
       cooperation of the nation and the States. …

       "We agree in the wisdom of future conferences between the
       President, Members of Congress, and the governors of States on
       the conservation of our natural resources with a view of
       continued coöperation and action on the lines suggested; and
       to this end we advise that from time to time, as in his
       judgment may seem wise, the President call the governors of
       States and Members of Congress and others into conference.

    {149}

       "We agree that further action is advisable to ascertain the
       present condition of our natural resources and to promote the
       conservation of the same; and to that end we recommend the
       appointment by each State of a commission on the conservation
       of natural resources, to coöperate with each other and with
       any similar commission of the Federal Government."

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       The National Conservation Commission and its Report.

       The President acted with promptitude on the suggestion of a
       National Commission on the Conservation of Natural Resources,
       to coöperate with kindred State Commissions. Within a month he
       announced the appointment of such a Commission, composed of
       nearly fifty men of special qualification for the inquiries to
       be pursued, the recommendations to be made, and the action to
       be taken. All sections of the country are represented on the
       Commission, including such authorities on waters as Professor
       Swain, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; on
       forests, as Professor Graves, of the Yale Forestry School, and
       Mr. Charles Lathrop Pack, of New Jersey; on lands, as
       Ex-Governor Pardee, of California, and Mr. James J. Hill, the
       eminent railway president; on minerals, as Messrs. Andrew
       Carnegie, of New York, John Hays Hammond, of Massachusetts,
       and John Mitchell, of Illinois.

       The Commission is divided into four sections, one to consider
       forests, another waters, a third minerals, and the fourth
       lands. Over these divisions is an executive committee, of which
       Mr. Gifford Pinchot is chairman. In each section there are
       representatives from the Senate and House of Representatives,
       and officials of Government from the Department which has to
       do with the subject referred to it.

       State action on the lines commended by the Conference of
       Governors had already been instituted in a number of States,
       and in many others it was promptly set on foot; so that the
       desired coöperative organization of effort was soon well under
       way, and contributing to the first undertaking planned by the
       Executive Committee of the National Commission, which was the
       making of an inventory of the natural resources of the United
       States. So effective was the work done in the summer and fall
       of 1908 that a Second Conference of State Governors, jointly
       with the State and National Commissions, was found desirable,
       for consideration of the mass of facts collected as a basis
       for definite plans. The Second Conference, like the First, was
       in Washington, and it was opened on the 8th of December, under
       the chairmanship of the then President-elect of the United
       States, the Honorable William H. Taft. The draft of a report
       prepared to be made by the National Conservation Commission to
       the President of the United States was submitted
       confidentially to this Conference, and was sent to Congress a
       little later with its approval, as well as with that of the
       President. The Conference adopted, furthermore, two important
       resolutions, as follows:

       "Resolved, That a joint committee be appointed by the
       chairman, to consist of six members of state conservation
       commissions and three members of the National Conservation
       Commission, whose duty it shall be to prepare and present to
       the state and national commissions, and through them to the
       governors and the President, a plan for united action by all
       organizations concerned with the conservation of natural
       resources. (On motion of Governor Noel, of Mississippi, the
       chairman and secretary of the conference were added to and
       constituted a part of this committee.) "

       "We also especially urge on the Congress of the United States
       the high desirability of maintaining a National Commission on
       the Conservation of the Resources of the Country, empowered to
       coöperate with State Commissions, to the end that every
       sovereign commonwealth and every section of the country may
       attain the high degree of prosperity and the sureness of
       perpetuity naturally arising in the abundant resources and the
       vigor, intelligence and patriotism of our people."

       In subsequently communicating to Congress, on the 22d of
       January, 1909, the report of the National Conservation
       Commission, the President said:

       "With the statements and conclusions of this report I heartily
       concur, and I commend it to the thoughtful consideration both
       of the Congress and of our people generally. It is one of the
       most fundamentally important documents ever laid before the
       American people. It contains the first inventory of its
       natural resources ever made by any nation."

       The report of the Commission was prefaced by a brief
       explanatory statement from the Chairman of its Executive
       Committee, partly as follows:

       "The executive committee designated in your letter creating
       the commission organized on June 19 and outlined a plan for
       making an inventory of the natural resources of the United
       States. On July 1 work was undertaken, accordingly, with the
       coöperation of the bureaus of the federal departments,
       authorities of the different States, and representative bodies
       of the national industries. The results of this coöperative
       work are herewith submitted as appendices of the commission’s
       report. … In its coöperation ‘with other bodies created for
       similar purposes by States,’ the National Conservation
       Commission has had most valuable assistance. Within the first
       month after the creation of the commission, the governors of 5
       States had appointed conservation commissions, and an equal
       number of organizations of national scope had named
       conservation committees. At the time of the recent joint
       conservation conference 33 States and Territories had formed
       conservation commissions. The number has now increased to 36,
       with indications that nearly all of the remaining States will
       soon take similar action. The number of national organizations
       which have appointed conservation committees is 41."

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       An Inventory of Natural Resources.

       From the report itself it is only possible, in this place, to
       glean a few of its most impressive and significant disclosures
       of fact. For example:

       CONCERNING FORESTS.

       "Forests privately owned cover three-fourths of the total
       forest area and contain four-fifths of the standing timber.
       The timber privately owned is not only four times that
       publicly owned, but is generally more valuable. Forestry is
       now practiced on 70 per cent. of the forests publicly owned,
       and on less than 1 per cent. of the forests privately owned,
       or on only 18 per cent. of the total area of forests.

       "The yearly growth of wood in our forests does not average
       more than 12 cubic feet per acre. This gives a total yearly
       growth of less than 7,000,000,000 cubic feet.

    {150}

       "We have 200,000,000 acres of mature forests, in which yearly
       growth is balanced by decay; 250,000,000 acres partly cut over
       or burned over, but restocking naturally with enough young
       growth to produce a merchantable crop, and 100,000,000 acres
       cut over and burned over, upon which young growth is lacking
       or too scanty to make merchantable timber.

       "We take from our forests yearly, including waste in logging
       and in manufacture, 23,000,000,000 cubic feet of wood. We use
       each year 100,000,000 cords of firewood; 40,000,000,000 feet
       of lumber; more than 1,000,000,000 posts, poles, and fence
       rails; 118,000,000 hewn ties; 1,500,000,000 staves; over
       133,000,000 sets of heading; nearly 500,000,000 barrel hoops;
       3,000,000 cords of native pulp wood; 165,000,000 cubic feet of
       round mine timbers, and 1,250,000 cords of wood for
       distillation.

       "Since 1870 forest fires have destroyed a yearly average of 50
       lives and $50,000,000 worth of timber. Not less than
       50,000,000 acres of forest is burned over yearly. The young
       growth destroyed by fire is worth far more than the
       merchantable timber burned.

       "One-fourth of the standing timber is lost in logging. The
       boxing of long-leaf pine for turpentine has destroyed
       one-fifth of the forests worked. The loss in the mill is from
       one-third to two-thirds of the timber sawed. The loss of mill
       product in seasoning and fitting for use is from one-seventh
       to one fourth. Of each 1000 feet, which stood in the forest,
       an average of only 320 feet of lumber is used.

       "We take from our forests each year, not counting the loss by
       fire, three and a half times their yearly growth. We take 40
       cubic feet per acre for each 12 cubic feet grown; we take 260
       cubic feet per capita, while Germany uses 37 and France 25
       cubic feet.

       "We tax our forests under the general property tax, a method
       abandoned long ago by every other great nation. Present tax
       laws prevent reforestation of cut-over land and the
       perpetuation of existing forests by use.

       "Great damage is done to standing timber by injurious forest
       insects. Much of this damage can be prevented at small
       expense.

       "To protect our farms from wind and to reforest land best
       suited for forest growth will require tree planting on an area
       larger than Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia combined.
       Lands so far successfully planted make a total area smaller
       than Rhode Island; and year by year, through careless cutting
       and fires, we lower the capacity of existing forests to
       produce their like again, or else totally destroy them. …

       "By reasonable thrift we can produce a constant timber supply
       beyond our present need, and with it conserve the usefulness
       of our streams for irrigation, water supply, navigation and
       power. Under right management, our forests will yield over
       four times as much as now. We can reduce waste in the woods
       and in the mill at least one third, with present as well as
       future profit. … We can practically stop forest fires at a
       cost yearly of one fifth of the value of the merchantable
       timber burned.

       "We shall suffer for timber to meet our needs until our
       forests have had time to grow again. But if we act vigorously
       and at once, we shall escape permanent timber scarcity." The
       report adds much of interest on this subject.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       CONCERNING WATERS.

       "Our mean annual rainfall is about 30 inches; the quantity
       about 215,000,000,000,000 cubic feet per year, equivalent to
       ten Mississippi rivers. Of the total rainfall over half is
       evaporated; about a third flows into the sea, the remaining
       sixth is either consumed or absorbed. These portions are
       sometimes called, respectively, the fly-off, the run-off and
       the cut-off. They are partly interchangeable. About a third of
       the run-off, or a tenth of the entire rainfall, passes through
       the Mississippi. The run-off is increasing with deforestation
       and cultivation.

       "Of the 70,000,000,000,000 cubic feet annually flowing into
       the sea, less than 1 per cent. is restrained and utilized for
       municipal and community supply; less than 2 per cent. (or some
       10 per cent. of that in the arid and semi-arid regions) is
       used for irrigation; perhaps 5 per cent, is used for
       navigation, and less than 5 per cent, for power. …

       "For irrigation it is estimated that there are $200,000,000
       invested in dams, ditches, reservoirs, and other works for the
       partial control of the waters; and that 1,500,000,000,000
       cubic feet are annually diverted to irrigable lands,
       aggregating some 20,000 square miles. Except in some cases
       through forestry, few catchment areas are controlled, and few
       reservoirs are large enough to hold the storm waters. The
       waste in the public and private projects exceeds 60 per cent.
       while no more than 25 per cent. of the water actually
       available for irrigation of the arid lands is restrained and
       diverted.

       "There are in continental United States 282 streams navigated
       for an aggregate of 26,115 miles, and as much more navigable
       if improved. There are 45 canals, aggregating 2,189 miles,
       besides numerous abandoned canals. Except through forestry in
       recent years, together with a few reservoirs and canal locks
       and movable dams, there has been little effort to control
       headwaters or catchment areas in the interests of navigation,
       and none of our rivers are navigated to more than a small
       fraction even of their effective low-water capacity.

       "The water power now in use is 5,250,000 horse power; the
       amount running over government dams and not used is about
       1,400,000 horse-power; the amount reasonably available equals
       or exceeds the entire mechanical power now in use, or enough
       to operate every mill, drive every spindle, propel every train
       and boat, and light every city, town, and village in the
       country. … Nearly all the freshet and flood water runs to
       waste, and the low waters which limit the efficiency of power
       plants are increasing in frequency and duration with the
       increasing flood run-off. … The direct yearly damage by floods
       since 1900 has increased steadily from $45,000,000 to over
       $238,000,000. …

       "A large part of that half of the annual rainfall not
       evaporated lodges temporarily in the soil and earth. It is
       estimated that the ground water to the depth of 100 feet
       averages 16 2/3 percent, of the earth-Volume, or over
       1,400,000,000,000,000 cubic feet, equivalent to seven years'
       rainfall or twenty years’ run-off. This subsurface reservoir
       is the essential basis of agriculture and other industries and
       is the chief natural resource of the country. It sustains
       forests and all other crops and supplies the perennial springs
       and streams and wells used by four-fifths of our population
       and nearly all our domestic animals. Its quantity is
       diminished by the increased run-off due to deforestation and
       injudicious farming."

    {151}

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       CONCERNING LANDS.

       "The total land area of continental United States is
       1,900,000,000 acres. Of this but little more than two-fifths
       is in farms, and less than one-half of the farm area is
       improved and made a source of crop production. We have nearly
       6,000,000 farms; they average 146 acres each. The value of the
       farms is nearly one-fourth the wealth of the United States.
       There are more than 300,000,000 acres of public grazing land.
       The number of persons engaged in agricultural pursuits is more
       than 10,000,000. …

       "There has been a slight increase in the average yield of our
       great staple farm products, but neither the increase in
       acreage nor the yield per acre has kept pace with our increase
       in population. Within a century we shall probably have to feed
       three times as many people as now; and the main bulk of our
       food supply must be grown on our own soil.

       "The area of cultivated land may possibly be doubled. In
       addition to the land awaiting the plow, 75,000,000 acres of
       swamp land can be reclaimed, 40,000,000 acres of desert land
       irrigated, and millions of acres of brush and wooded land
       cleared. Our population will increase continuously, but there
       is a definite limit to the increase of our cultivated acreage.
       Hence we must greatly increase the yield per acre. The average
       yield of wheat in the United States is less than 14 bushels
       per acre, in Germany 28 bushels, and in England 32 bushels. We
       get 30 bushels of oats per acre, England nearly 45, and
       Germany more than 47. Our soils are fertile, but our mode of
       farming neither conserves the soil nor secures full crop
       returns. The greatest unnecessary loss of our soil is
       preventable erosion. Second only to this is the waste, nonuse,
       and misuse of fertilizer derived from animals and men."

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       CONCERNING MINERALS.

       "The available and easily accessible supplies of coal in the
       United States aggregate approximately 1,400,000,000,000 tons.
       At the present increasing rate of production this supply will
       be so depleted as to approach exhaustion before the middle of
       the next century.

       "The known supply of high-grade iron ores in the United States
       approximates 3,840,000,000 tons, which at the present
       increasing rate of consumption can not be expected to last
       beyond the middle of the present century. In addition to this,
       there are assumed to be 59,000,000,000 tons of lower grade
       iron ores which are not available for use under existing
       conditions.

       "The supply of stone, clay, cement, lime, sand, and salt is
       ample, while the stock of the precious metals and of copper,
       lead, zinc, sulphur, asphalt, graphite, quicksilver, mica, and
       the rare metals can not well be estimated, but is clearly
       exhaustible within one to three centuries unless unexpected
       deposits be found.

       "The known supply of petroleum is estimated at 15,000,000,000
       to 20,000,000,000 barrels, distributed through six separate
       fields having an aggregate area of 8,900 square miles. The
       production is rapidly increasing, while the wastes and the
       loss through misuse are enormous. The supply can not be
       expected to last beyond the middle of the present century.

       "The known natural-gas fields aggregate an area of 9,000
       square miles, distributed through 22 States. Of the total
       yield from these fields during 1907, 400,000,000,000 cubic
       feet, valued at $62,000,000, were utilized, while an equal
       quantity was allowed to escape into the air. The daily waste
       of natural gas—the most perfect known fuel—is over
       1,000,000,000 cubic feet, or enough to supply every city in
       the United States of over 100,000 population.

       "Phosphate rock, used for fertilizer, represents the slow
       accumulation of organic matter during past ages. In most
       countries it is scrupulously preserved; in this country it is
       extensively exported, and largely for this reason its
       production is increasing rapidly. The original supply can not
       long withstand the increasing demand. …

       "The National Government should exercise such control of the
       mineral fuels and phosphate rocks now in its possession as to
       check waste and prolong our supply."

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       CONCERNING LIFE AND HEALTH

       "Since the greatest of our national assets is the health and
       vigor of the American people, our efficiency must depend on
       national vitality even more than on the resources of the
       minerals, lands, forests, and waters. …

       "Our annual mortality from tuberculosis is about 150,000.
       Stopping three-fourths of the loss of life from this cause,
       and from typhoid and other prevalent and preventable diseases,
       would increase our average length of life over fifteen years.
       There are constantly about 3,000,000 persons seriously ill in
       the United States, of whom 500,000 are consumptives. More than
       half this illness is preventable. …

       "The National Government has now several agencies exercising
       health functions which only need to be concentrated to become
       coordinated parts of a greater health service worthy of the
       nation."

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       FINAL WORDS.

       "The inventory of our natural resources made by your
       commission, with the vigorous aid of all federal agencies
       concerned, of many States, and of a great number of associated
       and individual cooperators, furnishes a safe basis for general
       conclusions as to what we have, what we use and waste, and
       what may be the possible saving. But for none of the great
       resources of the farm, the mine, the forest, and the stream do
       we yet possess knowledge definite or wide enough to insure
       methods of use which will best conserve them. … The pressing
       need is for a general plan under which citizens, States and
       Nation may unite in an effort to achieve this great end. The
       lack of cooperation between the States and the Nation, and
       between the agencies of the National Government, is a potent
       cause of the neglect of conservation among the people. An
       organization through which all agencies, state, national,
       municipal, associate, and individual, may unite in a common
       effort to conserve the foundations of our prosperity is
       indispensable to the welfare and progress of the nation. To
       that end the immediate creation of a national agency is
       essential."

    {152}

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       Beginnings of a General Organization of all
       Conservation Agencies.

       The Joint Committee which the Chairman of the Second
       Conference of Governors was instructed to appoint, for the
       preparation of "a plan for united action by all organizations
       concerned with the conservation of natural resources," met at
       Washington on the 5th of March, 1909, for its first
       consultation. The Committee, of eleven members, consists of
       six chairmen of State Conservation Commissions, and five who
       are members of the National Conservation Commission. In
       preparation for the meeting the various conservation bodies
       which have been actively at work for several months are
       sending in suggestions based on their own experience.

       Action for the preservation and increase of forests has been
       stimulated in many if not all of the States of the Union by
       the national agitation of the subject in these late years.
       Nowhere has the influence been more effective than in New
       York, which has not only greatly enlarged its control and
       improved its care and treatment of the extensive forest tracts
       in the Adirondack region, but has done even more important
       reforesting work in other parts of its territory. "James S.
       Whipple, forest, fish and game commissioner, has not only
       planted more trees in this State than have been planted in any
       other State, or even by the national government, but this year
       he has made another great advance in the reforesting movement.
       The commission has sold to private land owners at cost
       1,034,050 pine and spruce trees for reforesting land within
       the State."

          New York Evening Post,
          April 24, 1909.

       These trees went to every county of the State, in numbers
       ranging from 50 to 200,000.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       Threatened Monopoly of Water Power.

          See (in this Volume)
          Combinations, Industrial, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       Withdrawal of Water Power Sites from Land Office Entry.

       What is said to be the largest number of acres of land
       withdrawn for temporary water power sites in the history of
       the Interior Department was made August 13, 1909, when Acting
       Secretary Wilson withdrew 87,360 acres along the Colorado
       River, in Utah. The land in question was withdrawn to prevent
       "monopolies," and with a view to procure legislation from
       Congress to preserve them to the Government.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       The National Conservation Association.

       "Great significance," said a Press despatch from Washington,
       September 16, 1906, "is attached here to-day to the
       announcement from Chicago of the formation of the National
       Conservation Association, with Charles W. Eliot, ex-president
       of Harvard University, as president. Friends of conservation
       interpret the launching of the new organization to mean that a
       national organization of the widest possible membership and
       the greatest possible scope is to supplant the American
       Forestry Association in administration favor as the
       educational branch of the conservation movement."

       Not long after its formation the Association issued an earnest
       appeal to the country to bring the pressure of its opinion on
       Congress for needed legislation. The special subject of this
       appeal was the vast coal field in Alaska, which can only be
       saved from monopoly by speedy amendment of existing laws. "We,
       therefore," said the Association, "appeal to the American
       people to bring the urgent needs of the situation to the
       attention of their representatives in Congress, in order that
       comprehensive legislation upon this vital matter may be
       enacted at the next session of Congress. To this end, every
       individual citizen is urged to do his part, and to act at
       once."

       On the request of Dr. Eliot, Mr. Gifford Pinchot, after the
       withdrawal of the latter from the office of Chief Forester of
       the United States, was made President of the Association, in
       January, 1910, but Dr. Eliot was named Honorary President.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES:
       Legislation recommended by President Taft.

       Earnestly upholding the Conservation policy instituted by his
       predecessor, President Taft, in a Special Message to Congress,
       January 14, 1910, recommended several measures of legislation,
       for which suggested bills had been drafted by the Secretary of
       the Interior.

       "One of the most pressing needs," said the Message, "in the
       matter of public-land reform is that lands should be
       classified according to their principal value or use. …

       "It is now proposed to dispose of agricultural lands as such,
       and at the same time to reserve for other disposition the
       treasure of coal, oil, asphaltum, natural gas, and phosphate
       contained therein. This may be best accomplished by separating
       the right to mine from the title to the surface, giving the
       necessary use of so much of the latter as may be required for
       the extraction of the deposits. The surface might be disposed
       of as agricultural land under the general agricultural
       statutes, while the coal or other mineral could be disposed of
       by lease on a royalty basis."

       The importance of an enlargement of the undertakings of the
       Government in the line of irrigation works, for reclaiming
       arid lands, is urged by the President with great force, and he
       recommends "that authority be given to issue not exceeding
       $30,000,000 of bonds from time to time, as the secretary of
       the interior shall find it necessary, the proceeds to be
       applied to the completion of the projects already begun and
       their proper extension, and the bonds running ten years or
       more to be taken up by the proceeds of returns to the
       reclamation fund, which returns, as the years go on, will
       increase rapidly in amount."

       The Message gives approval to a Bill which passed the lower
       House of the late Congress, directing that "the national
       government appropriate a certain amount each year out of the
       receipts from the forestry business of the government to
       institute reforestation at the sources of certain navigable
       streams to be selected by the Geological Survey with a view to
       determining the practicability of thus improving and
       protecting the streams for Federal purposes."

       Finally, on the subject of waterway improvement, the Message
       recommends the project of dams in the Ohio River from
       Pittsburg to Cairo, and in the Upper Mississippi from St. Paul
       to St. Louis.

    CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: A. D. 1910.
       Removal from office of Chief Forester Pinchot.
       Investigation of charges against Secretary Ballinger.

       Unfortunate differences between the Secretary of the Interior,
       Mr. Ballinger, and the head of the Bureau of Forestry, Mr.
       Pinchot, led to the removal of the latter from office early in
       January, 1910. As a further result, formal charges of
       unfaithfulness to public interests, in conducting national
       measures of conservation, were brought against Secretary
       Ballinger, and are undergoing investigation by a Congressional
       Committee at the time of the passing of this matter to the
       printers (March, 1910).

       ----------CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: End--------

    {153}

    CONSERVATIVE-UNIONIST PARTY:
       Surrender of the Government in Great Britain.
       Defeat in the Elections.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    CONSPIRACY LAW, British, as affecting Trades Unions.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

    CONSTABULARY, The Philippine.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

    CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1901.
       Loss of political importance.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: THE ASIATIC FUTURE.

    CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1908-1909.
       The Turkish Revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA:
       Proposed Amendments.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1909 and 1910.

    CONSTITUTION OF BRITISH INDIAN GOVERNMENT:
       The Indian Councils Act.

          See (in this Volume )
          INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    CONSTITUTION FOR CHINA:
       Nine years of approach to it.
       Promised for 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908, 1908 (December),
          and 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    CONSTITUTION OF ENGLAND:
       Resolution of the Commons contemplating a change affecting
       the Legislative Power of the House of Lords.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910.

    CONSTITUTION OF GEORGIA:
       Suffrage Amendment.

          See (in this Volume)
          GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.

    CONSTITUTION OF MONTENEGRO.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

       Some of the more radical features of the Constitution under
       which Oklahoma was admitted to the American Union are
       summarized in the following:

       "Legislative authority is vested in a legislature, but the
       people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and
       amendments to the constitution and to enact or reject the same
       at the polls independent of the legislature, and also reserve
       power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls
       any act of the legislature.

       "Eight per cent of the legal voters have the right to propose
       any legislative measure and 15 percent of the legal voters
       have the right to propose amendments to the constitution by
       petition. A referendum may be ordered, except as to laws
       necessary for the immediate preservation of the public peace,
       health or safety, either by petition signed by 5 per cent of
       the legal voters or by the legislature as other bills are
       enacted. The veto power of the governor does not extend to
       measures voted on by the people. The powers of the initiative
       and referendum are also reserved to the legal voters of every
       county and district as to local legislation or action.

       "Every railroad, car or express company is required to receive
       and transport without delay or discrimination each other’s
       cars, loaded or empty, and passengers under such regulations
       as shall be prescribed by law or any commission created for
       that purpose. All oil-pipe companies are made subject to the
       reasonable control and regulation of the corporation
       commission, to which telephone and telegraph lines are also
       subject in the same manner. No public-service corporation may
       consolidate with any other like corporation having under its
       control a parallel or competing line except by enactment of
       the legislature upon the recommendation of the corporation
       commission. The legislature, however, shall never enact any
       law permitting any public-service corporation to consolidate
       with any other public-service corporation organized under the
       laws of any other state or of the United States owning or
       controlling a parallel or competing line in the state. The
       giving of passes by railroad or transportation companies is
       forbidden except in the case of employés and other specified
       persons.

       "A corporation commission is created, to be composed of three
       persons, elected by the people for terms of six years. The
       commission shall have power to supervise and control all
       transportation and transmission companies in the state in all
       matters relating to the performance of their public duties and
       their charges therefor and of correcting abuses and preventing
       unjust discrimination and extortion by such companies; and to
       that end the commission shall from time to time prescribe and
       enforce such rates, charges, classification of charges and
       rules and regulations and shall require the companies to
       establish and maintain until amended all such public service,
       facilities and conveniences as may be reasonable and just.

       "Railroads, other than street or electric roads, are forbidden
       to charge more than 2 cents a mile for the transportation of
       passengers. The corporation commission may, however exempt
       those roads which submit proof that they cannot earn a just
       compensation for the services rendered by them to the public
       if not permitted to charge more than 2 cents a mile.

       "No corporation may issue stock except for money, labor done
       or property actually received to the amount of the par value
       thereof and all fictitious increase of stock or indebtedness
       shall be void.

       "No corporation doing business in the state may be permitted
       to influence elections or official duty by contributions of
       money or anything of value.

       "Every license issued or charter granted to a mining or public
       service corporation, foreign or domestic, must contain a
       stipulation that such corporation will submit any difference
       it may have with employés in reference to labor to
       arbitration.

       "The selling by firms or corporations of commodities at a
       lower rate in one locality than in another for the purpose of
       creating a monopoly or for destroying competition is
       prohibited.

       "Municipal corporations may not be created by special but by
       general laws, and every corporation now existing shall
       continue with its present rights and powers until otherwise
       provided by law. The powers of the initiative and referendum
       are reserved to the people of every municipal corporation. No
       municipal corporation may ever grant, extend or renew a
       franchise without the approval of a majority of the qualified
       electors residing within its limits, and no franchise may be
       granted, extended or renewed for more than twenty-five years.

       Women are qualified to vote at school-district elections only.

    {154}

       ----------CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA: Start--------

       A Constitution for Persia was signed by the Shah,
       Muzaffer-ed-Deen, December 30, 1906, of which the following
       is, in part, the text:

       In the name of God the all Merciful! Whereas by our Firman of
       the 5th August, 1906, we commanded the constitution of a
       National Assembly [Medjliss] for the progress and welfare of
       the State and nation, the strengthening of the foundations of
       the kingdom, and the carrying out of the laws of Islam; and
       whereas, in accordance with the clause by which it is provided
       that, as each individual member of the State has a right to
       take part in the superintendence and decision of public
       affairs, we therefore have permitted the election and
       appointment of Deputies on behalf of the nation; and whereas
       the National Assembly has been opened through our gracious
       benevolence, we have decreed the following Articles of
       constitutional Regulations for the National Assembly,
       including the duties and business of the Assembly and its
       limitations and relations toward Government Departments:

    THE INSTITUTION OF THE ASSEMBLY.

       [Articles 1-14 declare the National Assembly to be "composed
       of members elected at Tehran and in the provinces"; their
       place of meeting to be at Tehran; their number 160, but may if
       necessary be increased to 200; their term of service two
       years: they are "representative of the whole Persian nation";
       the Tehran deputies to have "the option of instituting the
       Assembly and starting discussion and debates," and "their
       decisions by majority during the absence of the provincial
       deputies will be valid and are to be carried out." The
       Assembly itself is given the right to fix the time of its
       recess and its sitting; its members cannot be proceeded
       against by any person; its proceedings must be public and open
       to newspaper reporting, but false reporting shall be
       punished.]

    THE DUTIES OF THE ASSEMBLY, ITS LIMITATIONS AND RIGHTS.

       Article 15.
       The National Assembly has the right to discuss truthfully and
       sincerely all matters it considers to be desirable in the
       interests of the State and nation to investigate; and, subject
       to the approval of a majority, to submit them, in the
       enjoyment of the utmost safety and confidence, with the
       approval of the Senate, to His Imperial Majesty the Shah,
       through the first person of the Government, for His Majesty’s
       signature, and to be then put into execution.

       Article 16.
       In general, all laws necessary for the strengthening of the
       Government and kingdom, and the regulation of State affairs,
       and for the Constitution of Ministries, must receive the
       sanction of the National Assembly.

       Article 17.
       The necessary Bills for making new laws, or for the
       alteration, amplification, or cancellation of existing laws,
       will, when desirable, be prepared by the National Assembly to
       be submitted to His Imperial Majesty the Shah for signature
       with the approval of the Senate, and to be then put into
       execution.

       Article 18.
       The regulation of financial matters, the modification of the
       Budget, the alteration of the arrangement of taxation, the
       refusal or acceptance of impositions, as well as the
       inspections which will be undertaken by the Government, will
       be done with the approval of the Assembly.

       Article 19.
       The Assembly will have the right, for the purpose of reforming
       financial matters and facilitating the relations of the
       Governors and the apportioning of the provinces of Persia, and
       the reappointment of Governors, after the Senate has given its
       approval, to demand from the Government authorities that the
       decision arrived at should be carried out.

       Article 20.
       The Budget of each Ministry must be finished for the
       succeeding year in the last half of each year, and must be
       ready fifteen days before the 20th March.

       Article 21.
       Should it be necessary with regard to the constitutional laws
       of the Ministries to make a new law, or to alter or cancel
       existing laws, it will be done with the consent of the
       National Assembly, whether its necessity be first pointed out
       by the Assembly or by the responsible Minister.

       Article 22.
       Whenever a part of the revenue or property of the Government
       or State is to be sold, or a change of frontier or border
       becomes necessary, it will be done with the approval of the
       National Assembly.

       Article 23.
       Without the approval of the National Assembly no concession
       whatever for the formation of Companies or Associations shall
       be granted by the Government.

       Article 24.
       Treaties, Conventions, the granting of concessions,
       monopolies, either commercial, industrial, or agricultural,
       whether the other party be a native or a foreigner, can only
       be done with the approval of the National Assembly. Treaties
       which it may be in the interests of the Government or nation
       to keep secret are excepted.

       Article 25.
       All Government loans of any nature whatsoever, whether
       internal or foreign, will be made with the knowledge and
       approval of the National Assembly.

       Article 26.
       The construction of railways or roads, whether the cost be
       defrayed by the Government, by Associations or Companies,
       whether native or foreign, can only be undertaken with the
       approval of the National Assembly.

       Article 27.
       Should the Assembly find in any place a fault, in the laws or
       an irregularity in their fulfilment, it will draw the
       attention of the responsible Minister to the same, and he will
       have to give the necessary explanations.

       Article 28.
       Should a Minister, in contravention of one of the laws which
       have received the Imperial sanction, by misrepresentations
       obtain the issue of a written or verbal order from His
       Imperial Majesty the Shah, and excuse himself thereby for his
       delay and negligence, he will by law be responsible to His
       Imperial Majesty the Shah.

    {155}

       Article 29.
       Whichever Minister who in a matter or matters should not be
       able to answer for his actions in accordance with the laws
       approved by His Imperial Majesty, and if it should be apparent
       that he has broken the law and transgressed the stipulated
       limitations, the Assembly will petition His Imperial Majesty
       for his dismissal, and when his fault has been determined by
       the Courts of Justice he will not again be allowed to serve
       the Government.

       Article 30.
       The National Assembly has the right whenever it considers it
       desirable to make petitions direct to His Imperial Majesty by
       the means of a body composed of the President and six Members
       elected by the six classes. The time for the audience must be
       arranged for through the Minister of Court.

       Article 81.
       The Ministers have the right to be present at the sittings of
       the National Assembly, and to sit in the place set apart for
       them, and to hear the debates of the Assembly; and should they
       think it necessary, they may ask the President for permission
       to speak and give the necessary explanations for the
       discussion and investigation of affairs.

       Article 32.
       Any individual member of the public may make a statement of
       his case, or complaints or criticisms, to the office of the
       Assembly, and, if the matter concerns the Assembly itself, a
       satisfying answer will be given to him; but should the matter
       concern one of the Ministries, it will be sent to that
       Ministry for investigation, and in order that a satisfying
       answer be given.

       Article 33.
       New laws which are necessary will be prepared at the
       responsible Ministries, and will be given to the National
       Assembly by the responsible Minister or by the Sadr Azam, and
       after receiving the approval of the Assembly will receive His
       Imperial Majesty’s sign-manual and be put into execution.

       Article 34.
       The President of the Assembly can, if necessary, of his own
       initiative or by the desire of ten Members of the Assembly or
       of a Minister, form a Secret Committee, without the presence
       of newspaper reporters or spectators, composed of a number of
       persons chosen from among the Members of the Assembly, at
       which the other Members of the Assembly will not have the
       right to attend. The result of the deliberations of the Secret
       Committee can, however, only be put into execution when the
       Secret Committee in the presence of three quarters of the
       persons elected accept the point at issue by a majority of
       votes, and if the matter be not passed by the Secret
       Committee, it will not be stated in the Assembly and will
       remain secret.

       Article 35.
       Should the Secret Committee be instituted by the President of
       the Assembly, he has the right to inform the public of any
       part of it he thinks fit; but if the Secret Committee is
       instituted by a Minister, the publication of the debate can
       only be subject to that Minister’s permission.

       [Articles 36-42 are regulative of the transaction of business
       between the Assembly and the Ministries of the Government in
       matters of debate, inquiry, action on bills, etc.]

    THE INSTITUTION OF THE SENATE.

       Article 43.
       Another Assembly, called the Senate, will be constituted,
       composed of sixty Members, whose sittings will coincide, after
       its constitution, with those of the National Assembly.

       Article 44.
       The Regulations of the Senate must receive the approval of the
       National Assembly.

       Article 45.
       The Members of the Assembly will be chosen from among the
       enlightened, intelligent, orthodox, and respectable persons of
       the State, thirty persons on behalf of His Imperial Majesty,
       of whom fifteen from among the inhabitants of Tehran and
       fifteen from the inhabitants of the provinces, and thirty
       persons on behalf of the nation, of whom fifteen persons
       elected by the people of Tehran and fifteen persons elected by
       the people of the provinces.

       Article 46.
       After the constitution of the Senate all affairs must receive
       the approval of both Assemblies. If those affairs are
       initiated by the Senate or by the body of Ministers, they must
       first be determined in the Senate and passed by a majority,
       and then be sent to the National Assembly for approval; but
       affairs initiated in the National Assembly will, on the
       contrary, pass from that Assembly to the Senate, with the
       exception of financial matters, which will be the prerogative
       of the National Assembly, and the Senate will be informed of
       the arrangements made by the Assembly regarding these affairs
       in order that the Senate should make its observations on the
       same to the National Assembly, which is, however, at liberty,
       after the necessary investigations, either to accept or to
       refuse the proposals of the Senate.

       Article 47.
       So long as the Senate is not constituted affairs will require
       only the approval of the National Assembly and the sign-manual
       of His Imperial Majesty to be put into execution.

       [Article 48 provides for the constituting of a "third
       assembly," composed of an equal number of members from the
       National Assembly and the Senate, to deal with cases in which
       those two bodies are in disagreement, and for the ultimate
       dissolution of the National Assembly, preparatory to the
       election of a new one, in case no settlement of the
       disagreement is reached.

       Article 49 allows the new Tehran deputies then elected to
       begin their labors, outside of the points at issue, as soon as
       they are ready.]

       The conclusion of the Constitution is as follows:

       Article 50.
       During each term of election—that is to say, during two
       years—a general election will not be called more than once.

       Article 51.
       It is decreed that the Sovereign who succeeds us should
       protect these limitations and Articles, which aim at the
       strengthening of the State and of the foundations of the
       kingdom, and the protection of justice and contentment of the
       nation, which we have decreed and put into execution, and
       which they must look upon as their duty to fulfil.

       In the month of Zilkade the Unclean, 1324.
          O God the Almighty!

       The Constitutional Laws of the National Assembly and the
       Senate, containing fifty one Articles, are correct.

       14th of the month of Zilkade, 1324
       (30th December, 1906).

       In the handwriting of Muzaffer-ed-Deen Shah;

          It is correct.

       (Sealed) Valiahd (Mohammed Ali Shah).
       (Sealed) Mushir-ed-Dowleh (the Grand Vizier).

    {156}

    CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA:
       The Constitutional Law, as passed by the National Assembly
       and signed by the Shah on October 8, 1907.

       One hundred and seven articles "to complete the fundamental
       laws of the Constitution of Persia" were "added to the
       Constitutional law "by the signature of the Shah on the 30th
       of December, 1906. The first two are as follows:

       Article 1.
       The official religion of Persia is the branch of the Twelve
       Imams of the Shia Sect of Islam. The Sovereign of Persia must
       be of, and contribute to the spread of, this religion.

       Article 2.
       The National Assembly has been founded by the help of the
       Twelfth Imam, the bounty of His Islamic Majesty, the
       watchfulness of the Mujteheds and the common people. The laws
       passed by it must never to all ages be contrary to the sacred
       precepts of Islam, and the laws laid down by the Prophet. It
       is obvious that the decision as to whether the laws passed by
       the Assembly are in opposition to the precepts of Islam rests
       with the Ulema. It is therefore officially decreed that for
       all ages a Committee composed of five persons, who shall be
       Mujteheds and religious doctors, and who also must be
       acquainted with the requirements of the times, shall be
       elected in the following manner: The Ulema and doctors of
       Islam who are recognized by the Shias as the centre of
       imitation shall make known to the National Assembly the names
       of twenty of the Ulema possessing the above-mentioned
       qualities. The National Assembly shall, by agreement on
       casting of lots, elect five of them or more, according to the
       requirements of the age, and admit them as members. This
       Committee shall discuss and thoroughly investigate the Bills
       brought in by the National Assembly, and reject every one of
       these Bills which is contrary to the sacred precepts of Islam,
       in order that it may not become law. The decision of this
       Committee is final. This Article will not be liable to change
       until the advent of the Twelfth Imam.

       [Articles 3-7 relate to boundaries of the Kingdom, its
       capital, its flag, protection of the lives and property of
       foreigners, and the integrity of the Constitution.

       Articles 8-25 are in the nature of a "bill of rights,"
       affirming equality of rights to all; immunity from arbitrary
       arrest, punishment, exile or sequestration of property;
       freedom of "the study of teaching of arts, letters and
       sciences" "except in so far as they are forbidden by the
       Sheri"; freedom of publication for all "except heretical
       works"; freedom of "societies and associations which do not
       provoke religious or civil strife"; inviolability of postal
       and telegraphic communications, except under authority of law.
       All primary and secondary schools are placed under the
       direction and surveillance of the Ministry of Education.

       Articles 26-29 define, as follows:

    THE POWERS OF THE REALM.

       Article 26.
       The powers of the realm spring from the people. The
       Constitutional Law defines the method of using those powers.

       Article 27.
       The powers of the realm are divided into three parts:—

       Firstly, legislative power, whose province it is to make and
       amend laws. This power emanates from His Imperial Majesty the
       Shah, the National Assembly, and the Senate. Each one of these
       three sources possesses the right of originating laws; but
       their passing is conditional to their not being contrary to
       the laws of the Sheri, and to the approval of the two
       Assemblies, and to their receiving the Imperial signature. But
       the making and approval of laws relating to the revenue and
       expenditure of the realm belong to the National Assembly
       alone. The interpretation and commentary of laws is the
       peculiar duty of the National Assembly.

       Secondly, the judicial power, which consists in the
       distinguishing of rights. This power belongs to the Sheri
       Tribunals in matters appertaining to the Sheri, and to the
       Courts of Justice in matters appertaining to the civil law
       ("urf").

       Thirdly, the executive power, which rests with the Sovereign.
       That is to say, the Laws and Decrees will be executed by the
       Ministers and Government officials in the name of His Imperial
       Majesty in the manner defined by law.

       Article 28.
       The three above-mentioned powers shall always be
       differentiated and separated from one another.

       Article 29.
       The particular revenues of each province, department, and
       commune shall be regulated by the Provincial and Departmental
       Assemblies in accordance with their own particular laws.

       [Articles 30-34 define the status of the members of the
       National Assembly.]

    RIGHTS AND POWERS OF THE CROWN.

       [Articles 35-57 set forth the rights and powers of the Crown.
       The sovereignty of Persia is declared to be "a trust which, by
       the grace of God, has been conferred on the person of the
       Sovereign by the people." The succession is vested in Muhammed
       Ali Shah Kajar and his descendants; the Crown Prince to be
       "the eldest son of the Sovereign whose mother is a Persian and
       a princess." Provision is made for the election by a joint
       committee of the Senate and the National Assembly on the
       succession of a minor, who cannot govern personally till his
       age is eighteen. The powers of the sovereign are thus
       defined:]

       Article 43.
       The Sovereign cannot, without the approval and sanction of the
       National Assembly and the Senate, interfere in the affairs of
       another country.

       Article 44.
       The Sovereign is absolved from all responsibility. The
       Ministers of State are responsible in all matters.

       Article 45.
       All the Decrees and Rescripts of the Sovereign shall only be
       put into execution when they have been signed by the
       responsible Minister, who is responsible for the accuracy of
       the contents of that Firman or Rescript.

       Article 46.
       The dismissal and appointment of Ministers are by order of the
       Sovereign.

       Article 47.
       The conferring of commissions in the army and orders and
       honorary distinctions, with due observance of law, is vested
       in the person of the Sovereign.

       Article 48.
       The Sovereign has the right, with the approval of the
       responsible Minister, to choose the important officials of the
       Government Departments, either at home or abroad, except in
       cases excepted by law. But the appointment of the other
       officials does not concern the Sovereign, except in cases
       defined by law.

       Article 49.
       The issuing of Firmans for the execution of laws is one of the
       rights of the Sovereign, but he may not delay or suspend the
       execution of those laws.

       Article 50.
       The supreme command of the military and naval forces is vested
       in the person of the Sovereign.

       Article 51.
       The declaration of war and the conclusion of peace rest with
       the Sovereign.

    {157}

       Article 52.
       Treaties which, in accordance with Article 24 of the
       Constitutional Law of the 14th Zilaadeh, 1325 (30th December,
       1906), must be kept secret, must, on the removal of this
       necessity, and provided that the interests and security of the
       country demand it, be communicated by the Sovereign to the
       National Assembly and the Senate, with the necessary
       explanations.

       Article 58.
       The secret clauses of any Treaty cannot annul the public
       clauses of that Treaty.

       Article 54.
       The Sovereign can summon the National Assembly and the Senate
       to an extraordinary Session.

       Article 55.
       Coins shall be struck, according to law, in the name of the
       Sovereign.

       Article 56.
       The expenses of the Imperial household must be defined by law.

       Article 57.
       The powers and prerogatives of the Sovereign are only such as
       have been defined by the existing constitutional laws.

       [Articles 58-70 relate to the Ministers, who must be
       Mussulmans and native Persian subjects, princes of the first
       rank not eligible. They are severally and jointly responsible
       to both Assemblies. Commands of the sovereign cannot divest
       them of responsibility, which is to be defined by law. The
       Assembly or the Senate can accuse and prosecute them for
       offenses before the High Court of Appeal.]

    JUDICIAL TRIBUNALS.

       [The Judicial Tribunals of the Kingdom are the subject of
       Articles 71-89. "The Supreme Court of Justice and the
       subsidiary Courts" are declared to be "the official centres to
       which all suits must be referred, and judgment in matters
       appertaining to the Sheri rests with the fully qualified
       Mujteheds." Suits relating to political rights concern the
       Courts of Justice, excepting those which are excepted by law.
       No Court of Law can be instituted except by law. One Court of
       Appeal for the whole Kingdom is to be instituted at the
       Capital. The sittings of all tribunals shall be public, except
       in cases when the tribunal judges that this would be
       prejudicial to order or decency. "The Presidents and the
       members of the Courts of Justice will be chosen in the manner
       decreed by the law of the Ministry of Justice, and will be
       appointed by virtue of a royal Firman." No judge may be
       suspended, temporarily, or permanently, without a trial or
       proof of offence. Military tribunals will be instituted
       according to a special law.]

    MISCELLANEOUS.

       [Provincial Assemblies of elected representatives are
       provided for in Articles 90-93.

       Articles 94-103 have relation to finances. They declare that
       no taxes may be levied or exemptions from them allowed except
       by law; that no favor to individuals shall be shown in
       taxation; that nothing shall, on any pretext, be demanded from
       the people, otherwise than by law; and provision is made for
       the creation of a State Accounts Department, to be chosen by
       the National Assembly.

       The last four articles relate to the Army, which is required
       to be in all particulars under regulation of law. "The army
       vote must pass the National Assembly every year."]

       ----------CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA: End--------

    CONSTITUTION OF RUSSIA, The so-called.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA, A. D. 1904-1905.

       ----------CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

       Omitting the preamble, which sets forth the desirability and
       expediency, "for the welfare and future progress of South
       Africa, that the several British Colonies therein shall be
       united under one Government in a legislative union under the
       Crown of Great Britain and Ireland," the provisions of the
       enactment for that purpose by the Parliament of the United
       Kingdom, approved September 20, 1909, are as follows:

    I.—PRELIMINARY.

       1. This Act may be cited as the South Africa Act, 1909.

       2. In this Act, unless it is otherwise expressed or implied,
       the words "the Union" shall be taken to mean the Union of
       South Africa as constituted under this Act, and the words
       "Houses of Parliament," "House of Parliament," or
       "Parliament," shall be taken to mean the Parliament of the
       Union.

       3. The provisions of this Act referring to the King shall
       extend to His Majesty’s heirs and successors in the
       sovereignty of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
       Ireland.

    II.—THE UNION.

       4. It shall be lawful for the King, with the advice of the
       Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a
       day therein appointed, not being later than one year after the
       passing of this Act, the Colonies of the Cape of Good Hope,
       Natal, the Transvaal, and the Orange River Colony, hereinafter
       called the Colonies shall be united in a Legislative Union
       under one Government under the name of the Union of South
       Africa. On and after the day appointed by such proclamation
       the Government and Parliament of the Union shall have full
       power and authority within the limits of the Colonies, but the
       King may at any time after the proclamation appoint a
       governor-general for the Union.

       5. The provisions of this Act shall, unless it is otherwise
       expressed or implied, take effect on and after the day so
       appointed.

       6. The colonies mentioned in section four shall become
       original provinces of the Union under the names of Cape of
       Good Hope, Natal, Transvaal, and Orange Free State, as the
       case maybe. The original provinces shall have the same limits
       as the respective colonies at the establishment of the Union.

       7. Upon any colony entering the Union, the Colonial Boundaries
       Act, 1895, and every other Act applying to any of the Colonies
       as being self-governing colonies or colonies with responsible
       government, shall cease to apply to that colony, but as from
       the date when this Act takes effect every such Act of
       Parliament shall apply to the Union.

    III.—EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT.

       8. The Executive Government of the Union is vested in the
       King, and shall be administered by His Majesty in person or by
       a governor-general as His representative.

    {158}

       9. The Governor-General shall be appointed by the King, and
       shall have and may exercise in the Union during the King’s
       pleasure, but subject to this Act, such powers and functions
       of the King as His Majesty may be pleased to assign to him.

       10. There shall be payable to the King out of the Consolidated
       Revenue Fund of the Union for the salary of the
       Governor-General an annual sum of ten thousand pounds. The
       salary of the Governor-General shall not be altered during his
       continuance in office.

       11. The provisions of this Act relating to the
       Governor-General extend and apply to the Governor-General for
       the time being or such person as the King may appoint to
       administer the government of the Union. The King may authorise
       the Governor-General to appoint any person to be his deputy
       within the Union during his temporary absence, and in that
       capacity to exercise for and on behalf of the Governor-General
       during such absence all such powers and authorities vested in
       the Governor-General as the Governor-General may assign to
       him, subject to any limitations expressed or directions given
       by the King; but the appointment of such deputy shall not
       affect the exercise by the Governor-General himself of any
       power or function.

       12. There shall be an Executive Council to advise the
       Governor-General in the government of the Union, and the
       members of the council shall be chosen and summoned by the
       Governor-General and sworn as executive councillors, and shall
       hold office during his pleasure.

       13. The provisions of this Act referring to the
       Governor-General in Council shall be construed as referring to
       the Governor-General acting with the advice of the Executive
       Council.

       14. The Governor-General may appoint officers not exceeding
       ten in number to administer such departments of State of the
       Union as the Governor-General in Council may establish; such
       officers shall hold office during the pleasure of the
       Governor-General. They shall be members of the Executive
       Council and shall be the King’s ministers of State for the
       Union. After the first general election of members of the
       House of Assembly, as hereinafter provided, no minister shall
       hold office for a longer period than three months unless he is
       or becomes a member of either House of Parliament.

       15. The appointment and removal of all officers of the public
       service of the Union shall be vested in the Governor-General
       in Council, unless the appointment is delegated by the
       Governor-General in Council or by this Act or by a law of
       Parliament to some other authority.

       16. All powers, authorities, and functions which at the
       establishment of the Union are in any of the Colonies vested
       in the Governor or in the Governor in Council, or in any
       authority of the Colony, shall, as far as the same continue in
       existence and are capable of being exercised after the
       establishment of the Union, be vested in the Governor-General
       or in the Governor-General in Council, or in the authority
       exercising similar powers under the Union, as the case may be,
       except such powers and functions as are by this Act or may by
       a law of Parliament be vested in some other authority.

       17. The command in chief of the naval and military forces
       within the Union is vested in the King or in the
       Governor-General as His representative.

       18. Save as in section twenty-three excepted, Pretoria shall
       be the seat of Government of the Union.

    IV.—PARLIAMENT.

       19. The legislative power of the Union shall be vested in the
       Parliament of the Union, herein called Parliament, which shall
       consist of the King, a Senate, and a House of Assembly.

       20. The Governor-General may appoint such times for holding
       the sessions of Parliament as he thinks fit, and may also from
       time to time, by proclamation or otherwise, prorogue
       Parliament, and may in like manner dissolve the Senate and the
       House of Assembly simultaneously, or the House of Assembly
       alone: provided that the Senate shall not be dissolved within
       a period of ten years after the establishment of the Union,
       and provided further that the dissolution of the Senate shall
       not affect any senators nominated by the Governor-General in
       Council.

       21. Parliament shall be summoned to meet not later than six
       months after the establishment of the Union.

       22. There shall be a session of Parliament once at least in
       every year, so that a period of twelve months shall not
       intervene between the last sitting of Parliament in one
       session and its first sitting in the next session.

       23. Cape Town shall be the seat of the Legislature of the
       Union.

    SENATE.

       24. For ten years after the establishment of the Union the
       constitution of the Senate shall, in respect of the original
       provinces, be as follows:

       (i) Eight senators shall be nominated by the Governor-General
       in Council, and for each original province eight senators
       shall be elected in the manner hereinafter provided:

       (ii) The senators to be nominated by the Governor-General in
       Council shall hold their seats for ten years. One-half of
       their number shall be selected on the ground mainly of their
       thorough acquaintance, by reason of their official experience
       or otherwise, with the reasonable wants and wishes of the
       coloured races in South Africa. If the seat of a senator so
       nominated shall become vacant, the Governor-General in Council
       shall nominate another person to be a senator, who shall hold
       his seat for ten years:

       (iii) After the passing of this Act, and before the day
       appointed for the establishment of the Union, the Governor of
       each of the Colonies shall summon a special sitting of both
       Houses of the Legislature, and the two Houses sitting together
       as one body and presided over by the Speaker of the
       Legislative Assembly shall elect eight persons to be senators
       for the province. Such senators shall hold their seats for ten
       years. If the seat of a senator so elected shall become
       vacant, the provincial council of the province for which such
       senator has been elected shall choose a person to hold the
       seat until the completion of the period for which the person
       in whose stead he is elected would have held his seat.

    {159}

       25. Parliament may provide for the manner in which the Senate
       shall be constituted after the expiration of ten years, and
       unless and until such provision shall have been made—

       (i) the provisions of the last preceding section with regard
       to nominated senators shall continue to have effect;

       (ii) eight senators for each province shall be elected by the
       members of the provincial council of such province together
       with the members of the House of Assembly elected for such
       province. Such senators shall hold their seats for ten years
       unless the Senate be sooner dissolved. If the seat of an
       elected senator shall become vacant, the members of the
       provincial council of the province, together with the members
       of the House of Assembly elected for such province, shall
       choose a person to hold the seat until the completion of the
       period for which the person in whose stead he is elected would
       have held his seat. The Governor-General in Council shall make
       regulations for the joint election of senators prescribed in
       this section.

       26. The qualifications of a senator shall be as follows:
       —He must—
       (a) be not less than thirty years of age;
       (b) be qualified to be registered as a voter for the election
       of members of the House of Assembly in one of the provinces;
       (c) have resided for five years within the limits of the Union
       as existing at the time when he is elected or nominated, as
       the case may be;
       (d) be a British subject of European descent;
       (e) in the case of an elected senator, be the registered owner
       of immovable property within the Union of the value of not
       less than five hundred pounds over and above any special
       mortgages thereon. For the purposes of this section, residence
       in, and property situated within, a colony before its
       incorporation in the Union shall be treated as residence in
       and property situated within the Union.

       27. The Senate shall, before proceeding to the dispatch of any
       other business, choose a senator to be the President of the
       Senate, and as often as the office of President becomes vacant
       the Senate shall again choose a senator to be the President.
       The President shall cease to hold office if he ceases to be a
       senator. He may be removed from office by a vote of the
       Senate, or he may resign his office by writing under his hand
       addressed to the Governor-General.

       28. Prior to or during any absence of the President the Senate
       may choose a senator to perform his duties in his absence.

       29. A senator may, by writing under his hand addressed to the
       Governor-General, resign his seat, which thereupon shall
       become vacant. The Governor-General shall as soon as
       practicable cause steps to be taken to have the vacancy
       filled.

       30. The presence of at least twelve senators shall be
       necessary to constitute a meeting of the Senate for the
       exercise of its powers.

       31. All questions in the Senate shall be determined by a
       majority of votes of senators present other than the President
       or the presiding senator, who shall, however, have and
       exercise a casting vote in the case of an equality of votes.

    HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.

       32. The House of Assembly shall be composed of members
       directly chosen by the voters of the Union in electoral
       divisions delimited as hereinafter provided.

       33. The number of members to be elected in the original
       provinces at the first election and until the number is
       altered in accordance with the provisions of this Act shall be
       as follows: Cape of Good Hope, fifty-one; Natal, seventeen;
       Transvaal, thirty-six; Orange Free State, seventeen. These
       numbers may be increased as provided in the next succeeding
       section, but shall not, in the case of any original province,
       be diminished until the total number of members of the House
       of Assembly in respect of the provinces herein provided for
       reaches one hundred and fifty, or until a period of ten years
       has elapsed after the establishment of the Union, whichever is
       the longer period.

       34. The number of members to be elected in each province, as
       provided in section thirty-three, shall be increased from time
       to time as may be necessary in accordance with the following
       provisions:

       (i) The quota of the Union shall be obtained by dividing the
       total number of European male adults in the Union, as
       ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred and four, by the
       total number of members of the House of Assembly as
       constituted at the establishment of the Union:

       (ii) In nineteen hundred and eleven, and every five years
       thereafter, a census of the European population of the Union
       shall be taken for the purposes of this Act:

       (iii) After any such census the number of European male adults
       in each province shall be compared with the number of European
       male adults as ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred
       and four, and, in the case of any province where an increase
       is shown, as compared with the census of nineteen hundred and
       four, equal to the quota of the Union or any multiple thereof,
       the number of members allotted to such province in the last
       preceding section shall be increased by an additional member
       or an additional number of members equal to such multiple, as
       the case may be:

       (iv) Notwithstanding anything herein contained, no additional
       member shall be allotted to any province until the total
       number of European male adults in such province exceeds the
       quota of the Union multiplied by the number of members
       allotted to such province for the time being, and thereupon
       additional members shall be allotted to such province in
       respect only of such excess:

       (v) As soon as the number of members of the House of Assembly
       to be elected in the original provinces in accordance with the
       preceding subsections reaches the total of one hundred and
       fifty, such total shall not be further increased unless and
       until Parliament otherwise provides; and subject to the
       provisions of the last preceding section the distribution of
       members among the provinces shall be such that the proportion
       between the number of members to be elected at any time in
       each province and the number of European male adults in such
       province, as ascertained at the last preceding census, shall
       as far as possible be identical throughout the Union:

       (vi) "Male adults" in this Act shall be taken to mean males of
       twenty-one years of age or upwards not being members of His
       Majesty’s regular forces on full pay:

       (vii) For the purposes of this Act the number of European male
       adults, as ascertained at the census of nineteen hundred and
       four, shall be taken to be—

       For the Cape of Good Hope, 167,546;
       for Natal,                  34,784;
       for the Transvaal,         106,493;
       For the Orange Free State,  41,014.

    {160}

       35.
       (1) Parliament may by law prescribe the qualifications which
       shall be necessary to entitle persons to vote at the election
       of members of the House of Assembly, but no such law shall
       disqualify any person in the province of the Cape of Good Hope
       who, under the laws existing in the Colony of the Cape of Good
       Hope at the establishment of the Union, is or may become
       capable of being registered as a voter from being so
       registered in the province of the Cape of Good Hope by reason
       of his race or colour only, unless the Bill be passed by both
       Houses of Parliament sitting together, and at the third
       reading be agreed to by not less than two-thirds of the total
       number of members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at such
       joint sitting shall be taken to have been duly passed by both
       Houses of Parliament.

       (2) No person who at the passing of any such law is registered
       as a voter in any province shall be removed from the register
       by reason only of any disqualification based on race or
       colour.

       36. Subject to the provisions of the last preceding section,
       the qualifications of parliamentary voters, as existing in the
       several Colonies at the establishment of the Union, shall be
       the qualifications necessary to entitle persons in the
       corresponding provinces to vote for the election of members of
       the House of Assembly: Provided that no member of His
       Majesty’s regular forces on full pay shall be entitled to be
       registered as a voter.

       [Section 37 of the Act applies to the elections of members of
       the House of Assembly all existing election laws in the
       respective provinces relating to the elections for their more
       numerous Houses of Parliament, excepting that it requires all
       polls to be taken on one and the same day throughout the
       Union.

       Sections 38 to 43 inclusive provide for the creation of a
       joint commission to determine the first division of the
       provinces into equalized electoral divisions, and for
       subsequent commissions of three judges of the Supreme Court of
       South Africa for re-divisions, as they may become necessary.]

       44. The qualifications of a member of the House of Assembly
       shall be as follows:—He must—
       (a) be qualified to be registered as a voter for the election
       of members of the House of Assembly in one of the provinces;
       (b) have resided for five years within the limits of the
       Union as existing at the time when he is elected;
       (c) be a British subject of European descent.

       For the purposes of this section, residence in a colony before
       its incorporation in the Union shall be treated as residence
       in the Union.

       45. Every House of Assembly shall continue for five years from
       the first meeting thereof, and no longer, but may be sooner
       dissolved by the Governor-General.

       46. The House of Assembly shall, before proceeding to the
       despatch of any other business, choose a member to be the
       Speaker of the House, and, as often as the office of Speaker
       becomes vacant, the House shall again choose a member to be
       the Speaker. The Speaker shall cease to hold his office if he
       ceases to be a member. He may be removed from office by a vote
       of the House, or he may resign his office or his seat by
       writing under his hand addressed to the Governor-General.

       47. Prior to or during the absence of the Speaker, the House
       of Assembly may choose a member to perform his duties in his
       absence.

       48. A member may, by writing under his hand addressed to the
       Speaker, or, if there is no Speaker, or if the Speaker is
       absent from the Union, to the Governor-General, resign his
       seat, which shall thereupon become vacant.

       49. The presence of at least thirty members of the House of
       Assembly shall be necessary to constitute a meeting of the
       House for the exercise of its powers.

       50. All questions in the House of Assembly shall be determined
       by a majority of votes of members present other than the
       Speaker or the presiding member, who shall, however, have and
       exercise a casting vote in the case of an equality of votes.

    BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT.

       [Section 51 prescribes the oath or affirmation of allegiance
       to the British Sovereign which each senator and member of the
       House of Assembly must subscribe to before taking his seat.]

       52. A member of either House of Parliament shall be incapable
       of being chosen or of sitting as a member of the other House:
       Provided that every minister of State who is a member of
       either House of Parliament shall have the right to sit and
       speak in the Senate and the House of Assembly, but shall vote
       only in the House of which he is a member.

       53. No person shall be capable of being chosen or of sitting
       as a senator or as a member of the House of Assembly who—

       (a) has been at any time convicted of any crime or offence for
       which he shall have been sentenced to imprisonment without the
       option of a fine for a term of not less than twelve months,
       unless he shall have received a grant of amnesty or a free
       pardon, or unless such imprisonment shall have expired at
       least five years before the date of his election; or

       (b) is an unrehabilitated insolvent; or

       (c) is of unsound mind, and has been so declared by a
       competent court; or

       (d) holds any office of profit under the Crown within the
       Union:

       Provided that the following persons shall not be deemed to
       hold an office of profit under the Crown for the purposes of
       this subsection:

       (1) a minister of State for the Union;

       (2) a person in receipt of a pension from the Crown;

       (3) an officer or member of His Majesty’s naval or military
       forces on retired or half pay, or an officer or member of the
       naval or military forces of the Union whose services are not
       wholly employed by the Union.

       54. If a senator or member of the House of Assembly—

       (a) becomes subject to any of the disabilities mentioned in
       the last preceding section; or

       (b) ceases to be qualified as required by law; or

       (c) fails for a whole ordinary session to attend without the
       special leave of the Senate or the House of Assembly, as the
       case may be; his seat shall thereupon become vacant.

       [Section 55 imposes a penalty of £100 for each day on which
       any disqualified person may knowingly sit in Parliament.]

       56. Each senator and each member of the House of Assembly
       shall, under such rules as shall be framed by Parliament,
       receive an allowance of four hundred pounds a year, to be
       reckoned from the date on which he takes his seat: Provided
       that for every day of the session on which he is absent there
       shall be deducted from such allowance the sum of three pounds:
       Provided further that no such allowance shall be paid to a
       Minister receiving a salary under the Crown or to the
       President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of
       Assembly. A day of the session shall mean in respect of a
       member any day during a session on which the House of which he
       is a member or any committee of which he is a member meets.

    {161}

       [Sections 57-58 relate to the privileges of each House of
       Parliament and its right to make rules and orders of procedure
       for the conduct of its business.]

    POWERS OF PARLIAMENT.

       59. Parliament shall have full power to make laws for the
       peace, order, and good government of the Union.

       60.—
       (1) Bills appropriating revenue or moneys or imposing taxation
       shall originate only in the House of Assembly. But a Bill
       shall not be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys or to
       impose taxation by reason only of its containing provisions
       for the imposition or appropriation of fines or other
       pecuniary penalties.

       (2) The Senate may not amend any Bills so far as they impose
       taxation or appropriate revenue or moneys for the services of
       the Government.

       (3) The Senate may not amend any Bill so as to increase any
       proposed charges or burden on the people.

       61. Any Bill which appropriates revenue or moneys for the
       ordinary annual services of the Government shall deal only
       with such appropriation.

       62. The House of Assembly shall not originate or pass any
       vote, resolution, address, or Bill for the appropriation of
       any part of the public revenue or of any tax or impost to any
       purpose unless such appropriation has been recommended by
       message from the Governor-General during the Session in which
       such vote, resolution, address, or Bill is proposed.

       63. If the House of Assembly passes any Bill and the Senate
       rejects or fails to pass it or passes it with amendments to
       which the House of Assembly will not agree, and if the House
       of Assembly in the next session again passes the Bill with or
       without any amendments which have been made or agreed to by
       the Senate and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it or
       passes it with amendments to which the House of Assembly will
       not agree, the Governor-General may during that session
       convene a joint sitting of the members of the Senate and House
       of Assembly. The members present at any such joint sitting may
       deliberate and shall vote together upon the Bill as last
       proposed by the House of Assembly and upon amendments, if any,
       which have been made therein by one House of Parliament and
       not agreed to by the other; and any such amendments which are
       affirmed by a majority of the total number of members of the
       Senate and House of Assembly present at such sitting shall be
       taken to have been carried, and if the Bill with the
       amendments, if any, is affirmed by a majority of the members
       of the Senate and House of Assembly present at such sitting,
       it shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of
       Parliament: Provided that, if the Senate shall reject or fail
       to pass any Bill dealing with the appropriation of revenue or
       moneys for the public service, such joint sitting may be
       convened during the same session in which the Senate so
       rejects or fails to pass such Bill.

       64. When a Bill is presented to the Governor-General for the
       King’s Assent, he shall declare according to his discretion,
       but subject to the provisions of this Act, and to such
       instructions as may from time to time be given in that behalf
       by the King, that he assents in the King’s name, or that he
       withholds assent, or that he reserves the Bill for the
       signification of the King’s pleasure. All Bills repealing or
       amending this section or any of the provisions of Chapter IV.
       under the heading "House of Assembly," and all Bills
       abolishing provincial councils or abridging the powers
       conferred on provincial councils under section eighty-five,
       otherwise than in accordance with the provisions of that
       section, shall be so reserved. The Governor-General may return
       to the House in which it originated any Bill so presented to
       him, and may transmit therewith any amendments which he may
       recommend, and the House may deal with the recommendation.

       65. The King may disallow any law within one year after it has
       been assented to by the Governor General, and such
       disallowance, on being made known by the Governor-General by
       speech or message to each of the Houses of Parliament or by
       proclamation, shall annul the law from the day when the
       disallowance is so made known.

       66. A Bill reserved for the King’s pleasure shall not have any
       force unless and until, within one year from the day on which
       it was presented to the Governor-General for the King’s
       Assent, the Governor-General makes known by speech or message
       to each of the Houses of Parliament or by proclamation that it
       has received the King’s Assent.

       67. As soon as may be after any law shall have been assented
       to in the King’s name by the Governor-General, or having been
       reserved for the King’s pleasure shall have received his
       assent, the Clerk of the House of Assembly shall cause two
       fair copies of such law, one being in the English and the
       other in the Dutch language (one of which copies shall be
       signed by the Governor-General), to be enrolled of record in
       the office of the Registrar of the Appellate Division of the
       Supreme Court of South Africa; and such copies shall be
       conclusive evidence as to the provisions of every such law,
       and in case of conflict between the two copies thus deposited
       that signed by the Governor-General shall prevail.

    V.—THE PROVINCES.

    ADMINISTRATORS.

       68.—
       (1) In each province there shall be a chief executive officer
       appointed by the Governor-General in Council, who shall be
       styled the administrator of the province, and in whose name
       all executive acts relating to provincial affairs therein
       shall be done.

       (2) In the appointment of the administrator of any province,
       the Governor-General in Council shall, as far as practicable,
       give preference to persons resident in such province.

       (3) Such administrator shall hold office for a term of five
       years and shall not be removed before the expiration thereof
       except by the Governor-General in Council for cause assigned,
       which shall be communicated by message to both Houses of
       Parliament within one week after the removal, if Parliament be
       then sitting, or, if Parliament be not sitting, then within
       one week after the commencement of the next ensuing session.

       (4) The Governor-General in Council may from time to time
       appoint a deputy administrator to execute the office and
       functions of the administrator during his absence, illness, or
       other inability.

       69. The salaries of the administrators shall be fixed and
       provided by Parliament, and shall not be reduced during their
       respective terms of office.

    {162}

    PROVINCIAL COUNCILS.

       70.—
       (1) There shall be a provincial council in each province
       consisting of the same number of members as are elected in the
       province for the House of Assembly: Provided that, in any
       province whose representatives in the House of Assembly shall
       be less than twenty-five in number, the provincial council
       shall consist of twenty-five members.

       (2) Any person qualified to vote for the election of members
       of the provincial council shall be qualified to be a member of
       such council.

       [Sections 71-77 are regulative of the elections, the terms
       (three years), and the sittings of the Provincial Councils.

       Sections 78-84 are creative of Executive Committees, for which
       each Provincial Council shall elect "from among its members,
       or otherwise," four persons, to be joined with the
       administrator of the Province, the latter being chairman of
       the Executive Committee thus constituted. This Committee, "on
       behalf of the Provincial Council," being appointed to "carry
       on the administration of provincial affairs," and, "subject to
       the provisions of this Act," to be invested with "all powers,
       authorities, and functions which at the establishment of the
       Union are vested in or exercised by the Governor in Council,
       or any minister of the Colony."]

    POWERS OF PROVINCIAL COUNCILS.

       85. Subject to the provisions of this Act and the assent of
       the Governor-General in Council as hereinafter provided, the
       provincial council may make ordinances in relation to matters
       coming within the following classes of subjects (that is to
       say):—

       (i) Direct taxation within the province in order to raise a
       revenue for provincial purposes:

       (ii) The borrowing of money on the sole credit of the province
       with the consent of the Governor-General in Council and in
       accordance with regulations to be framed by Parliament:

       (iii) Education, other than higher education, for a period of
       five years and thereafter until Parliament otherwise provides:

       (iv) Agriculture to the extent and subject to the conditions
       to be defined by Parliament:

       (v) The establishment, maintenance, and management of
       hospitals and charitable institutions:

       (vi) Municipal institutions, divisional councils, and other
       local institutions of a similar nature:

       (vii) Local works and undertakings within the province, other
       than railways and harbours and other than such works as extend
       beyond the borders of the province, and subject to the power
       of Parliament to declare any work a national work and to
       provide for its construction by arrangement with the
       provincial council or otherwise:

       (viii) Roads, outspans, ponts, and bridges, other than bridges
       connecting two provinces:

       (ix) Markets and pounds:

       (x) Fish and game preservation:

       (xi) The imposition of punishment by fine, penalty, or
       imprisonment for enforcing any law or any ordinance of the
       province made in relation to any matter coming within any of
       the classes of subjects enumerated in this section:

       (xii) Generally all matters which, in the opinion of the
       Governor-General in Council, are of a merely local or private
       nature in the province:

       (xiii) All other subjects in respect of which Parliament shall
       by any law delegate the power of making ordinances to the
       provincial council.

       [Sections 86-93 are regulative of the exercise of the powers
       thus conferred.]

       94. The seats of provincial government shall be—
       For the Cape of Good Hope, Cape Town;
       for Natal, Pietermaritzburg;
       for the Transvaal, Pretoria;
       for the Orange Free State, Bloemfontein.

    VI.—THE SUPREME COURT OF SOUTH AFRICA.

       95. There shall be a Supreme Court of South Africa consisting
       of a Chief Justice of South Africa, the ordinary judges of
       appeal, and the other judges of the several divisions of the
       Supreme Court of South Africa in the provinces.

       96. There shall be an Appellate Division of the Supreme Court
       of South Africa, consisting of the Chief Justice of South
       Africa, two ordinary judges of appeal, and two additional
       judges of appeal. Such additional judges of appeal shall be
       assigned by the Governor-General in Council to the Appellate
       Division from any of the provincial or local divisions of the
       Supreme Court of South Africa, but shall continue to perform
       their duties as judges of their respective divisions when
       their attendance is not required in the Appellate Division.

       97. The Governor-General in Council may, during the absence,
       illness, or other incapacity of the Chief Justice of South
       Africa, or of any ordinary or additional judge of appeal,
       appoint another judge of the Supreme Court of South Africa to
       act temporarily as such chief justice, ordinary judge of
       appeal, or additional judge of appeal, as the case may be.

       98.—
       (1) The several supreme courts of the Cape of Good Hope,
       Natal, and the Transvaal, and the High Court of the Orange
       River Colony shall, on the establishment of the Union, become
       provincial divisions of the Supreme Court of South Africa
       within their respective provinces, and shall each be presided
       over by a judge-president.

       [Further prescriptions on the same subject are contained in
       this and the next section of the Act.]

       100. The Chief Justice of South Africa, the ordinary judges of
       appeal, and all other judges of the Supreme Court of South
       Africa to be appointed after the establishment of the Union
       shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council, and
       shall receive such remuneration as Parliament shall prescribe,
       and their remuneration shall not be diminished during their
       continuance in office.

       101. The Chief Justice of South Africa and other judges of the
       Supreme Court of South Africa shall not be removed from office
       except by the Governor-General in Council on an address from
       both Houses of Parliament in the same session praying for such
       removal on the ground of misbehaviour or incapacity.

       102. Upon any vacancy occurring in any division of the Supreme
       Court of South Africa, other than the Appellate Division, the
       Governor-General in Council may, in case he shall consider
       that the number of judges of such court may with advantage to
       the public interest be reduced, postpone filling the vacancy
       until Parliament shall have determined whether such reduction
       shall take place.

       [Rules concerning the cases, civil and criminal, which may be
       appealed from inferior courts to the Appellate Division, and
       not to the Supreme Court, are laid down in sections 103-105.]

    {163}

       106. There shall be no appeal from the Supreme Court of South
       Africa or from any division thereof to the King in Council,
       but nothing herein contained shall be construed to impair any
       right which the King in Council may be pleased to exercise to
       grant special leave to appeal from the Appellate Division to
       the King in Council. Parliament may make laws limiting the
       matters in respect of which such special leave may be asked,
       but Bills containing any such limitation shall be reserved by
       the Governor-General for the signification of His Majesty’s
       pleasure: Provided that nothing in this section shall affect
       any right of appeal to His Majesty in Council from any
       judgment given by the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court
       under or in virtue of the Colonial Courts of Admiralty Act,
       1890.

       107. The Chief Justice of South Africa and the ordinary judges
       of appeal may, subject to the approval of the Governor-General
       in Council, make rules for the conduct of the proceedings of
       the Appellate Division and prescribing the time and manner of
       making appeals thereto. Until such rules shall have been
       promulgated, the rules in force in the Supreme Court of the
       Cape of Good Hope at the establishment of the Union shall
       mutatis mutandis apply.

       [Other details concerning the rules and the sessions of the
       several provincial and local divisions of the Supreme Court,
       the execution of their writs and other processes, etc., are
       set forth in sections 108-116.]

    VII.—FINANCE AND RAILWAYS.

       117. All revenues, from whatever source arising, over which
       the several Colonies have at the establishment of the Union
       power of appropriation, shall vest in the Governor-General in
       Council. There shall be formed a Railway and Harbour Fund,
       into which shall be paid all revenues raised or received by
       the Governor-General in Council from the administration of the
       railways, ports, and harbours, and such fund shall be
       appropriated by Parliament to the purposes of the railways,
       ports, and harbours in the manner prescribed by this Act.
       There shall also be formed a Consolidated Revenue Fund, into
       which shall be paid all other revenues raised or received by
       the Governor-General in Council, and such fund shall be
       appropriated by Parliament for the purposes of the Union in
       the manner prescribed by this Act, and subject to the charges
       imposed thereby.

       [Sections 118-123 provide for a commission "to institute an
       inquiry into the financial relations which should exist
       between the Union and the provinces"; prescribe the division
       to be made meantime of the Consolidated Revenue Fund; make the
       interest of the public debts a first charge on that fund;
       transfer to the Union all stocks, moneys, and securities, all
       crown lands, public works, etc., and all rights in mines and
       minerals that belonged to each of the colonies at the
       establishment of the Union.]

       124. The Union shall assume all debts and liabilities of the
       Colonies existing at its establishment, subject,
       notwithstanding any other provision contained in this Act, to
       the conditions imposed by any law under which such debts or
       liabilities were raised or incurred, and without prejudice to
       any rights of security or priority in respect of the payment
       of principal, interest, sinking fund, and other charges
       conferred on the creditors of any of the Colonies, and may,
       subject to such conditions and rights, convert, renew, or
       consolidate such debts.

       125. All ports, harbours, and railways belonging to the
       several Colonies at the establishment of the Union shall from
       the date thereof vest in the Governor-General in Council. No
       railway for the conveyance of public traffic, and no port,
       harbour, or similar work, shall be constructed without the
       sanction of Parliament.

       126. Subject to the authority of the Governor-General in
       Council, the control and management of the railways, ports,
       and harbours of the Union shall be exercised through a board
       consisting of not more than three commissioners, who shall be
       appointed by the Governor-General in Council, and a minister
       of State, who shall be chairman. …

       [Of the remaining sections of the Act (127-152) the following
       are the more important or the more significant.]

       133. In order to compensate Pietermaritzburg and Bloemfontein
       for any loss sustained by them in the form of diminution of
       prosperity or decreased rateable value by reason of their
       ceasing to be the seats of government of their respective
       colonies, there shall be paid from the Consolidated Revenue
       Fund for a period not exceeding twenty-five years to the
       municipal councils of such towns a grant of two per centum per
       annum on their municipal debts, as existing on the
       thirty-first day of January nineteen hundred and nine, and as
       ascertained by the Controller and Auditor-General. The
       Commission appointed under section one hundred and eighteen
       shall, after due inquiry, report to the Governor-General in
       Council what compensation should be paid to the municipal
       councils of Cape Town and Pretoria for the losses, if any,
       similarly sustained by them. Such compensation shall be paid
       out of the Consolidated Revenue Fund for a period not
       exceeding twenty-five years, and shall not exceed one per
       centum per annum on the respective municipal debts of such
       towns as existing on the thirty-first January nineteen hundred
       and nine, and as ascertained by the Controller and
       Auditor-General.

       134. The election of senators and of members of the executive
       committees of the provincial councils as provided in this Act
       shall, whenever such election is contested, be according to
       the principle of proportional representation, each voter
       having one transferable vote. The Governor-General in Council,
       or, in the case of the first election of the Senate, the
       Governor in Council of each of the Colonies, shall frame
       regulations prescribing the method of voting and of
       transferring and counting votes and the duties of returning
       officers in connection therewith, and such regulations or any
       amendments thereof after being duly promulgated shall have
       full force and effect unless and until Parliament shall
       otherwise provide.

       136. There shall be free trade throughout the Union, but until
       Parliament otherwise provides the duties of custom and of
       excise leviable under the laws existing in any of the Colonies
       at the establishment of the Union shall remain in force.

       137. Both the English and Dutch languages shall be official
       languages of the Union, and shall be treated on a footing of
       equality, and possess and enjoy equal freedom, rights, and
       privileges; all records, journals, and proceedings of
       Parliament shall be kept in both languages, and all Bills,
       Acts, and notices of general public importance or interest
       issued by the Government of the Union shall be in both
       languages.

    {164}

       138. All persons who have been naturalised in any of the
       Colonies shall be deemed to be naturalised throughout the
       Union.

       140. Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding section,
       all officers of the public service of the Colonies shall at
       the establishment of the Union become officers of the Union.

       141.
       (1) As soon as possible after the establishment of the Union,
       the Governor-General in Council shall appoint a public service
       commission to make recommendations for such reorganisation and
       readjustment of the departments of the public service as may
       be necessary. The commission shall also make recommendations
       in regard to the assignment of officers to the several
       provinces. …

       142. After the establishment of the Union the Governor-General
       in Council shall appoint a permanent public service commission
       with such powers and duties relating to the appointment,
       discipline, retirement, and superannuation of public officers
       as Parliament shall determine.

       143. Any officer of the public service of any of the Colonies
       at the establishment of the Union who is not retained in the
       service of the Union or assigned to that of a province shall
       be entitled to receive such pension, gratuity, or other
       compensation as he would have received in like circumstances
       if the Union had not been established.

       147. The control and administration of native affairs and of
       matters specially or differentially affecting Asiastics
       throughout the Union shall vest in the Governor-General in
       Council, who shall exercise all special powers in regard to
       native administration hitherto vested in the Governors of the
       Colonies or exercised by them as supreme chiefs, and any lands
       vested in the Governor or Governor and Executive Council of
       any colony for the purpose of reserves for native locations
       shall vest in the Governor-General in Council, who shall
       exercise all special powers in relation to such reserves as
       may hitherto have been exercisable by any such Governor or
       Governor and Executive Council, and no lands set aside for the
       occupation of natives which cannot at the establishment of the
       Union be alienated except by an Act of the Colonial
       Legislature shall be alienated or in any way diverted from the
       purposes for which they are set apart except under the
       authority of an Act of Parliament.

       148.—
       (1) All rights and obligations under any conventions or
       agreements which are binding on any of the Colonies shall
       devolve upon the Union at its establishment.

       (2) The provisions of the railway agreement between the
       Governments of the Transvaal, the Cape of Good Hope, and
       Natal, dated the second of February, nineteen hundred and
       nine, shall, as far as practicable, be given effect to by the
       Government of the Union.

    IX.—NEW PROVINCES AND TERRITORIES.

       149. Parliament may alter the boundaries of any province,
       divide a province into two or more provinces, or form a new
       province out of provinces within the Union, on the petition of
       the provincial council of every province whose boundaries are
       affected thereby.

       150. The King, with the advice of the Privy Council, may on
       addresses from the Houses of Parliament of the Union admit
       into the Union the territories administered by the British
       South Africa Company on such terms and conditions as to
       representation and otherwise in each case as are expressed in
       the addresses and approved by the King, and the provisions of
       any Order in Council in that behalf shall have effect as if
       they had been enacted by the Parliament of the United Kingdom
       of Great Britain and Ireland.

       151. The King, with the advice of the Privy Council, may, on
       addresses from the Houses of Parliament of the Union, transfer
       to the Union the government of any territories, other than the
       territories administered by the British South Africa Company,
       belonging to or under the protection of His Majesty, and
       inhabited wholly or in part by natives, and upon such transfer
       the Governor-General in Council may undertake the government
       of such territory upon the terms and conditions embodied in
       the Schedule to this Act.

    X.—AMENDMENT OF ACT.

       152. Parliament may by law repeal or alter any of the
       provisions of this Act: Provided that no provision thereof,
       for the operation of which a definite period of time is
       prescribed, shall during such period be repealed or altered:
       And provided further that no repeal or alteration of the
       provisions contained in this section, or in sections
       thirty-three and thirty-four (until the number of members of
       the House of Assembly has reached the limit therein
       prescribed, or until a period of ten years has elapsed after
       the establishment of the Union, whichever is the longer
       period), or in sections thirty-five and one hundred and
       thirty-seven, shall be valid unless the Bill embodying such
       repeal or alteration shall be passed by both Houses of
       Parliament sitting together, and at the third reading be
       agreed to by not less than two-thirds of the total number of
       members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at such joint sitting
       shall be taken to have been duly passed by both Houses of
       Parliament.

    SCHEDULE.

       1. After the transfer of the government of any territory
       belonging to or under the protection of His Majesty, the
       Governor-General in Council shall be the legislative
       authority, and may by proclamation make laws for the peace,
       order, and good government of such territory: Provided that
       all such laws shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament
       within seven days after the issue of the proclamation or, if
       Parliament be not then sitting, within seven days after the
       beginning of the next session, and shall be effectual unless
       and until both Houses of Parliament shall by resolutions
       passed in the same session request the Governor-General in
       Council to repeal the same, in which case they shall be
       repealed by proclamation.

       2. The Prime Minister shall be charged with the administration
       of any territory thus transferred, and he shall be advised in
       the general conduct of such administration by a commission
       consisting of not fewer than three members with a secretary,
       to be appointed by the Governor-General in Council, who shall
       take the instructions of the Prime Minister in conducting all
       correspondence relating to the territories, and shall also
       under the like control have custody of all official papers
       relating to the territories.

    {165}

       3. The members of the commission shall be appointed by the
       Governor-General in Council, and shall be entitled to hold
       office for a period of ten years, but such period may be
       extended to successive further terms of five years. …

       14. It shall not be lawful to alienate any land in Basutoland
       or any land forming part of the native reserves in the
       Bechuanaland protectorate and Swaziland from the native tribes
       inhabiting those territories.

       15. The sale of intoxicating liquor to natives shall be
       prohibited in the territories, and no provision giving
       facilities for introducing, obtaining, or possessing such
       liquor in any part of the territories less stringent than
       those existing at the time of transfer shall be allowed.

       16. The custom, where it exists, of holding pitsos or other
       recognised forms of native assembly shall be maintained in the
       territories.

       17. No differential duties or imposts on the produce of the
       territories shall be levied. The laws of the Union relating to
       customs and excise shall be made to apply to the territories.

       18. There shall be free intercourse for the inhabitants of the
       territories with the rest of South Africa subject to the laws,
       including the pass laws, of the Union.

       19. Subject to the provisions of this Schedule, all revenues
       derived from any territory shall be expended for and on behalf
       of such territory. …

       ----------CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

       ----------CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY: Start--------

    CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

       The following is a synopsis of the Constitution promulgated
       December 23, 1876, the first year of the reign of Abd-ul
       Hamid, then soon withdrawn, and practically forgotten for
       thirty-two years, but brought to light by the revolution of
       1908 and promulgated anew, on the 24th of July in that
       memorable year;

          See, in this Volume,
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER):

    THE INDIVISIBILITY OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE.

       The Sultan, the supreme Caliph of the Mussulmans and sovereign
       of all Ottoman subjects, is irresponsible and inviolable. His
       prerogatives are those of the constitutional sovereigns of the
       West. The subjects of the empire are called, without
       distinction, Ottomans. Individual liberty is inviolable, and
       is guaranteed by the laws.

       Islamism is the religion of the state, but the free exercise
       of all recognized creeds is guaranteed, and the religious
       privileges of the communities are maintained. No provision
       investing the institutions of the state with a theocratic
       character exists in the constitution.

       The constitution establishes liberty of the press, the right
       of petition to both chambers for all Ottomans, liberty of
       education, and the equality of all Ottomans before the law.
       They all enjoy the same rights, and have the same duties
       toward the country. Ottoman subjects, without distinction of
       religion, are admitted to the service of the state. Taxation
       will be equally distributed; property is guaranteed, and the
       domicile is declared inviolable. No person can be taken from
       the jurisdiction of his natural judges.

       The Council of Ministers will deliberate under the presidency
       of the Grand-Vizier. Each minister is responsible for the
       conduct of the affairs of his department. The Chamber of
       Deputies may demand the impeachment of the ministers, and a
       high court is instituted to try them. In the event of the
       Chamber adopting a vote hostile to the ministry on any
       important question, the Sultan will change the ministers or
       dissolve the Chamber. The ministers are entitled to be present
       at the sittings of both Chambers, and to take part in the
       debates. Interpellations may be addressed to the ministers.
       Public functionaries will be appointed in conformity with the
       conditions fixed by law, and cannot be dismissed without legal
       and sufficient cause. They are not discharged from
       responsibility by any orders contrary to law which they may
       receive from a superior.

       The General Assembly of the Ottomans is composed of two
       Chambers, the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, who will
       meet on the 1st of November in each year, the session lasting
       four months. A message from the Sultan will be sent to both
       Chambers at the opening of each session. The members of both
       Chambers are free with regard to their vote and in the
       expression of their opinions. Electors are prohibited from
       imposing binding engagements upon their representatives. The
       initiative in proposing laws belongs in the first place to the
       ministry, and next to the Chambers, in the form of
       propositions. Laws must be first submitted to the Chamber of
       Deputies, then to the Senate, and finally to the imperial
       sanction. The Senate is composed of members nominated by the
       Sultan and chosen from among the most eminent personages in
       the country. The Senate votes the laws already passed by the
       Chamber of Deputies, and returns to the latter, or rejects,
       any provisions contrary to the constitution or to the
       integrity or safety of the state. In the event of a
       dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, the general election
       shall be held and the new Chamber meet within six months from
       the date of dissolution. The sittings of the Chamber of
       Deputies are public. The deputies may not be arrested or
       prosecuted during the session without authority from the
       Chamber. The Chamber votes the laws article by article, and
       the budget by chapters. There is to be one deputy for every
       fifty thousand inhabitants, and the elections will be made by
       secret ballot. A special law will determine the mode of
       election. The mandate of a deputy will render him ineligible
       for any public office, except for a ministry. Each legislature
       will continue for a period of four years. The deputies will
       receive 4,600 francs for every session, which will last from
       November to March. The senators are appointed for life by the
       Sultan, and will receive 2,300 francs monthly. Judges are
       irremovable.

       The sittings of the tribunals are public. The advocates
       appearing for defendants are free. Sentences may be published.
       No interference can be permitted in the administration of
       justice. The jurisdiction of the tribunals will be exactly
       defined. Any exceptional tribunals or commissions are
       prohibited. The office of Public Prosecutor is created. The
       High Court, which will try ministers, members of the Court of
       Cassation, and other persons charged with the crime of lese
       Majeste, or of conspiracy against the state, will be
       composed of the most eminent judicial and administrative
       functionaries.

       No tax can be established or levied except by virtue of a law.
       The budget will be voted at the commencement of each session,
       and for a period of one year only. The final settlement of the
       budget for the preceding year will be submitted to the Chamber
       of Deputies in the form of a bill. The Court of Accounts will
       send every year to the Chamber of Deputies a report upon the
       state of public accounts, and will present to the Sultan,
       quarterly, a statement showing the financial condition of the
       country. The members of the Court of Accounts are irremovable.
       No dismissal can take place except in consequence of a
       resolution adopted by the Chamber of Deputies.

    {166}

       The provincial administration is based upon the broadest
       system of decentralization. The Councils-General, which are
       elective, will deliberate upon and control the affairs of the
       province. Every canton will have a council, elected by each of
       the different communities, for the management of its own
       affairs. The communes will be administered by elective
       municipal councils. Primary education is obligatory.

       The interpretation of the laws belongs, according to their
       nature, to the Court of Cassation, the Council of State, and
       the Senate.

       The constitution can only be modified on the initiative of the
       ministry, or of either of the two Chambers, and by a vote of
       both Chambers, passed by a majority of two-thirds. Such
       modification must also be sanctioned by the Sultan.

          Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia, 1876,
          pages 773-774.

          See amendments, in this Volume, under
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

       ----------CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY: End--------

    CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES:
       Proposed Income Tax Amendment.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    CONSTITUTION OF VENEZUELA, New.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1904.

    CONSTITUTION, A World:
       The Making of it in Process.

          See (in this Volume)
          WORLD MOVEMENTS.

    CONSTITUTION ISLAND.

       "In the Hudson River opposite West Point lies Constitution
       Island. It is a wood-covered tract of nearly three hundred
       acres, and for many years it has been coveted by the
       authorities of the Military Academy and the War Department.
       Its owner, Miss Anna Bartlett Warner, was always willing to
       sell to the Government, but Congress could never be induced to
       make the necessary appropriation for its purchase. Now Mrs.
       Russell Sage has joined with Miss Warner in making a gift of
       the island to the Nation, to be used as a part of the military
       reservation at West Point."

          The Outlook,
          September 19, 1908.

    CONSTITUTION-MAKING, and Unmaking, in Servia.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

    CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRATS.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906 and 1907.

    CONSULAR SERVICE, The Reform of the American.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

    CONSUMPTION.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

    CONVICT LEASE SYSTEM:
       Its abolition in Georgia.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    COOK, Frederick A.:
       Claimant of North Pole discovery.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    COOLEY, Dr. Harris R.:
       Director of Charities and Corrections, Cleveland, Ohio.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    COÖPERATION, Industrial and Commercial.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION.

    COPENHAGEN: A. D. 1906.
       Conference of the International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    COPYRIGHT:
       The new Law in the United States.

       "To the general surprise, the new copyright bill slipped
       through both houses of Congress yesterday [March 3, 1909]. It
       consists of one complete and consistent copyright statute, in
       sixty four sections. The term of copyright is lengthened. The
       bill leaves the present first term of twenty-eight years
       unchanged, but provides for a renewal term of twenty-eight
       years instead of fourteen, thus making possible a period of
       protection of fifty-six years from the publication of the
       work. The bill also provides for the extension of subsisting
       copyrights upon the same basis.

       "Copyright may now be secured for all the ‘writings’ of an
       author, using the constitutional expression. In enumerating
       and classifying works protected by copyright, the bill is more
       explicit than the present statutes, and adds the following new
       designations: ‘Lectures, sermons, and addresses, prepared for
       oral delivery’; ‘dramatico-musical compositions’; ‘plastic
       works of a scientific or technical character’; ‘reproductions
       of a work of art,’ and ‘ prints and pictorial illustrations,’
       in lieu of ‘engravings,’ ‘cuts,’ and ‘chromos,’ and ‘works of
       art’ instead of the present specific designations, ‘painting,’
       ‘drawings,’ ‘statue,’ and ‘statuary.’ Express provision is
       made that compilations, abridgments, adaptations,
       arrangements, dramatizations, or translations and works
       republished with new matter shall be considered new works
       subject to copyright.

       "As regards a musical work, the bill provides, as does the
       present law, that the author shall have the sole right to
       perform the work publicly for profit, but adds the sole right
       ‘to make any arrangement or setting of it or of the melody of
       it in any system of notation or any form of record from which
       it may be read or reproduced.’ The composer’s control of the
       reproduction of his music by mechanical instruments is
       qualified as follows:

       (a) to cover only music published and copyrighted after the
       act goes into effect;

       (b) not to include music by a foreign author or composer
       unless the foreign state or nation of which he is a subject
       grants to citizens of the United States similar rights;

       (c) whenever the owner of a musical copyright has used or
       permitted or acquiesced in the use of his work upon parts of
       instruments serving to reproduce mechanically the musical
       work, any other person may make similar use of the work upon
       the payment of a royalty of two cents on each part
       manufactured, notice to be filed in the copyright office of
       such use or license to use by the copyright proprietor.

       "American manufacture is required in the case of a book, not
       only as regards type-setting in the United States, but ‘if the
       text be produced by lithographic or photo-engraving process,
       then by a process wholly performed within the limits of the
       United States.’ The provision is also extended to
       illustrations within a book, and to separate lithographs and
       photo engravings, ‘except where in either case the subjects
       represented are located in a foreign country.’ The printing
       and binding of the book must also be performed within the
       United States.
    {167}
       Photographs are released from the present requirement that
       they ‘shall be printed from negatives made within the United
       States or from transfers made therefrom.’ The ‘original text
       of a book of foreign origin in a language or languages other
       than English ’ is also excepted from the requirements of
       type-setting in the United States. A new ad interim
       protection is given books printed abroad in the English
       language. If one complete copy of such book is deposited in the
       copyright office not later than thirty days after publication
       abroad, copyright is granted for a period of thirty days from
       the date of receipt of the copy. If an authorized edition of
       the book is produced from type set in the United States during
       this second thirty days, the full term of copyright is
       secured.

       "The much discussed provisions prohibiting the importation of
       copyrighted books are considerably modified. The importation
       of piratical copies of any work copyrighted is prohibited, and
       the importation of any books, 'although authorized by the
       author or proprietor,’ which have not been produced in
       accordance with the manufacturing provisions, is prohibited.
       The Act of 1891 permits importation of books in 'the case of
       persons purchasing for use and not for sale, who import,
       subject to the duty thereon, not more than two copies
       of such book at any one time.’ The new law permits
       importation, ‘not more than one copy at one time, for
       individual use, and not for sale,’ and adds the proviso that
       ‘such privilege of importation shall not extend to a foreign
       reprint of a book by an American author copyrighted in the
       United States.’ The Act of 1891 allows importation in good
       faith for the use of societies incorporated or
       established for educational, philosophical, literary, or
       religious purposes, or for the encouragement of the fine arts,
       or for any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning.
       The new law confines the privilege to incorporated societies
       or institutions, but adds scientific societies and ‘any State,
       school, college, university, or free public library’; but
       while the Act of 1891 permits ‘two copies in any one
       invoice’ to be so imported, the new law provides for ‘not more
       than one copy of any such book in one invoice’ when
       ‘for use and not for sale.’

       "In the case of infringement, an injunction may issue, as now,
       and damages be recovered as well as all the profits due to the
       infringement."

          New York Evening Post,
          March 4, 1909.

    COPYRIGHT:
       Pan-American Convention.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    CORINTO, Treaty of.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902: CENTRAL AMERICA.

    CORPORATE WRONGDOING:
       Summary of recent Governmental Action against it in the
       United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    CORPORATION TAX, United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    CORPORATIONS:
       Forbidden to contribute to Political Elections.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

    CORPORATIONS AND THE PUBLIC.

          See (in this Volume)
          Combinations, Industrial, &c., and Railways.

    CORPORATIONS, The Bureau of.
       Its establishment in the Federal Administration
       of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

    CORRAL, Ramon:
       Vice-President of Mexico.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO A. D. 1904-1905.

    CORREGAN, Charles Hunter:
       Nominated for President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

    CORTELYOU, George B.:
       Secretary of Commerce and Labor and Secretary of the Treasury.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

    COST OF LIVING.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &c.

    COSTA RICA.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    COUNTRY LIFE COMMISSION, Report of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

    COURTS, Industrial, German.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    COURTS OF LAW.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS.

    COWPER-TEMPLEISM.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.

    CREEK NATION, Alleged frauds on the.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN.

    CREMER, William Randal:
       Originator of the Inter-parliamentary Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909;
          also NOBEL PRIZES.

    CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Insurgent demand of Union with Greece.
       Investigation of discontent by the Protecting Powers.
       Resignation of the High Commissionership by Prince George.
       Appointment of Zaimis.

       A determined revolutionary movement to secure union with
       Greece was set on foot in March, 1905. Remonstrance against it
       by Prince George was unavailing, and the National Assembly,
       newly elected on the 2d of April, gave support to the
       insurgents, proclaiming the desired union of Crete with "her
       mother Greece," and ordering the Greek flag to be raised over
       the public buildings of the island. The government of Greece,
       while declaring its sympathy with the feeling which the
       movement expressed, could not give countenance to it, and
       urged the insurgents to lav down their arms. The latter,
       however, continued to hold the interior of the island and to
       make attacks on the Mohammedan population, until the approach
       of winter, when, on the 19th of November, they gave up their
       arms. The four protecting Powers then appointed a commission
       to investigate the grounds of discontent in the island, and
       its report made in the following spring justified a good deal
       of the Cretan complaint of arbitrary rule. In May a new
       Assembly was elected, in which the Government won 78 seats,
       the Opposition 36, and the Moslems were represented by 16. In
       July a resolution in favor of annexation to Greece was voted
       by acclamation in the Assembly, and its sittings were
       suspended to await the decision of the Powers. The latter
       announced a little later the intention to organize a
       gendarmerie to take the place of foreign troops in the island;
       and also to extend the operations of the Greek Finance
       Commission to Crete. Prince George now expressed his
       unwillingness to continue in the office of High Commissioner,
       and, on the request of the Powers, the King of Greece
       nominated M. Zaimis to succeed him. The nomination was
       accepted, and Prince George withdrew from the island, after
       issuing a farewell proclamation, September 25th. M. Zaimis
       arrived and assumed office on the 14th of October, being
       warmly received. He was understood to have the powers of a
       Greek Viceroy, with a mission to prepare the island for
       annexation to Greece.

    {168}

       "I should not like," said a writer in the summer of 1905, "to
       speak too positively of Prince George’s mistakes; but I have
       met no European who has lived in the island who had a good
       word to say for his administration. On the one hand, he played
       the despot. The local independent newspapers were destroyed,
       and the right of public meeting withdrawn. Worst of all, the
       mayors and prefects, who had originally been elected by the
       inhabitants of their districts, were degraded to the position
       of mere officials nominated by the Prince. At the same time,
       he aspired to be a sort of party leader. Quite early in his
       term of office he contrived to alienate the best men among the
       leaders who had conducted the insurrection with so much
       patience and wisdom. The President of the Provisional
       Government, Dr. Sphakianakis, an extremely able and, what is
       rarer, a wise and disinterested man, went into retirement when
       the Prince arrived. …

       "By the summer of last year, [1904] when the Prince cast
       Professor Jannaris, a philologist of European reputation, into
       Canea gaol, the rift between himself and his people had become
       desperate. … It was now quite clear that no solution remained
       save union with Greece. To Prince George it provided an
       honorable and graceful path of retreat. He could retire and
       bring with him in his withdrawal a great gift to the Greek
       nation, and confer, at the same time, contentment on Crete. …
       Prince George, accordingly, devoted the closing months of 1904
       to a tour among the European courts. The Powers had never
       intended to make him the permanent sovereign of Crete. His
       mandate was only for three years, and it had already been
       prolonged for a second term. He urged that the time had at
       length arrived for a definite solution, which could only be a
       union with Greece. But either his pleading was half-hearted or
       the Powers were deaf. His term was once more extended, and he
       was weak enough, or vain enough, to accept the dangerous
       mission. He returned to Crete and reported his failure.

       "What followed is recent history. For a month or two the
       Cretans were passive, and then suddenly they rose in arms. A
       sort of provisional government was established at Therisso, a
       stronghold in the mountains, near enough to Canea to threaten
       the Prince’s administration, far enough from the sea to be out
       of range of the European war-ships. Dr. Sphakianakis and MM.
       Venizelos and Foumis are at its head, and it soon received the
       allegiance of the whole interior. Simultaneously, under very
       strained conditions, a general election was held; and, though
       the members were probably drawn for the most part from the
       Prince’s party, the Chamber adopted the programme of the
       insurgents and solemnly proclaimed the annexation of the
       island to Greece. The Prince threatened, but he had no force
       behind him; and he too could only reiterate his prayer that
       Europe should assent to union. It is a whimsical display of
       unanimity. In other lands, subjects rebel to emphasize some
       difference of opinion with their rulers. The Cretans have
       taken up arms to prove how violently they all agree."

          H. N. Brailsford,
          The Future of Crete
          (North American Review, August, 1905).

    CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.
       How and why the Cretans have been restrained by the
       Four Protecting Powers.

       In February, 1907, the Cretans framed and adopted a new
       Constitution, providing for an Assembly of sixty-four
       Deputies, elected every two years, and continuing the
       executive office of High Commissioner, with a Council of
       three. They were fully exercising all the rights of
       independent self-government, under the protection of the four
       Powers which still maintained the old "Concert," namely, Great
       Britain, France, Russia, and Italy. The Turkish Government
       touched them in no other way than through the theoretical,
       intangible suzerainty which the Sultan claimed. But that
       claim, acknowledged by their potent protectors, barred them
       from annexation to the kingdom of their fellow Greeks, which
       was their heart’s desire. If Turkey had continued in the
       condition to which it had sunk when the Powers set them free
       from all but a fiction of feudal law (see in Volume VI. of
       this work, TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899) there seems little doubt
       that they would have won their wish in no long time, with the
       help of those Powers; but the great change in Turkish
       conditions which came about in 1908 was not favorable to
       Cretan hopes.

       To the Cretans, in October, 1908, the Turkish Revolution
       appeared to have brought them the best of opportunities for
       breaking the irksome thread of an unexercised Ottoman
       sovereignty. Bulgaria snapped the thread; why should not they?
       But Bulgaria had no responsible guardians to look after her
       conduct; while Crete was, unfortunately at this juncture, the
       ward of an international trust company, whose responsibilities
       for her were made immeasurably more serious by the very
       circumstances which invited her to an escapade. The
       revolutionary undertaking of the Young Turks, to reform their
       own nation, claimed the sympathy and good will of every
       right-feeling government in the world. Great Britain, France,
       and Italy, at least, could not afford to lay, or consent to
       the laying, of a straw of difficulty in its way. A declaration
       of Cretan independence and annexation to Greece, countenanced
       by the Powers, would have raised excitements in Turkey more
       than likely to wreck the reform movement in a catastrophe of
       war, which might involve much larger fields than those that
       lie between Turkey and Greece. The action of Bulgaria and that
       of Austria in annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina had put a
       dangerous strain on the situation; but neither of these had
       tried Turkish feeling as it would have been tried if Crete and
       Greece had been suffered to follow their example by the four
       protecting Powers.

       The attempt was made in Crete on the 12th of October, 1908,
       when the Assembly voted union with Greece, and elected a
       committee of six members to conduct the Government in the name
       of the King of Greece, under Greek laws. The four Powers
       intervened in a soothing way, agreeing to treat with the
       Turkish Government on the subject, provided that order in the
       island should be maintained and protection afforded to the
       Mohammedan population. In the previous May they had decided to
       withdraw the forces they were jointly keeping in Crete, and
       had announced that their evacuation of the island should be
       completed by the end of July, 1909.
    {169}
       When the time thus appointed drew near there was some anxiety
       as to what might follow the withdrawal of troops; but the
       Powers adhered to their agreement. Meantime the Turkish
       Government was giving plain expression to its determination to
       "maintain Ottoman rights in Crete." Early in July, 1909, the
       intentions of the four Powers were made known by an
       announcement to the French Chamber of Deputies from the
       Foreign Minister of that Government. The international
       contingents of troops, he stated, would be recalled by the
       contemplated date of July 27; but four war ships
       (stationnaires) would be sent, one by each Power, "to guard
       the Ottoman flag and the flags of the four Powers, as well as
       to ensure, in case of trouble, the protection of the
       population. A declaration would be addressed to the people of
       Crete promising, in particular, that the Powers will continue
       to occupy themselves with the Cretan question in a benevolent
       spirit, but adding that it is their duty to see that order is
       maintained and the safety of the Mussulmans in Crete assured;
       that with this object they reserve the right of adopting such
       measures as may be expedient for the restoration of
       tranquillity, in case disturbances should break out which the
       local authorities were unable to quell. The declaration
       addressed to the Cretans to be communicated to the Porte and a
       declaration to be made at Constantinople, in order to give an
       exact account of the spirit in which the foregoing measures
       have been adopted."

       This decision was communicated formally to the Greek and
       Turkish governments a little later. The latter, in reply,
       thanked the four Powers for their promise to safeguard Ottoman
       interests in the island, but declared that it could not
       tolerate "any extension of the privileges of the Cretans
       beyond those guaranteed by their autonomy, least of all any
       such extension as might give rise to the supposition that
       Crete was in any way politically connected or dependent on the
       Hellenic kingdom."

       The attitude of the four Powers in their action was stated
       very distinctly to the British House of Commons on the 22d of
       July, by Sir Edward Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, as
       follows:

       "The status quo maintained in Crete is that Crete
       remains in trust to the four Powers who hold the island in
       trust, and continue to maintain the obligations of preserving
       the supreme rights of Turkey. That is the status quo,
       and to put any other interpretation upon it and say that it
       means this or that, or that it amounts to virtual annexation,
       is misleading and is not true. That is not intended. The
       question of Crete has been exceedingly difficult, partly for
       the very reasons which I have already named, that it was
       raised at a time when the Turkish Government itself was
       passing through a stage exceedingly difficult, but exceedingly
       hopeful. What we have desired to do with regard to Crete is to
       secure that nothing shall happen which will be damaging to the
       prestige of the new régime in Turkey, and by being
       damaging to that prestige make the prospects of reform and of
       the increasing welfare of Turkey less hopeful."

       The last of the international contingents left Crete on the
       26th of July; whereupon the Cretans ran up the Greek flag on
       the fortress evacuated. Some days passed before the naval
       stationnaires of the four Powers arrived on the scene,
       and Turkey opened a somewhat sharp correspondence with Greece.
       The Powers intervened, assuming responsibility for conditions
       in Crete, and asking that communications on the subject be
       addressed to them. At the same time, the Cretans were
       admonished to take down the Greek flag. As they did not do so,
       sailors from the war ships were landed on the 18th of August,
       who lowered the flag and cut the flag-staff down. Sixty were
       left on guard to prevent further demonstrations of a
       provocative kind. To the time of this writing (February 1,
       1910) nothing has occurred since to disturb the quiet in
       Crete. In November, however, the Turkish Government addressed
       to the four Powers a request for a definite settlement of the
       status of Crete. The reply, given on the 9th of December, was
       as follows:

       "The protecting Powers do not deem the moment opportune for
       diplomatic negotiations tending to establish a definite
       régime in the island. The circumstances have not
       changed since the date of evacuation of the island by the
       international troops. Though infractions of the status
       quo had been committed, they were at once suppressed, and
       if more serious infractions occurred the Powers would meet
       them in accordance with the standpoint expressed in their
       Notes of July last with regard to the supreme rights of the
       Sultan. In present conditions negotiations on the Cretan
       question might excite public opinion in Turkey and elsewhere,
       and lead to dangerous complications."

       ----------CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: Start--------

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: THEIR PROBLEMS.
       "Black Hand," The:
       Sicilian Blackmail Terrorism brought to the United States.

       "Toward the end of the last century the Sicilian gangs which
       made their living by blackmail became aware that not a few
       Italians who had left their home country as peasants had
       acquired wealth across the Atlantic. Even the ordinary
       workman, they learnt, who could gain only 40 cents a day in
       Sicily, could make about four times that wage in New York.
       Accordingly they hastened to exploit by their familiar methods
       the rich field of the Italian colony in that city. It was not
       long before the American police found themselves faced by an
       elaborate machinery of crime far more ingenious and
       complicated than anything with which they had previously had
       to deal. The Black Hand, as the society called itself,
       proceeded normally to extort what it wanted by frank demands
       and threats, and it did not hesitate at kidnapping, outrage,
       and murder when these means seemed necessary to its ends."

          New York Correspondent London Times,
          March 16, 1909.

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       Cleveland’s Farm Colony.

       "A City in the Life Saving Business" is the title given by Mr.
       Frederick C. Howe to an article in The Outlook of
       January 18, 1908, descriptive of the Farm Colony which the
       City of Cleveland, Ohio, has substituted for the old time
       "work-house" or "penitentiary" for the detention and treatment
       of its vagabonds and petty offenders.
    {170}
       The change has been wrought within the past seven years by the
       City Director of Charities and Corrections, Dr. Harris R.
       Cooley. The following facts of it are summarized from Mr.
       Howe’s article:

       The colony occupies the larger part of a 1900 acre farm, on
       which some other institutions, such as a city infirmary, are
       to be placed; but the ex-workhouse-prisoners are, so far, the
       interesting occupants of the farm. They are prisoners with no
       prison. They wear no convict garb, drag no ball and chain, are
       surrounded by no wall or stockade, are watched by no armed
       guards. They are working a quarry, making roads and sewers,
       gathering stone, doing all descriptions of farm work, as free
       in their movements as farm laborers who work for hire. And out
       of hundreds on whom this treatment has been tried for nearly
       seven years "only a handful," it is said, "have ever taken
       advantage of their liberty. And it was the other prisoners who
       were most incensed at their escape."

       These unimprisoned prisoners are put on honor; they are
       treated as men to whom society would like to do good. It gives
       them a few weeks or months of healthful, honestly laborious
       life, in the midst of wholesome and beautiful surroundings
       (for the farm is nobly situated); and when they are dismissed
       from it they do not go dispirited and weakened and marked with
       a prison brand, as they would go from a workhouse, but
       strengthened in body, helped to self-respect, and encouraged
       to a change of life by the experience they have had. It is not
       punishment they have received, but a revelation, in most
       cases, of a better side of life than they had known. And this
       treatment is proving its success.

       There are classes for instruction, on various lines, at the
       farm, and some come back, for evening study, after their
       release. Two years ago one of the released colonists began the
       formation of a Brotherhood among those who came out, to assist
       their fellows and take care of them till they got a new
       footing in the world; and no less than 427 had received that
       helping hand of fellowship when Mr. Howe wrote his account.
       The Brotherhood was then occupying a rented house, on the
       furnishing of which it had expended over $2000, made up within
       its own ranks.

       Besides its Farm Colony, Cleveland has established another,
       somewhat similar, farm for boys. This, called Boyville, is 285
       acres in extent, and the young delinquents sent to it live in
       cottages, named Washington Cottage, Lincoln Cottage, etc.,
       each with a motherly woman in charge. They are kept in
       attendance at a school pursuing the same studies as in the
       city schools; their big playground affords them all kinds of
       healthful sports. They have horses, cattle, goats and dogs to
       take care of, and they are drilled in a fire company which is
       expected to protect the property of Boyville.

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       The Convict Lease System:
       Its abolition in Georgia.

       During the Civil War the Penitentiary buildings of the State
       of Georgia, at Milledgeville, were destroyed, and for many
       years subsequently the prevailing conditions were not
       favorable to their replacement. There grew up, in consequence,
       an evil practice of working convicts in chain-gangs, leading
       finally to the leasing of such gangs to contractors. A
       frightful brutalizing of all concerned in the operation of the
       vicious system—convicts, overseers, and lessees alike—is said
       to have been the result, as it could hardly fail to be. Within
       late years public attention, in Georgia and outside of the
       State, was increasingly drawn to the treatment and condition
       of the chain-gangs, by shocking stories of barbarity and
       depravity; yet the evil was hard to reform, because of the
       profit which the State derived from the hire of its criminals.
       Years of agitation and exertion by right-minded people in
       Georgia were required to overcome the sordid influence of this
       fact, and it was not until September, 1908, that the
       Legislature, called in special session by Governor Hoke Smith
       to deal with the question, passed an Act which brought the
       lease system to an end on the 31st of March, 1909. Provision
       was made at this important session for an establishment of
       State farms on which convicts can be employed; for introducing
       a parole system into the penological policy of the State, and
       for the institution of juvenile courts. The legislative
       session was a memorable one.

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       English Court of Criminal Appeal.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: ENGLAND.

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       The English Prevention of Corruption Act.

       The object of the English Prevention of Corruption Act, passed
       in 1906, is to check the practice of giving and taking secret
       commissions, which, as the late Lord Russell of Killowen
       caused the country to realize, was widely prevalent in
       commercial and professional circles, as well as in the humbler
       sphere of the "servants’ hall." Before the passing of the Act,
       of course, it was illegal to give and receive secret
       commissions. After the Act came into force, it became
       criminal. The provisions of the measure make it a
       misdemeanour, punishable, on summary conviction or on
       indictment, with fine or imprisonment—

       (1) For any agent corruptly to receive any gift or
       consideration for doing or not doing any act, or showing or
       not showing favour or disfavour, in relation to his
       principal’s affairs;

       (2) For any person corruptly to offer such gift or
       consideration to any agent;

       (3) For any person to give to an agent, or for any agent to
       use, any false or defective receipt or other business document
       with intent to deceive the principal.

       Two years after the Act came into force its effects were
       discussed by a writer in the London Times, who said:
       ‘The circumstances that the fiat of the Attorney-General must
       be obtained before any prosecution can be instituted under the
       Act, and that, until recently, there was no organization
       qualified to take active steps to prevent the Act from
       becoming a dead letter, account for the comparatively small
       number of cases in which proceedings have been taken under the
       Act during the past two years. Fifteen prosecutions have been
       authorized by the Attorney-General. In 12 cases there have
       been convictions, one case has been abandoned, and two are
       still pending. These figures show, at any rate, that
       prosecutions are not lightly instituted, and that the charges
       which have been preferred against offenders have been, as a
       rule, well founded.

    {171}

       "It is undoubtedly true, in this matter as in others, that
       ‘everybody’s business is nobody’s.’ Soon after the passing of
       the Act it was realized that, if it was to prove effective
       ‘for the better prevention of corruption,’ some organization
       must be formed to give effect to the measure—to furnish
       information in respect to its provisions, to investigate
       complaints, and, if necessary, to institute prosecutions. A
       society was formed, therefore, with the title of ‘The Secret
       Commissions and Bribery Prevention League,’ to work on lines
       similar to those of the societies which strengthen the arm of
       the law so effectively in respect of cruelty to children and
       cruelty to animals. … The committee has investigated a large
       number of cases which have been brought to their knowledge,
       they have given advice freely to members and others interested
       in the working of the Act, they have issued thousands of
       circulars and letters, as well as occasional ‘news sheets,’
       they have made representations to the War Office and other
       public bodies as opportunities occurred, and have summoned
       various trade conferences for the consideration of points of
       importance arising out of the Act. The value of the League’s
       work is emphasized by the fact that the members include many
       important limited liability companies and trade associations,
       and that the League is becoming in a special sense
       representative of the commercial community as a whole."

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       Indeterminate Sentence and
       the Parole System of New York State.

       The first provision in New York for indeterminate sentences
       was by Section 74, Chapter 382 of the Laws of 1889, as
       follows: "Whenever any male person over sixteen years of age,
       shall be convicted of a felony which is punishable by
       imprisonment in a State prison, for a term to be fixed within
       certain limits by the court pronouncing sentence, the court
       authorized to pronounce judgment upon such offender, instead
       of pronouncing upon such offender a definite sentence of
       imprisonment in a State prison for a fixed term, may pronounce
       upon such offender an indeterminate sentence of imprisonment
       in a State prison for a term with minimum and maximum limits
       only specified, without fixing a definite term of sentence
       within such limits named in the sentence, but the maximum
       limit so specified in the sentence shall not exceed the
       longest period for which such offender might have been
       sentenced, and the minimum limit in said sentence specified
       shall not be less than the shortest term for which such
       offender might have been sentenced. The maximum term specified
       in such indeterminate sentence shall be limited in the same
       manner as a definite sentence in compliance with the
       provisions of section six hundred and ninety-seven of the
       Penal Code."

       A Parole Board was constituted under this Act, composed of the
       Superintendent of Prisons and the chief officers of the four
       State Prisons.

       "It will be noted that this law permitted the indeterminate
       but did not abolish the definite sentence. Its provisions
       applied to all classes of male felons over sixteen years of
       age. No distinction was made between the first offenders and
       the professional and persistent criminals. The court in its
       discretion could impose either form of sentence on any
       convicted male felon provided he was more than sixteen years
       old. How general the preference of the judges was for the
       definite sentence is shown by the fact that during the twelve
       years that this law was in force approximately 13,000
       prisoners were received at the prisons, only 115 of whom had
       indeterminate terms. …

       "As there were but 60 men paroled during the life of this
       statute (1889 to 1901), there was naturally but slight
       progress made during that period toward organizing,
       systematizing and perfecting the parole system; but some
       experience was gained and data secured that has since been
       useful. …

       "The Legislature of 1901 passed two important and effective
       laws relative to the parole of prisoners which became
       operative September 1, 1901. The first amended Section 74 of
       Chapter 382, Laws of 1889, to read as follows:—

       ‘Every person now confined in a state prison, or in the
       Eastern New York Reformatory, under sentence for a definite
       term for a felony, the maximum penalty for which is
       imprisonment for five years or less, exclusive of fines, who
       has never before been convicted of a crime punishable by
       imprisonment in a state prison shall be subject to the
       jurisdiction of the board of commissioners of paroled
       prisoners and may be paroled in the same manner and subject to
       the same conditions and penalties as prisoners confined under
       indeterminate sentences. The minimum and maximum terms of the
       sentences of said prisoners are hereby fixed and determined to
       be as follows: The definite term for which each person is
       sentenced shall be the maximum limit of his term, and
       one-third of the definite term of his sentence shall be the
       minimum limit of his term."

          (As amended by chapter 260, L. 1901,
          and by chapter 508, L. 1902.)

       "By this Act the members of the State Commission of Prisons
       were constituted a Board of Commissioners for Paroled
       Prisoners and they were to meet at each of the prisons four
       times a year. The Superintendent of State Prisons was
       authorized to appoint a parole officer for each prison.

       "The other law amended the Penal Code by adding a new section.
       § 687 a.—A person never before convicted of a crime punishable
       by imprisonment in a state prison, who is convicted in any
       court in this state of a felony, the maximum penalty for
       which, exclusive of fines, is imprisonment for five years or
       less, and sentenced to a state prison, shall be sentenced
       thereto under an indeterminate sentence, the minimum of which
       shall not be less than one year; or in case a minimum is fixed
       by law, not less than such minimum, and the maximum of which
       shall not be more than the longest period fixed by law for
       which the crime is punishable of which the offender is
       convicted. The maximum limit of such sentence shall be so
       fixed as to comply with the provisions of section 697 of the
       Penal Code."

       "This Act was amended in 1902 to provide also that any first
       offender convicted of a felony other than murder first and
       second degrees, the maximum penalty for which exceeded five
       years, might be sentenced to an indeterminate term. Few
       prisoners, however, were so sentenced for crimes that carried
       a penalty of more than five years.

       "The passage of these Acts put the parole system in active
       operation in 1901. Many prisoners then in the prisons whose
       terms thus became indeterminate were immediately eligible for
       parole. Others became eligible from month to month. … In the
       first year under this law the Board considered the
       applications of 583 prisoners and granted parole to 272.

    {172}

       "The scope of the parole system was materially enlarged and
       the work of the Board vastly increased by the legislation of
       1907. Chapter 737, Laws of 1907, provides, that all first
       offenders convicted of felonies other than murder first and
       second degrees and sentenced to a state prison must be
       sentenced to indeterminate terms. As a result of this law the
       class of prisoners subject to the jurisdiction of the Board
       will gradually increase to more than double the present
       number. …

       "Chapter 738, Laws of 1907, changed the penalty for murder
       second degree from life imprisonment to an indeterminate term
       having a minimum of 20 years and a maximum of life. Also, by
       this Act the sentences of all prisoners then in the prisons
       serving life sentences for murder second degree were made
       indeterminate terms with limits as above given [and 12, out of
       17, were soon released on parole],

       "Chapter 645, Laws of 1907, provides, that a person convicted
       for the fourth time for felony shall be sentenced to an
       indeterminate term, the maximum of which shall be life.

       "It is the intent of this law that the man who has
       demonstrated the fact that he is a persistent criminal shall
       be kept under supervision during life. That the counties shall
       be saved the expense of repeatedly trying him and, more
       important still, that the baneful effects of his association
       with, and influence over, prisoners in the jails, shall be
       avoided. If at any time after he has served his minimum term
       there is a reasonable probability that he will remain at
       liberty without violating the law, the Board may parole him."

       The Act of 1907, which became effective June 10, in that year,
       provides that "the board of parole for state prisons shall be
       composed of the superintendent of state prisons and two
       citizens appointed by the governor and confirmed by the
       senate; and that said board shall meet at each of the prisons
       every month. It shall also make examination and report to the
       governor with its recommendations on all applications for
       pardon referred to them by the governor."

          Report of the Board of Parole for State Prisons, 1907.

       To serve with the Superintendent of Prisons as the Board of
       Parole the Governor of New York appointed the Honorable George
       A. Lewis and the Honorable Albion V. Wadhams, for five years.

       In the annual report of the Superintendent of Prisons for 1908
       he discusses the working of the law, in part as follows:

       "The results attained with State prison convicts under the
       indeterminate sentence law have been satisfactory so far as
       the term limits fixed by the courts have permitted the proper
       application of the parole features of the law. In many cases,
       however, the terms of the sentences have been so inconsistent
       with the evident purpose and intent of the law as to render
       its parole provisions wholly, or to a good degree,
       inoperative.

       "In several sentences imposed by the courts, the maximum and
       minimum terms have been identical as ‘Not less than three
       years or more than three years.’ As will be seen, this is
       really a definite sentence and no parole period is provided
       for. In a very great number of cases, the margin between the
       minimum and maximum terms is but one, two or three months.
       While prisoners so sentenced may be paroled, the period of
       their probation is so limited that there is little opportunity
       to influence and train the man. …

       "The Superintendent is satisfied that the indeterminate has
       many advantages over the definite sentence, but its full
       benefit cannot be had under the law as it now stands and is
       applied. It should be amended so as to provide for longer
       parole periods and for minimum sentences never exceeding the
       maximum penalty for the crime of which the prisoner is
       convicted less the commutation allowed on definite sentences."

       In May, 1909, Governor Hughes signed a retro-active law which
       extends to all convicts now in prison, who, being first
       offenders, have been sentenced for crimes committed prior to
       September 1st, 1907.

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       Pan-American Extradition Convention.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       Preventive Detention in Great Britain.
       The Borstal System of Discipline and Training for
       Young Offenders.

       An Act entitled The Prevention of Crime Act, passed by the
       British Parliament in December, 1908, came into force on the
       1st of August, 1909. It is described in the preamble as an
       "Act to make better provision for the prevention of crime, and
       for that purpose to provide for the reformation of young
       offenders, and the prolonged detention of habitual criminals,
       and for other purposes incidental thereto." "The principle of
       ‘preventive detention’ is accepted and embodied in the Act,
       such detention to continue until the offender gives sufficient
       assurance that he will take to an honest life, or until by age
       or infirmity he becomes physically incapable of resuming a
       life of crime. In no case is life imprisonment contemplated,
       but when a man is convicted on indictment of a crime and is
       sentenced to penal servitude, if the jury find that he is an
       habitual criminal the Court may pass a further sentence. They
       must first be satisfied, however, that by reason of his
       criminal antecedents and his mode of life it is expedient for
       the protection of the public that he should be kept in
       detention for an extended period. The jury will have to be
       satisfied, first that the man just convicted of an offence has
       been convicted of at least three serious crimes, and,
       secondly, that when convicted he was leading an habitually
       dishonest life. The charge of being an habitual criminal
       cannot be made except by the consent of the Director of Public
       Prosecutions. The accused man will have an unqualified right
       of appeal. After serving his term of penal servitude he will
       be committed to a place of detention which will be a prison
       specially adapted for the purposes of the Act. The prison
       discipline will be less rigorous than that now prevailing,
       alike as regards hours, talking, recreation, occupations, and
       food.

       "The Act provides that the Secretary of State [the Home
       Secretary] shall once at least in every three years during
       which the person is detained in custody under a sentence of
       preventive detention, take into consideration the condition,
       history, and circumstances of that person with a view to
       determining whether he shall be placed out on license, and if
       so, on what conditions. Directors of convict prisons are to
       report periodically to the Secretary of State upon the conduct
       and industry of persons undergoing preventive detention, and
       their prospects and probable behaviour on release.
    {173}
       For this purpose they are to be assisted by a committee at
       each prison, consisting of such members of the board of
       visitors and such other persons of either sex as the Secretary
       of State may from time to time appoint. Every such committee
       is to hold meetings at intervals of not more than six months,
       as may be prescribed, for the purpose of personally
       interviewing persons undergoing preventive detention in the
       prison and preparing reports for the assistance of the
       directors."

       The part of the Act which relates to the reformation of young
       offenders provides for the establishment and regulation of
       what are named "Borstal institutions." "These are places in
       which young offenders may be given during their detention such
       industrial training and other instruction and be subjected to
       such disciplinary and moral influences as will conduce to
       their reformation and the prevention of crime. The Act will
       apply to persons of not less than 16 or more than 21 years of
       age who may be convicted on indictment of an offence for which
       they are liable to be sentenced to penal servitude or
       imprisonment. In such cases … it will be lawful for the Court,
       instead of passing a sentence of penal servitude or
       imprisonment, to pass one of detention under penal discipline
       in a Borstal institution. Such detention will not be less than
       for one year or more than three years. Power is given to
       detain in Borstal institutions youthful offenders sentenced to
       detention in reformatory schools.

       … Powers are also given to the Secretary of State to transfer
       persons in certain cases from prison to Borstal institutions.

       "Subject to regulations by the Secretary of State, the Prison
       Commissioners may, after six months, or in the case of a
       female three months, from the commencement of the term of
       detention, if satisfied that there is reasonable probability
       that the offender will abstain from crime and lead a useful
       and industrious life, by license permit him to be discharged
       from the Borstal institution, on condition that he be placed
       under the supervision or authority of any society or person
       named in the license who may be willing to take charge of the
       case. Every person sentenced to detention in a Borstal
       institution shall, on the expiration of the term of his
       sentence, remain for a further period of six months under the
       supervision of the Prison Commissioners."

       The introduction of this system has been brought about by the
       efforts of an organization which bears the name of the Borstal
       Association, concerning whose experimental undertakings the
       London Times said, lately, in an editorial article:

       "Those who have hitherto been sceptical as to effective
       treatment of the criminal classes would do well to consult the
       report for 1909 of the Borstal Association. They can scarcely
       fail to admit that new and powerful agencies for good are at
       work. The experiment, which has been more successful than its
       authors anticipated, began in a small way at Bedford Prison,
       and has been gradually extended. At first it was applied to
       selected offenders in the metropolitan prisons between the
       ages of sixteen and twenty-one who had been committed for six
       months. It was soon discovered that little good could be done
       with criminals under successive short sentences. This has been
       rectified. … Speaking lately of the Borstal methods, the
       Bishop of Wakefield said truly that the problem is how to
       combine in the treatment of young criminals ‘tenderness and
       strength,’ to ‘draw the line between sternness and sympathy.’
       In the past the tendency was to be punctiliously severe. …
       To-day the tendency, the danger, is to forget that the prison
       is not a place of recreation; to dwell too much on the
       hardships of its inmates; to plead a little too much for their
       comforts; to ask and expect too much; to be unduly critical of
       prison authorities. The advocates of the Borstal system claim
       to have avoided these mistakes. ‘It is not,’ they say, ‘a
       namby-pamby system; only those who accept its strong incentive
       and reformative methods find it tolerable; those who do not,
       entreat for removal to other prisons where less development
       and improvement of their latent capacities are demanded.’ It
       seeks to inure to hard work the lads subject to its
       discipline; it would make them strong and fit to handle tools
       intelligently; it would turn them into healthy and well set-up
       men. The fact that they may quit Borstal with some proficiency
       in a trade counts for much."

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       Probation System, as established by recent legislation
       in New York.

       "Probation, as authorized by the laws of New York State, is a
       system of discipline and correction, or, in some cases, of
       moral guardianship, applied by courts to suitable offenders,
       after conviction, for the purpose of improving their conduct
       and circumstances without committing them to institutions. The
       defendants are released conditionally on their good behavior,
       under suspended sentence, and under the friendly but
       authoritative supervision of a representative of the court,
       known as a probation officer. The probation law contemplates
       that in placing a defendant on probation certain terms and
       conditions shall be imposed, and it provides that if the
       probationer violate these conditions, his probation officer
       may return him to court for the execution of sentence. Besides
       usually requiring each probationer to report to him from time
       to time, the probation officer is expected to visit the
       probationer at frequent intervals and to do whatever seems
       essential to improve his surroundings and habits. The
       probation officer should report regularly to the court
       concerning the progress of each probationer. When so directed
       by the court, the probation officer also investigates cases,
       particularly with reference to the history, circumstances and
       character of the defendants, in order to lay before the court
       facts which may be important in determining whether they
       should be placed on probation.

       "It is desirable to keep the distinction between probation and
       parole clearly in mind. Under the New York laws the word
       probation refers to the supervision of defendants who, after
       conviction, are released under suspended sentence. The
       suspension of sentence alone does not constitute probation;
       there must also be oversight by a probation officer. The word
       parole, on the other hand, is applied to two entirely
       different systems. In some courts before convictions are
       found, cases are adjourned from time to time and the
       defendants conditionally released; and this is called parole.
       There is no authority to apply the term probation to this
       practice, because under the New York State laws a person
       cannot be placed on probation until after conviction. Parole
       is the appropriate word to use also in connection with the
       conditional release of inmates from penal or reformatory
       institutions before the expiration of their term of
       commitment. …

    {174}

       "Twenty-seven hundred and fifty-four boys and girls, and 7,680
       adults, making a total of 10,434 persons, were reported by
       probation officers as on probation during 1908. Of these 8,762
       were placed on probation during the year. On December 31,
       1908, there were 2,378 persons remaining on probation. The
       corresponding number for December 31, 1907, was 1,672. Three
       hundred and twenty probation officers supervised probationers
       during the year, which is more than double the number of
       active probation officers reported in the last report of this
       Commission. During 1908 the probation system was used in the
       courts of 26 cities as against 16 cities reported in 1907, in
       8 town and village courts in 1908 as against 1 village court
       in 1907, in 23 county courts as against 11 in 1907, and, as
       far as the reports of probation officers indicate, in the
       Supreme Court in 6 counties as against none in 1907."

          Second Report of New York State Probation Commission,
          March 15, 1909.

       As amended in May, 1909, "the law creates the position of
       county probation officer, and makes the services of such an
       officer available not only in the county court, but also in
       the Supreme Court and the courts of all towns, villages and
       third-class cities within the county."

    CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY:
       The English "Probation of Offenders Act."

       This Act, which became law in August, 1907, provides that,
       "where any person is charged before a court of summary
       jurisdiction with an offence punishable by such court, and the
       court thinks that the charge is proved, but is of opinion
       that, having regard to the character, antecedents, age,
       health, or mental condition of the person charged, or to the
       trivial nature of the offence, or to the extenuating
       circumstances under which the offence was committed, it is
       inexpedient to inflict any punishment or any other than a
       nominal punishment, or that it is expedient to release the
       offender on probation, the court may, without proceeding to
       conviction, make an order either—

       (i) dismissing the information or charge; or

       (ii) discharging the offender conditionally on his entering
       into a recognizance, with or without sureties, to be of good
       behaviour and to appear for conviction and sentence when
       called on at any time during such period, not exceeding three
       years, as may be specified in the order."

       Similarly after conviction of the offender, when a court deems
       punishment inexpedient, it may, "in lieu of imposing a
       sentence of imprisonment, make an order discharging the
       offender conditionally on his entering into a recognizance,
       with or without sureties, to be of good behaviour and to
       appear for sentence when called on at any time during such
       period, not exceeding three years, as may be specified in the
       order;" and it may, in addition, order the offender to pay
       damages for injury or compensation for loss that is consequent
       on his offence.

       The Act provides further that a recognizance ordered in such a
       case may contain a condition that the offender shall be under
       the supervision of such person as shall be named, during the
       specified period of probation; that certain persons of either
       sex may be appointed as probation officers,—some such, when
       circumstances permit, to be specially "children’s probation
       officers,"—and that salaries in the discretion of the courts
       may be paid to these officers.

          See (in this Volume), also,
          Children, under the Law: As Offenders,
          and Law and its Courts.

       ----------CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: End--------

    CRISES, Financial, of 1903 and 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

    CROCKER, George:
       Bequest for Cancer Research.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH.

    CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
       Crowned King by the Sudanese.

          See (in this Volume)
          SUDAN, THE.

    CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
       What he saw on the Nile border of the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

    CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount:
       Statement of conditions in Egypt.

          See (in this Volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

       ----------CUBA: Start--------

    CUBA:
       Gains to Spain from its loss.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.

    CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Organization of Free Government under a Republican Constitution.
       Transfer of Executive Authority from the
       provisional Military Governor to the President-elect.
       Official correspondence of the occasion.

       Events in and relating to Cuba, after the surrender of the
       island by Spain and the organization of a provisional military
       government by the United States are narrated in Volume VI. of
       this work, down to the adoption by the Congress of the United
       States of the stipulations known as "The Platt Amendment" (see
       pages 189-190 in Volume VI), which the constitutional
       government for Cuba then in process of formation was asked to
       agree to, in order to define the future relation of the
       proposed new republic with the United States. This enactment
       was approved by the President on the 2d of March, 1901, and
       communicated, through the provisional Military Governor of the
       island, General Leonard Wood, to the Cuban Constitutional
       Convention. Doubt as to possible interpretations of the third
       clause of the Platt Amendment having then arisen in the
       Convention, the following despatch went from Washington to the
       Military Governor April 3d:

       "You are authorized to state officially that in view of the
       President the intervention described in the third clause of
       the Platt amendment is not synonymous with intermeddling or
       interference with the affairs of the Cuban Government, but the
       formal action of the United States, based upon just and
       substantial grounds, for the preservation of Cuban
       independence and the maintenance of a government adequate for
       the protection of life, property, and individual liberty, and
       adequate for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba
       imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States."

          Elihu Root, Secretary of War.

       On the 12th of June, 1901, the convention adopted an ordinance
       making provisions identical with those of the Platt Amendment,
       a part of the constitution of Cuba.

    {175}

       "On October 1, 1901, the convention performed its remaining
       duty by adopting an electoral law providing for a general
       election throughout the island, to be held on the 31st day of
       December, 1901, to choose governors of provinces, provincial
       councilors, members of the house of representatives, and
       presidential and senatorial electors. The law also provided
       that on the 24th day of February, 1902, the several bodies of
       electors thus chosen should meet and elect a president,
       vice-president and senators. The elections were to be held
       under the direct supervision of a central board of scrutiny,
       composed of the president of the convention and four other
       members selected for that purpose. The law was promulgated by
       a general order of the military governor on the 14th of
       October, 1901.

       "The constitution thus adopted and perfected was treated by
       the United States as an acceptable basis for the formation of
       the new government to which, when organized and installed, the
       control of the island was to be transferred.

       "In conformity to the Cuban constitution and electoral law,
       elections were held by the Cuban people on the 31st of
       December, 1901, and by the electoral college on the 24th of
       February, 1902, when a president [T. Estrada Palma],
       vice-president, senate, and house of representatives were
       chosen.

       "The situation at this important juncture in the affairs of
       Cuba is described by Secretary Root in his annual report for
       1902 as follows:

       "‘The whole governmental situation in Cuba was quite
       unprecedented, with its curious device of a suspended
       sovereignty given up by Spain, but not in terms vested in
       anybody else, and if vested remaining dormant, while a
       practical working government of military occupation in time of
       peace, deriving its authority from the sovereignty of another
       country, claimed temporary allegiance, made and enforced laws,
       and developed a political organization of the Cuban people to
       take and exercise the suspended or dormant sovereignty. It was
       important that in inaugurating the new government there should
       be no break in the continuity of legal obligation, of rights
       of property and contract, of jurisdiction, or of
       administrative action. It would not do to wait for the new
       government to pass laws or to create offices and appoint
       administrative officers and vest them with powers, for the
       instant that the new government was created the intervening
       government ceased, and the period of waiting would be a period
       of anarchy.

       "‘It was necessary, therefore, to take such steps that the new
       Government should be created as a going concern, every officer
       of which should be able to go on with his part of the business
       of governing under the new sovereignty without waiting for any
       new authority. That everything necessary to this end should be
       done, and that it should be done according to a consistent and
       maintainable legal theory, caused the Department a good deal
       of solicitude. It is gratifying to report that it was done,
       and that the Government which, until noon of May 20, was
       proceeding under the authority of the President of the United
       States, went on in the afternoon of that day and has ever
       since continued under the sovereignty which had been abandoned
       by Spain in April, 1899, without any more break or confusion
       than accompanies the inauguration of a new President in the
       United States. This could not have been done without the most
       perfect good understanding, mutual confidence, and sympathetic
       cooperation on the part of our officers who were about to
       retire, and the newly elected officers of Cuba, who were about
       to take the reins of Government.’"

       One of the most interesting pages in history is that which
       records the peaceful withdrawal of the flag and forces of the
       United States from Cuba, and the inauguration of the
       Government of the Republic of Cuba. The story cannot be told
       in more interesting form or manner than as it is presented in
       the orders of Secretary Root and the exchange of letters
       between the President of the United States, the Secretary of
       War, and the President of the Republic of Cuba. These
       documents in part are as follows:

          "Washington, D. C., March 24, 1902.
          "Brig. Gen. Leonard Wood,
          Military Governor of Cuba.

       "Sir: You are authorized to provide for the inauguration, on
       the 20th of May next, of the government elected by the people
       of Cuba; and, upon the establishment of said government, to
       leave the government and control of the island of Cuba to its
       people pursuant to the provisions of the act of Congress
       entitled ‘An act making appropriation for the Army for the
       fiscal year ending June 30, 1902,’ approved March 2, 1901.

       "Upon the transfer of government and control to the President
       and Congress so elected, you will advise them that such
       transfer is upon the express understanding and condition that
       the new government does thereupon, and by the acceptance
       thereof, pursuant to the provisions of the appendix to the
       constitution of Cuba, adopted by the constitutional convention
       on the 12th of June, 1901, assume and undertake all and
       several the obligations assumed by the United States with
       respect to Cuba by the treaty between the United States of
       America and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, signed at
       Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898.

       "It is the purpose of the United States Government, forthwith
       upon the inauguration of the new government of Cuba, to
       terminate the occupancy of the island by the United States,
       and to withdraw from that island the military forces now in
       occupancy thereof: but for the preservation and care of the
       coast defenses of the island, and to avoid leaving the island
       entirely defenseless against external attack, you may leave in
       the coast fortifications such small number of artillerymen as
       may be necessary, for such reasonable time as may be required
       to enable the new Government to organize and substitute
       therefor an adequate military force of its own: by which time
       it is anticipated that the naval stations referred to in the
       statute and in the appendix to the constitution above cited,
       will have been agreed upon, and the said artillerymen may be
       transferred thereto.

       "You will convene the Congress elected by the people of Cuba
       in joint session at such reasonable time before the 20th of
       May as shall be necessary therefor, for the purpose of
       performing the duties of counting and rectifying the electoral
       vote for President and Vice-President under the fifty-eighth
       article of the Cuban constitution.
    {176}
       At the same time you will publish and certify to the people of
       Cuba the instrument adopted as the constitution of Cuba by the
       constitutional convention on the 21st day of February, 1901,
       together with the appendix added thereto and forming a part
       thereof adopted by the said convention on the 12th day of
       June, 1901. It is the understanding of the Government of the
       United States that the government of the island will pass to
       the new President and Congress of Cuba as a going concern; all
       the laws promulgated by the government of occupation
       continuing in force and effect, and all the judicial and
       subordinate executive and administrative officers continuing
       in the lawful discharge of their present functions until
       changed by the constitutional officers of the new government.
       At the same moment the responsibility of the United States for
       the collection and expenditure of revenues and for the proper
       performance of duty by the officers and employees of the
       insular government will end, and the responsibility of the new
       government of Cuba therefor will commence.

       "In order to avoid any embarrassment to the new President,
       which might arise from his assuming executive responsibility
       with subordinates whom he does not know, or in whom he has not
       confidence, and to avoid any occasion for sweeping changes in
       the civil-service personnel immediately after the inauguration
       of the new Government, approval is given to the course which
       you have already proposed of consulting the President-elect,
       and substituting, before the 20th of May, wherever he shall so
       desire, for the persons now holding official positions, such
       persons as he may designate. This method will make it
       necessary that the new President and yourself should appoint
       representatives to count and certify the cash and cash
       balances and the securities for deposits transferred to the
       new government. The consent of the owner of the securities for
       deposits to the transfer thereof you will of course obtain.

       "The vouchers and accounts in the office of the Auditor and
       elsewhere, relating to the receipt and disbursement of moneys
       during the government of occupation, must necessarily remain
       within the control, and available for the use, of this
       Department. Access to these papers will, however, undoubtedly
       be important to the officers of the new government in the
       conduct of their business subsequent to the 20th of May. You
       will accordingly appoint an agent to take possession of these
       papers and retain them at such place in the island of Cuba as
       may be agreed upon with the new government until they can be
       removed to the United States without detriment to the current
       business of the new government.

       "I desire that you communicate the contents of this letter to
       Mr. Palma, the President-elect, and ascertain whether the
       course above described accords with his views and wishes. Very
       respectfully,
          ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War."

       On the 20th of May, 1902, the transfer of executive authority
       from the American Military Governor, General Wood, to
       President elect Palma was made in due form, and the following
       correspondence passed between President Palma, General Wood,
       President Roosevelt, and Secretary Root:

       "HABANA, May 20, 1902.
       "Honorable General Leonard Wood.

       "Sir: As President of the Republic of Cuba, I hereby receive
       the Government of the Island of Cuba which you transfer to me
       in compliance with orders communicated to you by the President
       of the United States, and take note that by this act the
       military occupation of Cuba ceases.

       "Upon accepting this transfer I declare that the Government of
       the Republic assumes, as provided for in the constitution,
       each and every one of the obligations concerning Cuba imposed
       upon the United States by virtue of the treaty entered into on
       the 10th of December, 1898, between the United States and Her
       Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain.

       "I understand that, as far as possible, all pecuniary
       responsibilities contracted by the military government up to
       this date have been paid; that $100,000, or such portion
       thereof as maybe necessary, have been set aside to cover the
       expenses that may be occasioned by the liquidation and
       finishing up of the obligations contracted by said government,
       and that there has been transferred to the Government of the
       Republic the sum of $689,191.02, which constitutes the cash
       balance existing to-day in favor of the State. …

       "I take this solemn occasion, which marks the fulfillment of
       the honored promise of the Government and people of the United
       States in regard to the island of Cuba, and in which our
       country is made a ruling nation, to express to you, the worthy
       representative of that grand people, the immense gratitude
       which the people of Cuba feel toward the American nation,
       toward its illustrious President, Theodore Roosevelt, and
       toward you for the efforts you have put forth for the
       successful accomplishment of such a precious ideal.

          T. ESTRADA PALMA."

       "Habana, May 20, 1902.
       "Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington.

       "The government of the island having been just transferred, I,
       as Chief Magistrate of the Republic, faithfully interpreting
       the sentiments of the whole people of Cuba, have the honor to
       send you and the American people testimony of our profound
       gratitude and the assurance of an enduring friendship, with
       wishes and prayers to the Almighty for the welfare and
       prosperity of the United States.

          T. ESTRADA PALMA."

       "Washington, May 20, 1902.
       "President of the Republic of Cuba:

       "Believe in my heartfelt congratulations upon the inauguration
       of the Republic which the people of Cuba and the people of the
       United States have fought and labored together to establish.
       With confidence in your unselfish patriotism and courage and
       in the substantial civic virtues of your people, I bid you
       godspeed, and on this happy day wish for Cuba for all time
       liberty and order, peace and prosperity.
          ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War."

       "Habana, May 21, 1902.
       "ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War, Washington.

       "I am deeply moved by your heartfelt message of congratulation
       on the inauguration of the Republic of Cuba, to the birth of
       which the people and the Government of the United States have
       contributed with their blood and treasure. Rest assured that
       the Cuban people can never forget the debt of gratitude they
       owe to the great Republic, with which we will always cultivate
       the closest relations of friendship and for the prosperity of
       which we pray to the Almighty.
          T. ESTRADA PALMA."

    {177}

       On the 10th of June, General Wood, at Washington, made the
       following report to the Adjutant-General of the United States
       Army:

       "Sir: I have the honor to inform you that the Republic of Cuba
       was established at 12 o’clock noon, May 20, 1902. The transfer
       was made upon the lines indicated in the instructions of the
       honorable the Secretary of War, and the autograph letter of
       the President read to President Palma and presented to him.
       President Palma responded, expressing his sincere appreciation
       of the work done by the United States in Cuba, and the lasting
       gratitude of himself and the people of Cuba.

       "The transfer was made in the main reception hall of the
       palace of the military governor. There were present the
       President-elect and his cabinet, the military governor and the
       officers of his staff, civil and military, the Cuban Congress,
       the judiciary, officers of the British and Italian navies, the
       captain and staff of the U. S. S. Brooklyn, and the consular
       representatives of foreign countries. …

       "I left the palace at twenty-five minutes past 12 o’clock,
       accompanied by the officers of my personal and departmental
       staff. We were accompanied to the capitania del puerto by
       President Palma with his cabinet, the Cuban Congress, and all
       others who had been present at the ceremonies. President Palma
       bade us farewell at the wharf after again expressing his most
       sincere and lasting good will and appreciation.

       "Accompanied by my personal staff, I immediately embarked upon
       the U. S. S. Brooklyn. The officers of the department
       staff embarked on the S . S. Moro Castle, which sailed
       at a quarter past 3. The U. S. S. Brooklyn sailed at
       about 3.45.

          LEONARD WOOD, Brigadier General United States Army."

       The above account of the "Establishment of Free Government in
       Cuba "is taken wholly from a narrative thus entitled, compiled
       by the Bureau of Insular Affairs, United States War
       Department, and published as Document Number 312, in Volume 7
       of Senate Documents, 58th Congress, 2d Session.

    CUBA: A. D. 1902.
       Tomas Estrada Palma, the First President of the Cuban Republic.

       "There was such manifest propriety in the selection of General
       Estrada Palma to be the first president of the Cuban Republic
       that the attempt to bring forward another candidate was
       unavailing. There was no excitement at the popular election,
       and the voting was light, because the result was a foregone
       conclusion. The two most important men in the last struggle
       for Cuban freedom were General Maximo Gomez and General
       Estrada Palma. Gomez commanded the armies in the field, and
       employed methods which, as we have repeatedly said, entitle
       him to rank as one of the greatest of all modern commanders.
       Palma was the agent of the Cuban patriots in the United
       States, and he, more than any other man, is to be credited
       with having kept alive the military movement in Cuba by means
       of material aid and assistance sent from the outside. Most
       important of all, he addressed himself with success to
       bringing about that awakening of public opinion in the United
       States which finally took the form of an irresistible moral
       crusade on behalf of Cuban freedom. If these two men had died,
       or were otherwise ineligible, Cuba would not, indeed, have
       been left without trained and patriotic sons who could have
       filled the presidential office with ability and success. But
       since Gomez and Palma were both alive, and available in every
       sense, they were the two men to whom Cuba might naturally
       turn, rather than to any others, as candidates for the
       presidency. The military hero is always the man to be first
       considered, and Gomez for a time was the candidate whose name
       was upon all lips. But he declared that he had no ambition for
       political office, and in due time it appeared that Gomez was
       shaping things in Cuba for the nomination of Palma. …

       "Tomas Estrada Palma is sixty-six years of age. His father was
       a wealthy planter in the easternmost province of Cuba, and the
       son was well educated in Cuba and in Spain, and became a
       lawyer, with a view not so much to the practice of his
       profession as to the better management of the affairs of a
       large estate. His patriotic sympathies led him to active
       service in the ten years’ struggle for independence which
       began in 1868 and ended in 1878, and early in that period he
       became a general in the insurgent army. Toward the end of the
       war, he became the president of the provisional government, a
       position which at least indicated the confidence in which he
       was held by the Cuban people. He was made a prisoner, taken to
       Spain, at the risk of his life refused to swear allegiance,
       witnessed, in consequence, the confiscation of his estates,
       and some time after the final termination of the struggle
       regained his personal liberty, at the loss, however, of his
       Cuban property and home. When he goes to Cuba, two or three
       months hence, to assume the duties and high honors of the
       presidency, it will be after an absence of twenty four years.
       After his release, at the end of the Ten Years War, Palma
       traveled in Spanish-American countries, and settled in
       Honduras, where he married the daughter of the president of
       that republic and became postmaster-general. Subsequently he
       came with his wife and one little child to New York, and saw
       an opportunity to establish a school for young people from the
       Spanish-American countries. His institute was located in the
       little town of Central Valley, in Orange County, New York,
       some forty miles from the metropolis. He has now lived in
       Central Valley for eighteen years, and his six children, five
       of whom were born there, have known no other home."

          American Review of Reviews,
          February, 1902.

    CUBA: A. D. 1903.
       Lease of Coaling and Naval Stations to the United States.
       Reciprocity with the United States.
       Cession of the Isle of Pines.

       In consonance with Article VII. of the so-called "Platt
       Amendment," which became an Appendix to the Constitution of
       the Republic of Cuba, an Agreement between the United States
       and Cuba for the lease to the former, in Guantanamo and Bahia
       Honda, of lands for coaling and naval stations, was signed in
       February, 1903. The consequent lease was signed and
       ratifications exchanged in the following July and October.
    {178}
       According to the terms of the Agreement "while, on the one
       hand, the United States recognizes the continuance of the
       ultimate sovereignty of the Republic of Cuba over the above
       described areas of land and water, on the other hand the
       Republic of Cuba consents that during the period of the
       occupation by the United States of said areas under the terms
       of this agreement the United States shall exercise complete
       jurisdiction and control over and within said areas with the
       right to acquire (under conditions to be hereafter agreed upon
       by the two Governments) for the public purposes of the United
       States any land or other property therein by purchase or by
       exercise of eminent domain with full compensation to the
       owners thereof." The yearly rental to be paid for the use of
       the lands defined in the Agreement is $2000.

       An arrangement of reciprocity between Cuba and the United
       States, conceding to Cuban sugar a rebate of 20 per cent. from
       the Dingley tariff rate, and giving 20 to 40 per cent. of
       reduction in Cuba on American goods, was ratified by the
       United States Senate in December.

       A treaty ceding all claims of the United States to the Isle of
       Pines was signed in December, and awaited ratification by the
       Senate when the year closed.

    CUBA: A. D. 1906.
       Participation in Third International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          American Republics.

    CUBA: A. D. 1906 (August-October).
       Outbreak of insurrection.
       Appeal of President Palma for American intervention.
       The Republic practically without a Government.
       Secretary Taft, sent to the Island, establishes a
       Provisional Government.
       Governor Magoon.

       The first report to the Government of the United States of an
       outbreak of insurrection in Cuba was sent from the American
       Legation at Havana on the 21st of August, 1906. Between 1000
       and 1500 men were then said to be in arms in Pinar del Rio,
       under Colonel Pino Guerra, "a Liberal member of the present
       Congress and a veteran of the War of Independence." The
       insurgents represented the political party called Liberal,
       hostile to the party called Moderate which controlled the
       Government and enjoyed the favor of President Palma. They
       complained of unfairness in late elections and demanded a new
       electoral law with a new election to be held under it. The
       Government had no effective armed forces to use against them,
       and some effort by business men of Havana and by "veterans" to
       mediate between the parties and pacify the revolutionists were
       without avail. Events, therefore, moved rapidly to the
       producing of a situation in which President Palma, on the 12th
       of September, asked for American intervention, and begged
       "that President Roosevelt send to Havana with rapidity 2000 or
       3000 men, to avoid any catastrophe in the capital." Two days
       later the request was repeated with more urgency, the
       Consul-General at Havana stating in a telegram to the State
       Department at Washington:

       "President Palma has resolved not to continue at the head of
       the Government, and is ready to present his resignation, even
       though the present disturbances should cease at once. The
       vice-president has resolved not to accept the office. Cabinet
       ministers have declared that they will previously resign.
       Under these conditions it is impossible that Congress will
       meet, for the lack of a proper person to convoke same to
       designate a new president. The consequences will be absence of
       legal power, and therefore the prevailing state of anarchy
       will continue unless the United States Government will adopt
       the measures necessary to avoid this danger."

       The action then taken by President Roosevelt was recounted by
       him in his next annual Message to Congress, as follows:

       "It was evident that chaos was impending, and there was every
       probability that if steps were not immediately taken by this
       Government to try to restore order, the representatives of
       various European nations in the island would apply to their
       respective governments for armed intervention in order to
       protect the lives and property of their citizens. Thanks to
       the preparedness of our Navy, I was able immediately to send
       enough ships to Cuba to prevent the situation from becoming
       hopeless; and I furthermore dispatched to Cuba the Secretary
       of War and the Assistant Secretary of State, in order that
       they might grapple with the situation on the ground. All
       efforts to secure an agreement between the contending
       factions, by which they should themselves come to an amicable
       understanding and settle upon some modus vivendi—some
       provisional government of their own—failed. Finally the
       President of the Republic resigned. The quorum of Congress
       assembled failed by deliberate purpose of its members, so that
       there was no power to act on his resignation, and the
       Government came to a halt. In accordance with the so-called
       Platt amendment, which was embodied in the constitution of
       Cuba, I thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the
       island, the Secretary of War acting as provisional governor
       until he could be replaced by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to
       Panama and governor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus; troops
       were sent to support them and to relieve the Navy, the
       expedition being handled with most satisfactory speed and
       efficiency. The insurgent chiefs immediately agreed that their
       troops should lay down their arms and disband; and the
       agreement was carried out."

       From an "Epitome of events attendant upon the establishment of
       the Provisional Government of Cuba," published in Part 1 of
       "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
       States," for 1906, the following is taken:

       "On Saturday, September 29, 1906, a provisional government
       exercising Cuban sovereignty under the authority of the
       President of the United States was established, and a
       proclamation was issued to the Cuban people setting forth the
       causes for this action and defining the position of the United
       States toward Cuba.

       "Since the American commissioners understand that the Republic
       of Cuba is continuous and that they are only the ad interim
       executives, the various departments continue to function as
       before with the assistant secretaries as acting heads, the
       only officials discharged being those taken on to meet the
       exigencies of the revolution.

       "At the time the commissioners assumed control there were many
       political prisoners in the jails throughout the island. These,
       of whom several were prominent liberals who had several times
       been consulted by the commissioners while on parole, were
       immediately set at liberty.

       "The disbanding and disarming of the rebel forces and,
       incidentally, the government militia, enlisted specially for
       the revolution, has been the chief concern of the provisional
       government from its establishment until now. It was carried
       out by a commission of American and Cuban military officers,
       of which General Frederick Funston was head, and has been
       practically completed.

    {179}

       "On the 10th instant [October] Provisional Governor Taft
       issued a general amnesty proclamation to the people of Cuba,
       thus indicating that quiet and peace have been restored. Save
       for sporadic local disturbances, the entire country is
       tranquil.

       "On Tuesday, the 9th instant, Governor Magoon, who has
       succeeded Mr. Taft as provisional governor, and General Bell,
       who is to take command of the military forces of the United
       States in the island, reached Habana, and on Saturday, the
       13th, Governor Taft issued a proclamation transferring the
       provisional governorship to Governor Magoon."

       In his proclamation of September 29th, on taking possession of
       the Government, Secretary Taft used these clear and distinct
       words:

       "The provisional government hereby established will be
       maintained only long enough to restore order, peace, and
       public confidence, by direction of and in the name of the
       President of the United States, and then to hold such
       elections as may be necessary to determine on those persons
       upon whom the permanent government of the republic should be
       devolved.

       "In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional
       government established under the authority of the United
       States this will be a Cuban Government, conforming with the
       constitution of Cuba. The Cuban flag will be hoisted as usual
       over the government buildings of the island, all the executive
       departments and provincial and municipal governments,
       including that of the City of Havana, will continue to be
       administered as under the Cuban Republic; the courts will
       continue to administer justice, and all the laws not in their
       nature inapplicable by reason of the temporary and emergent
       character of the government will be in force."

    CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.
       Under the Provisional American Government.
       Election of a new Congress and a new President.
       Restoration of the Republic.

       In his Message to Congress, December, 1907, President
       Roosevelt described the conditions that had prevailed in the
       island for two years under the provisional government,
       instituted by Secretary Taft and over which Governor Magoon
       had presided, in a few words, as follows:

       "Absolute quiet and prosperity have returned to the island
       because of this action. We are now taking steps to provide for
       elections in the island and our expectation is within the
       coming year to be able to turn the island over again to a
       government chosen by the people thereof. Cuba is at our doors.
       It is not possible that this Nation should permit Cuba again
       to sink into the condition from which we rescued it. All that
       we ask of the Cuban people is that they be prosperous, that
       they govern themselves so as to bring content, order and
       progress to their island, the Queen of the Antilles; and our
       only interference has been and will be to help them achieve
       these results."

       Provincial elections held in the following August went
       generally in favor of the Conservative party, and that party
       was accordingly expected to win the presidential election,
       appointed to occur in November, 1908; but such was not the
       result. Three parties were in the field, Conservatives,
       Miguelistas, and Zayistas. The Miguelistas were political
       followers of General José Miguel Gomez, whose middle name they
       took for their party designation; the Zayistas were partisans
       of Dr. Alfredo Zayas; the Conservatives were reputed to be
       substantially identical with the party known as Moderates in
       the politics of the First Republic. Their leader was General
       Menocal. The Liberals of former contests were now divided
       between Miguelistas and Zayistas. They were reunited in the
       national election of November, and swept the Moderates into
       the background, electing both their leaders, Gomez and Zayas,
       the one to be President, the other to be Vice-President, of
       the reconstituted Republic: electing, at the same time, an
       effective majority in the Congress for their support.

       January 28, 1909, was the day fixed for dissolving the
       provisional government and reinvesting the Cubans with
       political independence; but the Congress was organized and
       held its initial session on the 13th. The President and
       Vice-President elect were inaugurated with simple ceremonies
       on the 28th. President Roosevelt, on that day, sent a message
       to the President and the Congress in these words:CUBA:

       "Governor Magoon will, by my direction, turn over to you on
       the 28th of this month the control and government of the
       island of Cuba, and he will thereupon declare the provisional
       administration of the affairs of the island by the United
       States to be at an end. Upon the occasion of this final act, I
       desire to reiterate to you the sincere friendship and good
       wishes of the United States and our most earnest hopes for the
       stability and success of your government. Our fondest hope is
       that you may enjoy the blessing of peace, prosperity, justice,
       and orderly liberty, and that the friendship which has existed
       between the republic of the United States and the republic of
       Cuba, may continue for all time to come."

       Governor Magoon, in his brief address, surrendering the reins
       of government to President Gomez, said, in part:

       "It is the understanding of the United States, and it now
       declares that all the executive and legislative decrees and
       rulings of the provisional government now in force shall
       continue in force and effect until such time as the same shall
       be legally revoked by Cuba.

       "All money obligations of the provisional government down to
       this date have been paid as far as practicable. Such claims
       and obligations, however, as may remain unpaid are to be
       regarded as claims and obligations of Cuba, and the United
       States understands that these claims and obligations will be
       so treated."

       President Gomez replied:

       "We receive from you the government of Cuba which you turn
       over to us in compliance with the instructions of the
       President of the United States. All acquired rights shall be
       respected in harmony with the principles of international law,
       the principles of our constitution and the provisions of the
       appendix of the constitution. The constitution shall be upheld
       in all its integrity because our chief concern will be to
       preserve it inviolate.

    {180}

       "We are indebted to your nation for its generous aid in the
       maintenance of our institutions and the cordial relations
       existing will never grow less through any act of ours. Once
       again we are masters of our fate and there is not a Cuban
       heart but swears to maintain for all time the newly-acquired
       integrity of the nation, and who does not at the same time
       feel the profoundest gratitude towards those who, after
       governing them, have faithfully performed their agreement and
       now leave us in the full enjoyment of our sovereignty."

       According to newspaper reports, however, the popular feeling
       was somewhat different from the sentiment expressed by
       President Gomez, if the coldness with which the Cuban crowd of
       that day watched the departure of Governor Magoon and his
       associates could be taken for a sign. They sailed for home
       immediately, on the new battleship Maine. About 3000 American
       troops remained on the island, under command of Major-General
       Thomas L. Barry, until the 1st of April following. On the
       departure of these, President Gomez said to General Barry:

       "It is pleasing to me to acknowledge the great aptitudes and
       qualities of the Army of Pacification under your command,
       which has brought to a happy conclusion its honorable mission
       of watching over our country in the difficult days, now
       happily past, and in maintaining and reaffirming the most
       friendly relations with our people, in whose name I assure you
       your efforts have been crowned with the most flattering
       success. I pray you, general, to express to your valiant
       soldiers the extreme gratitude and admiration which the
       government and the people of Cuba have for them."

       Of President Gomez the following account was given at the time
       of his inauguration by the New York Evening Post:

       "Major-General Jose Miguel Gomez, the first President of the
       new Cuban Republic, is fifty-three years of age, and a native
       of Santa Clara province, where he has always enjoyed
       extraordinary popularity and influence. He participated in two
       Cuban revolutions against Spain, in the first of which he
       reached the rank of major and in the second that of
       major-general. He was selected as Governor of Santa Clara
       province by the government of intervention, and when his term
       expired he was elected Governor.

       "In May, 1905, the general was nominated for the Presidency by
       the National Liberal Convention, but resigned his candidacy
       four months later, giving as the reason for this action that
       it was impossible to continue the campaign within the bounds
       of the law, and laying part of the blame on the United States,
       owing to the Platt amendment. An uprising in Cuba followed,
       which ended with the deposition of President Palma and the
       intervention of the United States.

       "In August, 1906, General Gomez was arrested, charged with
       conspiring against the Administration of the late President
       Palma, but he denied the allegation, and was released from
       custody after a month’s imprisonment. In December of the same
       year Governor Magoon appointed him secretary of a commission
       to revise the laws of Cuba. These included the drafting of an
       electoral law, new provincial and municipal laws, a law
       defining the organization and functions of the judiciary, a
       civil service law, and also laws on such other subjects as may
       be referred to it by the provisional Governor."

    CUBA: A. D. 1907.
       Population.
       Remarkable increase in eight years.

       "The population of Cuba on September 30, 1907, was 2,048,980;
       at the census next preceding, taken under the American
       administration in 1899, at the close of the Spanish-American
       War, the population was 1,572,797. The rate of increase in
       these eight years is not less than 30 per cent. or at the rate
       of 39 per cent per decade. This is a very rapid rate of
       increase—greater than that of any other country with which I
       am acquainted. This increase has not been brought about by
       immigration, for in the eight years the net immigration (that
       is, the excess of arrivals over departures) numbered only
       75,000, and the element of foreign birth increased from 11 per
       cent to 11.2 per cent only, but it has been brought about
       almost entirely by the excess of births over deaths. … One
       peculiar phenomenon of this increase is that the rural
       population has gained much more rapidly than has the urban—a
       condition which rarely exists, as in nearly every country in
       the world the drift of population is toward the cities. The
       urban population, including all places of 1,000 inhabitants
       and over, was 43.9 per cent of the total population. In 1899
       it was 47.1 per cent. If the urban population be limited to
       towns of 8,000 inhabitants, the proportion was 30.3 per cent.
       The chief cities are Habana, with 297,159 inhabitants, or
       about one-seventh of the population of Cuba; Santiago de Cuba,
       45,470; Matanzas, 36,009; Cienfuegos, 30,100; and Camaguey,
       29,616. The number of inhabitants per square mile in the
       island as a whole was 46.5, or about the same as in Missouri,
       Virginia, or South Carolina. The foreign-born population
       formed 11.2 per cent of the total. Of this element four-fifths
       were born in Spain and less than three per cent in the United
       States; Chinese and Africans were more numerous than United
       States people. …

       "As to color, about seven-tenths of the population were white,
       the remaining three-tenths being colored, including negroes,
       mixed, and a few thousand Chinese. As in the United States,
       the colored element is increasing less rapidly than is the
       white population."

          Henry Gannett,
          National Geographic Magazine,
          February, 1909.

       As reported from Washington, nearly 57 per cent, of the
       population of Cuba, at least ten years of age, can read, the
       percentage in the large cities being 82.6 and in the rest of
       the island 47.9 according to figures obtained in the census
       recently taken. This census shows that in 1907 almost
       one-third of the children were attending school, as compared
       with less than one-sixth in 1899.

          See also (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CUBA.

    CUBA: A. D. 1907 (April).
       Decision of Supreme Court of the United States respecting
       the Isle of Pines.

       A decision by the Supreme Court of the United States, rendered
       on the 8th of April, 1907, determined that the Isle of Pines
       is foreign territory, in the view of the United States customs
       laws, and, inferentially, that the United States has
       practically no title to the island.

    CUBA: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Ill conditions along with material prosperity.

       "What may prove to be the largest sugar crop in Cuba’s
       history—certainly it is the most profitable she has harvested
       in many along year—is almost in. It is estimated at a million
       and a half tons. It has obtained the very satisfactory average
       price of 4 5/8 reales, reckoning from January 1 to date. …
       Ordinarily, this condition of affairs as regards her biggest
       crop would be equivalent to the best of times for Cuba,
       especially since last year also was a good year for sugar men,
       and this year the tobacco crop, too, is fair in quantity and
       quality and going at satisfactory prices. But, so
       extraordinary is the present situation, times were never
       harder in all the history of this island than they are to-day,
       material evidences of prosperity to the contrary
       notwithstanding.

    {181}

       "Yet values have not dropped. This is no panic. It is merely a
       standing still—a waiting for something to happen. Just what it
       is that is due to occur nobody will say. Asked what he is
       afraid of, the Spaniard, who is the business man of Cuba,
       shrugs his shoulders and shifts his eyes; pressed for a reply,
       he answers enigmatically: ‘There is no confidence.’ The
       feeling grows that the present government will be forced into
       the hands of a receiver, like any other bankrupt concern,
       before even its liveliest opponents can organize to end it
       more heroically. …

       "In 1906, when Cuba’s customs receipts, which are almost her
       sole source of revenue, were at their maximum, her budget
       stood at $17,915,013.25. In 1909, weakened as she is, she is
       burdened with a budget of $33,825,448.53—President Gomez’s
       estimate of expenditure necessary in the first fiscal year of
       his Administration! In other words, while collections have
       fallen off, the governmental expenditures they must cover have
       increased 100 per cent."

          Havana Correspondent,
          New York Evening Post,
          June 19, 1909.

       "The Senate and House abruptly adjourned this evening. This
       was the final day of the regular session of Congress, but no
       definite action was taken on the question of the approval of
       the budget. … The House yesterday approved the budget in its
       entirety, and it was expected that the Senate would approve it
       to-day. The latter body, however, after devoting much time to
       a bill legalizing cockfighting, which was passed, made sundry
       minor modifications in the budget, sending it again to the
       House, in the apparent expectation that the modifications
       would be accepted by the House, which, in the meantime, had
       adjourned. The adjournment of the House was not known until
       after the Senate had also adjourned."

          Havana Telegram to Associated Press,
          June 30, 1909.

       "Owing to the failure of the Cuban Senate to pass the budget,
       President Gomez, early this morning, issued a decree making
       effective Governor Magoon’s budget of 1908-1909 amounting to
       $24,285,000. The deficiency to cover the cost of the army and
       other increased expenses of the republic, amounting to nearly
       $10,000,000, will be supplied by Presidential decree. This
       will practically repeat the conditions of the last year of the
       Palma regime, when, in default of a budget, the decrees to
       this same end issued by President Palma were declared to
       violate the Constitution, and precipitated the revolution of
       August, 1906."

          Havana Telegram,
          July, 1.

       ----------CUBA: End--------

    CUNARD COMPANY:
       Agreements with the British Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

    "CURB MARKET," The, of New York:
       Report on its operations.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1909.

    CURIA, New Apostolic Constitution of the Roman.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

    CURIE, Marie Sklodovska.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    CURIE, Pierre.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    CURIE, Professor and Madame:
       Their discovery of Radium.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also, PHYSICAL.

    CURRENCY.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE.

    CURRY, J. L. M.:
       Originator of the Annual Conferences for Education in the South.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

    CURTIS, Glenn H.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    CURZON, George N., Lord:
       Partition of Bengal.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    CURZON, George N., Lord:
       Resignation of Viceroyalty of India.

          See INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

    CURZON-WYLLIE, Sir, Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION:
       Proposals of the Conference of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    CUSTOMS COURT OF APPEALS, UNITED STATES:

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    CUSTOMS SERVICE, United States:
       Corruptions disclosed.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    CUSTOMS UNION, Serbo-Bulgarian.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA: A. D. 1905.

    CZECHS:
       Struggle with Austrian Germans over the language question.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904.

    CZOLGOSZ, Leon:
       Assassin of President McKinley.

          See (in this Volume)
          BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

    D.

    DAIDO CLUB.

       See (in this Volume)
       Japan: A. D. 1909.

    DALGETY:
       Rejected Site for Australian Capital.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

    DALNY:
       Russian Evacuation.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and
          1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

       When Dalny, by the Treaty of Portsmouth, became the property
       of Japan its name was changed to Tairen.

    DAMASCUS:
       Railway to Mecca.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: TURKEY, ASIATIC: A. D. 1908.

    DARWIN, Charles:
       Centenary Commemoration of.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATIONS.

    DARWINISM, Bearing of Mendel’s Law on.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: BIOLOGICAL.

    DAVENPORT, Dr. Charles B.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

    {182}

    DAVIS, General George B.:
       Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    DAVIS, Henry G.:
       Delegate to Second International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    DAVIS, Jefferson:
       Unveiling of Monument to.

          See (in this Volume)
          RICHMOND, VIRGINIA.

    DAYANAND SARASWATI.

          See (in this Volume)
          ARYA SAMAJ.

    DAYLIGHT SAVING MOVEMENT.

       What is known as the Daylight Saving Movement, which has
       acquired much strength in England and has gained some favor in
       the United States and elsewhere, is said to have been first
       mooted by a builder in London, Mr. Willet, who suggested the
       possibility of securing a most important general advantage to
       the whole community by establishing a legal difference between
       summer and winter in the numbering of the hours. The
       proposition is to retain the standard clock time for all the
       year except between a given date in April and a given date in
       September, within which period the clocks shall be set forward
       one hour, making six o’clock in the morning, for example,
       become seven.

       At first the proposition excited little but laughter; but the
       more it has been considered the more advocacy it has won. A
       bill to realize it has been twice before Parliament, failing
       to be passed, but gaining votes. The main difficulty is to
       make people see why there should be legislation on the
       subject; why those who wish to begin the labors of the day an
       hour earlier in the summer than in the winter may not do so
       without any meddling of law with the clocks. The reasons why
       were set forth very clearly in one of the debates of
       Parliament on the subject. Said one speaker: "The Bill was
       intended to benefit town dwellers. Two-thirds, if not
       three-fourths, of the population dwelt in towns, and it was
       these who suffered from failure to take advantage of the
       summer daylight. It had been asked why it was necessary, in
       order to induce town populations to follow the example of
       agriculturists, to proceed by way of legislation. The answer
       was simple. There were 140 statutes in which various phases of
       town life were regulated by the clock, and if they desired
       those who lived in towns to take advantage of the summer
       daylight by beginning work earlier in the morning, it was
       surely easier to accomplish that end by passing a general Act
       of this kind than by bringing in Bills to amend each of the
       statutes in which particular hours were specified."

       As another (Mr. Winston Churchill) explained: "It was quite
       impossible for an individual to make alterations in the hours
       at which he discharged particular duties, while every one else
       remained unchanged, without subjecting himself to a great deal
       of inconvenience, and the fact that particular firms had
       already adopted this early rising system, in spite of the
       enormous inconvenience which attended all alterations from the
       regular habits of the community as a whole, was not, as the
       honourable member for Rye suggested, an argument against the
       necessity of the Bill. It was, in his judgment, very good
       evidence of the real, natural pressure that there was behind a
       measure of this character. If all the world were to change
       clock time together, no one would be conscious that that
       change had occurred, except at the moment of change. But where
       a change of clock time came into contact with unchanged times,
       as in the case of the American markets or of the Continental
       mails and trains, there, undoubtedly, they would get friction
       and discordance. He was, however, not at all sure that that
       friction and discordance bore any sensible proportion to the
       interests which might be beneficially affected or that that
       friction and discordance could not be adjusted without any
       very serious inconvenience. But whether that was so or not, he
       was quite clear that any such change as this must be made by
       legislation, or it could not be made at all."

    DEAKIN, Alfred:
       Premier of Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after.

    DEAKIN, Alfred:
       At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    DEAKIN, Alfred:
       Defeat and resignation in 1908.
       Recovery of the Premiership in 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1908, and 1909 (MAY-JUNE).

    DEATH DUTY, or Inheritance Tax.
       Defeated proposal in Germany.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    DEATH DUTIES:
       Treaty between Great Britain and France, to prevent frauds in
       connection with Succession or Death Duties.

       The following Treaty between the Governments of Great Britain
       and France was signed November 15, 1907, and ratified
       December 9:

       "The Government of His Britannic Majesty and the Government of
       the French Republic, being desirous of preventing as far as
       possible frauds in connection with succession duties, have
       authorized the Undersigned to conclude the following
       Agreement:—

       "ARTICLE 1.
       The Government of His Britannic Majesty undertake, in the case
       of the decease of all persons domiciled in France, to furnish
       an extract from the affidavit, containing the full name,
       domicile, date and place of death of the deceased; all
       information relating to his successors, and the details
       respecting that portion of the estate which is moveable. This
       extract shall be furnished, however, only in cases where the
       value of the moveable estate shall amount to a sum of not less
       than £100.

       "ARTICLE 2.
       The Government of the French Republic undertake, in the case
       of the decease of all persons domiciled in the United Kingdom
       of Great Britain and Ireland, to furnish an extract from the
       déclaration de mutation through death, containing the
       particulars enumerated in Article 1. This extract shall be
       furnished, however, only in cases where the value of the
       moveable estate declared shall amount to a sum of not less
       than 2,520 fr.

       "ARTICLE 3.
       The extracts from affidavits or déclarations de
       mutation shall be certified by the officers intrusted with
       the duty of receiving or registering these affidavits or
       declarations.

       "In the event, however, of either of the two Governments
       deeming it necessary, the certifying and authentication of the
       signatures, as required according to the procedure customary
       in that country, shall, upon request and without fee, be
       affixed to these extracts.

       "ARTICLE 4.
       The extracts from affidavits or declarations received or
       registered during each quarter shall be forwarded directly,
       within a period of six weeks from the last day of the quarter,
       by the Board of Inland Revenue to the Direction Générate de
       l’Enregistrement, and reciprocally.

       "All correspondence respecting the said extracts shall also be
       conducted directly between those two Central Administrations."

    {183}

    DEATH STATISTICS:
       Fatal Accidents to Workmen in the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION.

    DEBTS, Public:
       Compulsory collection.

          See (in this Volume)
          DRAGO DOCTRINE.

    DEBS, Eugene V.:
       Nomination for President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
          and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    DEEP WATERWAYS, Movement for.

       See (in this Volume)
       CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    DE LAVAL, Gustave Patrick.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

    DELAGRANGE, M.

          See (in this Volume)
          Science and Invention, Recent: Aeronautics.

    DELBRUCK, Herr.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
       French Minister of Foreign Affairs.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
       Resignation forced by the German Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    DELCASSÉ, THÉOPHILE:
       Controversy with M. Clemenceau in the Chamber of Deputies
       which threw the latter out of office.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    DELHI: A. D. 1903.
       Great Durbar.

          See (in this Volume).
          INDIA: A. D. 1903 (JANUARY).

    DELYANNIS, Theodoros:
       Assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          GREECE: A. D. 1905.

    DEMOCRACY, Political:
       Involved in the South African Labor Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    DEMOCRACY, Political:
       Triumphant in Denmark.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

    DEMOCRATAS, The. See (in this Volume)

    DEMOCRISTIANA.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

       ----------DENMARK: Start--------

    DENMARK: A. D. 1909.
       Democracy in Power after a thirty-years’ struggle with
       Landlordism.

       Landlordism in Denmark, entrenched in the upper house of the
       Parliament, was dislodged from the control of Government by
       the Democratic party, in the elections of April, 1901, after a
       struggle of thirty years. A Danish correspondent of The
       American Review of Reviews gave a spirited account of the
       victory to that magazine in the following October, from which
       the following is taken:

       "At the elections of April, 1901, out of 114 members in the
       lower house only 5 were won by the Conservatives, with small
       majorities, and even the strong Conservative majority in the
       upper house was reduced to one vote through the rebellion of
       the Conservatives. The Danes are now a thoroughly radical and
       democratic people, with a more perfect system of
       self-government in politics and business than perhaps any
       other nation. The population has increased so much that it is
       now as large as the whole population of the kingdom and
       duchies before 1864. After England, it is also the richest
       country in the world per head of the population, and the
       excellence of its educational system is matter of common
       knowledge. Denmark, therefore, enters the new century steaming
       full speed ahead, and with the best hopes for the future.

       "The victory of April 3 last was as complete over the
       Moderates as over the Government. Before the poll the
       Moderates were twenty-two strong, but Mr. Bojesen, the evil
       genius of the democracy, withdrew his candidature and retired
       into private life, while several of his supposed adherents
       declared during the campaign that, if reelected, they would
       join the Radicals. Mr. Bojesen’s constituency, which he had
       represented since 1869, was taken by the Radicals, and the
       Moderates, now reduced to twelve or thirteen—of whom about
       half will join the Radicals if allowed—have lost all their
       former importance. The premier and minister of justice is M.
       Deuntzer, professor of law at the university, an old Radical
       who in 1885 publicly opposed the government. The minister of
       agriculture is Mons. Ole Hansen. He is a common farmer from a
       village in Seeland, owner of a farm of about one hundred
       acres; M. P. since 1890. … The law officer of the crown is
       Mons. Alberti, who is a leader of many cooperative
       undertakings of the peasantry; M. P. since 1892.

       "Mr. Jens Christian Christensen is the most important member
       of the new cabinet. He was born in West Jutland, in 1856, the
       son of a farmer, and earned his living when a boy as a
       shepherd. He passed the examination for village schoolmaster
       in Jutland, and taught till recently in the little village of
       Stadil, in West Jutland. In 1890 he was returned for
       Parliament, and in 1895 became leader of the opposition. Of
       late years, the Conservative Government being so utterly weak,
       he practically ruled the country in his capacity of president
       of the finance committee of the Folkething. A few months ago
       he resigned his post as schoolmaster, succeeded in being
       elected a ‘revisor of the state,’ and is now minister of
       religion and education. After Mr. Christensen, Mr. Harup is
       considered the greatest triumph for the Democrats. Born in
       1841, the son of a schoolmaster in an Iceland village, he
       became a law student, taking his degree in 1867 at the
       university. … He is one of the most brilliant and best known
       of Danish journalists—the most brilliant, according to George
       Brandes."

    DENMARK: A. D. 1902.
       Proposed sale of Danish West Indies to the United States.

       Negotiations for the sale of the Danish islands in the West
       Indies to the United States were brought to a point of
       agreement between the two governments which the Danish
       Ministry submitted to the two chambers of the Rigsdag. The
       Folkething—the popular branch of the parliament—assented to
       the sale, while the other chamber, the Landsthing, rejected
       the proposed terms. The Rigsdag was then, in May, 1902,
       prorogued, and assembled again in the following October.
       Meantime an election of one half of the membership of the
       Landsthing had taken place, and the Conservatives had lost
       ground in it; notwithstanding which fact the proposition was
       defeated in that body again, and the projected sale came to
       naught.

    {184}

    DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Fortification and Naval-Defense Question
       in Danish Politics.

       "That Germany within recent times has paid considerably more
       than passing attention to the defense plans of Denmark has not
       escaped the Danes, whose military astuteness is proverbial. At
       the instigation of the Kaiser himself, Lieutenant Colonel R.
       von Bieberstein inspected the quite openly exposed
       fortifications of Copenhagen, and what he has written
       regarding the vulnerability, or otherwise, of the Danish
       capital has been taken to heart in Denmark’s military circles.
       Beyond a doubt, Denmark to-day is much more favorably situated
       than when Prussia despoiled the country of Schleswig-Holstein,
       and while little apprehension exists on the score of Germany
       again attacking her northern neighbor, should a war break out
       between England and the German Empire it might prove
       impossible for either belligerent to keep Danish territory
       inviolate. Denmark’s neutrality would be thrown to the winds
       where the fate of empires would be at stake. Still, in her
       defense of such neutrality, Denmark would gain time sufficient
       to make any trespasser pause before advancing. Meanwhile, the
       Scandinavian allies of the Danes would be enabled to assert
       themselves effectively.

       "Following the recent Danish cabinet crisis, when the
       portfolios of war and navy were given into the hands of a
       civilian, J. C. Christensen, the former minister for
       instruction of the Deuntzer Régime, a special defense
       commission has had under consideration ways and means best
       suited for the protection of the country. … The Danish Defense
       Commission is far from being unanimous as to what is the best
       plan making for a complete protection of the capital. The
       majority of the members are for the abandoning of the land
       defenses and the strengthening of Seeland’s coast line by
       adding more forts and introducing a mining system covering all
       the adjacent waters. The minority of the commission, however,
       and the leading military experts of the country are for the
       retention of the present land fortifications, in order that
       the capital may be securely protected against an enemy
       invading Seeland from the north or the west. The very
       circumstance that Seeland’s coast line in its entirety does
       not lend itself to a complete protection through either forts,
       mines, or torpedo equipment speaks favorably for the claim of
       the Danish military experts in their assertion that, apart
       from what is done toward protecting Copenhagen from the sea,
       the land fortifications must be retained. Nearly one hundred
       million kroner have been expended on the land defenses, which
       sum it would be extremely difficult to raise a second time
       were it a question of abandoning the forts for the present and
       removing the guns, and in after years restoring them to
       serviceable condition."

          Julius Moritzen,
          Denmark, the Buffer State of the North
          (American Review of Reviews, September, 1905).

       Since the above was written the question of defense, between
       land fortification and naval development, has not only been
       the burning one in Danish politics, but has excited much
       interest in Europe at large. Politically, the controversy was
       curiously altered in February, 1909, by a sudden change of
       front on the part of the Premier, M. Neergaard, of which the
       Copenhagen correspondent of the London Times gave the
       following account:

       "The Premier, who represents the majority in the House,
       declared that he had changed his opinion and now shared the
       views of the small group of the Right on a question which is
       the most urgent of the day—namely, that of national defence,
       or, to speak precisely, how Denmark can be placed in a
       position effectively to maintain her neutrality if threatened
       by any Power. He adopted the opinion that Copenhagen must be
       fortified on the land side as well as on that of the sea, and
       that Denmark, in view of her difficult strategical situation,
       should avoid showing any favour to Russia, Germany, or Great
       Britain. The surprise which the Premier’s speech caused in all
       political circles was unbounded. M. Neergaard had kept the
       secret of his scheme so well that only a few persons knew that
       the Premier might enter into negotiations with the Right,
       which has its main support in the Upper House. That he would
       go so far as to adopt the Conservative view was wholly
       unexpected.

       "The Defence Committee, which had been sitting for seven
       years, issued a report which contained no very clear
       recommendations. But M. Neergaard, who is, by the way, himself
       no soldier, working in conjunction with the Danish general
       staff upon the material which the committee had collected,
       drew up a scheme of Danish defence, based upon practical views
       and considerations of international law, but almost the direct
       contrary of the proposals which his own party, the Left, had
       adopted only one year ago. And this position was taken up so
       definitely that at the general election in May the people will
       have to decide definitely for or against the Premier. It is
       evident that M. Neergaard himself must be aware that his
       action will split up his party, the allied Centre groups in
       the Folkething, that some members will go over to the Right,
       and that others will approach the Radicals and Socialists. The
       comments of the Government Press already clearly show this.

       "For land and sea fortifications, the construction of 20
       torpedo-boats and six submarines, improvements in the system
       of mines, &c., the sum of 42,200,000 kr. (£2,344,444) is
       demanded immediately, while an annual increase in the military
       budgets of about 3,327,000 kr. (£184,833) is also proposed.
       This is a large amount of money for a small country with but
       2,600,000 inhabitants; but, as is well known, the country is
       in a strong financial position—exceptionally strong, in the
       opinion of some observers."

       In May, as the elections approached, the same correspondent
       wrote: "All parties unite in the view that Denmark must adhere
       to a policy of the strictest neutrality. But while the
       Conservatives urge that this policy must be observed by a
       system of fortifications, strong enough to show that Denmark
       is ready to defend her neutrality if she is threatened, the
       Socialists preach the gospel of disarmament as a step towards
       eternal peace, and urge furthermore that Denmark is too weak
       and small to organize any real defence, and must therefore
       rely upon the generosity of her stronger neighbours.

       "In addition to the two main parties there are a number of
       political groups which are destined to play an important part
       in the elections and may in fact decide their issue. These
       groups consist of the Moderate Left, the Reform Left, and the
       Radical Left. The Moderate Left, the party of the present
       Premier, Mr. N. Neergaard, has, however, already adopted the
       policy of the Conservatives and needs little more than
       mention. The Reform Left, the party of the former Premier, Mr.
       F. C. Christensen, numbered until a few months ago 56, or nearly
       one half of the Folkething, which has 114 members. Now it has
       been split up on the defence question. Of its members 14 agree
       with Mr. Neergaard and the Conservatives, and 33 are
       reorganized under the leadership of Mr. Christensen, who wants
       Copenhagen fortified, but not on the lines of the Neergaard
       scheme with its new land fortifications."

    {185}

       The elections were held on the 25th of May and the following
       was reported next morning to the press:

       "The election campaign has been heated. The returns up to the
       present show that the ministerials have elected 38 adherents,
       M. Christensen’s party 34, the parties of the Socialists and
       the Radicals, which opposed fortifications, 39, and that
       eleven are doubtful. The ministers of finance, justice and
       commerce have been unseated. Premier Neergaard and the other
       ministers have been re-elected."

       An extraordinary session of the new Parliament was summoned by
       the King on the 9th of September. Premier Neergaard lacked a
       majority in the Folkething, and failed to arrange an agreement
       with ex-Premier Christensen on the defence question. He and
       his Ministry resigned office, accordingly, in a few weeks, and
       a new Cabinet was formed under Count Holstein-Ledreborg, in
       which M. Christensen was included as Minister of Defence. The
       appointment of the latter was offensive to a large part of the
       public, which held him responsible for gross frauds in the
       public service, committed by a former Minister of Justice, M.
       Alberti. An immense popular demonstration against the
       obnoxious Minister of Defence was carried out at Copenhagen on
       August 29th; but he stayed in office some weeks longer, until
       a scheme of defence had been agreed upon between ex-Premier
       Neergaard and himself, and carried through Parliament,
       September 24th. The scheme provides for strong sea
       fortifications for Copenhagen, while the land defences of the
       eighties will be maintained and somewhat strengthened by two
       new forts, which are, however, officially characterized as sea
       forts.

       Three weeks after the passage of the Defence Act M.
       Christensen resigned, and was followed out of office by the
       whole Holstein-Ledreborg Ministry before the end of October.
       For the first time in Denmark a Radical Ministry was then
       formed, under M. Zahle.

    DENMARK: A. D. 1906.
       Death of King Christian IX.
       Succession of Frederick VIII.
       Gains by Social Democrats in the elections of the spring.
       Visit from the Icelandic Parliament.

       On the 29th of January, 1906, King Christian IX. died, at the
       age of eighty-eight. He was succeeded by his son, Frederick
       VIII., who is said to have inherited his father’s character
       and ability in a marked degree. He had already reached the age
       of sixty-three when he came to the throne. When his accession
       was proclaimed he spoke from the balcony of the palace at
       Copenhagen to the multitude of people assembled in these
       words:

       "Our old King, my dearly beloved father, has closed his eyes.
       He fell asleep peacefully and calmly, having faithfully
       discharged his royal duties to the last. In taking over the
       heavy heritage placed on my shoulders, I cherish the confident
       hope, and offer a sincere prayer, that the Almighty may grant
       me strength and happiness to carry on the government in the
       spirit of my dearly beloved father, and that I may have the
       good fortune to reach an understanding with the people and
       their chosen representatives on all that tends to the good of
       the people and the happiness of our beloved fatherland. Let us
       join in the cry, ‘Long live the fatherland!'"

       At a general election for the Folkething, the lower house of
       the Danish Rigsdag, in May, the Social Democrats made heavy
       gains, raising their representation in the chamber from
       sixteen to twenty-four. The Government party, known as the
       Left Reform party, lost three seats, the Moderate Left lost
       three, and the Radical Left lost four. The Conservatives
       gained two seats. Later, when half of the elective part of the
       upper house was chosen, the Social Democrats made gains there,
       too, of three seats, and the Government lost five.

       In September, on the invitation of King Frederick, the members
       of the Icelandic Parliament visited Denmark, and their
       entertainment was an interesting event.

          See (in this Volume)
          ICELAND.

    DENMARK: A. D. 1908.
       Municipal Suffrage extended to Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    DENMARK: A. D. 1908.
       North Sea and Baltic agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

    DENMARK: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty with England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and
       Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908

    DENMARK: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Murder of General Beckman.

       In June, 1909, during a visit of the Tsar of Russia to the
       Danish Court, at Copenhagen, a Swedish anarchist, Adolf Vang,
       who had planned an attempt at the murder of the Russian
       sovereign, and was enraged on being baffled by the police,
       fired at two officers whom he met, provoked by nothing but
       their uniforms, and slew one, General Beckman.

       ----------DENMARK: End--------

    DENVER, Colorado:
       The Juvenile Court of Judge Lindsey.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    DEPEW, Chauncey M.:
       United States Senator from New York.
       Annual retainers from the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    DES MOINES CHARTER, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: GALVESTON.

    DEUNTZER, M.:
       Premier of Denmark.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

    DE VRIES, Dr. Hugo:
       His biological discoveries.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

    DEVELOPMENT AND ROAD IMPROVEMENT FUNDS ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

    DIAMOND FIELDS:
       In German Southwest Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

    DIAZ, Porfirio:
       The President of Mexico enters his seventh term.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

    DIAZ, Porfirio:
       Meeting with President Taft.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

    DICKINSON, James M.:
       Secretary of War.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    DIRECT PRIMARY.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

    DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA: A. D. 1908.
       Enactment against Race-track Gambling.

          See (in this Volume)
          GAMBLING.

    {186}

    DOGGER BANK INCIDENT, of the voyage of the Russian Baltic Fleet.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

    DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.

          See (in this Volume)
          San Domingo.

    DOMINICANS:
       Forbidden to teach in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

    DORE, Père Le.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    DOUGLAS, A. Akers:
       Home Secretary in the British Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

    DOUGLAS, Dr.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

    DOWAGER-EMPRESS, of China:
       Her death.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    DRAGA, Queen:
       Assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

    DRAGO DOCTRINE, The.

       So named from Dr. Luis Drago, Argentine Minister of Foreign
       Relations, who rallied the South American Republics to the
       support of it at the Rio de Janeiro Pan-American Conference
       and at the Second Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE; and
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907 (SECOND CONVENTION).

    DREADNOUGHTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    DREIBUND.

          See TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

    DREYFUS, Alfred:
       Justice and reparation of the great wrong done him.
       His reinstatement in the Army.
       His decoration as a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    DRUDE, General:
       Operations in Morocco.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

    DRY FARMING.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AGRICULTURE.

    DRYGALSKI, Dr.:
       Commanding Antarctic Expedition.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    DU BOIS, PROFESSOR W. E. BURGHARDT.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

    DUCOMMUM, ELIE.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    DUFF, Grant:
       British Minister to Persia:

          See (in this Volume)
          Persia: A. D. 1905-1907.

    DUMA, Russia:
       The First and Second.
       Their dissolution.
       Election of the Third.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.

    DUNANT, Henri.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES

    DURBAR AT DELHI.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1903 (JANUARY).

    DURHAM, Israel W.:
       Political "Boss" of Philadelphia.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    DWIGHT, James H. and William B.:
       Founders of Robert College.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: TURKEY.

    E.

    EAGLE’S NEST FORT, CAPTURE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

       ----------EARTHQUAKES: Start--------

    EARTHQUAKES: CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1906.
       Consequent destructive fire at San Francisco and great distress.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.

    EARTHQUAKES: CHILE: A. D. 1906.
       Destructiveness of life and property at Valparaiso.

       One of the most destructive of the many appalling earthquake
       shocks of the past decade was experienced in Chile on the 16th
       of August, 1906. It was widely felt, even to the distant
       Hawaiian Islands; but its most deadly effects were
       concentrated on the unfortunate city of Valparaiso. The wreck
       of buildings in the city was followed, as in San Francisco, by
       fires, which the disabled inhabitants were almost powerless to
       combat. The total loss of life, there and elsewhere, was
       estimated finally, when all was known that could be known, at
       2000. The homeless for a time were substantially the whole
       population of the city. Relief was sent to the afflicted city
       and country from all parts of the world.

       The prediction of another earthquake on the Pacific coast of
       America within some short time had been made by Dr. Becker, of
       the United States Geological Survey, in a letter to the New
       York Tribune written the day after the shock at San
       Francisco. Such a severe upheaval at one point on the
       earthquake belt which follows the rim of the Pacific from
       Singapore, through Japan, the Aleutian Islands, the coast of
       Alaska, California, and South America to Valparaiso, was sure,
       he said, to be followed by sympathetic movements at other
       points on the circuit.

    EARTHQUAKES: Formosa: A. D. 1906.

       Over 6000 persons are reported to have been killed or injured
       by an earthquake that occurred in the island of Formosa in
       March, 1906.

    EARTHQUAKES: France: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Serious convulsion along the Mediterranean coast.

       A shock which ran through Southern France on the night of June
       11 was most severe in the Bouches-du Rhone, but extended over
       a very wide area, including the whole Mediterranean coast of
       France, and was also felt in Spain and Portugal. Official
       reports stated that 55 lives were known to have been lost. A
       great amount of damage had been done, especially in the
       villages; in the towns the buildings for the most part
       withstood the shock, though it was sufficiently violent to
       cause panic among the population in Marseilles, Toulon, and
       other places.

    {187}

    EARTHQUAKES: Greece: A. D. 1909 (July).
       Destruction in Ellis.

       An earthquake which occurred, on the 15th of July, in the
       province of Ellis, the seat of the most famous of the ancient
       Olympic games, was reported to have killed or injured over 300
       persons. Despatches from Athens to Loudon made the following
       statements:

       "At the village of Havari 400 houses have been completely
       destroyed. Some 30 persons are known to have perished there,
       while many others have been injured. The neighbouring villages
       have also suffered severely. All the houses of Amaliada have
       been rendered uninhabitable. Volcanic eruptions have occurred
       in the village of Ponhioti. Shocks of earthquake have also
       been felt at Patras, Pyrgos, Kalamas, Tripoli, and
       Missolonghi. People have been killed and injured in about ten
       villages. Assistance has been sent to the affected districts."

    EARTHQUAKES: India: A. D. 1905.
       In the Punjab and the United Provinces.

       One of the most terrific of earthquakes occurred in Northern
       India on the 4th of April, 1905. Its most violent and
       destructive effects were in the Kangra District of the Punjab,
       and its neighborhood; but the area of shock extended over
       several thousand square miles. The finally ascertained and
       estimated loss of human life was no less in number than
       373,000. The villages destroyed numbered 409. As for the
       destruction of property, including houses, bridges, irrigation
       works, cattle, and crops, it was beyond computation. In the
       central region of the earthquake every habitation and human
       structure of any description went instantly down. The shocks,
       as described, were first from north to south, then immediately
       reversed, and followed by a horrible sinking of the earth.
       The Empress, a monthly periodical published at
       Calcutta, gave the following, among other personal experiences
       of the disaster. The narrator was a manager of large tea
       estates near Palampour:

       "On the morning of the 4th April, at about 6 A. M., we were
       disturbed in our sleep by a slight earthquake, quickly
       followed by a severe one, and lastly by the worst shock of
       all, which appeared to come from the northeast and having a
       sudden circular action traveling toward the west. The first
       one I took no notice of, thinking it was one of the many
       slight shocks off and on experienced up here. When the second
       shock came, I sat up in bed and called out to my wife to come
       to the window. I had hardly done so when I saw the highest
       wall of our bedroom fall in like a torrent on my poor sleeping
       child; then all became dark with fearful dust from the falling
       walls. I felt suffocated, and pushed my hand through the panes
       of glass in the window into which I had crept; had I not done
       so I should have been killed by the wall that fell in on the
       head of my bed. I shall never forget those few moments that
       appeared like years,—the noise of the falling masonry,
       smashing of beams, planks, and slates. I had fully made up my
       mind that we should all perish. When the shock was over I
       opened the window and dropped into the lower veranda, rushed
       out, and cried out for help. No one could be seen,—all had
       fled to the villages to help their friends and relations. A
       fearful sight presented itself to my eyes. All our houses
       (with the exception of the mali's hut) were leveled to the
       ground, including a magnificent factory built of cut stone
       which my poor old father had lately built. All was still as
       death save for the wailing of a man who afterward turned out
       to be my head clerk. After a few minutes had elapsed I
       succeeded in getting a few of my household servants together
       and dug with bare fingers among limestone and plaster for my
       only child. We had to make a coffin out of planks taken from
       the débris, bury her without ceremony in a quiet sequestered
       spot on the tea estate. To look around the valley, nothing but
       desolation meets the eye. The once pretty little villages,
       with their bluish-white walls and slated roofs, mixed here and
       there with thatched buildings, all leveled to the ground. We
       have been ruined; lost tens of thousands of rupees. As for our
       loss in machinery, it is unknown, being all buried beneath the
       ruins. And this is not all. We are afraid we shall lose
       thousands yet, owing to our terror-stricken workmen and
       coolies, who believe that this picturesque valley is to be
       totally destroyed. They have made little thatch sheds for
       their families and cattle, and pass the day in sorrow and
       fear, refusing to return to work or even work at their own
       fields. A great many families have been wiped out."

       The same magazine tells of the destruction of the very ancient
       temple of Bhowan—one of the oldest in the world—burying 2000
       worshippers in its ruins:

       "On the night of the 3d April, about two thousand pilgrims
       arrived in the small town of Bhowan, which is about three
       miles from Kangra town, to worship at the temple. On the
       morning of the 4th, at 6 o’clock, a rumbling noise was heard,
       and before the people could realize what it was, they felt the
       terrible shock, and within four seconds the whole town was
       destroyed. The shock lasted three minutes, but all the damage
       was done in the first few seconds. About two thousand people
       were buried beneath the ruins of the temple, and under the
       adjacent buildings. The Guru, or High Priest of the Temple,
       was dug out of the ruins and buried near the site of the
       Toshakhana, adjoining the temple."

    EARTHQUAKES: Italy: A. D. 1905.
       In Calabria.

       A terrible earthquake, accompanied by storms and volcanic
       disturbances, occurred in Calabria on September 8th. "Hundreds
       of dead were swallowed up, and ruin was spread far and wide in
       a country already sorely tried by an unfortunate system of
       land ownership. The public authorities, the provinces and
       towns of Italy, strained every nerve to soften the misery of
       the Calabrian population, and the King eagerly hastened to the
       scene of the disaster. The public mind, however, was
       embittered by reports that the rich Calabrian landowners had
       shown great want of consideration for their unhappy tenants,
       and that the work of restoration was greatly hindered by
       absurd disputes between civil and military authorities."

          Annual Register, 1905, page 278.

    EARTHQUAKES: A. D. 1908 (December).
       In Calabria and Sicily.
       Destruction of Messina and Reggio.
       The most appalling in history.

       Of all catastrophes of earthquake recorded in history, the one
       which has seemed most appalling to the European and American
       world was that which destroyed the cities of Messina and
       Reggio and many smaller towns in northeastern Sicily and
       southern Italy, on both sides of the Straits of Messina, on
       the early morning of Monday, December 28, 1908. The time
       favored an exceptionally great harvest of death. From
       Christmas until Twelfth Night is a period of feasting among
       the Southern Italians, when the members of scattered families
       come together as fully as they are able to do.
    {188}
       The doomed cities, accordingly, contained on the fatal day a
       large number of guests, and were emptied, at the same time, of
       large numbers of their residents; but the merry-making of the
       previous days had induced later slumbers, generally, on that
       dread Monday morning, and few had risen from their beds when
       the shock came which buried them in the ruins of their
       dwellings. It shook Messina at twenty minutes past five
       o’clock, long before day had begun to dawn. The late F. Marion
       Crawford, who wrote, three months after the occurrence, for
       The Outlook, a carefully prepared account of it,
       derived from personal inquiries and investigations on the
       spot, describes the overwhelming moment thus:

       "A southwest wind was blowing and the sky was black when the
       fatal moment came, but it was not yet raining. Those who were
       awake and survived remember hearing the horrible subterranean
       thunder that preceded the shock and might have been a warning
       to many in waking hours; it seemed to begin far away and to
       approach very quickly, swelling to a terrific roar just before
       the crash. Another instant and the solid earth rose and fell
       in long waves, twice, three times, four times perhaps, and the
       houses and churches swayed from side to side, in the darkness;
       for the young moon had set before midnight, and it lacked more
       than an hour of dawn. The whole city and the towns on the
       opposite side of the Straits fell at once with a crash that no
       language can describe; then followed the long-resounding
       rumble of avalanches of masonry; and when those awful moments
       were over, nearly two hundred thousand human beings were dead,
       on both sides of the Straits.

       "Almost at the same moment another sound was heard, almost
       more terrible than the first—the sound of a moving mountain
       of water; for the sea had risen bodily in a monstrous wave and
       was sweeping over the harbor, carrying away hundreds of tons
       of masonry from the outer pier, tearing ships and iron
       steamers from their moorings like mere skiffs and hurling them
       against the ruins of the great Palazzata that was built along
       the semicircular quay, only to sweep them back, keel upwards
       and full of dead and dying men, as the hill of water sank down
       and ebbed away. When it had quite subsided, the inner portion
       of the harbor was half full of sand and mud and stranded
       wrecks.

       "Those who say that they ‘saw’ these things are either
       untruthful, or else, in vivid recollection of sensation, but
       without the true memory of events, they confuse what they
       heard and felt with what they might have felt and seen; for
       though some of the gaslights in the streets continued to burn
       for a few minutes, the darkness was almost total."

       The American Vice-consul at Messina, Mr. Stuart K. Lupton, who
       escaped unhurt from the ruins of the hotel in which he lodged,
       carrying his clothing in his hands, and hastened in the
       darkness to give aid, if possible, to his chief, Dr. Cheney,
       made a report of his experiences to the Department at
       Washington, from which the following is taken:

       "I had not proceeded more than fifty yards when I found myself
       walking in water up to my knees in a place which should have
       been eight feet above the water level. Next I came to a pile
       of rubbish some fifteen or twenty feet high over which I
       clambered on my hands and knees. By this time I began to see
       that the affair was much more serious than I had at first
       believed, but I was still in inky darkness, so I could not
       form any ideas as to the extent of the disaster. After
       three-quarters of an hour I arrived where I supposed the
       consulate to be and waited for daylight, which came in a few
       minutes. I looked for the consulate, but could see nothing
       that reminded me of it. Half the water front appeared to be
       down. Here and there the walls were standing, while the
       interior had collapsed. A few fires were breaking out, but
       owing to the solid construction of the town they made little
       progress.

       "At the place I supposed the consulate to be there was nothing
       but a heap of ruins, iron beams, splintered wood, bricks, and
       stones in hapless confusion. I was not sure of the spot and
       climbed over the ruins to see if I could find anything
       familiar. Finally I came across a battered teapot, which I
       recognized as the property of Mrs. Cheney, and remembering the
       spot where it had stood, was able to get my bearings. I
       climbed directly over the spot where their room had been, and
       called, in the hope that if they were still alive, they would
       answer. I heard nothing, however, and further search revealed
       a piano covered to a depth of about ten feet in rubbish. I
       knew that the Cheneys had no piano, so it must have come down
       from one of the upper stories. As the shock was so strong that
       no one could stand, and the consulate went down almost
       immediately, it was absolutely an impossibility for Dr. Cheney
       to have opened four doors and gone down a long flight of steps
       which had three sections. Nothing belonging to the office
       could be seen except the teapot. …

       "People were beginning to appear by this time, some
       half-clothed, others entirely naked. I gave part of my clothes
       away, but found I could do nothing, there were so many. People
       were calling from upper windows, asking that some one should
       aid them, but ladders and ropes were necessary, and they had
       to be left. Some men were trying to lower an old lady from the
       fourth floor, but as soon as the weight came upon the cord, it
       broke, precipitating the poor soul to the pavement below.
       Another upper window was choked with rubbish, out of which
       stuck a man’s arm. He was unable to call out, but rattled
       against the railing with a stick, trying to attract attention.
       Without men and tools it was impossible to do anything, so I
       kept on, trying to shut my ears.

       "Almost all the natives were hysterical, shrieking and
       moaning. Some were held by their friends, as they seemed to be
       absolute maniacs. … Light shocks were felt every few minutes,
       adding to the alarm of the people. About eleven o’clock I went
       on board the steamer Chesapeake, belonging to the
       Anglo-American Oil Company, and managed to get a cup of tea
       and a sandwich. Captain Mort was very kind, and told me to
       send people in need on board, and he would do anything he
       could for them. I went again to the shore to see what could be
       done, and by that night over seventy, principally women and
       children, were on board. About three o’clock rain began to
       fall, adding to the misery of the people. Scores and hundreds
       of them were to be seen sitting in all the squares or wider
       streets, and looking as if they had abandoned all hope."

    {189}

       From all directions, by all communities and governments,
       relief to the stricken cities, for the rescue, feeding and
       shelter or removal of the survivors, was hastened with the
       greatest possible speed. War ships from many navies, Italian,
       French, Russian, British and German, were quickly at the
       scene, their sailors and marines performing heroic work in
       discovering and saving many still living people, who had been
       entombed under mountains of ruin for many days. Even after
       such burial for thirteen and fourteen days some victims were
       found alive. The rescuing forces were soon in excess of the
       need, and a want of systematic organization and direction
       among them became a subject of complaint. But the outflow of
       sympathy and eager generosity of helpful desire in all the
       world was the noblest, without doubt, that has ever been
       called forth.

       By good fortune, when news of the disaster came, a supply ship
       of the United States Navy was being laden at New York with a
       million and a half of rations, destined for the fleet of
       American battle-ships then voyaging round the world. The
       supply-ship was to meet the fleet at Gibraltar; but orders
       were given immediately for dispatching it to Messina, with an
       added shipment of tents, clothing, blankets and medical
       supplies. Furthermore, from the fleet itself, which was about
       to enter the Suez Canal, a store ship was hastened forward to
       Messina for such offerings as it could make. The American
       Congress, reassembled on the 4th of January after the
       Christmas recess, by action of both Houses that day,
       appropriated $800,000 for further relief of the Italian need,
       and a large part of this sum was expended according to the
       following statement made public by the Secretary of the Navy,
       January 16:

       "The Navy Department has arranged for the expenditure of
       approximately $500,000 in the purchase of building materials,
       including all articles necessary for the construction of
       substantial frame houses for the Italian sufferers, and the
       shipments will begin by the sailing of two steamers probably
       on Monday. This lumber is being delivered to-day in New York,
       and the sailing of the vessels will proceed as fast as they
       can be loaded. Each ship will carry all the materials for the
       construction of about 500 houses, and it will require not less
       than six steamers for the entire amount purchased. If
       possible, the department intends to send with each vessel
       several civilian house carpenters, with plans, to assist in
       the erection of these houses."

       With this material a suburb of 1500 detached frame houses, of
       two or four rooms, were built at Messina; 500 were constructed
       at Reggio, and the remainder at other towns and villages.

       The Italian Parliament appropriated 30,000,000 lire
       ($5,000,000) for immediate relief and for the reconstruction
       of the ruined cities. The plans formed by the Italian
       Government included measures to provide for the temporary
       protection of the orphaned young, the deserted, and the
       insane; to prosecute the recovery of personal property: to
       draw up official lists of the dead; to rewrite the civil
       registers and the records of property transfers; to
       reestablish, provisionally, administrative and judicial
       districts within the provinces of Messina and Reggio. New
       building regulations were to be enacted by a royal commission
       in conjunction with the Ministry of Public Works. To encourage
       the reconstruction of the ruined places, all new buildings
       were exempted from taxation for a period of fifteen years.
       Loans from state and private financial institutions to be made
       at a rate of interest not exceeding 4 per cent., to be repaid
       within thirty years in semi-annual instalments, the Government
       to contribute half of these periodical payments.

       To the effective help and relief rendered by her Mediterranean
       squadron, Great Britain added large contributions of money,
       mainly collected as a "Mansion House Fund" by the Lord Mayor
       of London. There, and everywhere, the Red Cross Societies were
       instant in the field and untiring, receiving and expending
       immense funds and sending large corps of trained workers to
       the scene of distress. No summary has yet been made of the
       whole outpour of gifts and service to the suffering people,
       and it is impossible even to indicate what a world-feeling it
       expressed; but its like was never known before.

       Estimates of the total destruction of life by the earthquake
       are still uncertain. Mr. Crawford, when he wrote, thought it
       doubtful whether as many as fifteen per cent. of the
       population of Messina were then alive, scattered in groups
       throughout Italy. That would mean that only about 20,000 out
       of 150,000 in the one city escaped. Of the loss of life on the
       other side of the Straits he said: "The proportion of those
       saved on the Calabrian side is certainly larger—principally,
       I think, because the houses in Reggio, Villa San Giovanni,
       Palmi, and the other towns destroyed were much lower than
       those in the city. Moreover, as will be seen before long, many
       persons died of hunger and thirst in Messina, where the whole
       water supply was cut off by the ruin of the first shock, and
       bread was not obtainable at any price for many days; but on
       the Calabrian side the survivors camped out in the orange
       groves, and the fruit, which is almost ripe at Christmas in
       that latitude, stayed their hunger and assuaged their thirst."

       Generally, the total of deaths from the earthquake, in Sicily
       and Calabria, seems now to be estimated at 200,000.

       A report from Rome, issued on the 3d of August, 1909, by the
       Central Relief Committee, of which the Duke of Aosta is
       president, announced that the receipts of the Committee to
       that time had been 25,100,000 lire (£1,004,000, or
       $5,020,000). The fund for the orphans had all been handed over
       to the Queen Helena Home.

       For the building of shelters the sum of 4,000,000 lire had
       been paid over to the Minister of Public Works for the
       construction of 3,000 shelters. The number of persons assisted
       had been 14,000, but it would eventually reach 20,000.

    EARTHQUAKES: A. D. 1909 (July 1).
       A second shock at Messina and Reggio.

       During six months following the great catastrophe, Messina had
       been so far rebuilt and reoccupied as to have acquired a
       population of somewhat more than 25,000. To them, on the
       evening of June 30 and the morning of July 1, came once more
       the dread quaking of their unstable portion of the earth. The
       shocks as described in despatches to the Press "were similar
       to the fatal disturbances of December, and were accompanied by
       the same roaring noises. The people fled with cries of terror.
       They hurried to the open places of the city and the
       surrounding country, praying to the saints that their lives be
       spared. …
    {190}
       So far as is known, however. only a few people were hurt, and
       this undoubtedly is due to the fact that the city was only
       partially rebuilt. Had the walls of all the houses been
       standing the loss of life would have been heavy. One woman was
       killed by a falling wall, and a child was seriously injured."
       Reggio, as before, shared the experience, but there is said to
       have been no loss of life.

       Late in the year it was reported to a London newspaper that
       "at Reggio a very fair advance, has been made, and the city is
       already acquiring some air of its former busy prosperity; but
       in Messina and its neighborhood, little or nothing has been
       done in the way of permanent work, while the temporary
       accommodations for the survivors still leave much to be
       desired."

    EARTHQUAKES: Jamaica: A. D. 1907.
       The destruction of Kingston by earthquake and fire.

       ‘On Monday afternoon, the 14th January, 1907, at about 3.30 P.
       M., the city of Kingston and its suburbs was almost entirely
       destroyed by heavy earthquake shocks. There was little or no
       wind at the time; what little there was was from the east, and
       the atmospherical conditions were quite normal. The shocks
       apparently approached from the south at first and then from
       the west. They are variously estimated to have lasted from ten
       to thirty seconds, the latter estimate being the general
       opinion. On the other hand, several Englishmen who were in the
       open at the time and in no immediate danger from falling
       houses, &c., consider 20 seconds the outside limit of time
       taken by the shocks. During this period an enormous amount of
       damage was done to life and property. Large numbers of
       buildings at once collapsed. As is, unfortunately, usual in
       such cases, fires broke out in several places in the
       commercial portion of the town. …

       "Unfortunately, the Central Fire Station was destroyed by
       earthquake, so the fire engine was not available. The means at
       hand were thus very inadequate for fighting the flames,
       although they were supplemented greatly by fire-extinguishing
       appliances from the various ships alongside the wharves, and
       those belonging to the wharves themselves. The fire, however,
       spread with terrible rapidity, and all efforts were directed
       towards isolating the burning area. During this time the light
       wind blowing was about north-east, but it later in the
       afternoon went round to the north and north-west, thus lending
       tremendous assistance to the people in their efforts to
       extinguish the fire. Many injured persons, buried in the
       falling debris, were burnt to death. Meanwhile, vast numbers
       of the inhabitants were flying northwards to the racecourse
       and open spaces outside the town, where they spent the
       night—small earthquake shocks being felt at frequent intervals
       during that time. It may be said that the whole of Kingston
       and its suburbs are either destroyed or in ruins. A few of the
       substantially built houses are still standing, but so shaken
       and injured by the shocks that it will be impossible to repair
       them. …

       "It is extremely difficult to estimate the total loss of life
       in the earthquake and fire. The Government have called on the
       inhabitants to register the names of their killed and missing,
       but up to this date [January 29] there has been little
       response. On the 25th January, some eleven days after the
       catastrophe, the numbers recorded at the Registrar’s Office
       were only 121, although at least four times that number are
       known to have been buried or cremated. The careful opinion of
       prominent officials in Kingston is that the loss of life will
       be about 1000. Of the injured the daily number of in-patients
       at the hospital is about 300, mostly cases of concussions and
       legs amputated. …

       "The large numbers of women, children, and old or disabled men
       encamped in the Public Gardens and racecourse, &c., were
       supplied with food rations daily, under the supervision of the
       Relief Committee. Over 3,000 people daily have been receiving
       this relief. At no time does there appear to have been a
       scarcity of food or water. A tremendous strain at once came on
       the staff of the hospital, the place being besieged with the
       injured and their relatives. Large numbers of medical men from
       the out districts at once proceeded to Kingston and assisted
       in attending to the wounded. With the aid of their ready
       assistance, and that of many volunteer nurses from the civil
       population, the hospital staff were enabled to cope with the
       situation, and at the present time work is proceeding there
       with great smoothness and regularity. The American ships
       ‘Indiana,’ ‘Missouri,’ and ‘Whipple,’ also, on arrival, landed
       their surgeons, who at once established a hospital on shore
       and rendered great assistance. …

       "Directly after the earthquake, and while the fire was in
       progress, the greater portion of the black and coloured
       population were stupefied with terror and amazement, and lent
       little or no aid to the white members of the community and the
       troops and firemen in their rescue work. Vast numbers of them
       fled from the city. Some became frenzied and ran here and
       there declaring the end of the world had arrived, impeding the
       work and terrifying the workers. Others formed groups and
       commenced praying. At the Penitentiary, the prisoners, who
       remained seated in their ranks on the parade ground all night,
       spent the time in singing hymns without ceasing. As soon as
       the first panic had subsided, the black population became
       quite apathetic, and it was with great difficulty that the
       Government were able to get able-bodied men to take part in
       the work of demolition and clearing the streets. This, in
       spite of the fact that the wages offered were 25 per cent.
       more than the usual rate. …

       "Considering the magnitude and widespread nature of the
       disaster, the loss of life might easily have been on a much
       larger scale. The earthquake came at a time of day when the
       labouring part of the population were at work away from their
       houses, and the streets in the busy commercial quarter
       presented the comparatively deserted appearance so usual in
       the afternoons in tropical places. As the streets in this
       quarter were very narrow and the buildings on each side of
       them lofty and of solid construction the loss of life must
       have been largely increased had the earthquake happened during
       the busy portion of the day. …

       "Owing to the dry weather now prevailing here, the homeless
       population, roughly encamped on the open spaces, are suffering
       little or no hardship. It is to be hoped they may be
       permanently sheltered before the wet season commences."

          Report by Major Chown, R. M. L. I., of
          H. M. S. "Indefatigable"
          dated Kingston, January 29, 1907.

    {191}

       Relief to the stricken island came so swiftly and profusely
       from all parts of America, Europe, and almost every part of
       the world, that Governor Swettenham was able to telegraph on
       the 23d of January: "Money and provisions more than ample for
       relief. Except for rebuilding no funds needed." Three ships of
       the United States Navy, despatched by Admiral Evans from a
       Cuban port on the instant of receiving news of the disaster,
       reached Jamaica on the 17th and gave assistance in clearing
       the ruins, besides rendering hospital service and furnishing
       food and medical supplies. For the general lifting of the
       community from its prostration, the British Government, in
       May, by vote of Parliament, made a free grant to it of
       £150,000, and a loan to the Colonial Government of £800,000
       more.

          Correspondence relating to the Earthquake at Kingston,
          Jamaica (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 3560).

    EARTHQUAKES: Persia: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).
       Destructive shock in Luristan.

       Seismographs in many parts of the world gave token of a
       violent earthquake on the 23d of January, 1909; but three
       weeks passed before the locality of the shock was learned. It
       proved to have been centered in Western Persia, in the
       mountainous province of Luristan, and to have been heavily
       destructive of life. Its greatest severity was reported to
       have been in a region at two days journey from Burujurd. Many
       villages were wholly or partly destroyed, several having been
       completely engulfed, and the loss of life is estimated to have
       been between 5000 and 6000 people.

    EARTHQUAKES: Portugal: A. D. 1909 (April).
       Lisbon and its neighborhood upheaved.

       Lisbon and the country surrounding it were shaken violently on
       the evening of Friday, April 23d, 1909. There were no
       fatalities in the city, but the outlying districts suffered
       severely, especially the towns of Benavente, Samora, and Santo
       Estevan. Reports three days after the disaster announced 46
       killed and 38 injured at Benavente and Samora. Both villages
       were completely destroyed, and their 6000 inhabitants,
       starving and homeless, were encamped in the fields

    EARTHQUAKES: Sumatra: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Shocks and sea-wave in Upper Padang district.

       News was received at The Hague in June, 1909, of severe shocks
       of earthquake, on the 3d of that month, at Korinchi, Upper
       Padang, Sumatra. The shocks were accompanied by an enormous
       sea-wave. Two hundred and thirty people were killed and many
       injured. Much damage was done.

       ----------EARTHQUAKES: End--------

    ECHEGARAY, Jose.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    ECONOMIC FORESTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906.
       From revolution to revolution.

       General Eloy Alfaro, who was made President by the revolution
       of 1895 (see in Volume VI.), was succeeded peacefully in 1901
       by General Leonidas Plaza, and the latter, in turn, by Lugardo
       Garcia; but in 1906 the revolutionary method was revived in
       favor of General Alfaro, and he ousted Senor Garcia from the
       presidential chair.

    ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
       of American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    ECUADOR: A. D. 1905.
       Arbitration of boundary question with Peru.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU: A. D. 1905.

    EDMONTON:
       Capital of the Province of Alberta.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

       ----------EDUCATION: Start--------

    EDUCATION: AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1907.
       Latest Statistics of State Schools.

       Statistics published in July, 1909, by the Commonwealth
       Government show that over £2,500,000 was spent on education by
       the Australian States in 1907 in 7500 State schools. The total
       daily average attendance at the schools for the year was
       444,000. The disbursements of the States on University
       education amounted to £113,000.

    EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1905.
       The question of State Support to Sectarian Schools revived on
       the creation of two new Provinces.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

    EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.
       The founding and endowment of Macdonald College.

       On the 16th of October, 1907, there was opened a new college
       of fine character and great importance, on a noble site,
       overlooking the Ottawa river, at Sainte de Bellevue, twenty
       miles west of Montreal. It bears the name of its founder. Sir
       William Macdonald, from whom it received an endowment of
       $4,000,000. This Macdonald College is divided into three
       schools: The School for Teachers, the School of Agriculture,
       the School of Household Science. Its main purposes are
       announced to be:

       (1) "The carrying on of research work and investigation and
       the dissemination of knowledge, with particular regard to the
       interests and needs of the population in rural districts"; and

       (2) the providing of "suitable and effective training for
       teachers, especially for those whose work will directly affect
       the education in schools in rural districts." It thus
       appropriates to itself a field of education for the betterment
       of farm life and work, the important need of which, looking to
       everything in national character and prosperity, is only
       beginning to be understood.

    EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1887-1907.
       Christian Mission Schools.

       "In the historical Volume presented in 1907 at the Shanghai
       Conference Dr. Arthur H. Smith makes the following interesting
       comparison of the statistics presented at the three Protestant
       Missionary Conferences held in China in 1887, 1890, and 1907:

          See, in this Volume,
          MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

                                  1876.    1889.   1907.

       Number of societies.         29       41      82

       Foreign teachers.           473    1,296   3,833

       Stations and substations.   602            5,734

       Pupils in schools.        4,909   16,836  57,683

       "The above statistics, although incomplete, do serve as an
       indication of the vigorous growth of Protestant missionary
       educational activity in China. In this work the various
       missionary foundations made their most notable advance in
       interdenominational cooperation. In many instances several
       denominations have combined in union schools or colleges. …
       One of the chief agencies in reaching this unity and effective
       cooperation has been the Educational Association of China,
       founded as early as 1887. …

    {192}

       "No survey of missionary education in China would be complete
       without mention of the widespread, well-organized Roman
       Catholic activities. Of the eleven different Catholic orders
       having representatives in China, the Jesuits are carrying on
       the largest educational work. In 1907, in their five colleges
       and seventy-two schools, a total of 25,335 students were
       enrolled. All the Catholic orders together supervise the
       instruction of over 75,000 Chinese students; this total, it
       will be seen, being somewhat higher than that of Protestant
       missions."

          George Marvin,
          The American Spirit in Chinese Education
          (The Outlook, November, 1908).

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Edicts of Reform.
       Modernizing of Examinations for Literary Degrees
       and for Military Degrees.
       New Universities, Colleges, and Schools.
       Students sent abroad.

       "An Edict on Reform in Education, published by the Chinese
       Government on the 29th of August, 1901, commanded the
       abolition of essays or homilies on the Chinese classics in
       examinations for literary degrees, and substituted for them
       essays and articles on modern matters, Western laws, and
       political economy. The same procedure was also to be observed
       in the future in the examination of candidates for office. By
       the same Edict it was ordered that as the methods in use for
       gaining military degrees—namely, trials of strength with stone
       weights, agility with the great sword, and marksmanship with
       the bow and arrow on foot and on horseback—were not of the
       slightest value in turning out men for the army, where
       knowledge of strategy and military science were the sine quâ
       non for military officers, these trials of strength, etc.,
       should be thenceforth abolished forever.

       "Another Edict for the establishment of new universities,
       colleges, and schools in China was published on the 12th of
       September, 1901. It commanded all existing colleges in the
       empire to be turned into schools and colleges of Western
       learning. Each provincial capital was to have a University
       like the Peking University, whilst the colleges in the
       prefectures and districts of the various provinces were to be
       schools and colleges of the second and third classes.

       "Another Edict, for sending students to be educated abroad,
       was published on the 17th of September, 1901. It commanded the
       Viceroys and Governors of other provinces of the Empire to
       follow the example of the Viceroy Liu Kun-yi of Liangkiang,
       Chang Chihtung of Hukuang, and Kuei Chun (Manchu) of Szechuen,
       in sending young men of scholastic promise and ability abroad
       to study any branch of Western science or art best suited to
       their abilities and tastes, so that they might in time return
       to China and place the fruits of their knowledge at the
       service of the empire.

       "Those who are acquainted with China know very well that many
       of the Edicts of the Government do not amount to much more
       than waste paper. In this case, however, it has not been so.
       The Imperial College in Shansi has been opened, with some 300
       students, in the hope that it will develop into one of the
       provincial universities. It is divided into a Chinese and a
       Foreign Department. … The Edicts have not been a dead letter
       in the other provinces either, though there has been enormous
       difficulty in getting a sufficient number of professors to
       teach or of text-books to use. Some Chinamen who under the old
       system of education would not have got more than £30 per annum
       now get £240, and there are not enough of them. At the lowest
       estimate text-books and books of general knowledge of the West
       to the value of £25,000 must have been sold during this year
       alone. Books to the value of £6,000 were sold by the Society
       for the Diffusion of Christian Knowledge.

       "I subjoin a list of the new colleges opened in ten different
       provinces in 1901-1902:

       Provinces.             Funds provided.

       Chekiang               50,000 strings of cash per annum
                              (about Taels 50,000, or over £6,000).

       Honan.                 30,000 Taels per annum.

       Kweichow.              20,000 Taels per annum.

       Fookien.               50,000 Mex. Dollars per annum.
                              (about £5,000).

       Kiangsi.               over 60,000 Mex. Dollars per annum.

       Kwangtung.             100,000 Taels per annum.

       Soochow                several tens of thousands of Taels.

       Nanking                —

       Shantung               50,000 Taels per annum.

       Shansi                 50,000 Taels per annum.

       Chihli                 —

       Prefectural Colleges
       in Soochow.            Taels 10,000.

       Prefectural Colleges
       in Shantung under
       R. C. Bishop Anzer.    Taels 2,000

       "This comes to about half a million of Taels annually for the
       whole Empire for modern education. Such is the new departure,
       which dates from 1901-1902."

          Timothy Richard,
          The New Education in China
          (Contemporary Review, January, 1903).

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
       Chinese Students in Japan.

       The following is from a communication to the State Department
       at Washington from the American Legation at Tokyo, under date
       of January 3, 1906:

       "During the past year Chinese students have come to this
       country in continually increasing numbers. Last summer the
       number was estimated at 5000, of whom 2000 had been sent at
       the expense of the Chinese Government. In November the number
       is said to have reached 8000. In addition to the supervision
       of the Chinese legation the students are looked after by eight
       superintendents sent to reside here by their Government.

       "Until recently the Japanese authorities seem to have done
       nothing in this matter, but the magnitude of the number of
       Chinese students finally made a certain degree of supervision
       on their part seem wise. Accordingly, regulations for
       controlling schools open to the Chinese were promulgated by
       the minister for education on November 2, to go into effect
       from the 1st instant. … The publication of these regulations
       was greeted by a storm of protest. Bodies of Chinese students
       passed indignant resolutions, saying that their liberty was
       being assailed and seemed to find in the new rules an
       indignity to their nationality. The restriction in choosing
       schools and lodgings and the need of a letter of
       recommendation annoyed them most. The agitation was so great
       that over a thousand students returned to China; and no more
       have been coming since the trouble."

    {193}

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
       The administration of the Department of Education in the
       Chinese Government.

       Under the date of November 9, 1908, the Peking correspondent
       of the London Times wrote of the administration of the
       governmental Department of Education as follows:

       "The Ministry of Education is under the presidency of a
       learned scholar of the old type, Chang Chih-tung. The old
       system of examination has entirely been abolished. Education
       is improving, but there is little attempt at uniformity. There
       is no lack of desire to learn, but the teaching outside of the
       mission schools or of colleges under foreign control is quite
       unsatisfactory. No attempt is made to obtain the services of
       the best man. Japan engaged the best foreign teachers that
       money could find, with the result that the standard of
       education is there very high. But China seems to think any
       teacher good enough so long as he is a shade better educated
       than the pupil he has to teach."

       On the other hand, Professor Thomas C. Chamberlin, of the
       University of Chicago, who spent four months of the past year
       in China, investigating educational conditions, has reported
       that "the old education has practically passed away, and the
       government is making strenuous, and on the whole remarkably
       successful, efforts to build up a system of education modelled
       on that of Europe and America. In all the larger cities of
       China buildings have been erected, teachers and pupils
       gathered, and schools of the modern type organized. In not a
       few cases, as, for example, at Foochow and in the far west at
       Chentu, the old examination halls have been torn down to make
       place for schools modelled on those of the west."

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
       Chinese Students in America.

       "The disposition on the part of the Chinese Government to send
       picked students to America for their education, although
       interrupted formally years after the first set of twenty came
       in 1872, has since 1890 shown a comparatively steady growth.
       During the past year 155 Chinese students were maintained at
       various educational institutions in this country on
       foundations provided either by the Imperial or the Provincial
       Governments. Out of this number seventy-one are under the
       charge of the Imperial Chinese Legation at Washington;
       twenty-seven are under the direction of Chang-Chuan,
       Commissioner of Education for the Viceroyalties of Hupuh and
       Kiang-man; fifty-seven others have been during the past year
       under the direction of Dr. Tenny, at present Chinese Secretary
       of our Legation at Peking. These last, although coming from
       various parts of the Empire, all received their elementary
       education at the Peyang College in Tientsin, of which Dr.
       Tenny was formerly principal. At the request of Yuan-Shih-Kai,
       then Viceroy of Chihli, of which province Tientsin is the
       chief city, Dr. Tenny in 1906 assumed charge at Cambridge of
       the Peiyang candidates sent to America, including those now at
       Harvard and the various other colleges where, at his
       suggestion, they were quartered. Since Dr. Tenny’s return in
       July last to Peking, his position has been filled by the
       appointment of Mr. H. F. Merrill, for many years Commissioner
       of Customs at Tientsin. …

       "Quite apart from this official recognition of the advantages
       of an American education, many Chinese families send their
       sons at their own expense to schools and colleges in this
       country. It has been impossible to procure exact statistics of
       the number of these privately supported students, but,
       according to the best advices obtainable at the Chinese
       Legation, there are about two hundred. …

       "More important than anything that has yet taken place in this
       movement of Chinese education in America is the recent
       determination on the part of the Imperial Government to devote
       a sum equal to that placed at their disposal by the remission
       of the Boxer indemnity to the founding of an Educational
       Mission in this country. … According to the terms of the
       agreement contained in the note of Prince Ch’ing to Mr.
       Rockhill last July, by the end of the fourth year from the
       inauguration of the scheme four hundred students, sent by the
       Imperial Government, will be added to the large and growing
       number of their young fellow-countrymen already coming to
       America."

          George Marvin,
          The American Spirit in Chinese Education
          (The Outlook, November, 1908).

       An English correspondent, writing from Peking, September 24,
       1909, reported: "This week 47 students selected by examination
       for proficiency in English and Chinese are leaving Peking for
       the United States to enter upon studies paid for by funds from
       the unexpended balance of the Boxer indemnity. They have been
       selected from nearly 500 candidates who competed for this
       great reward from many provinces of the Empire. An excellent
       body of young men, they ought to do credit to their country."

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
       Progress in Technical Education.

       The following statements were in a Press despatch from
       Tien-tsin, July, 1909:

       "Technical education in China shows unmistakable signs of
       extension. A very few years ago nothing existed which was
       worthy of the name, while now it is not too much to say that
       in the course of a few years the engineering schools of China
       will be second only to the best in Europe and America.
       Engineering courses are now being given at the following
       institutions:
       Imperial Polytechnic Institute, Shanghai;
       Imperial University of Shansi, Tai-yuan-fu;
       Tangshan Engineering and Mining College, Tangshan; and
       Imperial Pei Yang University, Tien-tsin."

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
       Formation in Great Britain and America of the China
       Emergency Appeal Committee.

       "Speaking at the Mansion House meeting [London] of the China
       Emergency Committee held under the presidency of the Lord
       Mayor on March 16, 1909, Sir Robert Hart, whose long work as
       Inspector-General of the Imperial Chinese Customs has given
       him the profoundest knowledge of China and its people, said:
       ‘We are alarmed lest Western knowledge and Western science may
       give the Chinese people strength without principle, and may
       even bring in a crude materialism without that higher teaching
       and higher guidance which are necessary for the best welfare
       of any people.’

       "It is the realization of that danger, but even more a
       realization of the needs of China, which have led to the
       formation of the China Emergency Appeal Committee. … It is the
       object of this Committee to utilize to the full the unexampled
       present opportunity of establishing in China institutions
       through which the Chinese people may be trained to educate
       themselves in the Western knowledge and civilization which
       they have set themselves to acquire.

    {194}

       "There is, first, China’s crying need of medical education—of
       schools and hospitals in which Chinese students will be taught
       and practise medicine and surgery. … Not less needed is the
       establishment of colleges and centres for the training of
       Chinese teachers for the primary and secondary schools which
       are being established everywhere throughout this Empire of
       400,000,000 inhabitants. The China Emergency Committee appeals
       for £40,000 to build and equip these training colleges.
       Thirdly, there is a demand throughout China for translations
       of European books. The demand far exceeds the supply, though
       it is only through literature that the Chinese gentleman will
       acquaint himself with Western thought and learning. The books
       sell in vast numbers, but the work of translation involves
       heavy preliminary expenses. … These are the three objects for
       the attainment of which the China Emergency Committee has been
       established."

          London Times,
          July 17, 1909.

       On the initiative of the English Committee, of which Sir
       Robert Hart is chairman, a proposal to move similarly in
       America came before a recent conference of foreign mission
       boards of the United States and Canada. A committee, Rev. Dr.
       Arthur J. Brown, chairman, to whom the proposition was
       referred, reported favorably. The conference approved the
       report, and provided that a permanent committee be appointed,
       to consist of those serving with Dr. Brown, together with
       twelve laymen, to be chosen by the committee. This new
       committee is "to promote a larger interest in Christian
       education in China." It will assist the boards and other
       Christian agencies and cooperate with the general education
       committee appointed by the Shanghai conference and with the
       China Educational Association.

    EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1899-1907.
       Organization of Schools during the American Occupation.
       Census-showing of results in 1907.

       "During the American occupation of Cuba especial attention was
       given to the establishment of common schools and other
       educational institutions. The enrollment of the public schools
       of Cuba immediately before the last war shows 36,306 scholars,
       but an examination of the reports containing these figures
       indicates that probably less than half the names enrolled
       represented actual attendance. There were practically no
       separate school buildings, but the scholars were collected in
       the residences of the teachers. There were few books and
       practically no maps, blackboards, desks, or other school
       apparatus.

       "The instruction consisted solely in learning by rote, the
       catechism being the principal textbook, and the girls
       occupying their time chiefly in embroidery. The teachers were
       allowed to eke out their unpaid salaries by accepting fees
       from the pupils. … At the end of the first six months of
       American occupation the public school enrollment of the island
       numbered 143,120. The schools were subjected to a constant and
       effective inspection and the attendance was practically
       identical with the enrollment. …

       "All over the island the old Spanish barracks and the barracks
       occupied by the American troops which had been withdrawn were
       turned into schoolrooms after thorough renovation. The
       pressure for education was earnest and universal. The
       appropriations from the insular treasury for that purpose
       during the first year of American occupation amounted to four
       and a half millions.

       "At the close of American occupation there were 121 boards of
       education elected by the people (the system was kept out of
       politics); the work of changing the old barracks throughout
       the island into schoolhouses had been completed; a thoroughly
       modern school building costing $50,000 had been erected at
       Santiago; one school building in Habana had 33 rooms, with a
       modern kindergarten, manual-training branch, two gymnasiums,
       and baths; large schools had been established by changes in
       government buildings at Guineas, Pinar del Rio, Matanzas,
       Cieguo de Avila, and Colon; over 3600 teachers were subjected
       to examination, and approximately 6000 persons applied for and
       received examination as teachers. For six weeks during the
       summer vacation of 1901, 4000 teachers were collected in
       teachers’ institutes."

          Establishment of Free Government in Cuba
          (58th Congress, 2d Session, Senate Document number 312).

       "The public-school system organized under the first
       intervention in Cuba, is producing excellent results. Of the
       population 10 years of age and over, 56.6 per cent could read,
       showing a decided gain in that respect since 1899. Of the
       native whites, 58.6 per cent could read, and of the colored 45
       per cent were similarly educated."

          National Geographic Magazine,
          February, 1909, p. 202.

    EDUCATION: Egypt: A. D. 1901-1905.
       Recent Development of Public Primary Schools.
       Schools for Girls.

       "Before the English occupation great masses of Egyptians
       remained ignorant. Over 91 per cent. of the males and almost
       99½ per cent. of the females could neither read nor write.
       Until within the last five years public primary education for
       the poorer classes, aside from the mere learning of the Koran,
       was almost unknown. At the present time public schools are
       being established everywhere, and grants in aid of these
       schools are paid in proportion to the attendance and the
       records made by the pupils. Likewise, certain positions in the
       civil service can be filled only by those who hold
       certificates from schools of certain grades. As a consequence
       there has been a great awakening of interest. Most of the
       teachers of these public schools are Mohammedan, and the
       schools are non-Christian in their instruction. The Koran is
       still used as a text-book for many purposes, but the education
       is practical in its general nature. The children are taught,
       besides reading and writing, the elements of the sciences, and
       they choose either French or English as the foreign language
       which they will learn, and that in which they will receive
       instruction in the more advanced studies where Arabic
       text-books cannot readily be provided. It is a noteworthy fact
       that while, in the earlier days, French was the language more
       frequently chosen, nearly all the pupils are now selecting
       English. There are also provisions for training in law,
       medicine, agriculture, engineering, etc. The law school is the
       most popular, while the agricultural college—although the
       basis of Egyptian wealth and prosperity is and must always be
       agriculture—suffers from lack of pupils. Female education has
       not been neglected, and we may expect in the near future that
       instead of 99½ per cent. of the women being unable to write, a
       very large per cent. of the mothers of the country will be
       able to give their children the rudiments of education at
       home."

          Professor J. W. Jenks,
          The Egypt of To-day
          (International Quarterly Review, October, 1902).

    {195}

       "A revolution is a growth, not a cataclysm: the seeds of the
       Egyptian Revolution were sown in the autumn of 1901 when Miss
       Amina Hafiz Maghrabi was admitted to the Stockwell Road
       Training College for Teachers. Miss Amina is the daughter of
       one of the Officials in the Ministry of Public Instruction at
       Cairo, and after passing a preliminary examination was sent to
       England to be educated at the expense of the Egyptian
       Government. … Miss Amina spent nearly three years at
       Stockwell; then she returned to her own people; now she is a
       teacher at the Abbas Public Girls’ School at Cairo, and the
       right hand of Miss Spears, the Principal; this seed is bearing
       fruit. No Revolution can be a success unless the women take it
       up, and it is the women who are going to turn Egypt upside
       down; it is the Mussulman women who have already begun to do
       so. …

       "The really astonishing work that has been going on for nearly
       two years is the education for the teaching profession of
       girls of the better class aged from about fourteen to twenty.
       There are two or three schools where these girls are received
       as boarders, and carefully tended by European mistresses; the
       amazing thing is that they throw aside their veils and consent
       to be taught by men. … In all the State schools of Egypt the
       Koran is taught. In one corner of the garden is a small room
       built to serve as a mosque; attendance is voluntary, but three
       times a day each girl retires there for private prayer.

       "These schools have been recently founded to provide female
       teachers; they have not been in existence long enough for any
       girls to have completed the two-years’ course; it may be they
       will fail in their primary object; it is possible that the
       girls who have been educated will none of them persevere in
       the teaching profession; nevertheless, as Egyptian wives and
       mothers, they must become the leaders of the revolution."

          Edmund Verney,
          A Revolution in Egypt
          (Contemporary Review, July, 1905).

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
       Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

       From the eighth annual report of the Director of Education in
       the Sudan it appears that the Gordon Memorial College, founded
       at Khartoum in 1899 (see, in Volume VI. of this work, EGYPT:
       A. D. 1898-1899), is now composed of the following educational
       units:

       "The primary school, which has been attended by 190 pupils,
       the training college—vernacular and English—by 178, of which
       150 belong to the vernacular side, and the upper school for
       the training of engineers and surveyors by 28 students. One
       hundred and seventy-two are on the roll of the instructional
       workshops. There is, he remarks, no doubt whatever about the
       popularity of the military school among the inhabitants of the
       country, both Arab and Sudanese. Some 20 young men have now
       received commission in the famous black battalions, or in the
       new Arab levies now being raised. They have almost all been
       well reported on. He understood that the responsible Army
       authorities propose to increase this school substantially, and
       to render it capable of holding twice the present number of
       cadets." The College is reported to have "felt the strain of
       existing financial difficulties very keenly, and the rate of
       progress has hardly been maintained this year."—1908.

    EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1902.
       The Education Act, in the interest of the Voluntary or
       Church Schools.
       Text of its provisions most obnoxious to the Nonconformists.
       "Passive resistance" among them to the law.

       The Education Act of 1870 created in England for the first
       time a system of officially regulated and publicly supported
       elementary schools.

          See in Volume I. of this work,
          EDUCATION: MODERN: ENGLAND: A. D. 1699-1870.

       Those schools divided the work of elementary education with
       schools of another, older system, founded, maintained, and
       managed by the churches of the country,—mainly by the
       predominant Established Church of England. The public
       elementary schools, supported out of local rates and governed
       by locally-elected school boards were called Board Schools;
       the others were called Voluntary Schools. The latter received
       some public money from an annual Parliamentary grant, but
       nothing from the local taxation which supported the former. In
       the Voluntary Schools under church control religious teaching
       was prescribed and given systematically; in the Board Schools
       it was not. Those who held religious teaching, of their own
       denominational orthodoxy, to be a vital part of education,
       were ardent partisans of the Voluntary Schools. Those who
       approved the exclusion of theological differences from the
       teaching of the Board Schools were equally ardent champions of
       those. As a rule, the adherents of the Established Church and
       of the Roman Catholic Church were opponents of the public
       system, while the Dissenters or Nonconformists of all sects
       gave it strenuous support. Thus the two systems were
       mischievously antagonized, and almost from the beginning of
       the operation of the Act of 1870 it had been manifest that one
       or the other must ultimately give way to its rival.

       In 1902 the Conservative party, in which the Established
       Church of England is most largely represented, found itself
       strong enough in Parliament to undertake the nationalizing of
       the Voluntary Schools in England and Wales, incorporating them
       with their rivals in one reconstructed national system, but
       securing their domination in it, along with equal sharing from
       the public purse. A Bill for the purpose was proposed to the
       House of Commons on the 24th of March by Mr. Balfour, then the
       Administration leader in the House. In his speech on a motion
       for leave to bring it in he spoke of the need of a single
       authority for education, primary, secondary, and technical; of
       the disadvantages of the two organizations of elementary
       schools, and of the absurdity of supposing that the great
       number of Voluntary Schools and Endowed Schools could be swept
       away and replaced at enormous public cost. The proposed Bill,
       based on these views, would extinguish the local School Boards
       and make the County Council in counties and the Borough
       Council in county boroughs the one local education authority.
       As introduced subsequently and enacted, after heated and long
       debate, the Bill accomplished its leading objects, so far as
       concerned elementary education, by provisions of which the
       following is the text:

    {196}

       "Part III. Elementary Education.

       5.
       The local education authority shall throughout their area
       have the powers and duties of a school board and school
       attendance committee under the Elementary Education Acts, 1870
       to 1900, and any other Acts, including local Acts, and shall
       also be responsible for and have the control of all secular
       instruction in public elementary schools not provided by them,
       and school boards and school attendance committees shall be
       abolished.

       "6.
       (1) All public elementary schools provided by the local
       education authority shall, where the local education authority
       are the council of a county, have a body of managers
       consisting of a number of managers not exceeding four
       appointed by that council, together with a number not
       exceeding two appointed by the minor local authority. Where
       the local education authority are the council of a borough or
       urban district they may, if they think fit, appoint for any
       school provided by them a body of managers consisting of such
       number of managers as they may determine.

       "(2) All public elementary schools not provided by the local
       education authority shall, in place of the existing managers,
       have a body of managers consisting of a number of foundation
       managers not exceeding four appointed as provided by this Act,
       together with a number of managers not exceeding two
       appointed—

       (a) where the local education authority are the council
       of a county, one by that council and one by the minor local
       authority; and

       (b) where the local education authority are the council
       of a borough or urban district, both by that authority.

       "(3)
       Notwithstanding anything in this section—

       (a) Schools may be grouped under one body of managers
       in manner provided by this Act; and

       (b) Where the local education authority consider that
       the circumstances of any school require a larger body of
       managers than that provided under this section, that authority
       may increase the total number of managers, so, however, that
       the number of each class of managers is proportionately
       increased.

       "7.—
       (1) The local education authority shall maintain and keep
       efficient all public elementary schools within their area
       which are necessary, and have the control of all expenditure
       required for that purpose, other than expenditure for which,
       under this Act, provision is to be made by the managers; but,
       in the case of a school not provided by them, only so long as
       the following conditions and provisions are complied with:—

       "(a) The managers of the school shall carry out any
       directions of the local education authority as to the secular
       instruction to be given in the school, including any
       directions with respect to the number and educational
       qualifications of the teachers to be employed for such
       instruction, and for the dismissal of any teacher on
       educational grounds, and if the managers fail to carry out any
       such direction the local education authority shall, in
       addition to their other powers, have the power themselves to
       carry out the direction in question as if they were the
       managers; but no direction given under this provision shall be
       such as to interfere with reasonable facilities for religious
       instruction during school hours:

       "(b) The local education authority shall have power to
       inspect the school;

       "(c) The consent of the local education authority shall
       be required to the appointment of teachers, but that consent
       shall not be withheld except on educational grounds; and the
       consent of the authority shall also be required to the
       dismissal of a teacher unless the dismissal be on grounds
       connected with the giving of religious instruction in the
       school. … [Here follow provisions relative to schoolhouses and
       teachers’ dwellings.]

       "(3) If any question arises under this section between
       the local education authority and the managers of a school not
       provided by the authority, that question shall be determined
       by the Board of Education.

       "(4) One of the conditions required to be fulfilled by
       an elementary school in order to obtain a parliamentary grant
       shall be that it is maintained under and complies with the
       provisions of this section.

       "(5) In public elementary schools maintained but not
       provided by the local educational authority, assistant
       teachers and pupil teachers may be appointed, if it is thought
       fit, without reference to religious creed and denomination,
       and, in any case in which there are more candidates for the
       post of pupil teacher than there are places to be filled, the
       appointment shall be made by the local education authority,
       and they shall determine the respective qualifications of the
       candidates by examination or otherwise.

       "(6) Religious instruction given in a public elementary
       school not provided by the local education authority shall, as
       regards its character, be in accordance with the provisions
       (if any) of the trust deed relating thereto, and shall be
       under the control of the managers: Provided that nothing in
       this subjection shall affect any provision in a trust deed for
       reference to the bishop or superior ecclesiastical or other
       denominational authority so far as such provision gives to the
       bishop or authority the power of deciding whether the
       character of the religious instruction is or is not in
       accordance with the provisions of the trust deed.

       "(7) The managers of a school maintained but not
       provided by the local education authority shall have all
       powers of management required for the purpose of carrying out
       this Act, and shall (subject to the powers of the local
       education authority under this section) have the exclusive
       power of appointing and dismissing teachers.

       "8.—
       (1) Where the local education authority or any other persons
       propose to provide a new public elementary school, they shall
       give public notice of their intention to do so, and the
       managers of any existing school, or the local education
       authority (where they are not themselves the persons proposing
       to provide the school), or any ten rate payers in the area for
       which it is proposed to provide the school, may, within three
       months after the notice is given, appeal to the Board of
       Education on the ground that the proposed school is not
       required, or that a school provided by the local education
       authority, or not so provided, as the case may be, is better
       suited to meet the wants of the district than the school
       proposed to be provided, and any school built in contravention
       of the decision of the Board of Education on such appeal shall
       be treated as unnecessary.

    {197}

       "(2) If, in the opinion of the Board of Education, any
       enlargement of a public elementary school is such as to amount
       to the provision of a new school, that enlargement shall be so
       treated for the purposes of this section.

       "(3) Any transfer of a public elementary school to or from a
       local education authority shall for the purposes of this
       section be treated as the provision of a new school.

       "9. The Board of Education shall, without unnecessary delay,
       determine, in case of dispute, whether a school is necessary
       or not, and, in so determining, and also in deciding on any
       appeal as to the provision of a new school, shall have regard
       to the interest of secular instruction, to the wishes of
       parents as to the education of their children, and to the
       economy of the rates; but a school for the time being
       recognized as a public elementary school shall not be
       considered unnecessary in which the number of scholars in
       average attendance, as computed by the Board of Education, is
       not less than thirty."

       The main contentions were raised by these sections of the
       Bill, and as soon as their bearing and effect were discerned
       the Nonconformist opposition was rallied in strong force. "The
       main ground of objection taken," says the Annual Register,
       "was that, while throwing the whole charge of the maintenance
       of denominational schools (apart from that of the fabrics) on
       public funds, it failed to secure to the local public any real
       control over the management of the schools so maintained, and
       amounted in effect to a new endowment of the Church of
       England; also that it perpetuated and enhanced the injustice
       of the pressure of the system of religious tests in the
       profession of elementary teaching, which would now, it was
       said, if the Bill should pass, be the permanent monopoly of
       Anglicans in the schools educating more than half of the
       children of the working classes. Denunciatory resolutions
       based generally on grounds of this character, were passed by
       the National Free Church Council, the London Congregational
       Union (April 8), the General Committee of the Protestant
       Dissenting Deputies, and other bodies; and at an early date a
       disposition, to which both encouragement and expression were
       vigorously administered by the British Weekly, was somewhat
       extensively shown to urge that it would be the duty of
       Nonconformists to refuse to pay the education rate if the Bill
       should become law. Dr. Parker, of the City Temple, in a letter
       to the Times (April 5), avowed himself earnestly in
       favour of this policy, which was also defended by the Rev. H.
       Price Hughs. It was opposed by the Rev. John Watson, of
       Liverpool (known in the literary world as ‘Ian Maclaren’), but
       the voices of restraint among the Nonconformist opposition
       were less audible than those of indignant reproach and
       menace."

          Annual Register,
          1902, p. 107.

       The following from an article by Rev. J. Guinness Rogers shows
       the attitude and feeling of the Nonconformist opposition:

       "Hitherto a certain proportion of the cost of these schools
       has been borne by Churchmen themselves, and Nonconformists
       have been content to regard that as fairly providing for the
       sectarian teaching that was given. They did not regard the
       arrangement as wise or salutary. But they acquiesced
       considering that they had no responsibility whatever for the
       denominational teaching that was given. The new Act altered
       all the conditions. The State now assumes all the
       responsibility for the support of these schools. The last
       vestige of voluntary support is swept away, and they become in
       every sense part of the National School system. The burden of
       their support is thrown upon the public funds. Only in the
       matter of control and of their religious teaching do they
       retain anything of their private character. … They are to be
       supported out of the public funds. But they constitute a
       privileged class of schools under private managers, and their
       chief teachers have to belong to a particular Church and to
       give instruction in its principles and doctrines. It is this
       which has stirred the indignation of Nonconformists. They
       conscientiously object to pay for the support of schools
       staffed by Anglican teachers and employed in the dissemination
       of Anglican doctrines. …

       "For thirty years the Free Churches of England have quietly
       submitted to an arrangement which practically left thousands
       of the schools under the absolute sway of the clergy. There
       were thus vast districts of the country, and those the
       districts least open to the free play of public opinion, in
       which Nonconformist children were forced into the ranks of the
       pupils, while Non-conformist teachers were just as resolutely
       kept out of these favoured preserves of sectarianism. But even
       this did not satisfy the clergy and their friends. During
       almost the whole of the period in question there have been
       continual attempts to secure better terms for those already so
       highly privileged. At length came the period for decided
       action. … The whole character of our educational apparatus has
       been changed, and changed in a manner as unfavourable to
       constitutional liberty as to religious equality. School boards
       were institutions in which Nonconformists had taken a deep
       interest and in which in many of the large towns they had
       achieved conspicuous success. They have been ruthlessly swept
       away, and henceforth the work of education in our large towns
       and cities is entrusted to committees chosen by County
       Councils; Mr. Balfour showing here the same dislike of popular
       control as characterises his administration in the House of
       Commons. Can it be thought wonderful that Nonconformists have
       been goaded into resistance by a policy so high-handed and so
       determined? We have heard enough of the intolerable strain put
       upon the supporters of the voluntary schools. The strain of
       clerical intolerance and Tory partiality has become still more
       intolerable."

          J. Guinness Rogers,
          The Nonconformist Uprising
          (Nineteenth Century, October, 1903).

       A weightier and more statesman like objection to the Act was
       set forth by the Right Honourable James Bryce in the
       following:

       "Of all the causes which have kept education in England,
       secondary as well as elementary, below the level it has
       reached in such countries as Switzerland and Scotland and New
       England, the most deep seated is the want of popular interest
       and popular sympathy. The people have not felt the schools to
       be their own, have not been associated with the management,
       have not realised how largely the welfare and prosperity of
       the nation depend on the instruction which each generation
       receives. Since 1870 something has been done to stimulate
       popular interest by the creation of School Boards (whose
       admirable work in the large towns is admitted even by the
       Ministry which proposes to destroy them), by the introduction
       of a large representative element upon the governing bodies of
       endowed secondary schools, and by entrusting County and
       Borough Councils with power to spend money upon technical
       instruction.
    {198}
       What can be plainer than that a wise statesmanship ought to
       follow in the same path endeavouring to create everywhere
       local educational authorities chosen by the people and
       responsible to the people, keeping these local authorities up
       to the mark by making a share in the imperial grant
       conditional upon full efficiency, but teaching them to look
       upon the schools as their own, and to feel that it is their
       own interest as parents and citizens to make their schools
       worthy of an advancing nation? No such idea has been present
       to those who framed this Bill. It reduces, instead of in
       creasing, the element of popular interest and popular control.

       "School Boards are to be swept away, and with them those
       elected women members who have been so valuable and
       influential an element. The substituted County and Borough
       Councils are, no doubt, elective bodies. But they have so many
       functions already besides those educational functions which
       are now to be thrown on them that the latter will play a small
       part, and their discharge of those functions cannot be
       effectively reviewed by the people at an election. Moreover,
       every Council is directed to act through an Education
       Committee largely, or possibly entirely, consisting of persons
       outside their own bodies. It is certainly desirable to secure
       an element of special knowledge. But the policy of these
       committees—and policy (except as regards finance) is to rest
       with them—will never be subject to any review by the electors,
       to whom the committees are nowise responsible. The fault is
       still worse when we come to the local managers. Where there
       exist only denominational schools, there will be no popular
       control at all, for the permissive appointment by the
       Education Committee of not more than one-third of the local
       managers is a merely nominal concession, quite illusory for
       the purpose of securing any local power, any local interest,
       any local sympathy. In most cases this permissive right of
       appointment will probably be used to add to the denominational
       managers some person or persons recommended by them, or one of
       them, to the Education Committee, which sits in the distant
       county town and may know nothing about the locality.

       "It is not from any superstitious faith in popular election or
       in what are called ‘democratic principles’ that I deplore
       these provisions of the Bill. It is because they tend to
       withdraw from education one of its most valuable propulsive
       forces. Let us hear the Schools Inquiry Commissioners of 1868,
       among whom were the present Archbishop of Canterbury, the late
       Bishop of Winchester, and another eminent ecclesiastic.

       "‘No skill in organisation, no careful adaptation of the means
       in hand to the best ends, can do as much for education as the
       earnest co-operation of the people. The American schools
       appear to have no great excellence of method. But the schools
       are in the hands of the people, and from this fact they derive
       a force which seems to make up for all their deficiencies. …
       In Zurich the schools are absolutely in the hands of the
       people, and the complete success of the system must be largely
       ascribed to this cause. … It is impossible to doubt that in
       England also inferior management, if it were backed up by very
       hearty sympathy from the mass of the people, would often
       succeed better than much greater skill without such support.’

       "These words were spoken of secondary education. They apply
       with even greater force to elementary. The experience of
       thirty-four years confirms them. But there is nothing in this
       Bill to give effect to their principle."

          James Bryce,
          A Few Words on the Few Education Bill
          (Nineteenth Century, May, 1902).

       The Education Bill passed its third reading in the House of
       Commons on the 3d of December, by a vote of 246 against 123,
       being a majority of exactly two-thirds. In the House of Lords
       it received brief discussion and a few amendments, which the
       Commons accepted, and it was sent quickly to the King,
       receiving the royal assent December 18. And now there came
       into action the stubborn revolt which took the name of
       "passive resistance,"—the refusal, that is, of a considerable
       body of people to pay the rates levied for school purposes
       under a law which they held to be unjust. Their attitude, and
       the consequences they suffered, in imprisonment and the
       seizure and sale of their property, are described in the
       following passages from an article by one of the leaders of
       the movement:

       "It is difficult to believe that, at the beginning of the
       twentieth century, Englishmen of high character and
       indisputable loyalty are being sent to prison for exactly the
       same reasons as those which were urged for committing John
       Bunyan to Bedford Gaol; for exposing Richard Baxter to the
       browbeating of Judge Jeffreys and a sentence of eighteen
       months incarceration; and for sending George Fox to the
       noisome dungeons of Carlisle and Derby, Lancaster and London.
       Americans cannot credit it. The colonists of Canada and
       Australia say, ‘Can these things be?'?; and even Englishmen
       would never accept the humiliating conclusion, if they were
       not confronted by the undeniable fact. The fact is that nearly
       one hundred freemen of England, respectable and God-fearing
       citizens, have been sentenced to different periods of
       imprisonment since November, 1903. …

       "Imprisonment is only one phase of this advancing cause;
       another is that of the public sale of the furniture, pictures
       and books of those who refuse to submit. The first sale was at
       Wirksworth, in Derbyshire, on June 26th, 1903; and it has been
       followed by about 1,600 more in different towns and villages,
       all over England. … In one extremely flagrant instance, one
       hundred pounds’ worth of goods were taken for the sum of
       fifteen shillings, and in many cases fidelity to conscience
       has meant loss of trade and of position, … No less than 40,000
       summonses have been sent forth by the overseers to compel
       recalcitrant rate-payers to appear before the magistrates and
       ‘show cause’ why they will not pay. …

       "Now, it is for that process we cannot and will not pay any
       rate whatever. We object to many of the provisions of the
       Education Acts. They are anti-democratic, unfair, unjust; they
       are destructive of educational efficiency and social peace;
       but the one thing that has created the Passive Resistance
       movement is not the destruction of the School Board, not the
       loss of popular control, but this intrusion into the realm of
       conscience by the State.
    {199}
       That is the prime factor in this situation. To that ‘we will
       not submit,’ declared Mr. Fairbairn to Mr. Balfour when the
       Bill was before the House. In short, we say with Bunyan to our
       persecutors, ‘Where I cannot obey actively, there I am willing
       to lie down, and to suffer what they shall do unto me.’"

          John Clifford,
          Passive Resistance in England and Wales
          (North American Review, March, 1905).

       In Wales, where the Nonconformists are very strong, the
       resistance became more than passive. The County Councils
       refused generally to put the Act into operation, and
       Parliament, in August, 1904, passed what was described as the
       "Welsh Coercion Act," to compel their obedience to it. This
       Act authorized the central Board of Education, in the case of
       a county proclaimed in default to provide for Church schools
       and to deduct such appropriation from the Government rant for
       educational uses to the county. As the deficit thus caused in
       the sum available for the National schools would have to be
       made up by the county, the recalcitrant county would thus
       indirectly be saddled with the maintenance of the Church
       schools. But Welsh resistance was not so easily overcome; for
       a new plan was devised, according to which every proceeding
       under the Coercion Act would be met by the resignation of
       county education committees and managers of the National
       schools. This would paralyze the central Board, which has no
       power to fill the places thus vacated.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1904.
       Church Attendance in School Hours.

       A circular issued by the Board of Education, in July, relative
       to the taking of children from Church schools, during school
       hours, to attend Church services on Saints' days, caused great
       dissatisfaction and complaint in Church circles. The practice
       had been permitted hitherto; but the Board ruled that school
       time-tables making provision for this must have the sanction
       of the local school authorities, which in many cases were
       opposed to the practice. A "Church Schools Emergency League"
       was now organized to contest the action of the Board.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1905.
       Underfed School Children.

       An order issued by the Local Government Board, in April,
       directed that, in the case of school children under sixteen,
       found to be underfed, who were not blind, deaf or dumb, and
       who were living with a father not in receipt of relief, there
       must be application for relief made to the guardians of the
       poor by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer
       authorized by the education authorities. The guardians must
       then investigate the case and decide whether relief should be
       given as a loan or in the ordinary mode, and notify the father
       accordingly; thus giving the parent the opportunity to make
       the needed provision himself. If he did not do so, the
       guardians were empowered to recover from him the cost of the
       necessary relief by county court process.

       The report of the Board of Education for the year 1907-1908,
       published in March, 1909, states with reference to the feeding
       of necessitous school children that: "From December 21, 1906,
       when the Education (Provision of Meals) Act, 1906, came into
       operation, to July 31, 1908, 51 local education authorities
       have been authorized to spend money from the rates in
       providing food for school children. Of the 20 authorities
       referred to in last year’s report as having taken power to
       spend money for this purpose 14 have obtained sanction to
       spend money in a second year."

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
       Education Bill passed by the House of Commons and killed
       by amendments in the House of Lords.

       The defeat of the Conservatives and Unionists in the
       Parliamentary elections of January, 1906, was ascribed very
       largely to popular dissatisfaction with the Education Act of
       1902. Hence, on the resignation of the Balfour Ministry and
       the call of the Liberals, under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman,
       to the administration of the Government, the new masters of
       legislative authority were held to have received a mandate
       from the people to amend the objectionable law. On the 9th of
       April a Bill to that end was brought forward by Augustine
       Birrell, President of the Board of Education and again the old
       disputes over denominational religious teaching in schools
       supported by the public at large were re-enlivened and
       re-heated, in Parliament and out. In December it passed the
       House of Commons by a majority of 192, and went to the Lords.
       A succinct and clear statement of the intent of the Bill, as
       framed by the Government, was given in an article contributed
       to The Outlook of August 4, 1906, by Dr. Clifford
       Webster Barnes, Special Commissioner of the Religious
       Education Association to investigate moral and religious
       instruction in European schools. In the framing of the Bill it
       had been assumed that the overwhelming majority which swept
       the new Government into power had determined that the
       following principles should be enacted into law:
       1. Unification of the public school system.
       2. Complete local control where public funds are received.
       3. Abolition of religious tests for teachers.

       "The new bill by its first clause," wrote Dr. Barnes, "has
       virtually met these three requirements. It makes it impossible
       for the State, hereafter, to recognize or provide for any
       school unless it comes under the absolute control of the local
       authority; and as church boards are thus supplanted, religious
       tests for teachers need no longer be feared. In later clauses,
       also, special safeguards are arranged to protect the teachers
       from this sort of test. If the bill, after providing the
       necessary machinery with which to carry out its first clause,
       went no further, the extreme Nonconformist would undoubtedly
       have given it most hearty support, and the wrath of the Church
       party might possibly have been no greater. But love for fair
       play has prevailed in the Cabinet, and the Liberal Government
       has proved its right to the title by introducing, in clauses
       2, 3, and 4, special provisions for leasing the denominational
       schools and for permitting their owners to give the religious
       instruction distinctive of the church to which they belong. …

       "The bill, therefore, makes the following concessions:

       "1. For the purpose of continuing any existing voluntary
       school it permits the local authority, on some arrangement
       being made with the owners, to take over such school, provided
       it is structurally fit. The State will then pay the entire
       cost of maintenance, keep the property in good repair, and use
       it only between the hours of 9 a. m. and 4 p. m., from Monday
       to Friday inclusive. At all other times the owners are
       privileged to do with it as they see fit. On two mornings of
       the week, between 9 and 9.45, the religious teaching peculiar
       to the denomination owning the property may be given, but
       children whose parents do not wish such teaching are to be
       excused during that time.

    {200}

       "2. In urban areas where there is a population of five
       thousand or over, a Church school may remain as denominational
       as at present, the distinctive dogmas of the Church being
       taught as much as may be desired, provided the parents of
       four-fifths of the children vote in favor of this arrangement,
       and provided, also, that there are accommodations in some
       neighboring school for those whose parents prefer
       undenominational instruction. In every case that portion of
       the religious teaching which is distinctively denominational
       must be paid for by the church giving it. Statistics show that
       by this concession one hundred per cent. of the Jewish schools
       will be able to preserve their denominational character,
       seventy-five per cent. of the Catholic schools, fifty per
       cent. of the Wesleyan, and twenty-five per cent. of the Church
       of England. By the previous concession, of course, all the
       remaining schools of the various denominations will be able to
       give their distinctive theological teaching on two mornings of
       each week.

       "But this denominational instruction is not the only religious
       education which the schools will provide. By the bill of 1870
       local authorities were permitted to introduce a kind of simple
       Bible teaching which has been nicknamed, from the author of
       the act, ‘Cowper-Templeism.’ It consists of Bible lessons
       covering the Old and New Testaments arranged according to some
       well-planned syllabus, the majority of these being modeled
       after that of the London County Council. The exercise opens
       with prayer and a hymn, after which the children tell the
       Bible story of the day and are assisted by the teacher to draw
       from it some suitable moral lesson, but no creed or religious
       formulary distinctive of any denomination can be used. This
       teaching must be given in the first hour of the morning,
       between 9 and 9.45, and any child may be excused from
       attendance upon the request of its parent. It is a significant
       fact that the Nonconformists of 1870 were unanimously opposed
       to the Cowper-Temple clause, and that it was put through only
       by the strong and united effort of the bishops. Now it is the
       Nonconformists who, to a man, favor this kind of instruction,
       while some at least of the bishops, in their eagerness to
       preserve denominationalism, go so far as to say ‘this teaching
       undermines the foundations of Christianity.’"

       In the House of Lords the Bill came under the Church
       influences which had dictated the Act of 1902, and it was
       slashed with amendments which would totally reverse its
       operation on all the controverted points. That procedure
       killed the measure, of course; and so the burning school
       question remains unsettled, while England gives much thought
       to another question,—What to do with the House of Lords?

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1907 (November).
       Failure to compromise the Religious Sectarian Differences
       concerning Public Education.

       Attempts to negotiate a compromise with the religious bodies
       whose antagonism wrecked the Education Bill of 1906 went so
       far as to induce the Government, in November, 1907, to
       introduce a Bill embodying the points on which agreement had
       been reached. The outcome was stated in the report of the
       Board of Education for 1907-1908, as follows:

       "It became apparent after some progress had been made in
       Committee that denominational assent could only be obtained by
       still further concessions, including a substantial increase in
       the grant to contracting-out schools. Your Majesty’s
       Government have always maintained that the number of schools
       availing themselves of the privilege of contracting-out, must
       be strictly limited, that the grant provided by the Bill was
       sufficient to afford a limited number of schools a reasonable
       chance of existence, and that to increase the grant beyond
       this sum would enable the great majority of schools to take
       advantage of the privilege, and would involve the
       establishment of a system of contracting-out as the rule
       instead of the exception. In view of the impossibility of
       obtaining agreement without such amendments as were, in the
       opinion of your Majesty’s Government, inadmissible, it was
       found necessary to withdraw the Bill."

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1908.
       Provisions of the Children Act relating to Industrial and
       Reformatory Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Oxford Teaching for Working People.

       In 1908 the Convocation of the University of Oxford passed a
       statute which gave the University Extension Delegacy power to
       form a committee consisting of working-class representatives
       in equal numbers with members of the Delegacy, with the object
       of enabling Oxford to take its proper share in the work of
       providing higher education for the manual working classes. In
       January, 1909, the committee organized eight tutorial classes,
       at Chesterfield, Glossop, Littleborough, Longton, Oldham,
       Rochdale, Swindon and Wrexham. At the end of the first twelve
       weeks of the work results were reported, as follows: "The
       number of students enrolled was about 234, among whom were 20
       women; and all of these pledged themselves to study
       continuously under the supervision of the tutors provided by
       Oxford for a period of three years. The subjects studied were
       industrial history and economics. … The members with few
       exceptions are men and women engaged in manual labour during
       the day. Out of 169 students 48 were engineers, 35 were
       engaged in the textile industries, 17 belonged to the building
       trades, 12 were labourers, ten were potters, seven were in the
       clothing trades, five were miners, and four were printers.
       Sixty per cent. of the 234 students were under the age of 34.
       Many of them were members' of working-class organizations. …
       Few students abandoned the classes after beginning to attend
       them, except for reasons such as illness, overtime or
       unemployment. The average attendances are about 90 per cent.
       of the maximum, possible. The paper work in some cases would
       probably compare with the work done by first-class students in
       the final honours schools at Oxford. … The committee consider
       that any movement to shorten the hours of labour would
       enormously increase the opportunities for higher education
       among work people."

    {201}

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
       Official Reports and Statements of the extent and operation
       of the English agencies of Public Education.

       On the 2d of March, the President of the Board of Education,
       Mr. Runciman, received a deputation of the Parliamentary
       Committee of the Trade Union Congress, who presented a
       resolution passed at the Congress stating that no solution of
       the educational problem would be satisfactory that did not
       give free education from the elementary school to the
       University, and demanding the immediate abolition of fees in
       secondary schools and technical colleges. One of the speakers
       of the deputation complained that secondary school fees were
       mounting so high that working people could not afford to pay
       them, and that in some cases the rule as to the reservation of
       25 per cent. of free places in secondary schools had not been
       observed. Mr. Runciman, in reply, said that the difficulties
       which had been raised centered around local finance. The Board
       of Education had not been idle during the last three years in
       assisting local authorities, especially for secondary
       education. In the year 1906-1907 the grant for this purpose
       amounted to £480,000; £691,000 was granted in 1907-1908; and in
       the estimate for 1908-1909 £802,000 was put aside for secondary
       education; and as far as he could see at present the amount to
       be granted for secondary education purposes next year would be
       even larger. … Of the total number of secondary schools which
       were now required to comply with the free places regulation,
       368, or more than half, provided in 1907-1908 more than the
       stipulated 25 per cent., and the great majority of the whole
       of them provided the 25 per cent. There were, it was true, a
       number of cases where a smaller number of free places had been
       granted, but that fact was due purely to local considerations.
       … He should do all he could to prevent secondary schools from
       becoming class schools, but it was not every child who was
       suitable to enter a secondary school, and they must have a
       fairly good standard examination for the child who wished to
       enter. He would very much deplore indeed if the cost of
       secondary education were to make it prohibitive, or so to
       restrict to allow it to be open only to the children of
       well-to-do-parents. He hoped, before the new regulations were
       published, to clear away some of the obstacles in the
       direction of throwing open a larger number of free places to
       scholars and towards making the secondary schools as much
       schools for the clever poor children as for the clever rich
       children.

          [Transcriber's note: The text between "must have a …"
          and "… were published" is covered with an opaque ink stain.
          Some words are guesses.]

       A few days later in March the report of the general Board of
       Education for the school year 1907-1908 was issued, bringing
       statistical information of the English schools down to the
       31st of July in the latter year. During the year then ended,
       the number of new public elementary schools sanctioned under
       the Education Act, 1902, was, in England, 215, giving
       accommodation for 80,351 children, and in Wales 64,
       accommodating 13,942 students. Enlargements, numbering 94 and
       21 respectively, provided accommodation for 17,697 children in
       England and 3,407 in Wales. During the year ending July 31,
       1907, the number of ordinary public elementary schools in
       England and Wales increased by 44, the council schools
       increasing by 223, while the number of voluntary schools
       decreased by 179. One hundred voluntary schools were
       transferred to local education authorities. During the next 12
       months the number of schools grew by 47, the number of council
       schools having increased by 205, and the number of voluntary
       schools having decreased by 158.

       As regards higher elementary schools, 35 schools of the new
       type existed on August 1, 1907, by which date there were left
       26 such schools of the old type. The changes during the
       succeeding year brought the total number of higher elementary
       schools of the new type to 38, and the number of such schools
       of the old type to 21 by August 1, 1908. The number of
       scholars on the registers of elementary schools decreased
       during 1906-1907 by 22,584, due mainly to a continued diminution
       in the number of scholars under five years of age. During
       1907-1908 the number of scholars on the registers increased by
       12,166, a further decrease in the number of scholars under
       five being more than balanced by a large increase in the
       number of scholars between the ages of five and twelve.

       The report records a growth of secondary schools receiving
       grants from the Board, both in the numbers of such schools and
       of the pupils attending them, and also in their effectiveness.
       The Board adds:

       "There are still areas where the amount of public secondary
       school provision is wholly inadequate, or where its quality
       falls much short of any standard that can be regarded as even
       provisionally satisfactory. But there is no area in which the
       Board have to note actual retrogression."

       As regards evening schools, the report says:

       "The total number of students enrolled in these schools during
       1906-1907 diminished from 749,491 to 736,512; but there was a
       considerable increase in the number of efficient students."

       Statistics of the elementary schools of London for the year
       1907-1908, published in March, 1909, in the annual report of the
       education officer of the London County Council, showed that
       the average number of children on the rolls of schools
       maintained by the Council during the year was 731,706. Of this
       number, 566,086 were on the rolls of London County Council
       schools and 165,620 on the rolls of non-provided schools. The
       average number of children in attendance during the year was
       650,861, of whom 505,698 were at London County Council schools
       and 145,163 at non-provided schools. The total number of
       teachers engaged on March 31, 1908, was 17,562, of whom 13,030
       were in London County Council schools and 4,532 in
       non-provided schools. The salaries of these teachers amounted
       to £1,820,816 and £443,468 respectively. On March 31, 1908,
       the average salaries of head teachers and certificated
       assistants (excluding teachers "on supply") were—for masters
       in London County Council schools, £174 13s. 4d., and for
       mistresses, £125 11s.; for masters in non-provided schools,
       £144 1s. 7d., and for mistresses, £104 6s. 3d.

       With reference to the size of classes the report states that
       the number of pupils per class teacher was, in the case of
       London County Council schools, 44.8, and in the case of
       non-provided schools 37.5. Ten years ago the number was 55.2.

       The gross expenditure on elementary schools was,
       approximately, £4,000,000. The cost of London County Council
       schools was about £3,400,000, and of non-provided schools
       £600,000. About £1,257,000 of Government grant was earned and
       of this £971,000 was in respect of London County Council
       schools and £286,000 in respect of non-provided schools.

    {202}

       Under the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1907, the
       London County Council is empowered to provide vacation schools
       or classes during the holidays, or assist voluntary agencies
       formed for this purpose. Hitherto the council has given
       assistance to voluntary agencies, but in 1909 it was proposed
       by the Children’s Care (Central) Sub-Committee of the
       Education Committee of the council that the council should
       itself organize vacation schools.

       Debate in the House of Commons on the Education Estimates was
       opened by the President of the Board of Education, Mr.
       Runciman, on the 14th of July. In the course of his speech he
       made the following statements:

       "The Board of Education is now one of the greatest of the
       spending departments, and a rough estimate of the amount of
       public money spent on public education in this country shows
       that we have cognizance of an expenditure of something like
       £28,000,000 on elementary, secondary, and higher education,
       and over and above that of a sum of probably £8,000,000 to
       £10,000,000 spent by other authorities and other persons.
       These estimates affect no fewer than 3,000,000 parents and
       about 6,000,000 children. The improvement which has been made
       in the elementary education system during the last five years
       has been mainly machinery improvement rather than improvement
       in the curriculum.

       "The secondary and technical branches of the work which were
       formerly under the control of South Kensington are now treated
       as two different departments. In the old days technical
       education was too technicalized and too little in touch with
       the practical affairs, necessities, and actual circumstances
       of life. It has been the object of the Board of Education
       therefore to generalize secondary education, and so far as it
       comes under the control of the Board to make technical
       education more practical with a closer bearing on the duties
       likely to be required from the young men and women who pass
       through these classes. The improvement has been led, as might
       have been expected, in the North of England, where classes
       have been definitely graded. …

       "The secondary schools of England and Wales have shown a most
       marked improvement, both in numbers and character, during the
       last few years. Progress has been noted in several directions.
       First of all, the number of schools aided by grants and the
       number of pupils attending those schools have gone up year by
       year since 1902. The 272 secondary schools of that year have
       increased to 800, and even since 1905-1906 the increase has been
       at the same rate. I think in 1905-1906 there were only about 600
       secondary schools in this country; now there are over 800.
       About 60 new secondary schools are being added every school
       year, and the number of pupils is increasing to an even
       greater extent. The increase during the years 1902-1905 was
       about 6,000 per annum, and the increase now has risen to over
       10,000 per annum, so that the total number of pupils in
       secondary schools is now 134,000, or very nearly 135,000. The
       grants which have been made to secondary schools have, of
       course, increased very considerably. It is impossible to
       expect local authorities to spend much of their money on the
       expenses of secondary schools unless they receive a large
       measure of State aid. The grants have gone up during the seven
       years from 1902 to the present time from £129,000 per annum to
       over half a million; and this great increase in pupils, in the
       amount of money spent on the schools, and in the number of
       schools in the country, has been marked at the same time by a
       raising of the standard of the teachers employed in those
       schools, by an increase in the length of the school life of
       the pupils who attend those schools, and by an incalculable
       improvement in the curriculum and the efficiency of those
       schools. I think we may look back with satisfaction on the
       increase of the secondary schools over which we have control."

       At the annual conference of the National Union of Teachers,
       held at Morecambe, in April, 1909, with about 2000 in
       attendance, the address of the incoming President contained
       some interesting statements relative to the national teaching
       staff.

       "The character of the teaching staff in the elementary schools
       of England and Wales," he remarked, "as shown by the latest
       available return of the Board of Education, was: Of
       certificated teachers, 89,078, or 49 percent.; of
       uncertificated teachers, 40,569, or 22 per cent.; of
       supplementary teachers, 21,984, or 12 per cent.; and of pupil
       teachers, 27,227, or 15 per cent. The 22,000 so-called
       supplementary teachers, possessing scarcely any educational
       equipment, were utterly unfitted in most cases for the
       important duties they were called upon to perform. Their sole
       passports to the teaching profession were that they must be at
       least one year over 17 and had been successfully vaccinated;
       yet they were answerable for the education of nearly 600,000
       children. The Board of Education proposed that in future each
       member of this class of teacher should count on the staff for
       20 instead of 30 children, while other regulations provided
       for the limitation of the numbers to be employed in the
       schools, and for the withdrawal by the board of the
       recognition of a supplementary teacher at any time if not
       efficient. This was indeed a step in the right direction, and
       showed that Mr. Runciman was really solicitous that there
       should be an improvement in the quality of the teachers at
       work in the schools. There were also many young persons termed
       student teachers whose academic training was unexceptionable.
       They were really apprentices, but the Board of Education had
       regarded each of these young people, who might never have been
       in an elementary school before, or done a day’s teaching
       anywhere, and who were away one day out of every five, as an
       efficient teacher equal to educating 45 children on every
       occasion on which the school was opened. … There were some 500
       well-equipped college-trained certificated teachers waiting to
       fill the gap which would be caused by the new regulations of
       the Board of Education, and an additional 4,000 would be
       seeking employment in August."

    {203}

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1909 (MAY).
       Revival of Passive Resistance to the Act of 1902.

       The defeat of the Education Bill of 1906 wakened the spirit of
       "passive resistance" afresh; but it was not until May, 1909, that
       a reorganization of the movement was undertaken. As the result
       of a conference then held in London, under the presidency of
       Dr. Clifford, resolutions were adopted for the "organizing of
       the whole passive resistance forces of the country into a new
       league," to act on the following lines:

       "(1) Suffering imprisonment where the resister has no
       distrainable goods;

       (2) suffering the distraint of goods without repurchase;

       (3) suffering distraint of goods and afterwards buying them
       back;

       (4) protesting before the magistrates and then paying, on
       order, the rate."

       It was also resolved to urge upon the Government "the absolute
       necessity of encouraging from national funds the building at
       the earliest practicable moment of council schools in those
       areas in which there are no undenominational schools, and also
       the provision of unsectarian colleges in all parts of the
       country where these are needed."

       To a delegation from the League which waited, subsequently, on
       the Head of the Board of Education, Mr. Runciman, the latter
       said, with reference to the Act of 1902, that it "could not be
       got rid of by administration. It would be a mischievous
       precedent for any Minister to attempt to undo what Parliament
       had done. He was, however, prepared to administer the Act
       fairly and justly, and he was not going to show any favour to
       any particular class of school. Dealing with the question of
       the improvements in the conditions governing the existence of
       training colleges, he said that during the past 12 months the
       accommodation in training colleges for Nonconformist teachers,
       or those who were not prepared to be bound by any
       denominational creed, had greatly increased. Since 1905 there
       had been a gradual increase, until there now existed 3,800
       more places for that class of teacher than existed when the
       Government came into power."

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
       Educational demands of the Trade Unions.

       The British Trade Union Congress, at Ipswich, in September,
       1909, adopted a resolution urging workers to continue their
       efforts to secure Parliamentary and municipal recognition of
       the trade union education policy, which demanded:

       "(1) The State maintenance of school children;

       (2) scientific physical education, with individual medical
       inspection and records of the physical development of all
       children attending State schools, and skilled medical
       attendance and treatment for any requiring it; and in order to
       secure this:

          (a) the development of the Medical Department at the
          Board of Education, the head of which should be directly
          responsible to the Board of Education, to whom he shall
          report annually;

          (b) the payment of an adequate grant from the
          Imperial Exchequer for purposes of medical inspection and
          for the establishment under every education authority of
          properly equipped centres for medical treatment;

          (c) the establishment under every education
          authority of scientifically organized open air recovery
          schools, the cost to be borne by the community as a whole
          and not in any part by charitable contributions;

       (3) the complete dissociation of these reforms from Poor Law
       administration;

       (4) that secondary and technical education be an integral part
       of every child’s education and be secured by such a reform and
       extension of the scholarship system as would place a
       maintenance scholarship within the reach of every child, and
       thus make it possible for all children to be full time day
       pupils up to the age of 16;

       (5) that the best intellectual and technical training be
       provided for the teachers of the children, that each
       educational district be required to train the number of pupil
       teachers demanded by local needs and to establish training
       colleges, preferably in connexion with Universities or
       University colleges;

       (6) that the provision of educational buildings and facilities
       be obligatory upon the local authority, who should always
       maintain administrative control of the buildings and the
       facilities so provided;

       (7) that the cost of education be met by grants from the
       Imperial Exchequer and by the restoration of misappropriated
       educational endowments; and further, having regard to the
       increasing cost of popular education, and also to the
       increasing value and notoriously undemocratic administration
       of the University and public school endowments, the Congress
       called upon the Parliamentary Committee to press the
       Government to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into and
       report upon the educational endowments of the country."

    EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
       Execution of the Associations Law.
       Closing of the schools of the Religious Orders.
       State Monopoly of Education established.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and 1903.

    EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
       Enlistment of teachers in the Syndicalist
       (Labor Union) Movement.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

    EDUCATION: France: A. D. 1909.
       A late awakening to the need of better technical and
       industrial training.

       France has been slow in understanding the modern necessity of
       systematic industrial training and technical education, in
       order to keep her workmen abreast of the more alert and
       enterprising peoples in efficiency and skill. She has trusted
       too long, it seems, to the old customs of apprenticeship, and
       apprenticeship has decayed in her workshop practice, as it has
       decayed everywhere else. The situation, as brought recently to
       notice, was described as follows in a Paris letter to the
       London Times, in May, 1909:

       "Legislative enactments of recent date, limiting the hours of
       labour for young people and placing under strict regulations
       those workshops where children and adults are employed
       together, have led to so much discontent among employers who
       take apprentices that the majority of the masters, especially
       those who obtain no immediate profit from the work of the
       apprentices, have abandoned the practice of endeavouring to
       train young people likely to be of use to them in the future.
       The consequences are that the level of professional skill and
       competence is becoming lowered among the rising generation of
       workmen, and all are now agreed that the discovery of some
       remedy is a matter of extreme urgency. It seems to be admitted
       that in a very few years this evil may become one of fatal
       importance in the case more especially of the art industries
       and of those involving mechanical skill.

       "The report of the Parliamentary Commission appointed to make
       inquiry into this question has just been published, together
       with the draft of the proposed legislation on this subject,
       while the resolutions adopted at a Congress of Commerce and
       National Industries, which has just taken place at Paris, are
       entirely in accord with the views and suggestions of the above
       Commission.

       "The remedies unanimously demanded are as follows:

       1. That it be made compulsory for all young persons of both
       sexes, under 18 years of age, who may be employed either in
       commerce or industry, to attend courses of technical
       instruction (cours de perfectionnement).

       2. These courses are to take place in the daytime, upon days
       and at hours determined for each locality by committees
       composed of representatives of the municipal authorities, the
       associations of manufacturers, and of the workpeople. The
       selection of the dates and hours in question is to be made in
       such a way as to accord best with the respective interests of
       the manufacturers and the educational requirements. Employers
       will be bound to enable their workpeople to set apart
       sufficient time to attend the classes.

       3. The course of instruction is to be adapted in each district
       to the requirements of the local trades."

    {204}

    EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
       Clerical attack on the Secular or Neutral Schools.

       Antagonism between the Roman Catholic Church and the
       Government was newly accentuated in October, 1909, by a
       clerical attack on the so-called "neutral" schools,—that is,
       the secular or lay schools, publicly maintained and
       administered. This was opened by a pastoral letter, signed by
       French cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, in which those
       faithful to the Church were warned against sending their
       children to these schools, whose religious neutrality was said
       to be in reality a bitter opposition to religion and church.
       The Catholic schools, it was urged, must be kept up if the
       Church is to be kept up. "In proportion as the schools from
       which religious instruction is banished keep on filling up,
       our churches will grow empty." The pastoral letter put the ban
       on more than a dozen text-books on French history and civics
       whose views it found pernicious. "If, therefore," the letter
       concluded, "parents perceive that the souls of their children
       are imperilled in the so-called neutral schools, they must not
       hesitate, under pain of forfeiting the sacraments of the
       church."

       This roused anti-clerical extremists to demand the
       establishing of a State monopoly of education, making the lay
       school compulsory and suppressing all private schools in which
       religion is taught. But the sounder republicans, in public
       life and in journalism, gave no countenance to this. The
       Petite République reminded its advocates that there are
       at present 1,122,375 children who attend private schools, and
       that to establish Government schools for them would cost some
       $75,000,000; or, if secondary schools be included,
       $88,000,000. In addition an annual expenditure of $15,000,000
       would be necessitated for upkeep and salaries. The Temps,
       taking higher grounds of principle, condemned the scheme as
       one that would essentially parallel the Revocation of the
       Edict of Nantes. France, it declared, is a free country; every
       creed has the perfect right to provide for its adherents the
       kind of religious education which it thinks proper. At the
       same time the Temps pointed out that the opponents of
       the lay schools are not merely attacking abuses that may have
       crept into them, but mean to strike at the principle of
       religious neutrality. It admitted the existence of wrongs that
       need righting, saying it cannot be denied that some of the
       school books are disfigured by partiality on various points
       affecting history, patriotism, and religion, and that this is
       contrary both to the letter and to the spirit of the law. This
       evil must, the Temps urges, be eradicated. But the
       école laïque, says the Temps, cannot be
       destroyed without destroying the Republic.

       This, too, was the fundamental proposition of Premier Briand,
       in a speech of admirable tone which he made, October 30th, at
       a great banquet in Paris which inaugurated the new buildings
       of La Ligue de l'Enseignement. The neutral school, he
       declared, was the corner stone of the Republic. As reported in
       The Times of London, he went on to say:

       "It was natural that the adversaries of the Republic should
       attack the school—the mould in which the Republican spirit and
       the character of Frenchmen and Frenchwomen was formed. Certain
       people were pleading the dictates of conscience as the
       explanation of the campaign which they had just started. Why
       had they not attacked the school before? He would remind them
       that the école laïque existed before the recent
       separation of Church and State; it had existed under the
       Concordat. Why did not the conscience of its opponents seek
       any expression till now? … The Government was determined to
       give the country the means of defending the 'neutral’ school,
       and measures to that end had been prepared by the Ministry.
       But the most effective defence was that which would be
       conducted by private initiative like that of the Ligue de
       l’Enseignement and by the male and female teachers themselves.
       The teaching in the schools, M. Briand continued, ‘ought not
       to be directed against any one; in order to secure the
       confidence of the parents it ought not to be of a polemical
       character; in order to be effective it must not let the
       passions of the street invade the schoolroom.’ Let them leave
       violent language to their opponents and not play the game of
       their opponents by indulging in violent methods."

       This seems to have been the spirit in which the matter was
       brought officially before the Chamber of Deputies, by M.
       Steeg, the reporter on the Budget of Public Instruction. The
       following is from a summary of his remarks on this subject:

       "He says that it would be difficult to come to terms with the
       Bishops of the disestablished Roman Catholic Church, who will
       never, he thinks, agree to recognize with good will the
       neutral school. He remarks, however, that no pretext must be
       furnished to the Bishops for their attacks upon the school,
       and that they must not be enabled to appeal against the
       Republican Government to the idea of ‘neutrality’ itself. As
       to the associations of parents, which are now being formed in
       accordance with the Episcopal views, M. Steeg recognizes that
       they are quite lawful. He only fears that they may sometimes
       transgress by reason of excessive zeal; but he declares that
       the best way of avoiding their interference is to make the
       management of the schools irreproachable. The objections
       raised against some of the school-books are, he thinks,
       obviously exaggerated. But he considers that scrupulous care
       ought to be exercised in resisting all temptation to borrow
       for the purposes of the neutral school the weapons of
       sectarian propagandism. … He continues; ‘We should not desire
       that the book placed in the hands of a school child should in
       any sense whatever contain a single proposition that is
       perilous or open to suspicion. Let there be no veiled
       proselytism supported by ingenious distortions of fact or
       interpretations with an object.’"

    {205}

       The Temps remarks; "M. Steeg’s language does him
       credit, and it is a pleasure to see a politician of the
       Extreme Left recognizing, with a strong sense of philosophic
       truth, that respect for the past is perfectly compatible with
       justice to the present and preparation for the future."

    EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
       Appointment of the Abbé Loisy, Professor of Religions
       in the College de France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    EDUCATION: Germany: Technical Education.
       Causes of its great development and
       wonderful industrial results.
       Its influence on International Trade.

       "How much Germany owes to her system it would be almost
       impossible to estimate. Certainly no other country has turned
       the education of children and young people to such enormous
       advantage. A good and efficient education has been made not
       only accessible but also compulsory in every corner of the
       country, and one of the most priceless features of this
       education has been and is the inculcation of real, personal
       interest in the national welfare. Further, the fullest
       possible use has been made of scientific investigations, and
       all sciences have been drawn into the service of the nation.
       The result of this has been truly amazing; in fact, wholly
       undreamt of. There can no longer be any doubt that Germany’s
       industrial advance is mainly due to the extent and
       thoroughness with which technical education is being
       conducted. Briefly stated, the secret of the pronounced
       success of the technical colleges in the Fatherland lies in
       the fact that they have kept pace with the ever-increasing
       scope of all branches of science in general, and, to the same
       extent, with the ever-increasing demands of the present day
       industrial enterprises upon scientific investigation and
       research."

          Louis Elkind,
          Germany's Commercial Relations
          (Fortnightly Review, July, 1906).

       What seems to be the most satisfying explanation that has been
       given of causes or reasons lying behind the extraordinary
       development of scientific training on practical lines in
       Germany, resulting in so wonderful a speed of industrial
       progress within the passing generation, was cited from a
       German scientist by President Pritchett, of the Massachusetts
       Institute of Technology, in an article contributed to the
       Review of Reviews, February, 1906.

       "About a year ago, I heard a famous chemist in Germany explain
       the present industrial supremacy of his country in words
       something like these: ‘Forty years ago,’ said he, ‘the
       scientific men of the various German states devoted their
       study almost wholly to theoretical subjects. They were
       humorously described as given up to investigations of the
       dative case and similar impractical problems. In a measure
       this was true. The investigators of that day had a wholesome
       contempt for anything which promised direct utilitarian
       results. But the development of the spirit of research
       throughout the German universities trained a great army of men
       to be expert investigators, and when a united Germany arose to
       crown the labors of William I. and of Bismarck, with it came a
       great national spirit in which the men of science shared. They
       realized that to them were committed the great industrial
       problems which must be solved in order to make the nation
       strong, and scientific research, which up till then had been
       mainly theoretical, was turned to the immediate solution of
       the industrial problems of the nation. No longer the dative
       case alone, but the development of the chemical, electrical,
       and mineral resources of the country formed the avenues of
       scientific activity, and scientific research, which had till
       then been looked upon as theoretical accomplishment, became
       the greatest financial asset of the Fatherland.’

       "There is truth in this statement. The research habit, long
       cultivated in German universities, had nourished a body of men
       trained to research, men who had acquired the research habit
       and the spirit of investigation. When, therefore, the problems
       of industrial development began to appeal strongly to the
       national spirit, the country had a trained body of men to call
       upon who threw themselves heartily and enthusiastically into
       these practical industrial problems."

       A correspondent of the London Times, writing in May,
       1909, draws attention to an influence on international trade
       exerted by the German technical schools which is generally
       overlooked: "In the German technical high schools," he writes,
       "an appreciable proportion of the students are foreigners from
       various countries in Europe. Among these foreign students the
       Russians and Poles hold the first place in Germany as regards
       numbers, there being about 2,000. There are also an
       appreciable number of Scandinavians and Dutchmen, with a few
       Belgians, Spaniards, Italians, South Americans, and Slavs from
       Austria and the Balkan States. There are very few Englishmen,
       Frenchmen, or Americans. … At present quite a large proportion
       of the engineers and manufacturers in the neutral countries on
       the Continent have been educated in Germany or Switzerland,
       and as a result there is a great bias in favour of German
       machinery and productions. … As the outcome of this feeling it
       is a difficult matter for British manufacturers of machinery
       to obtain a hearing when tenders are being considered on the
       Continent, as the prejudice in favour of German or Swiss
       machinery is strong."

    EDUCATION: Germany: A. D. 1898-1904.
       Rise of Commercial Universities.

       A report on Commercial Instruction in Germany by Dr. Frederic
       Rose, British Consul at Stuttgart, presented to Parliament in
       September, 1904 (Cd. 2237), gives the following account of the
       rise of the Commercial Universities which have been developed
       in Germany since 1898, carrying the process of training young
       men for business life to a higher point than had been aimed at
       in the older commercial schools:

       "The commercial universities for higher commercial instruction
       (Handelshochschulen) have been founded within the last six
       years [1898-1904] and mark a further step in the development
       of commercial instruction in Germany. Their aim is to afford
       persons engaged in business and industry on a large scale
       (Grosskaufleute and Grossindustrielle), masters at commercial
       schools, administration officials, bank officials, Consular
       officials, secretaries to Chambers of Commerce, and so forth,
       a deeper and broader measure of instruction in commercial and
       national economical matters than that provided by the various
       commercial schools. The special province of the commercial
       universities lies less in the mere acquisition of
       commercial-technical knowledge and attainments for immediate
       practical detailed application, than in the attempt to provide
       a general mental schooling for the higher branches of the
       commercial profession.
    {206}
       They are intended to awaken and develop the mental faculties
       of a merchant, to enable him to grasp the inner working and
       meaning of national and international economy, and to
       understand and judge its causes and results, its temporary and
       permanent phenomena; as far as commercial officials are
       concerned they are intended to impart general knowledge and
       understanding of the economic conditions of commerce and
       industry with their manifold aims and requirements.

       "This measure of university education (Akademische Bildung) is
       also intended to raise the social position of the mercantile
       profession, and to increase its political importance and
       influence in public life. Generally speaking the instruction
       is arranged to include the following subjects:—Political
       economy, commercial history and geography, commercial law in
       all its aspects, the organisation and management of commercial
       undertakings and their technical details, industrial law,
       financial science, bank, exchange, monetary, and credit
       operations, State and administrative law, and so forth."

       At the writing of Dr. Rose’s report there were four of these
       commercial universities. The oldest, at Leipsic and Aix, were
       founded in 1898, the former in connection with the Leipsic
       University, the latter connected with the Aix Technical
       University. The other two, at Frankfort-on-the-Main and at
       Cologne, were opened in 1901. The Frankfort University, which
       bears also the name of "Academy of Social and Commercial
       Science," and the Cologne University, are both independently
       organized. "The initiative for the foundation of the
       commercial universities," says Dr. Rose, "has been taken by
       Chambers of Commerce and municipalities, and not by the
       governments of the German States. The latter, however, are now
       becoming aware of the importance of the movement. For the
       present their action is limited to the supervision exercised
       by the Ministers of Education and Industry and Commerce. …

       "The foundation of the commercial universities has brought
       forward many opponents, who not only deny their utility but
       consider them actually harmful, because the persons they
       instruct become too old before they engage in practical
       business work. … The extreme opponents go further and deny
       that a commercial university is able to train practical
       business men, and assert that this can only be done by close
       and continual contact with actual business life, and that the
       acquisition of too much theoretical knowledge injures the
       practical faculties. …

       "The whole opposition to the commercial universities seems to
       be based upon a narrow-minded and vague idea of the part they
       are destined to play in the future. … Unless industrial and
       commercial life in the future is to degenerate wholly into one
       fierce and relentless struggle for one-sided aggrandisement,
       to the detriment of other members of the social body, ample
       opportunities for the thorough comprehension of the social and
       economic conditions of the present day must be provided."

    EDUCATION: Germany: A. D. 1906.
       The Language Question In the Polish Provinces.
       "Strike" of school children.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

    EDUCATION: INDIA:
       A recent report of its schools and colleges.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    EDUCATION: INDIA: A. D. 1908.
       American Mission Schools.

       "Increasing interest is now being concentrated on Burma and
       India, where an illiterate population seems to need far more
       education than has yet been provided by Great Britain. In
       Burma the Baptists play the leading role, educating no less
       than twenty-four thousand pupils. In India, however, the
       Methodists lead, with a record of over thirty-seven thousand
       pupils. They have two colleges at Lucknow. The Baptists have a
       college at Ongole, and have about fifteen thousand pupils in
       their schools. The Congregationalists have a college at
       Madura, and have also about fifteen thousand pupils in India,
       added to their total of ten thousand in Ceylon. The
       Presbyterians have a college at Lahore and one at Allahabad,
       and are educating about ten thousand pupils in the Empire."

          American Schools Abroad
          (The Outlook, May 2, 1908).

    EDUCATION: International Interchanges:
       Of Professors.
       Of Students.
       Of Teachers’ visits.

       A fund provided by Mr. James Hazen Hyde, of New York, enabled
       Harvard University, in 1904, to accept an invitation from the
       Sorbonne, at Paris, to send one of its professors to give a
       course of lectures at that ancient institution of learning, on
       subjects relating to the United States. Professor Barrett
       Wendell was chosen for the pleasant mission, and has been
       followed by others in succeeding years, who have given courses
       in various French universities, while the compliment has been
       returned, in lecturing visits from a number of the most
       distinguished men of letters and learning in France.

       This opened what seems to have become an established and
       widening system of lecturing interchanges between American and
       European Universities, tending greatly to promote better
       acquaintance between nations and better understanding of each
       other. At about the time, or soon after, the mission of
       Professor Wendell to Paris, arrangements were made for a
       similar interchange between Harvard and the University of
       Berlin. In a communication to The Outlook of February
       18, 1905, Professor Kuno Francke, Curator of the Germanic
       Museum at Harvard University, gave an account of the
       circumstances which led to this latter. In March, 1901, as he
       relates, there were conferences in Berlin with Dr. Althoff,
       Commissioner-General of the Prussian Universities, and with
       other Prussian officials of eminence, having for their object
       the promotion of the Germanic Museum. "The upshot of these
       conferences," said the Professor, "was the draft of a
       provisional agreement between the Prussian Government and
       Harvard University, according to which for a period of five
       successive years an exchange of professors between Harvard and
       Berlin University was to be instituted, in such a manner that
       every year one member of each of the two institutions would
       enter for at least three months the regular teaching staff of
       the other institution, it being understood that in each case
       the visiting member represent subjects or methods distinctly
       peculiar to his country.
    {207}
       This scheme, which met with the hearty support of President
       Eliot, was discussed and approved a year later by the Harvard
       Faculty, and reached its consummation a few months ago, [1904]
       when, through the intercession of Professor Harnack, an
       official proposition embodying it was made by the Prussian
       Government to the Harvard Corporation, and adopted by the
       same. It is most fortunate that the German Emperor, with his
       quick grasp of international relations and his deep sympathy
       for the American people, has now given to this whole subject a
       much wider scope by proposing to extend the exchange of
       professors to other universities in America and Germany; for
       it seems as though such a measure could not fail to open the
       way toward a veritable fraternization of the moral,
       intellectual, and industrial leaders of both nations."

       In the latter part of 1905, a Theodore Roosevelt Professorship
       of American History and Institutions, in the University of
       Berlin, was endowed with the sum of $50,000 by Mr. James
       Speyer, of New York, the endowment being placed in the hands
       of the trustees of Columbia University. The plan of this
       professorship had been arranged with the German Emperor by
       President Butler, of Columbia, at an interview in the previous
       summer. Nominations to it would be made by the trustees of
       Columbia University, subject to confirmation by the Prussian
       Ministry of Education and to the Emperor’s sanction; each
       incumbent to hold the office for one year, and the incumbents
       to be so chosen that in successive years the field of American
       history, constitutional and administrative law, economic and
       sociological problems and movements, education, contributions
       to science, technology, the arts and literature, be presented
       with some fullness; the professorship to be filled by members
       of any American institution of learning, or by scholars not
       connected with academic institutions. The scheme involved also
       the establishment at Columbia University of a similar
       professorship of German history and institutions, the lectures
       in New York to be delivered in English. The first incumbent of
       the new professorship in Berlin was Dr. Burgess, Professor of
       Political Science in Columbia University, who began his work
       in Berlin in the winter of 1906-1907, and took as his subject
       American constitutional history.

       A movement looking to the establishment of similar
       interchanges between American and Scandinavian Universities
       was inaugurated in 1908 by the "Scandinavian American
       Solidarity," a society organized in the United States that
       year, with Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,
       for its President, and Professor Carl Lorentzen, of New York
       University, for its Secretary. The Danes resident in New York
       City and Chicago arranged that President Butler of Columbia
       and President MacCracken of New York University should each
       give lectures at the University of Copenhagen that year, and
       raised the necessary funds. The lectures were given at
       Christiania, as well as at Copenhagen, and appear to have
       aroused a widespread interest. Norwegian and Swedish
       Universities and the University of Helsingfors, in Finland,
       have signified a wish to participate in the interchange, and
       it is more than likely to become permanently arranged.

       An educational interchange of a different character, but
       equally important, was instituted in 1906 by Mr. Alfred
       Mosely, an English gentleman of great wealth, who invited five
       hundred English, Scotch, and Irish teachers to visit and
       inspect American schools at his expense. Between November,
       1906 and March, 1907, they came in parties of twenty-five,
       some remaining one month in the country, some two, and some
       even more, visiting many parts of it and all descriptions of
       its schools. They were selected by an advisory committee in
       London, which aimed to have them fully representative of the
       men and women who are engaged in the work of the British and
       Irish schools.

       A return visit of some hundreds of American teachers to Great
       Britain and Ireland, in similar parties, under the auspices of
       the National Civic Federation, was made in the fall of 1908.
       The schools of both countries gained, beyond question, from
       what each had to offer of suggestion to the other.

       The organization of a "new educational movement to provide for
       the interchange of University students among the
       English-speaking peoples" was announced in England in June,
       1909. "The object," it was stated, "is to provide
       opportunities for as many as possible of the educated youth of
       the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States (who, it is
       reasonable to suppose, will become leaders in thought, action,
       civic and national government in the future), to obtain some
       real insight into the life, customs, and progress of other
       nations at a time when their own opinions are forming, with a
       minimum of inconvenience to their academic work and the
       least possible expense."

       A great number of the most distinguished men of the time in
       British public and professional life were listed among the
       officers and committee-members of the organization, with Lord
       Strathcona as President for the United Kingdom. As set forth
       in the prospectus of the society, "the additional objects of
       the movement are to increase the value and efficiency of, as
       well as to extend, present University training by the
       provision of certain Travelling Scholarships for practical
       observation in other countries under suitable guidance. These
       scholarships will enable those students to benefit who might
       otherwise be unable to do so through financial restrictions.
       It also enables the administration to exercise greater power
       of direction in the form the travel is to take. In addition to
       academic qualifications, the selected candidate should be what
       is popularly known as an ‘all round’ man; the selection to be
       along the lines of the Rhodes Scholarships. …

       "To afford technical and industrial students facilities to
       examine into questions of particular interest to them in
       manufactures, &c., by observation in other countries and by
       providing them with introductions to leaders in industrial
       activity.

       "To promote interest in travel as an educational factor among
       the authorities of Universities, with a view to the
       possibility of some kind of such training being included in
       the regular curricula.

       "To promote interest in other Universities, their aims and
       student life, the compulsory physical training, and methods of
       working their ways through college, for example, being
       valuable points for investigation.

       "To promote international interchange for academic work among
       English-speaking Universities. …

    {208}

       "It is proposed to establish two students’ travelling bureaux,
       one in New York and one in London; an American secretary
       (resident in New York) and a British secretary (resident in
       London), both of whom shall be college men appointed to afford
       every facility to any graduate or undergraduate of any
       University who wishes to visit the United States, Canada, or
       the United Kingdom for the purpose of obtaining an insight
       into the student, national, and industrial life of those
       countries."

       Further announcements of the plans of the organization were
       made in November, including the following:

       "It should be pointed out that, although the scholarships
       proper will be reserved for undergraduates of the Universities
       who are already midway through their course, the provision of
       scholarships by no means defines the scope of the movement.
       The bureau will afford facilities to all bona fide
       students—whether dons, scholars, or commoners—who wish to gain
       a practical insight into the work and life of other portions
       of the world.

       "The travelling students will have the advantage of reduced
       rates of travel; of the special information which the bureau
       will be able to afford; and of the privilege of being brought
       as far as possible into contact with the actualities of those
       countries to which they go, whether persons, places, or
       institutions. …

       "The method of election to the scholarships, which it is
       purposed shall number not less than 28 for each year of the
       experimental triennium—14 in the United Kingdom, ten in the
       United States, and four in Canada—will be along the lines of
       the Rhodes scholarships. The candidate, it is stated, shall,
       as far as possible, be what is popularly known as an all-round
       man, who plays a part in his college life and whose character
       makes him popular."

    EDUCATION: Ireland: A. D. 1909.
       Organization of the two new Irish Universities.

       On the 1st day of October, 1909, the two Universities created
       by the Irish Universities Act of 1908 came into existence.
       "That day also was fixed for the dissolution of the Royal
       University of Ireland, the duties of which are now to be
       distributed between the new National University in Dublin and
       Queen’s University, Belfast. Circumstances, however, have
       given the Royal University a short reprieve. It cannot be
       dissolved until the autumn degrees of the present year have
       been conferred. These degrees will be given as the result of
       examinations which are now in progress, and it is probable
       that the University’s last public function will be a conferring
       of degrees on the last Friday in October. It will cease to
       exist in the first or second week of November. …

       "The National University itself consists of a Senate and
       officers with large powers but with no local habitation. The
       University has its concrete embodiment in the new University
       Colleges, formerly Queen’s Colleges, at Cork and Galway.
       University College, Dublin, is so far only concrete in the
       sense that its governing body has been called into existence.
       At the present time it has no teaching and no college
       buildings. The former of these wants will be supplied almost
       immediately. The University Commissioners will meet early next
       month to appoint a teaching staff, and the college will be
       available for students at the beginning of November. As
       regards staffs, the Dublin College is differently situated
       from those at Cork and Galway. For the latter colleges
       teaching staffs exist ready made in the staffs of the old
       Queen’s Colleges, which are to be taken over in accordance
       with the provisions of the Act. …

       "Nothing has yet been done in connexion with the buildings of
       the new college in Dublin, though various sites have been
       suggested, including that of the Royal Hospital at Kilmainham.
       … The cases of Queen’s University, Belfast, and of the
       University Colleges at Cork and Galway present no
       difficulties. These institutions will have teaching staffs
       within a couple of weeks, and all their buildings and
       classrooms are in going order.

       "The agitation of the Gaelic League in favour of the
       compulsory teaching of Irish in the National University is
       vigorously maintained. It is most improbable that the Senate
       will yield to this agitation; and the result of their firmness
       will be, if the league fulfils its threats, a rather serious
       boycott of the University."

          Dublin Correspondent London Times,
          September 30, 1909.

       An Associated Press despatch from Dublin, October 24,
       announced that "among the appointments to the new National
       University of Ireland are Dr. Douglas Hyde, president of the
       Gaelic League, as professor of modern Gaelic. Dr. Henebry,
       formerly of Washington, D. C., has been appointed to the
       professorship of the Irish language in the University College,
       Cork."

    EDUCATION: KOREA:
       American Mission Schools.

       "In Korea the Presbyterians have the strongest representation
       of any religious denomination, with over three hundred
       schools; and, what is still more striking, practically every
       one of these schools is self-supporting. The Methodists follow
       with over a hundred schools and over forty-two hundred
       pupils."

          The Outlook,
          May 2, 1908.

    EDUCATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905.
       New Education Law, an issue in the elections.

          See (in this Volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

    EDUCATION: PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
       Schools as seen by President Roosevelt.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

    EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
       Denominational Education restored.

       A resolution adopted by the Prussian Chamber of Deputies, in
       May, 1904, restored the denominational school system which the
       "May Laws" of the Kulturkampf, in 1873 and after had
       abolished.

          See (in Volume II. of this work)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.

       Under those laws the schools were common to children of all
       religious beliefs; under the new system they became either
       Protestant or Roman Catholic according to the faith of the
       majority of their pupils.

    EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS:
       The Will of Cecil John Rhodes, providing Scholarships at
       Oxford for students from the British Colonies and the
       United States.

       The late Cecil John Rhodes, who played an eminent part in the
       development of South Africa and in the extension of the
       British dominion in that portion of the world, died on the
       26th of March, 1902, leaving a will which contained the
       following directions for the use to be made of one large part
       of the great fortune he had acquired:

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904)

       "Whereas I consider that the education of young colonists at
       one of the universities in the United Kingdom is of great
       advantage to them for giving breadth to their views, for their
       instruction in life and manners, and for instilling into their
       minds the advantage to the colonies as well as to the United
       Kingdom of the retention of the unity of the Empire; and

    {209}

       "Whereas in the ease of young colonists studying at a
       university in the United Kingdom I attach very great
       importance to the university having a residential system, such
       as is in force at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge;
       for without it those students are at the most critical period
       of their lives left without any supervision; and

       "Whereas there are at the present time fifty or more students
       from South Africa studying at the University of Edinburgh,
       many of whom are attracted there by its excellent medical
       school, and I should like to establish some of the
       scholarships hereinafter mentioned in that university but
       owing to its not having such a residential system as aforesaid
       I feel obliged to refrain from doing so; and

       "Whereas my own university, the University of Oxford, has such
       a system, and I suggest that it should try and extend its
       scope so as if possible to make its medical school at least as
       good as that at the University of Edinburgh; and

       "Whereas I also desire to encourage and foster an appreciation
       of the advantages which I implicitly believe will result from
       the union of the English-speaking people throughout the world
       and to encourage in the students from the United States of
       North America who will benefit from the American scholarships
       to be established for the reason above given at the University
       of Oxford under this my will an attachment to the country from
       which they have sprung, but without, I hope, withdrawing them
       or their sympathies from the land of their adoption or birth.

       "Now, therefore, I direct my trustees as soon as may be after
       my death and either simultaneously or gradually as they shall
       find convenient, and if gradually, then in such order as they
       shall think fit, to establish for male students the
       scholarships hereinafter directed to be established, each of
       which shall be of the yearly value of £300 and be tenable at
       any college in the University of Oxford for three consecutive
       academical years.

       "I direct my trustees to establish certain scholarships and
       these scholarships I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the
       colonial scholarships.’

       "The appropriation of the colonial scholarships and the
       numbers to be annually filled up shall be in accordance with
       the following table;

       [Transcribers note: "Do." probably means "ditto".
       https://www.acronymfinder.com/DO.html]

    Total     To be tenable by students of or from   Number of
    number                                           scholarships to
    appropriated.                                    be filled up in
                                                     each year.

      9       Rhodesia                               3 and no more

      3       The South African College School in
              the colony of the Cape of Good Hope    1 and no more

      3       The Stellenbosch College School,       Do.
              in the same colony

      3       The Diocesan College School of         Do.
              Rondebosch, in the same colony

      3       St. Andrews College School,            Do.
              Grahamstown

      3       The colony of Natal,                   Do.
              in the same colony

      3       The colony of New South Wales          Do.

      3       The colony of Victoria                 Do.

      3       The colony of South Australia          Do.

      3       The colony of Queensland               Do.

      3       The colony of Western Australia        Do.

      3       The colony of Tasmania                 Do.

      3       The colony of New Zealand              Do.

      3       The Province of Ontario,               Do.
              in the Dominion of Canada

      3       The Province of Quebec,                Do.
              in the Dominion of Canada

      3       The colony or island of                Do.
              Newfoundland and its dependencies

      3       The colony or islands of the Bermudas  Do.

      3       The colony or island of Jamaica        Do.

       "I further direct my trustees to establish additional
       scholarships sufficient in number for the appropriation in the
       next following clause hereof directed, and those scholarships
       I sometimes hereinafter refer to as ‘the American
       scholarships.’

       "I appropriate two of the American scholarships to each of the
       present States and Territories of the United States of North
       America, provided that if any of the said Territories shall in
       my lifetime be admitted as a State the scholarships
       appropriated to such Territory shall be appropriated to such
       State, and that my trustees may in their uncontrolled
       discretion withhold for such time as they shall think fit the
       appropriation of scholarships to any Territory.

       "I direct that of the two scholarships appropriated to a State
       or Territory not more than one shall be filled up in any year,
       so that at no time shall more than two scholarships be held
       for the same State or Territory.

       "The scholarships shall be paid only out of income, and in
       event at any time of income being insufficient for payment in
       full of all the scholarships for the time being payable I
       direct that (without prejudice to the vested interests of
       holders for the time being of scholarships) the following
       order of priority shall regulate the payment of the
       scholarships:

       "(I) First, the scholarships of students of or from Rhodesia
       shall be paid;

       "(II) Secondly, the scholarships of students from the said
       South African Stellenbosch Rondebosch and St. Andrews schools
       shall be paid;

       "(III) Thirdly, the remainder of the colonial scholarships
       shall be paid, and if there shall not be sufficient income for
       the purpose such scholarships shall abate proportionately; and

       "(IV) Fourthly, the American scholarships shall be paid, and
       if there shall not be sufficient income for the purpose such
       scholarships shall abate proportionately.

    {210}

       "My desire being that the students who shall be elected to the
       scholarships shall not be merely bookworms, I direct that in
       the election of a student to a scholarship regard shall be had
       to

       (I)  his literary and scholastic attainments;

       (II) his fondness of and success in manly outdoor sports, such
       as cricket, football, and the like;

       (III) his qualities of manhood, truth, courage, devotion to
       duty, sympathy for the protection of the weak, kindliness,
       unselfishness, and fellowship, and

       (IV) his exhibition during school days of moral force of
       character and of instincts to lead and to take an interest in
       his schoolmates, for those latter attributes will be likely in
       after life to guide him to esteem the performance of public
       duties as his highest aim. As mere suggestions for the
       guidance of those who will have the choice of students for the
       scholarships, I record that

       (I) my ideal qualified student would combine these four
       qualifications in the proportions of three-tenths for the
       first, two-tenths for the second, three-tenths for the third,
       and two-tenths for the fourth qualification, so that ac-
       cording to my ideas if the maximum number of marks for any
       scholarship were 200 they would be apportioned as follows:
       Sixty to each of the first and third qualifications, and 40 to
       each of the second and fourth qualifications.

       (II) The marks for the several qualifications would be awarded
       independently, as follows (that is to say): The marks for the
       first qualification by examination, for the second and third
       qualifications, respectively, by ballot by the fellow-students
       of the candidates, and for the fourth qualification by the
       head master of the candidate’s school, and

       (III) the results of the awards (that is to say the marks
       obtained by each candidate for each qualification) would be
       sent as soon as possible for consideration to the trustees or
       to some person or persons appointed to receive the same, and
       the person or persons so appointed would ascertain by
       averaging the marks in blocks of 20 marks each of all
       candidates the best ideal qualified students.

       "No student shall be qualified or disqualified for election to
       a scholarship on account of his race or religious opinions.

       "Except in the cases of the four schools hereinbefore
       mentioned, the election to scholarships shall be by the
       trustees after such (if any) consultation as they shall think
       fit with the minister having the control of education in such
       colony, province, State, or Territory.

       " A qualified student who has been elected as aforesaid shall
       within six calendar months after his election, or as soon
       thereafter as he can be admitted into residence or within such
       extended time as my trustees shall allow, commence residence
       as an undergraduate at some college in the University of
       Oxford.

       "The scholarships shall be payable to him from the time when
       he shall commence such residence.

       "28. I desire that the scholars holding the scholarships shall
       be distributed among the colleges of the University of Oxford
       and not resort in undue numbers to one or more colleges only.

       "29. Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore contained, my
       trustees may in their uncontrolled discretion suspend for such
       time as they shall think fit or remove any scholar from his
       scholarship.

       "30. My trustees may from time to time make, vary, and repeal
       regulations either general or affecting specified scholarship
       only with regard to all or any of the following matters, that
       is to say:

       "(I) The election, whether after examination or otherwise, of
       qualified students to the scholarships, or any of them, and
       the method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which
       their qualifications are to be ascertained;

       "(II) The tenure of the scholarships by scholars;

       "(III) The suspension and removal of scholars from their
       scholarships;

       "(IV) The method and times of payment of the scholarships;

       "(V) The method of giving effect to my wish expressed in
       clause 28 hereof; and

       "(VI) Any and every other matter with regard to the
       scholarships, or any of them, with regard to which they shall
       consider regulations necessary or desirable.

       "31. My trustees may from time to time authorize regulations
       with regard to the election, whether after examination or
       otherwise, of qualified students for scholarships and to the
       method, whether by examination or otherwise, in which their
       qualifications are to be ascertained to be made:

       "(I) By a school in respect of the scholarships tenable by its
       students; and

       "(II) By the minister aforesaid of a colony, province, State,
       or Territory in respect of the scholarships tenable by
       students from such colony, province, State or Territory.

       "32. Regulations made under the last preceding clause hereof,
       if and when approved of, and not before, by my trustees, shall
       be equivalent in all respects to regulations made by my
       trustees.

       "No regulations made under clause 30 or made and approved of
       under clauses 31 and 32 hereof shall be inconsistent with any
       of the provisions herein contained.

       "In order that the scholars past and present may have
       opportunities of meeting and discussing their experiences and
       prospects, I desire that my trustees shall annually give a
       dinner to the past and present scholars able and willing to
       attend, at which I hope my trustees, or some of them, will be
       able to be present, and to which they will, I hope, from time
       to time invite as guests persons who have shown sympathy with
       the views expressed by me in this, my will."

       The trustees are the
          Earl of Rosebery,
          Earl Grey,
          Lord Milner,
          Mr. Alfred Beit,
          Dr. Leander Starr Jameson,
          Mr. Lewis Loyd Mitchell, and
          Mr. Bourchier Francis Hawksley.

    EDUCATION: RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
       Great Educational Projects before the Duma.
       Primary school-houses by the hundred thousand,
       and Compulsory Education.
       Increased opening to Jews.

       A telegram from St. Petersburg, February 16, 1909, announced
       that the Ministry of Education had introduced that day a bill
       before the Duma providing for a building fund for the erection
       of 148,179 new primary schools throughout the empire within
       ten years. These schools are to be built and maintained by the
       provincial authorities on government subsidy. The same
       despatch reported that a statute providing for general
       compulsory education would soon be discussed in the Duma.

    {211}

       On the 5th of October it was announced that the Tsar had
       sanctioned a resolution of the Council of Ministers permitting
       the admission of an increased percentage of Jews into the
       secondary schools of the Crown. In the capitals 5 per cent. of
       the total number of scholars may be Jews, in other parts of
       the Empire 10 per cent., and in the special Jewish settlements
       15 percent.

    EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
       Mr. Carnegie’s great gift to the Universities and
       their students.

       The first of Mr. Andrew Carnegie’s great gifts to other
       institutions of education than the public libraries, which he
       has assisted in such numbers, was conferred on the
       universities of Scotland, his native country, in 1901. It was
       a gift of $10,000,000 (£2,000,000), placed in the hands of
       trustees for two purposes, namely, to improve and expand the
       teaching power of the universities, on one hand, and to put
       their teaching, on the other hand, more within the reach of
       all the young in Scotland who craved it. It was said to have
       been the original wish of Mr. Carnegie to make the tuition of
       the universities free; but he found that it would be wiser to
       strengthen them for their work, leave it subject to proper
       fees, and provide for an allowance of pecuniary assistance to
       students, in the discretion of the trustees. The application
       of the gift was so arranged, one-half of the net annual income
       from the great fund being appropriated to buildings,
       equipments, endowments of professorships and lectureships, and
       the like uses for the betterment of the university work.

       There were fears at first that the effect of so much easing of
       the attainment of a university education might be injurious to
       the spirit and character of the students who accepted the
       helping hand; but seven years of experience, under the working
       of the gift, do not seem to have justified the fear. In those
       seven years over 8000 of the Scottish young people had the
       benefit of Mr. Carnegie’s help to a college training, and the
       trustees of the Fund, in their annual report of 1909,
       pronounced the result good. "In the opinion of such men as
       Lord Rosebery, Lord Elgin, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, Mr.
       Balfour, and Mr. Haldane, who are all helping to administer
       Mr. Carnegie’s charity," says a London correspondent of the
       New York Evening Post, "Scotland has much to thank him
       for."

    EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST:
       American Mission Schools.

       "At present [1909] there are about twenty-five thousand native
       students in American schools in this country. America can
       boast to-day that she has, in Turkey, nine colleges, five
       theological seminaries, fifty-seven boarding and high schools,
       and 348 public schools. And, if we accumulate the work of
       seventy-five years, it is a simple matter to understand how
       many thousands have been educated in American ways and with
       the American spirit.

       "Missionaries came to this country to spread Protestant
       Christianity among the Moslems. They failed in that. The
       Mohammedan government was against them. They tried to make
       Christian Greeks, Christian Armenians, Protestants. This did
       not result in a marked success, but their schools, which they
       opened as a medium of spreading religion, were eagerly sought
       by young men and young girls of every race. Armenians form the
       majority in this country of those who have received an
       American education. Bulgarians and Greeks come next.

       "Many I have met who have been thoroughly educated in
       missionary institutions. Generally they are not Protestants,
       neither much religiously inclined. But they are moral,
       independent, and broad-minded.

       "The Turkish mission, as it is written about in America, is
       not, in fact, areal Turkish mission; not a Moslem has been
       Christianized; not a single Turk is a member of mission
       communities; yet native Christians have been widely helped by
       the opportunity offered for education and the growth of a
       spirit of civilization and humanity.

       "Year after year young men graduated from American
       institutions in Turkey to go forward among their compatriots
       as teachers, journalists, and public officers. The building up
       of brave little Bulgaria is the work of graduates of Robert
       College of Constantinople. Stambouloff, who made Bulgaria what
       it is to-day, was an alumnus of the same institution. Among
       the Armenian revolutionary leaders, who worked hand-in-hand
       with the Young Turks to bring about a political change in
       Turkey, boys of Robert College and young men educated in
       American universities are prominent. I know young girls,
       graduates of the American College at Scutari, who took active
       part in revolutionary work during the despotic days of the old
       regime; and even joined in the conspiracy which led to the
       throwing of a bomb at the Sultan during the Selamlik ceremony
       a few years ago. … There are a number of Turkish girls to-day
       at the college in Scutari, and it is a pleasure to any one to
       see Turkish women discussing in fluent English politics,
       economics, and history."

          Special Correspondence of the New York Evening Post,
          Constantinople, March 20, 1909.

       At Beirut is the Syrian Protestant College, under Presbyterian
       control, one of the most enlightened institutions abroad.
       Euphrates College at Harput in Asia Minor, with a thousand
       students, is a Congregational institution. At Tarsus, the
       Apostle Paul’s home, is, appropriately enough, St. Paul’s
       Institute. Throughout Turkey the Congregationalists have over
       four hundred schools, with over twenty-one thousand pupils. In
       Syria the Presbyterians maintain about a hundred schools. The
       Presbyterians (North) have no work in Egypt, but the United
       Presbyterians are educating there no less than fifteen
       thousand pupils, a total the more surprising when we recall
       that the Government schools in Egypt have only eighteen
       thousand pupils. More than four thousand have received
       instruction at Assiut College, the center of the United
       Presbyterian work. … As in Persia, the Presbyterians are the
       strongest denominational force. Besides Urumia College, they
       have about a hundred and twenty-five schools throughout the
       country."

          American Schools Abroad
          (The Outlook, May 2, 1908).

    EDUCATION: THE INFLUENCE OF ROBERT COLLEGE.

       "Two years ago one of the subjects given out for a thesis in
       the Russian Theological Seminary at Kiev was, ‘The Influence
       of Robert College in the Development of Bulgaria.’ Russia has
       found the influence of that College there a factor which she
       has had to take into serious account; indeed, it has been said
       by Russian as well as by high Turkish officials that Robert
       College really created Bulgaria. Its influence has also been
       abundantly recognized throughout Europe and America. In
       Bulgaria itself the first National Assembly, which met to
       adopt a constitution and to choose a Prince, passed a
       resolution expressing the gratitude of the new-born nation to
       the College. Prince Alexander conferred a high decoration on
       the President of the College to express his personal
       appreciation, and last summer Prince Ferdinand did the same.
    {212}
       Robert College has not only been the backbone of Bulgaria; it
       has been the greatest civilizing power in the Turkish Empire.
       Sir William White, who knew that Empire better than has any
       recent British ambassador, once remarked that the College had
       accomplished more for the good of the Turks than had all the
       representatives of the British Government; and Professor
       Ramsey, of St. Andrews, who has spent many years in exploring
       Asia Minor, says:

       "‘I have come in contact with men educated in Robert College
       in widely separate parts of the country, men of diverse
       nationalities and different forms of religion—Greek, Armenian,
       and Protestant—and have everywhere been struck with the
       marvelous way in which a certain uniform type, direct, simple,
       honest, and lofty in tone, has been impressed upon them. Some
       had more of it, some less. But all had it to a certain degree,
       and it is diametrically opposite to the type produced by
       growth under the ordinary conditions of Turkish life.’

       "The College is not organized for the purpose of missionary
       propaganda. It is not denominational. It is Christian in the
       broad sense in which Princeton, Yale and Harvard are Christian
       Colleges. In its faculty it has a Mohammedan Professor of
       Turkish language and literature, and an orthodox Greek
       Professor of Greek language and literature. … It draws
       students not only from Turkey, but also from Greece, Bulgaria,
       Rumania and Russia, and has already educated nearly twenty-six
       hundred. If the demands upon the College continue to increase
       in the future as in the past, its endowment will have to be
       doubled. Occupying one of the most beautiful sites on the
       Bosphorus, the College has at present five buildings, besides
       six houses for professors, a teaching staff of twelve
       professors and twenty-five other instructors."

          The Outlook, January 21, 1905.

       Robert College was founded at Constantinople in 1863 by James
       H. and William B. Dwight, sons of an American missionary to
       Turkey, the Reverend Harrison G. O. Dwight. It was named after
       Christopher R. Robert, of New York, its main supporter, whose
       gifts to it first and last amounted to $450,000. Its first
       President was the Reverend Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, who presided over
       it until 1877, when he resigned, and was succeeded by the
       Reverend Dr. George Washburn.

       In November, 1909, it received a bequest of $1,500,000, from
       the late John Stewart Kennedy, of New York, and its work will
       be greatly expanded.

    EDUCATION: TURKEY: A. D. 1909.
       Constitutional Amendment.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).

    EDUCATION: UNITED STATES:
       The Trade Unions as a factor in the Assimilation and
       Education of the foreign-born.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1898-1909.
       The Annual Conferences for Education in the South.

       Since 1898 a series of annual Conferences for Education in the
       South, inspired, organized, and sustained especially by the
       joint efforts of J. L. M. Curry and Robert C. Ogden, have been
       held in various Southern cities, with notable effect. At the
       twelfth of these conferences, in April, 1909, at Atlanta, Mr.
       Ogden, presiding, said in his address:

       "This conference holds its place as a part of an educational
       renaissance. Its work can perhaps be definitely defined only
       at a single point. It exists primarily to impress upon the
       mind of the citizen, the people, the responsibility of the
       individual for educational conditions, to support the claim
       that every child in America, native or foreign born, is
       entitled to a good English education, that it is the duty of
       the State as representing the people to provide such
       education, that in the words of the man that recruited me and
       pledged my service, such as it is, to this work, J. L. M.
       Curry, president of this conference in its second year,
       ‘Ignorance Cures Nothing.’ …

       "Aside from the first mentioned special influence this
       conference makes no direct claim save that it has by various
       agencies assisted in the promotion and development of many
       progressive educational ideas, and through the Southern
       Educational Board, to which it is both mother and child, has
       supplied methods and incidental support that have caused many
       latent forces to germinate, flourish, and bring forth abundant
       fruit that otherwise never could have existed. We simply have
       planted seed that eventually produced large harvests.

       "I am told, and I think the statement is accurate, that during
       the last seven years the public appropriations for education
       in the States under the influence of the Southern Education
       Board have increased $16,000,000 per annum. These figures are
       difficult of verification, but probably are greater than I
       have stated. We have had something to do with this result, how
       much may not be a subject for definite calculation. …

       "The twelve years that measure the life of the conference for
       education in the South have been years of great originality in
       the development of American education."

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1901.
       The Washington Memorial Institution.

       "In almost every Government department and bureau at
       Washington, prolonged scientific investigations are
       continually carried on, in order that governmental action
       itself may be more intelligent and more efficient, and the
       general welfare of the people promoted. … While the Congress
       carries on this work for governmental purposes only, it
       indicated as long ago as 1892, in a joint resolution approved
       April 12 of that year, that the Government’s large collections
       illustrative of the various arts and sciences, and its
       facilities for scientific and literary research, were to be
       held accessible to the investigators and students of any
       institution of higher education then existing or thereafter
       established in the District of Columbia. By an almost
       unnoticed but most important provision incorporated in the
       general deficiency bill passed at the second session of the
       Fifty-sixth Congress, and approved March 3, 1901, the
       privileges given by the joint resolution of April 12, 1892, to
       investigators and students of institutions in the District of
       Columbia were extended to ‘scientific investigators and to
       duly qualified individuals, students, and graduates of
       institutions of learning in the several States and
       Territories, as well as in the District of Columbia, under
       such rules and restrictions as the heads of the departments
       and bureaus mentioned may prescribe.

       … The new opportunities created a new need, and that need is
       to be met by the Washington Memorial Institution, incorporated
       on May 17, 1901, and formally organized on June 3.

    {213}

       "The Washington Memorial Institution is the direct outcome of
       the activities of the Washington Academy of Sciences and of
       the George Washington Memorial Association, the latter body
       being an organization of women ‘to aid in securing in the city
       of Washington, D. C., the increase of opportunities for higher
       education, as recommended by George Washington, the first
       President of the United States, in his various messages to
       Congress.’ … The plan has been worked out in consultation with
       representatives of the universities and other scientific
       bodies, and with their hearty cooperation and approval. It has
       the merits of simplicity and of not duplicating any existing
       form of educational effort." The Institution "will ascertain,
       year by year, just what the opportunities for students are at
       Washington, and will publish them to the world; it will
       receive and enroll students who offer themselves, and direct
       them to the places which await them; it will record their work
       and its results, and, when requested, will certify these to
       any institution of learning. It will keep in touch with the
       universities, scientific schools, and colleges on the one
       hand, and with the departments and bureaus of the Government
       on the other. In this way it will, it may be hoped, promote
       the interests and the ideals of both."

          Nicholas Murray Butler,
          The Washington Memorial Institution
          (American Review of Reviews, July, 1901).

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.
       Changes at the Universities.

       In October, 1901, on accepting a nomination to the mayoralty
       of New York City, President Seth Low, of Columbia University,
       resigned from that post, and Professor Nicholas Murray Butler
       became acting President until the following January, when he
       was elected to the Presidency by the unanimous vote of the
       trustees.

       For the first time in its history, the University of
       Virginia—Jefferson’s creation—received a President in April,
       1905, when Dr. Edwin Anderson Alderman was inducted in office
       as its administrative head. The significance of the occurrence
       was expressed at the time by Professor William P. Trent, when
       he said: "The University of Virginia, so long, under its
       chairmen of the faculty, faithful to its founder’s prejudices
       against the concentration of executive power in the hands of
       an individual, has been forced by pressure from within and
       from without to align itself with its sister universities in
       this essential feature of educational government, and in this
       fact many will see another step in the slow but certain
       nationalizing of the South, as well as an indication that in
       the future the University of Virginia will be widely known as
       a national institution of high standing."

       In the summer of 1902, President Francis L. Patton, who had
       been the successor of President McCosh at Princeton
       University, retired and was succeeded by Professor Woodrow
       Wilson, previously occupant of the chair of Jurisprudence and
       Politics since 1890.

       The President who had organized the University of Chicago at
       its foundation, in 1891, and directed its successful
       development through fifteen years of a remarkable success,
       William Rainey Harper, died on the 10th of January, 1906, and
       was succeeded by Professor Harry Pratt Judson, previously at
       the head of the department of Political Science and Dean of
       the faculties of Arts, Literature, and Science.

       President Henry Hopkins of Williams College retired in 1907
       and was succeeded by Harry A. Garfield, eldest son of the
       former President of the United States, and lately Professor of
       Politics at Princeton University.

       In October, 1908, President Charles W. Eliot of Harvard
       University made known his wish to retire in the following May
       from the office which he had filled with so much distinction
       for forty years. His resignation was accepted with profound
       regret, and he vacated the Presidency of the great University
       on the 19th of May, 1909. His successor, Professor Abbott
       Lawrence Lowell, taken from the chair of the Science of
       Government, in the Harvard faculty, had been elected in the
       preceding January. President Lowell was inaugurated with much
       ceremony on the 6th of October.

       Dr. Richard C. Maclaurin was called from the department of
       physics in Columbia University, New York, to the presidency of
       the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, in November, 1908.

       President Cyrus Northrup, of the University of Minnesota,
       announced in 1908 his resignation to take effect the following
       year.

       A change in the Presidency of Dartmouth College took place in
       June, 1909, Dr. W. J. Tucker resigning because of ill health,
       and Professor Ernest Fox Nichols, formerly head of the
       department of physics at Dartmouth, and latterly occupying a
       chair at Columbia University, being elected to his place.

       Having passed his eightieth year of life and the thirty-eighth
       of his administration of the University of Michigan, President
       James Burrill Angell was reluctantly permitted to retire from
       active service to the University at the close of the academic
       year in 1909. The acceptance of his resignation by the Regents
       of the University was accompanied, however, by the tender to
       him of the office of Chancellor, the duties to be such as "he
       may be willing and able to perform; the salary for such office
       to be $4000 per year, with house rent, light and fuel, so long
       as he sees fit to occupy his present residence." Dean H. B.
       Hutchins, of the law department was made acting President.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1902.
       Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington,
       for Original Research.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1902-1909.
       The General Education Board.
       Its stupendous endowment by Mr. Rockefeller.
       Its plans and operations.

       The General Education Board, destined to become so great an
       educational power in the United States, had its birth on the
       27th of February, 1902, at a meeting in New York to which Mr.
       John D. Rockefeller had invited the following named gentlemen:

       William H. Baldwin, Jr.,
       Wallace Buttrick,
       Hon. J. L. M. Curry,
       Frederick T. Gates,
       Daniel C. Gilman,
       Morris K. Jessup,
       Robert C. Ogden,
       Walter H. Page,
       George Foster Peabody,
       John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and
       Albert Shaw;
       with Edward M. Shepard as counsel.

       A conception of the general plan and purpose of the Board had
       been, it is said, in Mr. Rockefeller’s thought for some time
       past, and his guests gave hearty approval to the project in
       which he asked them to join him. Then and there they became
       organized temporarily under the name still borne, Mr.
       Rockefeller pledging $1,000,000 to the support of their work,
       which should specially be directed at the outset to the study
       and improvement of educational conditions in the Southern
       States.
    {214}
       Offices of the Board were opened in New York April 1, 1902. It
       was incorporated by Act of Congress on the 12th of January,
       1903, at which time a considerable number of new members was
       added to the Board, chosen from the heads of important
       universities and colleges, North and South. The Board was now
       in active cooperation with the United States Department of
       Agriculture, whose work of scientific and systematic
       instruction in agriculture, by demonstration farms and
       otherwise, it found to be dealing with the most pressing of
       Southern needs. It found another field of useful cooperation,
       with Southern universities and colleges, in promotion of the
       founding and maintaining of high schools. Its main operations
       were on these lines until the summer of 1905, when, on the
       30th of June, Mr. Rockefeller expanded its forces immensely by
       adding $10,000,000 to his original gift of $1,000,000.

       In The Independent of August 6, 1908, Mr. Wallace
       Buttrick, secretary of the Board, described the enlargement of
       undertakings which followed this increase of endowment,
       saying:

       "The income of this large foundation for higher education
       enabled the board to extend its work throughout the whole
       country, as contemplated in its charter. Studies had already
       been made of the colleges in the Southern States, and such
       studies were at once made of the colleges in other parts of
       the United States. After such comprehensive study and the
       careful consideration of how best to aid in the development of
       an adequate system of colleges in all of the States of the
       Union, the board adopted the following principles as defining
       its general policy: To co-operate sympathetically and
       helpfully with the religious denominations; to choose the
       centers of wealth and population as the permanent pivots of an
       educational system; to mass its funds on endowments, securing
       in this work the largest possible local co-operation."

       Less than two years later, on the 7th of February, 1907, Mr.
       Rockefeller nearly trebled his previous endowment by an
       enormous addition to the fund in the possession of the Board,
       announced in the following letter from his son, Mr. John D.
       Rockefeller, Jr.:

       "My father authorizes me to say that on or before April 1st,
       1907, he will give to the General Education Board
       income-bearing securities the present market value of which is
       about thirty-two million dollars ($32,000,000), one-third to
       be added to the permanent endowment of the board; two-thirds
       to be applied to such specific objects within the corporate
       purposes of the board as either he or I may from time to time
       direct, any remainder not so designated at the death of the
       survivor to be added also to the permanent endowment of the
       board."

       Of what was being done by the Board with this stupendous fund
       Mr. Buttrick gave details in The Independent as follows:

       "Conditional appropriations have been made to forty colleges,
       in the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York,
       New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South
       Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee,
       Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin,
       Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, Kansas and Colorado.

       "Twenty-five of these colleges have secured subscriptions for
       the supplemental sums required and but one has failed. The
       remaining fifteen colleges report satisfactory progress. The
       total amount thus appropriated by the board is $2,437,500; the
       supplemental sums, when completed, will aggregate $10,397,000.

       "From the original $1,000,000 gift to the board by Mr.
       Rockefeller appropriations have been made to schools in the
       South amounting to about $700,000, one-half of which has gone
       to schools for the colored people. The high school propaganda
       and the agricultural demonstration work have also been
       supported from this fund.

       "From the foregoing it will be seen that, in the Northern
       States, the board devotes itself exclusively to the promotion
       of higher education, having always in view the desirability of
       aiding such institutions as, taken together, will constitute
       an adequate system of higher education for each of the several
       States, thus seeking to correct and prevent duplication and
       waste and securing the highest efficiency.

       "In the Southern States its work for colleges is similar to
       that done in the North, and, in addition, it seeks to promote
       public high schools through the State universities and the
       State Department of Education, to promote elementary education
       (or common schools) by increasing the productive efficiency of
       rural life, and to aid in developing schools for the training
       of leaders among the colored people."

       But Mr. Rockefeller was not yet at the end of his gifts to
       this great Foundation. On the 9th of July, 1909, the following
       announcement was published:

       "John D. Rockefeller has raised the total of his
       contributions to the Rockefeller foundation of the general
       education board to $53,000,000 by a gift of $10,000,000 which
       will be passed to the credit of the board between now and
       August 1. He has gone farther than that and has intrusted to
       the membership of the board—as it may be constituted at some
       future day—the responsibility of distributing the principal
       of the fund among the educational institutions of the land if
       it shall be deemed advisable.

       "Under the regulations at present obtaining, this power of
       final disposition would extend only to $33,000,000, inasmuch
       as the board holds the other $20,000,000 in trust with the
       power to dispose of the income, while Mr. Rockefeller and his
       son, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., retain the right to dispose of
       the principal during their lives. It was said to-day that it
       always has been Mr. Rockefeller’s intention to make such a
       provision for the final disposition.

       "In making the announcement to-day, Chairman Gates said that
       this large addition to the permanent funds of the board was
       contributed because the income of the present funds
       immediately available for appropriation had been exhausted and
       it was found necessary to have an additional income in order
       to meet the needs of ‘present great importance.’

       "He said the board made it a rule never to exceed the
       immediately available income—which might amount to $80,000 or
       $90,000 a month—in its awards to the colleges and
       universities, that something like 300 applications had been
       received by the board beyond the number which it already had
       acted upon, which was large.

    {215}

       "Mr. Gates said that at the same meeting last Wednesday
       another communication had been received from Mr. Rockefeller,
       authorizing and empowering the board and its successors
       ‘whenever, in their discretion, it should seem wise to
       distribute the principal of funds contributed by him to the
       board upon the affirmative vote of two-thirds of all those who
       shall at the time be members of the board.’"

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1905-1908.
       The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.

       After the founding of the Carnegie Institution, of Washington,
       Mr. Carnegie’s next great gift to Education, made in 1905, was
       in the sum of $10,000, 000, placed in the hands of trustees as
       a fund the income of which may be applied "to provide retiring
       pensions, without respect to race, sex, creed, or color, for
       the teachers of universities, colleges, and technical schools
       in the United States, the Dominion of Canada, and
       Newfoundland," and "to provide for the care and maintenance of
       the widows and families of the said teachers." The board of
       trustees chosen by Mr. Carnegie for the administration of the
       fund is made up of eminent educators from different parts of
       America, with Dr. Henry S. Pritchett called from the
       Presidency of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology to
       become its executive head. The board was organized in
       November, 1905, and in the following April it adopted a plan
       of administration which had been formulated meantime by a
       committee from its membership. It had then, by an Act of
       Congress, approved by the President, March 10, 1906, been
       incorporated under the title of "The Carnegie Foundation for
       the Advancement of Teaching." Besides using the words quoted
       above, in description of the authorized purpose of the
       Foundation, the Act of Incorporation adds furthermore that it
       is "in general, to do and perform all things necessary to
       encourage, uphold, and dignify the profession of the teacher
       and the cause of higher education." It is a further provision
       of the Act that "retiring pensions shall be paid to such
       teachers only as are or have been connected with institutions
       not under control of a sect, or which do not require their
       trustees, their officers, faculties, or students (or a
       majority thereof), to belong to any specified sect, and which
       do not impose any theological test as a condition of entrance
       therein or of connection therewith."

       As explained by President Pritchett in an article published
       soon after the organization of their board, the Trustees had
       three fundamental questions to determine: "First, What is a
       college? second, What constitutes denominational control? and,
       third, Should a private agency step in between the State and
       one of its institutions and establish a system of retiring
       allowances for university professors who are officers of the
       State?" "The term college is used to designate, in the United
       States, Canada, and Newfoundland, institutions varying so
       widely in entrance requirements, standards of instruction, and
       facilities for work that the term is no description of the
       character of the institution. Of the seven hundred and more
       institutions calling themselves colleges or universities, many
       are such in name only." To rule their present action the
       Trustees adopted the definition that is "now in use under the
       revised ordinances of the State of New York, and which reads
       as follows: ‘An institution to be ranked as a college must
       have at least six professors giving their entire time to
       college and university work, a course of four full years in
       liberal arts and sciences, and should require for admission
       not less than the usual four years of academic or high school
       preparation, or its equivalent, in addition to the
       pre-academic or grammar school studies.’ The trustees will
       also require that an institution, to be ranked as a college
       and to be dealt with as a college officially, must have a
       productive endowment of not less than $200,000."

       As for the institutions to be excluded from the benefits of
       the retiring pension fund because of a sectarian connection
       the Trustees were confronted with a still more difficult
       question, since "a large majority of all the colleges of the
       country have a connection more or less strong with
       denominations." In the circumstances, no hard and fast rule of
       exclusion could be formulated; but, said President Pritchett,
       "it is evident that in many cases colleges must choose between
       the advantages of this gift and the benefits of a
       denominational connection."

       So far as concerned State institutions, it was the original
       conclusion of the Board that "the States may fairly be
       expected to provide a retiring pension system for their own
       professors, and it is certainly questionable whether such
       wholesale action on the part of a private agency in the
       endowment of State institutions might not do them an injury
       rather than a kindness." Trustees and officers of the State
       Universities appealed from this view, and submitted to the
       Trustees cogent reasons why these institutions should
       participate in the distribution of the Fund. The Trustees
       replied that the Fund was not large enough for such an
       extension of its use. That objection, however, was soon
       removed by Mr. Carnegie, who made it known, in April, 1908,
       that he would have pleasure in adding $5,000,000 to his
       original gift in order to furnish retiring allowances for all
       State Universities that may apply for them. The Carnegie
       Foundation is now being administered accordingly.

       Retiring allowances are determined by the following rules of
       the Board:

       "I. In reckoning the amount of the retiring allowance, the
       average salary for the last five years of active service shall
       be considered the active pay.

       " II. Any person sixty-five years of age, and who has had not
       less than fifteen years of service as a professor, and who is
       at the same time a professor in an accepted institution, shall
       be entitled to an annual retiring allowance computed as
       follows:

          (a) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or
          less, an allowance of one thousand dollars, provided no
          retiring allowance shall exceed ninety per cent. of the
          active pay.

          (b) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred
          dollars the retiring allowance shall equal one thousand
          dollars, increased by fifty dollars for each one hundred
          dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,

          (c) No retiring allowance shall exceed three
          thousand dollars.

       "III. Any person who has had a service of twenty-five years as
       a professor, and who is at the time a professor in an accepted
       institution, shall be entitled to a retiring allowance,
       computed as follows:

          (a) For an active pay of sixteen hundred dollars or
          less, a retiring allowance of eight hundred dollars,
          provided that no retiring allowance shall exceed eighty per
          cent. of the active pay.

    {216}

          (b) For an active pay greater than sixteen hundred
          dollars the retiring allowance shall equal eight hundred
          dollars, increased by forty dollars for each one hundred
          dollars of active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars,

          (c) For each additional year of service above
          twenty-five, the retiring allowance shall be increased by
          one per cent. of the active pay.

          (d) No retiring allowance shall exceed three
          thousand dollars.

       "IV. Any person who has been for ten years the wife of a
       professor in actual service may receive during her widowhood
       one-half of the allowance to which her husband would have been
       entitled."

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
       Change in the Headship of the Bureau of Education.

       Dr. William Torrey Harris, after seventeen years of
       distinguished service as United States Commissioner of
       Education, accepted the first designation of a retirement
       pension that was made by the trustees of the Carnegie
       Foundation. Professor Elmer Ellsworth Brown, professor of the
       Theory and Practice of Teaching in the University of
       California, was appointed by the President to succeed him.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
       Celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding
       of Tuskegee Institute.

       The twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of Tuskegee
       Normal and Industrial Institute, at Tuskegee, Alabama, by
       Booker T. Washington, was celebrated in April, 1906, and made
       the occasion of a notable gathering at Tuskegee of strong
       friends of the institution and its founder from all parts of
       the country. In The North American Review of that month
       Mr. Washington gave an interesting account of the rise of the
       Institute from insignificant beginnings, of the aims pursued
       in it and of the extent of their realization. It had sought to
       promote among the negroes of the South an education which, as
       he expressed it, "not only did not educate them out of
       sympathy with the masses of their people, but made them
       actively and practically interested in constructive methods
       and work among their people." Its students "are expected to be
       able to show the farmers how to buy land, to assist them by
       advice in getting out of debt, and to encourage them to cease
       mortgaging their crops and to take active interest in the
       economic development of their community."

       This wise leader and true statesman of his race has devoted
       his life to the solving of the race-problem in the South on
       the principle stated by him in these words: "There is nothing
       for the negro to do but to remain where he is and struggle on
       and up. The whole philosophy of the negro question can be
       written in three words,—patience, persistence, virtue. The
       really helpful thing about the situation is that on the whole
       the negro has done, under the circumstances, the best he
       could."

       Of the planting and growth of Tuskegee Institute he wrote:
       ‘Starting in a shanty and a hen-house, with almost no property
       beyond a hoe and a blind mule, the school has grown up
       gradually, much as a town grows. We needed food for our
       tables; farming, therefore, was our first industry, started to
       meet this need. With the need for shelter for our students,
       courses in house-building and carpentry were added. Out of
       these, brick-making and brick masonry naturally grew. The
       increasing demand for buildings made further specialization in
       the industries necessary. Soon we found ourselves teaching
       tinsmithing, plastering, and painting. Classes in cooking were
       added, because we needed competent persons to prepare the
       food. Courses in laundering, sewing, dining-room work, and
       nurse-training have been added to meet the actual needs of the
       school community. This process of specialization has continued
       as the school increased in numbers, and as the more varied
       wants of a larger community created a demand, and instruction
       is now given in thirty-seven industries."

       At the end of its first twenty-five years of existence, the
       Institute has 1500 students; 156 officers, teachers, and
       employees; 86 buildings; and various ramifications for
       extensive work.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1906.
       Segregation of Oriental children in the San Francisco schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.
       Large gift for Rudimentary Schools for Southern Negroes.

       A fund of $1,000,000 was created in the spring of 1907, by
       gift from Miss Anna T. Jeanes, to be devoted to rudimentary
       schools for Southern negroes. The fund is to be administered
       by Principals Frissell, of Hampton, and Booker T. Washington,
       of Tuskegee.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1907.
       Re-dedication of the enlarged Carnegie Institute, at Pittsburg.

       An account of the founding of the richly housed and equipped
       Carnegie Library at Pittsburg, opened in 1895, is given in
       Volume VI. of this work (see Libraries). To that fundamental
       institution Mr. Carnegie began soon to add auxiliaries, in
       technical schools, lecture hall, music hall, art galleries,
       and museum of science, until a great Institute, on which no
       less than $18,000,000 had been expended and bestowed by the
       founder was complete. A rededication of this splendid Carnegie
       Institute, in 1907, was made an impressive event by the
       presence of a remarkable number of distinguished guests,
       invited from Great Britain, Germany, France, Holland, Belgium,
       and the United States. The interesting exercises of the
       occasion were opened on the 10th of April and continued
       through three days.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
       Wanted, in Massachusetts:
       The right leader for an Educational Revolution.

       The State Board of Education in Massachusetts is said to have
       arrived, as a body, at the conviction, which has been taking
       possession of many minds in late years, that in the whole
       educational work of the present day, from primary school to
       university, "there is much time wasted in learning things of
       little help in after life, and failure to get the essential
       character-building"; that conditions are changed so greatly
       from what they were when the last great educational revolution
       was led in Massachusetts by Horace Mann, and others, that a
       new revolution is the imperative need of the day. Hence the
       State Board of Education is reported to be searching anxiously
       for a man to fill the lately created office of State
       Commissioner of Education, who is equal to a revolutionary
       undertaking. "He must be," says a recent Boston letter, "a
       broad man, of the right sort to realize the unusual
       opportunity open to-day." "There is no limit to the salary
       which the board may offer." "There has been no politics in the
       board, and there shall be none.
    {217}
       All that the Commissioner wants in the way of coöperation to
       carry out his views he will have." "The board feels that this
       is a crisis. If the right man can be found, the State’s system
       will take a step forward toward a better practice, which shall
       remove the present dissatisfaction and the feeling that the
       public schools are not fitting children to be good producers
       or citizens." This opening seems a great one for the right
       man, if he can be found.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1909.
       Election of a woman to the Superintendency of
       the Chicago schools.

       Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, elected Superintendent of the public
       schools of Chicago by the City’s Board of Education, in July,
       1909, is the first of her sex to occupy so important an
       administrative position. Her election is said to have been due
       entirely to her manifest superiority in qualification over
       other suggested candidates. The school system she will
       administer is second only in magnitude to that of the City of
       New York.

    EDUCATION: A. D. 1910.
       Gift to Yale University by Mrs. Sage.

       The following is announced from New Haven on the 10th of
       January, 1910:

       "The recent gift of $650,000 by Mrs. Russell Sage of New York
       city for the purchase of the Hillhouse property and its
       transfer free of encumbrance to Yale University releases a
       corresponding amount without restriction for the use of the
       university corporation. Important meetings will be held this
       week, one by the board of Sheffield Scientific School trustees
       and the other a special meeting of the Yale Corporation to act
       upon the disposition of the funds released by the Sage gift.
       It is generally understood that the plan proposed is the
       erection upon the Hillhouse property of a large biological
       laboratory, and perhaps the appointment in connection with it
       of a university professor in biology upon a new foundation."

       ----------EDUCATION: End--------

    EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
       Proclamation of additional titles.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).

    EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
       His illness and deferred Coronation.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).

    EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
       His agency in bringing about the Entente Cordiale between
       Great Britain and France.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
       His influence as a diplomatist.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

    EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, &c.:
       His Death after a brief illness.
       Succession of his son, George V.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).

    EGYPT: A. D. 1901-1905.
       The founding of schools for girls.
       Training of native teachers.

          See (in this Volume )
          EDUCATION: EGYPT.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).
       Completion of the Assuan Dam.

       The great Assuan Dam, to control the waters of the Nile, was
       opened with formal ceremony on the 10th of December, 1902, in
       the presence of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, the
       Khedive, Lord and Lady Cromer, and other distinguished
       personages. Earlier in the year the value of this important
       work of engineering had been enhanced by a treaty with the
       Emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, which forbids constructions
       on the upper waters of the Nile, within the Abyssinian
       territory, which would arrest the flow of their waters.

          See (in this Volume)
          ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1904.
       Declarations of England and France concerning Egypt
       in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.
       Explanatory despatch.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Pan-Islamic preaching.
       Pro-Turkish movement.
       Turkish encroachments on the Sinai frontier.
       The Tabah incident.
       British fleet at Phalerum.
       British garrisons reinforced.

       "Whether ordered by the Sultan or the result of an instinctive
       religious wave, anew and definite crusade began to affect
       Egypt in the summer of 1905. Preachers appeared mysteriously
       in Cairo and spread rapidly through the country, giving a new
       and stricter interpretation to texts from the Koran, and
       preaching in strong terms the wickedness of obeying the
       infidel. These preachers mixed with the people in their houses
       and cafes, and in the infinite leisure of a prosperous
       Oriental country doubtless found no lack of occasion for
       instilling their new doctrines. Then the Arabic native Press
       began to preach the same lesson, applying it specially to the
       Macedonian crisis and the piteous plight of the harassed
       Sultan. A new spirit came suddenly into political controversy.
       Any native defender of British rule was marked as a ‘bad
       Moslem,’ or ‘a traitor to Egypt.’ Argument was impossible; for
       any doubt of the Sultan was simply impiety. So the work went
       on bravely through the summer and autumn of 1905, while the
       British authorities looked on in surprise and perplexity.
       Lonely residents up country began to notice a change in the
       tone of the people. They felt the under-swell of a new and
       mysterious movement of religious feeling. Europeans who
       understood Arabic heard insolent remarks in the cafes as they
       passed by, and doctors in charge of invalids in lonely hotels
       noticed with alarm the sullen looks of their Arab servants,
       and their keen excitement over the Sultan’s struggle. A spirit
       of nervous apprehension began to spread abroad among
       Europeans.

       "Then in January, 1906, the Sultan suddenly showed his hand;
       and the smouldering fire burst out into the flame of the
       famous Tabah incident. The events that followed became
       conspicuous to the whole world—the seizure by Turkish troops
       of villages on the Egyptian side of the Sinai frontier, the
       threat to fire on an Egyptian cruiser, the defiant resistance
       to the English successor, the peremptory order to Egypt to
       evacuate Faroun Island, and, finally, the claim of Mouktar
       Pasha to a frontier-line west of Suez. The behaviour of Turkey
       seemed to bear out Rudyard Kipling's description of the
       ethical atmosphere that lies east of that port. Even where
       ‘there ain’t no ten commandments,’ indeed, the little villages
       that sparkle like a grain of salt in the empty desert of the
       wanderings of Israel might be thought tempting to no man. But
       the line of the frontier had been drawn east of Tabah by the
       treaty which established Mehemet Ali in the Khedivate in 1840
       [see in Volume I. of this work, Egypt: A. D. 1840-1869], and
       the claim to this limit had been prudently re-asserted by Lord
       Cromer in 1892, when the present Khedive ascended the throne.
       Any tampering with these written arrangements, even to the
       extent of a single village, would have been the end of our
       authority in Egypt. There was, therefore, no room for
       compromise. If Sir Edward Grey had hesitated to force a
       surrender from Turkey in May by the only possible method of
       moving the fleet to Phalerum [and demanding the immediate
       evacuation of Tabah], we might just as well have left the
       Nile.

    {218}

       "For the real significance of these events lay in what was
       going on in the mosques and newspapers of Egypt itself. As the
       crisis grew, these voices grew more and more daring. The
       preachers were as tempestuous as those who fulminated at St.
       Paul’s Cross in our own Reformation times. Every move of the
       Sultan in those tortuous negotiations was accompanied by an
       obligato of sympathy from the Pan-Islamic Press. The native
       journals in Egypt are small sheets, cheaply produced. During
       the last eighteen months they multiplied exceedingly, fed by
       mysterious channels. The new journals preached the new
       doctrine—the doctrine of Pan-Islamism. …

       "A Turkish raid on the Suez Canal or Nekl might have caused an
       outburst of fanaticism in Egypt and seriously divided and
       embarrassed the Army of Occupation. It was impossible to be
       sure that the Egyptian army of 16,000 men, though officered by
       Englishmen, could be trusted to fight against the Turks. Hence
       the reinforcement of the British garrison, reduced to some
       2000 men, by an addition of some 3000. These began to arrive
       in May, and the agitation calmed quickly after their arrival.
       They are now to stay on at the expense of Egypt. Thus the
       first effect of the Sultan’s interference has been a
       deplorable setback from Lord Cromer’s ideal of governing Egypt
       by means of British-officered native policemen."

          Harold Spender,
          England, Egypt and Turkey
          (Contemporary Review, October, 1906).

    EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (January).
       State of the country.
       General satisfaction of the people.
       The disaffected a minority.
       Transformation effected by English rule.
       Testimony of a French writer.

       Those who know the real situation in Egypt can easily
       understand how almost the whole population, with the exception
       of an insignificant minority, are satisfied and desire no
       change. It is enough to compare the present state of the
       country—even rapidly and superficially—with that existing in
       1882, to perceive the perfect satisfaction of all classes and
       the greatness of the work achieved by England; and the more
       profoundly this question is studied, the greater the
       admiration that must be accorded to Lord Cromer and to all
       those who during the past twenty-five years have worked under
       his orders at the regeneration of Egypt. The situation of that
       country in 1882 may be briefly summed up in the following
       manner:

       "The Government was then in the hands of a band of rebels at
       the head of whom was the cowardly and worthless colonel,
       Arabi. The exchequer was empty; Egypt owed (almost entirely to
       Europe) nearly five millions sterling. The revenue was
       insufficient to pay the interest on her debts, or even to meet
       the expenses of government. The public works were all in such
       a state of neglect and disuse as to be no longer of any
       service. Commerce was paralysed and industry at the last gasp.
       The fellaheen, to whose labour Egypt owes her agricultural
       wealth, had stopped working, for, left at the mercy of the
       Pashas, who extorted from them everything possible down to the
       last farthing, they died of hunger, whether they worked or
       not. If we add that their leaders told the unfortunate people
       that their suffering all these privations was solely the fault
       of the Christian devils who were exacting mountains of gold
       from Egypt, it is easy to see that fanaticism and poverty
       combined were helping to make the situation a critical one for
       Europeans. It was into this fiery furnace that England entered
       and France refused to follow her. …

       "This is now a tale of the past, and on the curtain being
       raised we behold a transformation so marvellous, so grand,
       that it is almost incredible. We find Egypt rich and
       prosperous; a great portion of her debt paid, an admirably
       adjusted budget; her revenues increasing enormously, regularly
       every year—and that in the face of large and important public
       works, works which daily augment the wealth of the country.
       Agriculture is advancing by leaps and bounds, while commerce
       and industry develop and increase with a rapidity unparalleled
       in the history of the world. A well-organised network of
       railroads, steam navigation, telegraphs, telephones, and
       excellently maintained canals, spreads over the country.
       Schools of every kind have been opened—primary, secondary, and
       higher schools, technical, commercial, and medical schools.
       The fellah works quietly and happily on his land, and the
       townsman is growing rich, while business prospers increasingly
       from one end of the country to the other. From the mouths of
       the Nile, from Alexandria to the great lakes of Central
       Africa, all across Egypt, Nubia, and the Soudan, peace and
       quiet reign everywhere. And—strange as it may seem—all these
       results have been obtained, not by increasing the taxes, but,
       on the contrary, by reducing and even in some cases abolishing
       them altogether.

       "In less than twenty-five years England has accomplished all
       this and much more still. She has effected the marvellous
       achievement of remaining in Egypt with the unanimous consent
       of the Powers of Europe, to the great satisfaction of the
       Egyptians themselves and the foreigners dwelling in Egypt, and
       finally of living there as a friend, almost as an ally of
       France! …

       "The honesty of the Government in all its branches, the
       impartiality with which all abuses have been punished, and
       finally the honourable example which during five-and-twenty
       years the English have set before the Egyptians, have
       certainly borne good fruit. To be ‘honest’ is no longer an
       empty expression on the banks of the Nile, and the entire
       population understands to-day what that word signifies. I
       think of how absolutely unknown it was in 1882! To sum up,
       Egypt and the Egyptians have now become clean, both
       physically and morally. We may say that England has cleansed
       and disinfected them, externally and internally."

          A. B. de Guerville,
          The Situation in Egypt
          (Fortnightly Review, February, 1907).

       In his work on "Modern Egypt," published since his retirement
       from the British administration in Egypt, Lord Cromer speaks
       as follows of the change which has come over Egypt since the
       British occupation took place. Though an interested witness,
       Lord Cromer is one well trusted by the general opinion of the
       world: "A new spirit," he wrote, "has been instilled into the
       population of Egypt. Even the peasant has learnt to scan his
       rights. Even the Pasha has learnt that others besides himself
       have rights which must be respected. The courbash may hang on
       the walls of the Moudirieh, but the Moudir no longer dares to
       employ it on the backs of the fellaheen.
    {219}
       For all practical purposes, it may be said that the hateful
       corvee system has disappeared. Slavery has virtually ceased to
       exist. The halcyon days of the adventurer and the usurer are
       past. Fiscal burthens have been greatly relieved. Everywhere
       law reigns supreme. Justice is no longer bought and sold.
       Nature, instead of being spurned and neglected, has been wooed
       to bestow her gifts on mankind. She has responded to the
       appeal. The waters of the Nile are now utilized in an
       intelligent manner. Means of locomotion have been improved and
       extended. The soldier has acquired some pride in the uniform
       which he wears. He has fought as he never fought before. The
       sick man can be nursed in a well-managed hospital. The lunatic
       is no longer treated like a wild beast. The punishment awarded
       to the worst criminal is no longer barbarous. Lastly, the
       schoolmaster is abroad, with results which are as yet
       uncertain, but which cannot fail to be important."

    EGYPT: A. D. 1908.
       Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: EGYPT.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1909.
       Completion of the Esneh Barrage.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: EGYPT.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (May).
       The Nationalist agitation, excited by the Turkish Revolution.

       A correspondent of the New York Evening Post, writing
       from London of the agitation for national independence in
       Egypt, under date of May 8, 1909, remarks that it has been
       affected in two ways by the recent revolutionary movements in
       the East. They have "weakened as well as strengthened the
       cause. For a number of half-educated native thinkers to see
       Turkey with a Parliament is to make them feel they should have
       one, too. The British agent points out that the youth of
       Egypt, upon whom must rest all hopes of eventual autonomy, are
       becoming demoralized by such propaganda. They have been
       clamoring on every occasion for a Constitution." They have
       been incited by a virulent press. "When, a few months ago, Mr.
       Haldane announced that the British army of occupation was to
       be increased to the same strength as the force in South
       Africa, disgusting diatribes were indulged in against the
       British army. Officers were described as monsters of low
       breeding, ill manners, cowardice, and multifarious vice. As a
       result of this kind of thing, and also through the pressure of
       the moderate native press, the old Press law of 1881 was
       revived—a law providing that after three warnings a paper may
       be suspended by the Council of Ministers by an administrative
       order, and not through the courts of law.

       "Since then the Nationalists have arranged frequent
       demonstrations, some of them resulting in encounters with the
       police, which have been magnified by part of the English press
       into serious riots. Serious riots are not got up by
       schoolboys, who, according to the best information, seem to
       have been entirely responsible for the physical part of these
       demonstrations in Cairo and elsewhere. They have now been
       strictly forbidden to take part in any public political
       discussion."

    EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Young Egypt Congress.

       The party of Young Egyptians, so called, held a Congress at
       Geneva in September—the second of such assemblies—which was
       attended by several sympathetic members of the British
       Parliament, Mr. Keir Hardie and others, representing the Labor
       and Irish parties. A telegram was sent from the Congress to
       the House of Commons in England, stating that the
       representatives of the intellectual elements of organized
       Egyptian political parties gathered in congress at Geneva on
       the occasion of the anniversary of the entry of the English
       troops into Cairo saluted very respectfully the
       representatives of Great Britain, recalled the reiterated
       promise of the British Government to evacuate Egyptian
       territory, and inasmuch as the reasons given by Mr. Gladstone
       for the occupation no longer existed, asked the House for the
       honour of the English nation to secure the withdrawal of the
       troops from Egyptian territory. A similar telegram was
       despatched to the Grand Vizier, Hilmi Pasha, asking him to use
       his influence with England to secure the withdrawal of the
       troops.

       This was sent on the 14th of September, the 27th anniversary
       of the British occupation of Egypt, and on the same day the
       Prime Minister of Great Britain, Mr. Asquith, received the
       following telegram from Cairo:

       "A meeting of 6,000 Egyptians assembled here to-day desires to
       convey to your high personage the unanimous and energetic
       protest of the Egyptian people against the occupation, and
       from to-day demands the evacuation, relying upon the
       engagements and solemn oaths of the Queen’s Governments.
       Moreover, to gain our friendship is more preferable for
       English honour than to lose our hearts and support."

       The protest was also sent to the Grand Vizier in
       Constantinople and to the Young Egypt Congress in Geneva.

    EHRLICH, Paul.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    EHR-LUNG-SHAN FORT, Capture of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    EIGHT HOUR LABOR DAY.

          See(in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

    ELECTIONS, Political:
       Contributions from Corporations prohibited.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

       ----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Start--------

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1906.
       Universal Suffrage adopted in Austria.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Belgium: A. D. 1902.
       Opposition to the Plural Suffrage defeated.

          See (in this Volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1902, and 1904.

          See in Volume I. of this work,
          CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

          See in Volume VI. of this work,
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: China: A. D. 1908.
       The Constitutional Promise.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

    {220}

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England: A. D. 1909.
       Second reading of the Representation of the People Bill,
       extending the Suffrage to Women and others.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Germany: A. D. 1906.
       Extensions of popular rights in some parts of the Empire.
       A comedy of election reform in Prussia.

       "The agitation for the extension of popular rights is vigorous
       in many parts of the Empire. The Kingdom of Würtemberg has
       just reformed its antique constitution by eliminating from the
       Lower House the privileged members, ‘knights’ and clergymen,
       and substituting members elected by popular vote. Baden has
       introduced universal suffrage, and Bavaria has changed from
       indirect to direct voting. In the Kingdom of Saxony, which a
       decade ago remodeled its election law in a plutocratic
       direction, the government is now trying to retrace its steps.
       The Oldenburg government has committed itself to universal
       suffrage; and in Saxe-Weimar the Liberal parties and the
       Socialists have formed a compact to establish it. In the midst
       of this democratic movement Prussia has just carried through a
       slight revision of its election laws. …

       "The government [Prussian] came forward last spring with a
       scheme of election reform which is nothing short of comical in
       its bureaucratic narrowness. Several huge city districts were
       divided, and ten new seats in the Chamber created,—not,
       however as a recognition of the rights of the urban
       population, but in order to facilitate the mere formalities of
       balloting. The number of electors in such districts had
       outgrown the capacity of any hall to hold them."

          W. C. Dreher,
          The Year in Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906).

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:
       Slight exercise of local self-government.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: India:
       Introduction of popular representation in
       the Legislative Councils.

          See INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Persia:
       Under the recent Constitution.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Philippine Islands.
       Provisions of election law.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Porto Rico:
       Change of qualifications for the suffrage.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Proportional Representation: England:
       The subject under discussion.

       The practicability and desirability of proportional
       representation has been under investigation in the United
       Kingdom, during 1909, by a Royal Commission, which has had
       frequent sessions for hearings at Whitehall. At a hearing in
       October Lord Hugh Cecil, who represents Oxford in the House of
       Commons, argued with great force in favor of proportional
       representation, as a means of moderating the constraint
       exercised over independent opinion by party ties. He said that
       the present system was not satisfactory. It greatly hindered
       free discussion in the House of Commons, and tended to
       exaggerate there the intensity of feeling and the rigidity of
       the party system. Majorities were generally large, and often
       it was merely a trial of endurance. The empty condition of the
       House on many occasions proved that discussion never
       influenced divisions, and there was an elimination of
       independent opinion. Decisions were on party issues, except
       when new subjects such as the fiscal question, were brought
       forward. With smaller majorities independent opinion—specific
       rather than general—would have more opportunity, and that
       would be a gain. There was a growing tendency to lift foreign
       politics and, to a lesser degree, Colonial politics beyond
       party, and to a large extent the Government could count on the
       support of moderate opponents when foreign and Colonial
       matters were considered. He did not think the effect of
       proportional representation would be to form any more groups
       than they had at present, but his desire was that there should
       be members who were not absolute party men, and independent
       members would have more chance of getting returned. He
       considered that desirable, and did not apprehend the return of
       faddists. Even now faddists were easily elected to Parliament,
       where for the most part they were disregarded. He did not
       agree that practically all sections of the community were
       represented under the existing system. A very large and
       important section between the two parties was never
       represented, having always to choose between one or the other
       extreme.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: South Africa:
       The Principle in Practice.

       The principle of proportional representation was brought into
       practice in the municipal elections of the Transvaal in
       October, 1909. The Constitution of the South Africa Union,
       which goes into effect in the spring of 1910, applies it,
       also, to the election of senators in the Union Parliament.
       "The proportional method chosen is, in each case, that of the
       single transferable vote, and the Johannesburg elections will
       furnish an example of the use of this system on a larger scale
       than any hitherto attempted, whilst the senatorial elections
       will furnish examples of its application to very small
       electorates. The duty of the voter, both in the senatorial and
       in the municipal elections, will be the same. He must place
       the figure 1 against the candidate for whom he desires to
       vote, and, in addition, he may and should place the figures 2,
       3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and so on against the names of the other
       candidates in the order of his preference. The numbering of
       additional preferences, if not so vital as that of marking the
       first choice, is of extreme importance, and the elector should
       continue to indicate preferences until he has exhausted his
       powers of choice. The object, in marking preferences, is to
       prevent the waste of voting power. For, if the elector’s first
       choice has obtained more votes than are necessary to secure
       his election, or if his first choice has obtained so few votes
       as to be hopelessly out of the running, the returning officer
       will carry forward these votes in accordance with the wishes
       expressed by the electors, as indicated by the preferences
       marked. … The vote is always credited to the first choice and
       is not transferred save in the contingencies named. If,
       however, no effective use can be made of the vote in the
       return of the elector’s first choice the returning officer, in
       the absence of any instructions from the voter, will be unable
       to carry the vote forward, and the vote will therefore have no
       influence in determining the result of the election. Electors
       should therefore exercise to the full their privilege of
       marking preferences."

          The State
          (South African National Magazine),
          October, 1909.

    {221}

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1909.
       Rejection of proposed Reforms.

       The result of new proposals for reforming the intolerable
       class-system of voting in Prussia (see CONSTITUTION OF PRUSSIA
       in Volume VI. of this work), proposals of more sincerity than
       those of 1906, described above,—was thus reported in a Press
       despatch from Berlin, January 26, 1909:

       "The debate upon the motions regarding reform of the Prussian
       franchise was concluded in the Lower House of the Diet to-day.
       After two more speeches had been delivered the Conservatives
       moved and carried the closure, and the various reform
       proposals were put to the vote. All the motions were rejected.
       Against most of the proposals so large a hostile majority was
       shown when the Deputies were invited to rise from their seats
       that no counting of votes was necessary. A motion in favour of
       the substitution of direct for indirect election was rejected,
       upon a division, by 168 votes against 165—a majority of three.
       Upon this question, and also upon the main question—the
       introduction of a universal and equal franchise with secrecy
       of the ballot—most of the Centre Party Deputies voted with the
       Left, and the majority consisted almost entirely of
       Conservatives and Free Conservatives, who under the existing
       system, possess an absolute majority in the Diet."

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Prussia: A. D. 1910.

       A bill brought forward by the Government in February, 1910,
       professing to reform the elective franchise, gave less than no
       satisfaction to the mass of the people, who resented it as an
       insult to their rights. The measure was reported to make no
       change in the three-class system of voting, which ensures to
       wealth its political domination, and it refused the secret
       ballot. It conceded nothing of reform except a direct instead
       of an indirect election of representatives, and provoked
       formidable demonstrations of popular indignation in Berlin and
       other cities.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Russia: A. D. 1906.
       The Franchise as exercised in the election of the Dumas.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 and 1907.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Sweden: A. D. 1909.
       Franchise Reform Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Turkey: A. D. 1908.
       Under the Constitution regained by Revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: United States:
       Direct primary nomination of candidates.

       After a long and unsatisfactory experience in the United
       States of the nomination of candidates for public office by
       conventions of delegates, the people have been rapidly
       discarding that system within the last few years, replacing it
       by the institution of primary elections, at which candidates
       for the subsequent election are selected by
       direct vote. The old delegate system tended irresistibly to
       give the picking of candidates (between whom the people had
       finally a narrow choice) to little handfuls of men who make
       manipulative party management their main business in life,
       with objects of self profit, either in money or political
       power. Effective revolt against this evil-working system began
       in the Western States and is now strong in the East. The
       following summary statement of what it had accomplished, up to
       the spring of 1909, is from a pamphlet then published by the
       Citizens Union of New York City, in support of a "Direct
       Primary Bill" which was pending at the time in the Legislature
       of the State of New York:

       "The direct primary is now the most usual system of making
       nominations in the United States, and in no case has a state,
       a county, or a town turned back from direct nominations to the
       convention system. It is no longer an experiment, having been
       tried out under varying conditions in so many states that it
       is possible to be guided by experience in avoiding the dangers
       of an imperfect direct primary law.

       "Fourteen states [Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana,
       Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma,
       Oregon, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wisconsin], with
       a total population of 25,323,039, have mandatory laws
       requiring the use of this plan in selecting candidates
       of the principal parties for practically all offices. Three
       other states [Minnesota, Ohio, Pennsylvania] have mandatory
       laws covering practically all except the state offices. Five
       other states [Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, New Jersey,
       Tennessee] have mandatory laws covering certain
       localities or offices. Five states [Alabama, Florida,
       Kentucky, Michigan, Tennessee], including two of the above,
       have optional laws covering practically all officers, the
       provisions of which laws have been largely taken advantage of.
       There are direct nominations laws of a weaker sort, some of
       them of little or no value, in many other states. Party rules
       have established direct nominations for at least the majority
       party in nearly all of the Southern states not mentioned
       above.

       "About one-half of the states, including those in which the
       system has been established by party rules, use direct
       nominations for practically all elective offices. The states
       in which the system is established by mandatory law for
       practically all elective offices have about thirty per cent.
       of the population of the United States.

       "Of the thirty-one United States senators elected last fall,
       seventeen were nominated by direct primaries. Fifteen out of
       thirty-two governors of states were so nominated. There is a
       strong movement for direct primaries in states which do not at
       present use this system to any considerable extent, namely:
       Vermont, Connecticut, New Hampshire, New York, California,
       Colorado, Idaho and Utah. In New Hampshire, both Republican
       and Democratic parties declared for it in their party
       platforms last fall, and the Republican Governor has
       recommended it to the Republican Legislature. In California,
       two direct nominations laws have been passed, but declared
       unconstitutional. Last fall, an amendment to the constitution
       of that state permitting the legislature to enact a direct
       nominations law was passed by a vote of the people.

       "A brief outline of how direct nominations originated and how
       the system has been extended until it has been substituted for
       the convention system by a majority of the American people
       furnishes a strong argument in its favor. It is an American
       system, and a product of the struggle of the American people
       for the control of their government.

       "Direct primaries originated in Crawford County, Pennsylvania,
       where the so-called Crawford County System was established by
       action of a Republican County Committee in 1860 and has been
       in force ever since. On two occasions, the question of whether
       it should be retained was put before the Republican voters and
       overwhelmingly decided in the affirmative, the last of these
       votes being taken after the system had been in force for
       nineteen years. Its popularity led to its adoption throughout
       the entire Congressional district for all nominations.

    {222}

       "The Minnesota direct primary law for the city of Minneapolis,
       Hennepin County, was enacted in 1899. After it had been tried
       in the city for two years, public sentiment, because of the
       excellent results achieved under the new law in Minneapolis,
       insisted upon its being extended, and other localities were
       brought within its provisions. Minnesota at present has a
       mandatory state-wide law applying to practically all except
       state offices. The newspapers of Minneapolis all declared for
       it, and no man of prominence in the state took a stand against
       it after it had been tried in the city.

       "Michigan adopted direct primaries in 1903 for use in Grand
       Rapids, Kent County. The result was the defeat for
       re-nomination of the Mayor under whose administration the
       so-called water scandal had developed. Two years later,
       candidates in Kent County were requested to go on record as to
       whether they favored a general direct primary law for the
       state. All who recorded their positions declared for such a
       law, and it was commonly reported in the newspapers that
       opposition to direct primaries would mean defeat for any
       candidate who took so unpopular a stand.

       "Thereafter direct nominations spread rapidly through the
       middle western states. Mandatory laws were substituted for
       optional laws, and state-wide laws for laws applying to
       certain localities or offices."

       The movement for direct primary voting, to supersede delegated
       conventions in the nomination of candidates for office, was
       inspired and invigorated powerfully in New York by Governor
       Hughes (see, in this Volume, NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910),
       soon after his second term in the executive administration
       began. He saw that nothing else could emancipate the political
       parties of the State from their "boss"-ridden servitude, and
       make them real organs of expression for the mind and will of
       the people. The whole force of his great influence then went
       to the help of the advocates of this reform, and it produced a
       public wakening on the subject which years of ordinary
       agitation might have failed to bring about. He brought,
       moreover, to the movement an inborn statesmanship of judgment
       and an intellectual training which gave it the wisest
       direction it had yet received. The Bill which he assisted to
       frame, embodying his official recommendations, was designed
       more carefully than the legislation in other States had been,
       not only to avoid any weakening of the organization of
       political parties, but to give them the strength of a
       leadership conferred truly and freely by its followers. The
       measure was opposed desperately by the existing "organization"
       of the party in power, and that combination was represented in
       the Legislature so much more effectively than the people were
       that it compassed the defeat of the Bill, in the session of
       1909.

       Four times the people of Illinois have extorted acts from
       their Legislature providing for direct nominations, and thrice
       the enactments, badly framed, have been pronounced
       unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the State. The fourth
       of these pieces of legislation, produced in February, 1910, is
       not yet tested.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
       Disfranchising Amendment to the Maryland Constitution defeated.

       A disfranchising amendment to the Constitution of Maryland,
       designed not only to exclude many colored people from the
       suffrage, but to give the now dominant political party a
       complete mastery of the ballot box, was rejected by the people
       when submitted to them at the election of November, 1909.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
       Short Ballot Reform.

       A movement that will gain force if the grave reasons for it
       can be duly impressed on the popular mind has been assuming
       organized form of late. The prime mover in it is Mr. Richard
       S. Childs, of New York, who began missionary work for it in a
       convincing magazine article on "The Doctrine of the Short
       Ballot," published in 1908. Printed afterwards in a small
       pamphlet, this impressive argument has had wide circulation
       and has drawn many men of influence into league with the
       author for urging the subject on public attention. The aim is
       to reduce elective offices in State, county and town to such a
       limited number that the average voter can acquaint himself
       with the comparative merits of candidates and make a fairly
       intelligent choice, which he cannot do when the number is
       large. "We must shorten the ballot," wrote Mr. Childs, "to a
       point where the average man will vote intelligently without
       giving to politics more attention than he does at present."
       "Voting a straight ticket is not a matter of party loyalty so
       much as of not knowing what else to do, and split tickets will
       become common as soon as the list is reduced to a point where
       each candidate becomes in the mind of the voter a definite
       personality instead of a mere name on a long list. To make
       public office conspicuous can only be accomplished by making
       it stand out in solitude before the gaze of the voter. Let all
       the encumbrances in the shape of minor offices disappear from
       the ballot and be made appointive. Or at the very least
       prevent the few offices from overshadowing the many. Make all
       the candidates conspicuous by letting no one be more
       conspicuous than another."

       A digest of the "short ballot" doctrine is offered in the
       following propositions:

       "To the average American voter most of the long ballot is a
       mere list of names. He registers a genuine personal opinion
       only on certain conspicuous offices—the rest he necessarily
       delegates by default to organizations of ‘political
       specialists.’

       "These political organizations, if victorious, sink into the
       control of their worst members, since these members having
       most to gain and being least scrupulous can generally win
       within the organization. Then these men run public
       administrations as badly as they dare.

       "But we get good men for any conspicuous office where there is
       adequate public scrutiny of the candidate, and even Tammany
       offers us satisfactory public servants in such places.

       "Therefore, if we make most offices appointive so as to
       shorten the ballot, till the voter can master his whole
       task, and every elected officer becomes conspicuous before his
       constituents, political machines will become impotent and
       merit will become the most important asset for a candidate.

       "The result will be uniform clean government as in England,
       Canada, etc., where they have 'The Short Ballot’ already."

    {223}

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
       Suffrage Amendment to the Georgia Constitution adopted
       by popular vote.

       A suffrage amendment to the Constitution of the State of
       Georgia, adopted by an overwhelming popular vote in October,
       1908, provides that, in order to register and vote according
       to the provisions of this amendment, a man must, besides
       meeting certain requirements as to residence and the payment
       of his taxes, have one of the following qualifications: Either

       (1) he must have served in the land or naval forces of the
       United States or the Confederate States or the State of
       Georgia in time of war, or be lawfully descended from one who
       has done so; or

       (2) he must be a person of good character, satisfying the
       registrars of election that he understands the duties and
       obligations of citizenship; or

       (3) he must correctly read in the English language any
       paragraph of the United States Constitution or the State
       Constitution, and, unless physically incapacitated from doing
       so, correctly write the same when read to him; or

       (4) he must be the owner of at least forty acres of land in
       the State in which he resides, or the owner of five hundred
       dollars’ worth of property in the State assessed for taxation.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Woman Suffrage:
       At Large: Present extent of the movement.

       "We rejoice in the immense progress made by women in the last
       60 years. In 1848 women had votes nowhere in the world except
       the school vote in Kentucky by widows with children of school
       age, and a very limited franchise in some parts of Europe.
       Today women vote for all elected officers in Finland, Norway,
       Federated Australia, New Zealand, Wyoming, Colorado, Utah and
       Idaho: they have municipal suffrage in England, Scotland,
       Ireland and Wales, in Canada, Kansas, Sweden, Denmark and
       Iceland; tax suffrage in Louisiana, Montana, Iowa and New
       York, and school suffrage in one-half the States of the Union.
       When that first convention met, only one College in the United
       States admitted women; now hundreds of colleges do so. Then
       there was not a single woman physician, or ordained minister,
       or lawyer; now there are 7000 women physicians and surgeons,
       3000 ordained ministers, and one thousand lawyers. Then only a
       few poorly paid employments were open to women; now women are
       in more than 300 occupations, and comprise 80 per cent. of our
       teachers. Then there were scarcely any organizations of women;
       now such organizations are numbered by thousands. Then the few
       women who dared to speak in public, even on philanthropic
       questions, were overwhelmingly condemned by public opinion;
       now the women most opposed to equal suffrage travel about the
       country making public speeches to prove that a woman’s only
       place is at home. Then a married woman in most of our States
       could not control her own person, property or earnings; now in
       most of the States these laws have been largely amended, and
       it is only in regard to the ballot that the fiction of women’s
       perpetual minority is still kept up. Most of the demands made
       by the convention of 1848, which then seemed so revolutionary,
       have been already granted, and are now looked upon as matters
       of course. … We rejoice in the increasingly rapid progress of
       the woman suffrage cause. Every year shows some gain. Since
       our last annual meeting Parliamentary suffrage has been
       extended to the women of Norway; municipal suffrage to the
       women of Denmark; Sweden has made women eligible to municipal
       office; Russia has given women of property a proxy vote for
       members of the Douma; and Great Britain, with only 15
       dissenting votes, has made women eligible as Mayors, Aldermen
       and County and Town Councillors. We congratulate the women of
       Great Britain upon their gallant fight for the franchise."

          Resolutions of the 40th Annual Convention of the
          National American Woman Suffrage Association,
          at Buffalo, New York, October, 1908.

       In Europe "there is the curious anomaly that in its two
       so-called republics the cause of woman suffrage is more
       backward than in almost any of the other countries. In
       Switzerland every man over twenty may vote. A National Woman
       Suffrage Association has lately been organized which is
       supported by many public men. …

       "In France, all men twenty-one years old have the franchise.
       The National Council of Women, composed of 55 associations
       with about 70,000 members, has recently joined forces with the
       National Suffrage Union, thus assuring strong and systematic
       effort for the enfranchisement of women. In 1906, a Committee
       for the Defence of the Rights of Women was formed in the
       Chamber of Deputies, to secure the social, civil and political
       rights of women."

          Ida H. Harper
          North American Review,
          September. 1907.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Australia.

       The Constitution of the Commonwealth of Australia, in its 41st
       clause provides as follows:

          See (in Volume VI. of this work)
          CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

       "No adult person who has or acquires the right to vote at
       elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a
       State, shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any
       law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either
       House of the Commonwealth."

       Inasmuch as two of the Australian States, South Australia and
       Western Australia, had already extended the suffrage to women
       when this federal constitution was adopted, they gained at
       once, by its terms, the right of voting at federal elections
       in those States. An account of their first appearance in
       Australian Federal politics was given subsequently by one of
       the women who participated,—in part as follows:

       "The political incentive is now the possession of the women of
       Australia, and its influence was a potent factor in the recent
       Federal elections. The women of South Australia and West
       Australia have had the suffrage for some years, so that they
       are accustomed to voting, but to the women of the other States
       the whole business was new; nevertheless, they voted in as
       large numbers proportionally as the men in a majority of the
       constituencies, while in some they cast a heavier vote than
       the men. The total vote was only 52 per cent. of the voting
       strength, the low percentage being due to the fact that the
       people as a body have not yet grasped the Federal idea.
       Federation has not completely scotched provincialism in
       politics, though it is fast doing so, if for no other reason
       than the enormous cost of government in this country. The
       people are beginning to realize that we are paying the
       political piper heavily—fourteen Houses of Parliament and
       seven viceroyalties for four millions of people! It is too big
       an order, and common sense, as well as the state of our
       finances, demands that we should simplify our legislative
       machinery. It is right here, as the Americans say, that the
       women’s influence will tell.
    {224}
       During the election campaign, it was most evident that a very
       large section of the women favoured those candidates who urged
       economy in public expenditure. Individual women, with no idea
       of the value of money, may be extravagant, but most women are
       compelled by circumstances to be economical, and have a horror
       of wasteful expenditure. Therefore the growing demand for less
       expensive legislative machinery will find devoted adherents
       amongst the women voters. …

       "The elections had an added interest in the appearance of four
       women candidates in the field—Mrs. Martell, Mrs. Moore (New
       South Wales), myself (Victoria), standing for the Senate; and
       Miss Selina Anderson (New South Wales) for the House of
       Representatives. All were defeated, but the defeat was not
       unexpected, as we were well aware that it would be altogether
       phenomenal if women were to succeed in their first attempt to
       enter a National Parliament. …

       "There were eighteen candidates in the field, and, while
       unsuccessful, my record of 51,497 votes, when 85,387 were
       sufficient to secure election, is most gratifying. I polled
       more heavily than one candidate who has been Premier of
       Victoria, and than another who had been for twenty-six years a
       member of the State legislature, defeating the one by 24,327,
       the other by 32,436 votes—51,000 odd votes, in spite of the
       opposition of the powerful daily papers, and the prejudice
       that a pioneer always has to encounter, is nothing less than a
       triumph for the cause that I represent, the cause of women and
       children."

          Vida Goldstein,
          The Political Woman in Australia
          (Nineteenth Century, July, 1904).

       "The argument that women will not vote is completely disproved
       by Australian experience. They not only vote, but they vote in
       continually increasing numbers as time goes on, and they
       become educated up to a sense of their political
       responsibilities and all that these imply. Not all the states
       discriminate in their returns between men and women voters,
       but those that do show something like the following: In South
       Australia, at the last general election, 59 per cent. of the
       men on the rolls voted, and 42 per cent. of the women; in
       Western Australia, 49 per cent. of the men and 47 per cent. of
       the women voted; at the last Federal election, 56 per cent. of
       the men voted, and 40 per cent. of the women. None of the
       Australian states has yet reached the extraordinary record of
       New Zealand, where, in 1902, nearly 75 per cent. of the women
       electors recorded their votes, as against 76 per cent. of
       their brothers.

       "It is unnecessary to add that the conservative woman votes.
       Her husband or father and their newspaper take good care that
       the duty of doing so is well impressed upon her, even though
       abstractly they may all three disapprove of woman in politics,
       and have striven to avert her appearing in that arena as long
       as they possibly could. …

       "Among the measures that can be traced to woman suffrage
       within the last ten years are prematernity acts, acts raising
       the age of consent, family maintenance acts, and many acts
       improving children’s conditions by extending juvenile courts,
       limiting hours of work, providing better inspection,
       forbidding sale to children of drink, drugs and doubtful
       literature."

          Alice Henry,
          The Australian Woman and the Ballot
          (North American Review, December 21, 1906).

       Writing in the New York Evening Post of February 10,
       1909, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper makes the following statements:
       "The recent announcement that the upper house of Parliament in
       Victoria, Australia, had passed a woman suffrage bill by a
       vote of 23 to 5, marked the gaining of complete suffrage for
       women in all of Australasia. Since 1902 women have had a vote
       in Australia for members of the national Parliament, and for a
       number of years the vote for State officials in all the States
       except Victoria. There the lower house, or Assembly, has
       fifteen times passed a bill giving this vote to women only to
       have it rejected by the upper house, or Council. The Assembly
       is elected by popular vote; the Council is not. … With their
       municipal and national franchise the women were able to make
       things decidedly uncomfortable for the opponents, in which
       they were encouraged and aided by the labor unions. At last
       the council surrendered unconditionally, and the vote of
       twenty-three to five showed that most of them tried to get
       into the band wagon. The five who voted ‘no’ were probably ‘in
       for life,’ and not afraid of the consequences. … Australia has
       thoroughly tested woman suffrage, first in municipal affairs,
       and then in those of State and nation. There is not one
       objection made against it which is not refuted by the actual
       experience of that country. All the talk about who will take
       care of the baby and what will become of the home, its men
       would brush aside as so much chaff."

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Denmark:
       Its first exercise in Municipal Elections.

       Danish municipal elections in March, 1909, were conducted
       under a new law which gives every woman who either pays direct
       taxes or whose husband does so the right to vote. The law also
       provides for a system of proportional representation. "There
       was naturally much discussion beforehand," wrote a newspaper
       correspondent from Copenhagen, "as to what would be the result
       of this first experiment in woman suffrage in Denmark. The
       Conservatives, indeed, protested for a long time before they
       yielded to its claims. As far as can now be ascertained the
       relative strength of the parties in the councils will be
       practically unchanged, that is to say, the Conservatives will
       still have a slight majority. This is at all events the case
       in and around Copenhagen, where the women took a very active
       part in the voting, nearly 75 per cent. of those who were
       entitled to vote having done so."

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: England:
       Qualification for County and Borough Councils.

       The following are the provisions of an Act of Parliament
       approved in August, 1907:

       "A woman shall not be disqualified by sex or marriage for
       being elected or being a councillor or alderman of the council
       of any county or borough (including a metropolitan borough):
       Provided that a woman if elected as chairman of a county
       council or mayor of a borough shall not by virtue of holding
       or having held that office be a justice of the peace."

    {225}

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
       The Campaign of the Militant Suffragists or "Suffragettes."

       The cause of the women who desire and demand equal political
       rights with men seemed to be advancing fast toward complete
       victory in Great Britain, in 1906-1907, when the impatient among
       them began resorting to militant methods of agitation. It is
       probably safe to say that no other movement by any part of any
       people in any country, for obtaining an extension of political
       rights, had ever been carried by rational discussion and
       appeal to a point of more encouragement than the woman
       suffrage movement in the United Kingdom had then attained. For
       everything elective in local government the vote had been won
       for women, and the opening of county and borough offices to
       them was on the eve of being written into law. Representation
       in Parliament, only, had not been secured, but the disposition
       to concede it was growing from day to day. It was at this
       stage of promising progress in the movement that an impatient
       section of its promoters became persuaded that some
       disturbance of the public peace and some troubling of the
       Government would hasten the final triumph of their cause. Why
       they were led to that conclusion was explained to an American
       audience in New York by their leader, Mrs. Pankhurst, in
       October, 1909, as follows:

       "The Liberals failed to put woman suffrage in their Newcastle
       programme. We waited on Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, leader
       of that party, and who would be prime minister, but he said he
       was too busy seeing voters to attend to women. The other
       parties acted in the same way, so we were forced to other
       action. A. J. Balfour, the Tory leader, upon whom we called,
       declared that he was in favor of equal suffrage, but was
       honest enough to add that no statesman would propose a bill to
       give it unless it were made a practical question of politics.

       "You have heard much of our methods. You have condemned them,
       but whether they were right or wrong, objectionable or not,
       they have certainly accomplished our object of bringing the
       question before the British public as a practical political
       question. … My grandmother was a Chartist, and so I determined
       to follow in her footsteps.

       "It was at Manchester, almost on the site of the Peterloo
       franchise riots, when the yeomen, with their bayonets, cut
       down the men seeking votes, that our agitation began. Sir
       Edward Grey was closing the great Liberal revival in
       Lancashire by a great meeting. Women were admitted to meetings
       in England in those days; it is not so now. We decided to be
       there with a banner on which we would inscribe the motto ‘Will
       the Liberal government give working women the vote?’ Annie
       Kenny, an officer of the Cotton Workers’ Trade Union, was
       chosen to put the question to Sir Edward Grey. She accepted on
       condition that my daughter, Christobel Pankhurst, would
       accompany her and hold her hand. We tried to get them seats in
       the front of the balcony, where they could unfurl the banner.
       We failed in this, so we got seats in the area, and had to
       change the banner. The new one was made on my dining-room
       table with a piece of calico and some black paint and
       contained the now world-wide motto: ‘Votes for Women.’

       "Sir Edward Grey delivered a great speech, but there was
       nothing in it about giving women votes. Several questions were
       put to him, and he answered as all public speakers should, and
       as they always do in England. When he was done, more questions
       were in order. Annie Kenny rose and unfurled her banner,
       holding it up in a hand from which she had lost a finger while
       at work in the mills at an age when girls should not be
       allowed to work—especially when they are intended for
       motherhood. Holding her companion’s hand, she put her
       question: ‘Will the Liberal government give working women
       votes?’ Instantly the stewards pounced upon her; hands were
       pressed over her mouth, and she was forced to sit down. She
       was told to write her question, and it would be answered. A
       vote of thanks was proposed, and Sir Edward Grey answered.

       "When he failed to answer her question, Annie Kenny rose and
       insisted on an answer. She was pounced upon; six men dragged
       her hat off and pulled her to the door, but her last words as
       she was thrown out were: ‘Sir Edward Grey, answer my
       question.’ My daughter took up the task, and repeated the
       question. She, too, was set upon and dragged past the stage,
       upon which sat men who had known her from childhood, who had
       voted for her father; but so strong is party spirit that they
       allowed her to be thrown out without protest.

       "They held a meeting outside and were arrested for obstructing
       the police. They were fined, and went to jail. But we had
       gained what we wanted. The press, which had ignored us,
       heralded our cause. We were giving them good copy."

       In the early period of the campaign of public disturbance
       which the militant suffragists had thus planned, their
       operations were directed mainly to the interruption of
       speakers at political meetings, not only by questions, but by
       bell-ringing and the like, provoking forcible ejection, arrest
       and fine, or commitment to jail. Presently some resorted to
       the device of chaining themselves to seats, prolonging the
       disturbance and heightening its sensational character. The
       crowning sensation of this description was achieved on the 8th
       of November, 1908, when two daring suffragettes who had gained
       admission to the women’s gallery in the House of Commons
       chained themselves to the metal lattice work in front of it
       and opened a fire of questions and demands on the dismayed law
       makers below. In the previous month the House had been
       besieged by a great mob of women who attempted to force their
       way into its well-guarded chambers, under Mrs. Pankhurst’s
       lead. She and others of the leaders, arrested on this
       occasion, refused to give bonds to keep the peace, and were
       sentenced to imprisonment for three months.

       From this time on, the devices of public disturbance and of
       annoyance to Parliament and Ministers became more and more
       ingeniously sensational. One performance, on the 27th of
       April, 1909, was thus described by a London newspaper of the
       morning after:

       "St. Stephen’s Hall is built upon the site of the old
       Parliament, its dimensions in length and width are the same,
       its memories embalm the great Parliamentary tradition, it is
       the place where the liberties of the people have been won.
       This is the place which was chosen yesterday by woman
       suffragists for a degrading exhibition of disorder. On either
       side of the hall are two rows of wonderful statues, like white
       ghosts of the old Parliament. To the legs of four of these
       statues as many women yesterday afternoon fastened themselves,
       after their practice, with chains, and remained there, a
       centre of disturbance, until an end was put to their mimic
       slavery by the police. The statues were those of Selden,
       Walpole, Somers, and Falkland; and it is matter for great
       regret that Falkland’s statue, in its pathetic grace the most
       charming of them all, has been wantonly injured by this rough
       usage."

    {226}

       On the 24th of June the lobby of the House of Commons became
       the scene of another performance in the same spirit by a
       single dauntless actor,—thus related: "Miss Wallace Dunlop,
       who was intercepted the other day in an attempt to deface with
       indelible ink the walls of the lobby of the House of Commons
       with an appeal on behalf of ‘Votes for Women,’ succeeded
       yesterday in accomplishing her object. Disguised as an elderly
       lady and carrying a brown handbag, she eluded the vigilance of
       the police till well within the lobby of the House. Drawing
       from her handbag a small wooden stencil, or board, with felt
       attached and saturated with indelible purple ink, she
       succeeded in placing it against the wall of the lobby at a
       conspicuous spot. The ink was at once absorbed into the
       surface of the wall. The words written were:--‘Women’s
       Deputation, June 29th. Bill of Rights. It is the right of the
       subjects to petition the King, and all commitments and
       prosecutions for such petitioning are illegal.’ Miss Wallace
       Dunlop was taken to Cannon-row Police-station, and after being
       detained two hours was charged with doing wilful damage. She
       will be brought before the magistrates at Bow Street this
       morning."

       Miss Dunlop received a sentence of imprisonment, and
       inaugurated in prison a more heroic protest against and
       defiance of the tyranny of which she believed herself to be a
       victim. It is described in the following manifesto, published
       by the National Women’s Social and Political Union (the
       principal organization of the militant suffragists) on the
       14th of July:

       "The women who have been sent to prison in connexion with
       woman suffrage disturbances have, from the beginning, demanded
       treatment as political prisoners, and have appealed to the
       Home Secretary to accord them the rights and privileges to
       which political prisoners are entitled in every part of the
       world. As this appeal has been disregarded, women have now
       decided to take the law into their own hands, and, by carrying
       on a revolt in prison, to force the hands of the authorities
       to concede them what they have refused to give as a matter of
       justice.

       "The first action taken in the matter was that of Miss Wallace
       Dunlop, sent to prison on Friday, July 2, for imprinting an
       extract from the Bill of Rights upon one of the walls in the
       House of Commons. Political treatment being refused to her,
       and being ordered to wear prison clothes and eat prison food,
       Miss Wallace Dunlop determined to strike a blow for her rights
       by refusing absolutely to eat the food offered to her. After
       91 hours of starvation—during which time communications were
       constantly passing between the Governor of the prison and the
       Home Office—the authorities decided to give in, and Miss
       Wallace Dunlop was released.

       "The 14 members of the Women’s Social and Political Union who
       were sent to prison on Monday, July 12, in connexion with the
       stone throwing at the Government buildings on June 29, have
       determined to carry out a further revolt. Before leaving for
       prison they informed the officers of the union that it was
       their intention, if denied the rights of political prisoners,
       to carry out an effective protest in prison. When ordered to
       take off their own clothes and to put on prison clothes they
       intended to refuse to do so, and standing all together they
       would refuse to be put into cells of the second division. If
       put into their cells by force and undressed, they would refuse
       in the morning to get up and dress excepting into their own
       clothes. They also informed members of the union that they
       would refuse to obey the rule of silence, but would talk to
       one another whenever they liked and would sing aloud during
       retention.

       "In making this protest the women claim that they are fighting
       for the preservation of the rights of political prisoners,
       which were not denied even in the Bastille."

       Miss Dunlop’s heroic protest, by refusing prison food, was
       taken up at once and repeated by numbers of her imprisoned
       sisters; until the prison authorities met it by forcibly
       administering food, in the manner of treatment applied
       sometimes to desperate convicts or to the insane; and this, of
       course, is more than repugnant and distressing to the feeling
       of everybody. The whole unexampled situation is repugnant and
       distressing, however it may be viewed. The cause involved is
       so pitifully stripped of its dignity, simply for the reason
       that the sex whose cause it is has nothing in body or mind to
       qualify it for effectual rioting. A mob of men can invest its
       mischievous doings with the impressiveness of terror, which
       crushes laughter and contempt. A mob of such women as the
       champion suffragists are cannot do so, and the riot they
       attempt is but a travesty, which challenges jeers, and sadly
       smirches the after heroism of the self-starved rioters in
       their prison cells. The difference between a political
       insurrection of men and the insurgency of Mrs. Pankhurst and
       her followers is the difference between a menace that alarms
       and a nuisance that annoys and provokes. With what effect the
       cause of woman suffrage has been made a public nuisance in
       England remains to be seen. The advantage to it is dubious, to
       say the least. On this point Mr. Winston Churchill, President
       of the Board of Trade, spoke his mind plainly to a deputation
       of suffragettes who called on him at Dundee on the 18th of
       last October. He said:

       "I saw the beginning of what you call the militant tactics.
       They broke out in my late constituency, North-West Manchester,
       and during the four years that have passed I have fought three
       by-elections, and have made a great many speeches about the
       country. So, I suppose, I have come very nearly as much in
       contact with them as any other Cabinet Minister. … You have
       come to me in a deputation, and I am bound to give you my
       candid and truthful opinion that your cause is in a worse
       position now than it was four years ago. I do not mean by that
       that anything has been done which will prevent the ultimate
       success of the movement. I do not think that is so, but I am
       quite sure that, while these tactics of silly disorder and
       petty violence continue, there is not the slightest chance of
       any Government that will be called into power, or of any House
       of Commons which is likely to be elected, giving you the
       reform which you seek. That is my honest, unprejudiced view."

    {227}

       The National Union of Women Suffrage Societies, of which Mrs.
       Henry Fawcett is President, represents a large body of women
       claimants of the suffrage who distinctly disapprove of and
       disclaim responsibility for the proceedings of their militant
       allies. In a statement which this National Union communicated
       to the Prime Minister on the 2d of October, 1909, they set
       forth the following facts in evidence of the strength of the
       popular support given to their claims: Since the beginning of
       1908 the National Union had taken part in 31 by-elections in
       Great Britain. "These have been contested by 69 candidates, of
       whom 26 were Liberals, 32 Unionists, and 11 Labour, Socialist,
       or Independent. Of these 69 candidates, only nine declared
       themselves opponents of woman suffrage. The rest in varying
       degrees accepted the principle of the enfranchisement of
       women. A few merely stated that they were not hostile, but the
       overwhelming majority frankly accepted it, some even pledging
       themselves to oppose any further extension of the franchise to
       men so long as it was withheld from women."

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: Finland:
       The great victory of 1906.

       "The great victory for woman suffrage in 1906 was won in
       Finland, where women were enfranchised on exactly the same
       terms as men, and made eligible to all offices, including
       seats in Parliament. This gives the vote at once to about
       300,000 women. Preceding and during the revolution, in the
       attempt to throw off the Russian yoke, the women shared with
       the men the work, the hardships and the dangers; and, when the
       triumph came, there was not a thought on the part of men of
       excluding women from any portion of the rewards, the most
       important of which was the suffrage. But they themselves had
       long been preparing the ground. The Finnish Women’s
       Association to work for equal rights was founded in 1884 by
       Baroness Alexandra Gripenberg and never ceased its efforts. In
       1892 the Woman’s Alliance Union was organized, more democratic
       and aggressive in its character. … After the vast national
       strike in the autumn of 1905, while a body of leading men were
       drawing up a Declaration of Rights to be presented to the
       Tsar, Dr. (Miss) Tekla Hulsin, a member of the National Bureau
       of Statistics, made an eloquent plea in behalf of the women,
       and they were included in its demand for universal suffrage. …
       The Tsar signed it in November, giving his consent to the
       proposed reforms. Immediately the women set to work,
       lecturing, organizing, getting up petitions, and finally held
       another huge mass-meeting in Helsingfors, demanding that the
       Diet carry out this measure. All of the political parties put
       it in their platforms. On May 28th, 1906, the Diet with only
       one dissenting vote passed the bill giving the suffrage to all
       men and women twenty-four years old. This was signed by the
       Tsar on July 20th."

          Ida H. Harper,
          Woman Suffrage Throughout The World
          (North American Review, September, 1907).

       Dr. Tekla Hulsin, referred to above, now a woman member of the
       Finnish Diet, speaking at a suffragist meeting in London, in
       September, 1909, gave the following account of the action of
       the women members of that body:

       "The granting of woman suffrage had caused no change in the
       strength of the respective political parties. Every citizen in
       Finland who was entitled to vote was also eligible for
       membership of the Diet. There had been no rivalry between the
       men and women candidates; they recognized that they were there
       for common ends. The women members of the Diet had followed
       their parties on party questions, but had joined on women’s
       questions for humanitarian ends. They had presented petitions
       for the raising of the marriageable age from 15 to 17, the
       exemption of women from their husband’s guardianship, the
       reception of Government employment on the same grounds as men,
       and on the subject of the prevention of cruelty to children
       and animals. These had all been accepted by the Diet."

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
       International Council of Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
       International Woman Suffrage Alliance.

       "Since the Conference held at Copenhagen in August of 1906,
       which closed with thirteen countries in membership, the
       Alliance has been growing till its influence is felt as far as
       South Africa. On the first day of the Conference, held in
       Amsterdam June 15, 1907, there was presented an application
       from the Woman Suffrage Associations of Natal and Cape Colony
       for auxiliaryship in the Alliance. … The second request for
       auxiliaryship was presented by Switzerland, which had formed a
       National committee of seven Cantonal Associations. … The third
       new member, and the last one to enter the Alliance, was the
       National Bulgarian Alliance for Women’s Rights. This body is
       composed of thirty local societies working in different lines,
       and is somewhat like our Federation of Women’s Clubs here, or
       a National Council of Women. … The full membership roll of the
       Alliance now includes Australia, Bulgaria, Canada, Denmark,
       Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, the
       Netherlands, Norway, Russia, Sweden, United States, South
       Africa and Switzerland. Perhaps the most important new
       departure at Amsterdam was the fact that official
       representatives were sent to that meeting by the Australian
       Federation, Norway and the State of Utah. Those coming from
       Australia and Norway were not only delegated by the Government
       but their expenses were borne by the National Treasury, and
       they were sent as students of the whole question as
       represented internationally by the Alliance, and expected to
       report upon it to their respective governments. … Fraternal
       delegates came to the Alliance from the International Council
       of Women, and from the National Councils of Belgium, Denmark,
       France, Germany, Great Britain, the Netherlands, New Zealand,
       Norway and Sweden; and in addition to these fraternal
       delegates were sent by seventeen associations from the
       countries already mentioned and Scotland in addition; making
       in all twenty-one countries represented either by regular
       delegates or by fraternal delegates at the Amsterdam
       conference."

          Proceedings of the 40th Annual Convention of the
          National American Woman Suffrage Association, at Buffalo,
          New York, October, 1908.

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: New Zealand:
       Its working in that country.

       Sir Joseph George Ward, Prime Minister of New Zealand,
       returning home from England in August, 1908, passed through
       the United States, and was questioned in New York about the
       working of woman suffrage in his country, where women have
       been voters for the last sixteen years. He declared his
       conviction that New Zealand had found it to be one of the most
       far-sighted policies ever put into effect, for the ballot in
       the hands of women had exercised a great influence for the
       general good. "A stranger coming to New Zealand," he said,
       "would not recognize any difference between our institutions
       and those here, so far as the right of women to vote is
       concerned. He would see no women politicians, no campaign
       orators of the other sex, no disturbances such as are so often
       pictured as one of the attendant ills of woman’s suffrage.

    {228}

       "Under our laws women cannot stand for Parliament, nor hold
       any other office. They do not mix it up in a campaign. You
       never hear of them in this way during an election. They attend
       public meetings, they are present at all of the public
       ceremonies, and are unusually well-informed upon all public
       questions. When they vote they vote intelligently, and any
       woman over twenty-one years of age and a citizen of the
       country can vote. Her right to vote does not, as many imagine,
       cause family dissensions, nor family wrangles such as
       cartoonists picture. There are no more differences over
       politics in New Zealand families than there are over domestic
       problems in the United States. The ballot in the hands of the
       women, so far as I have observed, means only the healthy
       influence of the home injected into politics. Our law
       prohibits the solicitation of votes on election day; the
       placarding of streets and houses, the use of vehicles to carry
       voters, the exerting of any influence to obtain a vote. A wife
       may accompany her husband to the polls, to the door of the
       booth, but no further. The laws absolutely protect the privacy
       of the ballot.

       "In New Zealand the granting of the privilege of voting to
       women did not result in the levelling of the wage scale, or
       the competition between men and women in labor. In comparison
       with other countries the proportion of wage-earning women in
       New Zealand is small. She has her place to fill in the home,
       and there are no truer and more devoted mothers of families in
       the world. I believe that her influence upon man is all the
       greater and better by reason of her suffrage. She recognizes
       the position of man as the head of the household, and he is,
       generally speaking, always the wage-earner, and I firmly
       believe that if women could under our laws be elected to
       office and have a part in the making of laws, they would not
       seek legislation that would tend to further advance themselves
       and limit the activity of the men.

       "Women’s suffrage has surely resulted in the raising of the
       standard of education in our country. The class of ignorant
       people is very small, and growing smaller and smaller with
       each succeeding generation. … The country has not been without
       its political and labor demagogues, but the conservative
       judgment of the voters has always prevailed in the end. Graft
       is something unknown in New Zealand."

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE:
       The Increasing Vote of Women at local option polls and
       in general elections.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: NEW ZEALAND.

       ----------ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: End--------

    ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

          See, (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    ELECTRICITY.

          See (in this Volume and in Volume VI.)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

    ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY.

    ELECTRONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

    ELEVATOR COMBINATION, Dissolution of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    ELGIN, The Earl of:
       Secretary of State for the Colonies (British).

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ELGIN, The Earl of:
       Presiding at Imperial Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    ELIOT, Charles W.:
       Retirement from Presidency of Harvard University.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    ELKINS, Anti-Rebate Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (February).

    ELKINS CLAUSE, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

    EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

    EMERY CLAIM, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909: NICARAGUA.

    EMIGRATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION; also
          RACE PROBLEMS.

    EMPIRE DAY.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY).

    EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION.

    ENCYCLICALS.

          See Papacy.

    ENDJUMEN FUTUVAT, The:
       An anti-parliamentary party.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1906-1907.

       ----------ENGLAND: Start--------

       [Footnote: For convenience of use in the many references to
       this heading throughout the Volume, the name of England is
       made to stand for The United Kingdom of Great Britain and
       Ireland,—a stretch of meaning which seems often permissible.]

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.
       Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901.
       Census of the British Empire compiled.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    {229}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901.
       Census of England and Wales, and of the United Kingdom.
       Population.
       Relative numbers of males and females.
       Agricultural industry.
       Extent of various uses of the soil.
       The different kinds of areas.

       The eleventh Census of the population of England and Wales was
       taken April 1st, 1901, "ascertaining the required information
       relating to the persons returned as living at midnight on
       Sunday, March 31st." The number enumerated in England and
       Wales, as finally revised at the Census Office, was
       35,527,843; showing an increase of 3,525,318, or a decennial
       rate of increase of 12.17 percent, upon the number returned at
       the preceding enumeration in April, 1891. Of the persons
       enumerated in England and Wales in 1901, 15,728,613 were males
       and 16,799,230 were females, the latter exceeding the former
       by 1,070,617. This, however, does not represent the relative
       numbers of the two sexes that belong to the population
       of the country; "for there are always men temporarily absent
       abroad as soldiers or seamen or for business purposes"; while,
       on the other hand, "the enumerated population temporarily
       includes some soldiers and sailors who were born in Scotland
       and Ireland, as well as foreign sailors and business
       representatives." Making reckonings for these, "the population
       belonging to England and Wales at the date of the
       Census may be estimated at 32,805,040 persons, of whom
       16,005,810 were males, and 16,799,230 were females." During
       the ten years prior to 1901 the recorded male births in
       England exceeded the female births by 160,987, while the
       recorded deaths of males exceeded the deaths of females by
       155,363. This would have about evened their numbers in the
       population of 1901; hence the existing excess of females is
       due, in the main, to the more extensive emigration or
       temporary absence of males.

       Of the population of England and Wales less than 4 per cent.
       was born outside of those two divisions of the United Kingdom;
       not quite 1 per cent. was born in Scotland; a little more than
       1.3 per cent. was born in Ireland; a trifle more than 1 per
       cent. in foreign countries, and an insignificant fraction in
       British colonies and dependencies. England, it will be seen,
       is troubled very slightly with problems arising from a mixed
       population.

       The Census of Scotland and Ireland, taken simultaneously with
       that of England and Wales, gave the former a population of
       4,472,103, and the latter 4,458,775. Scotland had gained
       46,456 since 1891; Ireland had lost in the same period
       245,975. In the sixty years since 1841 Ireland had lost more
       than 3,700,000. The total of population in the United Kingdom,
       at midnight, March 31, 1901, was found to be 41,458,721; and
       the females exceeded the males in number by 1,253,905. The
       excess was least in Ireland.

       Judged by the numbers engaged therein, the Agricultural
       Industry is still the most important in the United Kingdom;
       but, since 1881, it had been reduced from 2,362,331 males to
       2,109,812 in 1901. The decline was far less in Ireland than in
       England, Scotland, or Wales. In England and Wales, the whole
       area of land, amounting to 37,129,162 acres, or 58,014 square
       miles, is divided by the census report into areas as follows:

                                                      Acres.
       Corn Crops                                   5,886,052

       Green Crops                                  2,511,744

       Clover and grasses under rotation            3,262,926

       Flax, Hops, Small Fruit                        120,683

       Bare Fallow                                    336,884

       Permanent Pasture or Grass                  15,399,025

       Mountain and Heath Land used for Grazing     3,556,636

       Woods, Plantations, Nursery Grounds,
       Houses, Streets, Roads, Railways,
       Waste Grounds, &c.                           6,055,212

       Total Land Area of England and Wales.       37,129,162

       The enumeration of "different kinds of areas," in England and
       Wales, as set forth in the Census report, is interesting in
       some particulars—such as these:
           54 Ancient Counties;
           62 Administrative Counties;
          468 Parliamentary Areas;
            2 Ecclesiastical Provinces;
           35 Ecclesiastical Dioceses;
       14,080 Ecclesiastical Parishes;
       14,900 Civil Parishes;
           67 County Boroughs;
           28 Metropolitan Boroughs with their Wards;
           54 County Court Circuits;
          500 County Court Districts;
         1122 Urban Districts
              (including 316 County or Municipal Boroughs) with the
              Wards of those which are so subdivided;
          664 Rural Districts.

          Census of England and Wales, 1901.
          General Report.
          (Parliamentary Papers, 1904, Cd. 2174.)

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).
       An addition to the Titles of the King.

       The following is part of the proclamation of an addition to
       the titles of the King which was made on the 4th of November,
       1901:

       "Whereas an act was passed in the last session of Parliament,
       entitled ‘An act to enable His Most Gracious Majesty to make
       an addition to the royal style and titles in recognition of
       His Majesty’s dominions beyond the seas,’ which act enacts
       that it shall be lawful for us, with a view to such
       recognition as aforesaid of our dominions beyond the seas, by
       our royal proclamation under the great seal of the United
       Kingdom issued within six months after the passing of the said
       act, to make such addition to the style and titles at present
       appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United Kingdom and
       its dependencies as to us may seem fit; and

       "Whereas our present style and titles are, in the Latin
       tongue, ‘Edwardus VII Dei Gratia Britanniarum Rex, Fidei
       Defensor, Indiæ Imperator,’ and in the English tongue, ‘Edward
       VII, by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of Great
       Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of
       India,’ we have thought fit, by and with the advice of our
       privy council, to appoint and declare, and we do hereby, by
       and with the said advice, appoint and declare that henceforth,
       so far as conveniently may be, on all occasions and in all
       instruments wherein our style and titles are used, the
       following addition shall be made to the style and titles at
       present appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the United
       Kingdom and its dependencies—that is to say, in the Latin
       tongue, after the word ‘Britanniarum,’ these words, ‘et
       terrarum transmarinarum quœ inditione sunt Britannicâ’; and in
       the English tongue, after the words ‘of the United Kingdom of
       Great Britain and Ireland,’ these words, 'and of the British
       Dominions beyond the Seas.’"

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.
       The last year of the Boer-British War.
       Peace preliminaries.
       Text of the Treaty concluded.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901-1902 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).
       Treaty with the United States to facilitate the construction
       of a Ship Canal between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans.

          See PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.
       Arbitration and mediation between the Argentine Republic and
       Chile.

          See (in this Volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JANUARY).
       Agreement in the nature of a Defensive Alliance with Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

    {230}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).
       Wei-hai-wei found valueless.
       Fortification abandoned.

       The British public was unpleasantly surprised on the 11th of
       February, 1902, by an official announcement in Parliament that
       the fortifying of the port of Wei-hai-wei, on the Chinese
       coast (extorted from China in 1898 as an offset to the cession
       of Port Arthur to Russia, had been abandoned, for the reason
       that military and naval opinion agreed in concluding that the
       place had no strategic value.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          CHINA: A. D. 1898, MARCH-JULY).

       It would not be returned to China, however, having usefulness
       for experiments in naval gunnery, and as a sanitarium. The
       announcement drew much sarcasm on the Government.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (February).
       Opposed deliverances of Lord Rosebery and
       Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman on Irish Home Rule.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).
       Passage of the Education Act, in the interest of voluntary or
       church schools.
       "Passive Resistance" of Nonconformists.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (MAY).
       Treaty with Abyssinia.

          See ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JUNE-AUGUST).
       Illness and deferred Coronation of King Edward VII.

       While England was preparing, in the last half of June, 1902,
       for the great ceremony of the Coronation of King Edward VII.,
       appointed to take place on the 26th, disquieting accounts of
       his Majesty’s health began to appear. Some exposure at
       Aldershot, during military reviews, had brought on a chill, it
       was said; and though it was made light of in the reports,
       there was anxiety abroad. The King and Queen came to London
       from Windsor on the 23d, and all seemed to promise well. That
       evening he attended a State banquet; but a little before noon
       the next morning the nation received a dreadful shock from the
       announcement: "The King is suffering from perityphlitis [more
       familiarly known as appendicitis]. The condition on Saturday
       was so satisfactory that it was hoped that, with care, his
       Majesty would be able to go through the Coronation ceremonies.
       On Monday evening a recrudescence became manifest, rendering a
       surgical operation necessary to-day." A serious disappointment
       as well as a grave anxiety was produced. Preparations for the
       pageant and the solemnities of the Coronation had been made on
       a splendid scale. London was crowded with visitors from all
       parts of the world, and specially decorated as never before.
       The sudden descent of grief and fear and gloom on the gayeties
       of the scene was a transformation which London and England can
       never forget.

       Within three hours from the first startling report the success
       of the operation was made known. The King had borne it well
       and was in a satisfactory state. From that time on there were
       none but good reports. On the 5th of July he was declared to
       be out of danger. On the 15th he was removed to the royal
       yacht Victoria and Albert and taken to Cowes. At the
       end of seven weeks he had recovered so fully as to be able to
       bear the fatigues and the strain of a trying ceremony, and the
       King and Queen were crowned in Westminster Abbey on the 9th of
       August, with somewhat less of magnificent public show than had
       been prepared for the 26th of June, but nevertheless with
       regal pomp.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (June-August).
       Conference with the Prime Ministers of the Self-Governing
       Colonies.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (July).
       Resignation of Lord Salisbury.
       Mr. Balfour’s succession to the Premiership.
       The new Ministry.

       Failing health compelled the Marquis of Salisbury to ask, on
       the 11th of July, for relief from the cares of the office of
       Prime Minister. His resignation was accepted, and Mr. Arthur
       J. Balfour, First Lord of the Treasury in Lord Salisbury’s
       Ministry, was invited by the King to the vacant place. Some
       changes in the Cabinet followed, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach
       retiring from the Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and being
       succeeded by Mr. C. T. Ritchie; Mr. A. Akers-Douglas entering
       the Cabinet as Home Secretary; Mr. G. Wyndham continuing in
       the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland, but coming into the
       Cabinet; Mr. Austen Chamberlain, son of the Right Honorable
       Joseph Chamberlain, also receiving a Cabinet seat as
       Postmaster-General.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (August).
       Passage of Licensing Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (September).
       Arrangements of the Government with the Cunard Company and
       the International Mercantile Marine Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902-1904.
       Coercive proceedings against Venezuela concerted with Germany
       and Italy.
       Settlement of Claims secured.
       Reference to The Hague.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1902-1904.
       The Mission of Colonel Younghusband to Tibet.
       Its advance in force to Lhasa.
       The Treaty secured.

          See (in this Volume)
          TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903.
       Passage of the Land Purchase Act for Ireland.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903.
       Declines to be a party to the building of the Bagdad Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS; TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (March).
       Debate in Parliament on the South African Labor Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (March).
       Passage of the Employment of Children Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (June).
       The Celebration of Empire Day.

       A Canadian custom of celebrating Queen Victoria’s birthday,
       June 24, as Empire Day, was taken up in Great Britain in 1903,
       and "the movement," says the London Times, "has spread
       with striking rapidity." The day is made especially
       interesting in the schools, where the morning of the day is
       given to addresses on citizenship and the Empire and to the
       singing of patriotic songs, while the afternoon is a
       half-holiday.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (May-September).
       Mr. Chamberlain’s declaration for Preferential Trade with
       the British Colonies.
       The political commotion excited.
       Mr. Balfour’s puzzling attitude on the questions raised.
       It is made clear by the correspondence when Mr. Chamberlain
       resigns.
       The latter’s propagandism.

       In June, 1902, when, as Secretary of State for the Colonies,
       Mr. Joseph Chamberlain addressed the Conference of Prime
       Ministers from the self-governing British Colonies, his mind
       was manifestly not prepared to accept as a practicable
       proposition their request that the United Kingdom would grant
       "preferential treatment to the products and manufactures of
       the Colonies."

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902)

    {231}

       "Preferential treatment" meant an Imperial protective-tariff
       policy, with discrimination of duties in favor of imports from
       British colonies. As the products of the colonies were mostly
       food stuffs and raw materials for manufacture, it meant a
       taxing of the supplies of these to British tables and British
       industries from every source outside the colonies. It meant an
       artificial higher pricing in the market of the British Isles
       for everything in which cost bears hardest on the livelihood
       and the living of their people. Mr. Chamberlain, in 1902, was
       waxing ardent in the high mission he had undertaken, of
       unifying and consolidating the great British Empire,
       strengthening the ties of family between Mother England and
       her scattered brood; but he had not yet been persuaded that
       the mother could afford to expend quite so much as this of her
       own well-being on premiums for the allegiance of her
       offspring.

       In the course of the next year, however, the Colonial
       Secretary spent some weeks in South Africa, and seems to have
       been remarkably intensified in his imperializing aims by what
       he saw and learned. He came home filled with the conviction
       that England must, for the sake of a really unified and
       incorporated Empire, abandon the free opening of her markets,
       which gave her people the cheapest food and the cheapest
       materials for labor that the world at large could furnish, and
       must wall them and gate them, with differing keys to the
       locks, so that her own colonists might be given the
       "preferential" admission they claim. If he had arrived at that
       conviction before going to South Africa he had made no sign of
       it; but it was proclaimed soon after his return, in a speech
       to his constituents at Birmingham, on the 15th of May, which
       shook England as no sudden development in politics had done
       for many years. The time had come, he declared, when the
       country must decide for or against a deliberate policy of
       Imperial unification, which required it to reciprocate the
       preferential tariffs which the colonies had adopted or were
       offering to adopt. Canada had given Great Britain a preference
       in her tariff, first of 25 per cent., afterwards increased to
       33 1/3 per cent., and was ready to go farther if the British
       Government would reciprocate, in allowing a drawback on the
       shilling corn duty (a duty which had been levied for a year
       past, and was about to be removed). At the Colonial Conference
       of the previous year the representatives of Australia and New
       Zealand had expressed readiness to act on the same line. A
       recent conference of the British colonies in South Africa had
       recommended the Legislatures of those colonies to give the
       Mother Country a similar preference on all dutiable goods of
       25 per cent. Whether this policy of the colonies should be
       developed in the future or withdrawn depended now on the
       treatment given to it by the people of Great Britain.

       "The people of the Empire," continued Mr. Chamberlain, "have
       two alternatives before them. They may maintain if they like
       in all its severity the interpretation—in my mind an entirely
       artificial and wrong interpretation—which has been placed on
       the doctrines of Free Trade by a small remnant of the Little
       Englanders, of the Manchester school, who now profess to be
       the sole repositories of the doctrines of Mr. Cobden and Mr.
       Bright. They may maintain that policy in all its severity,
       though it is repudiated by every other nation and by all your
       own Colonies. In that case they will be absolutely precluded
       either from giving any kind of preference or favour to any of
       their Colonies abroad, or even protecting their Colonies
       abroad when they offer to favour us. That is the first
       alternative. The second alternative is that we should insist
       that we will not be bound by any purely technical definition
       of Free Trade, that, while we seek as one chief object free
       interchange of trade and commerce between ourselves and all
       the nations of the world, we will, nevertheless, recover our
       freedom, resume that power of negotiation and, if necessary,
       retaliation whenever our own interests or our relation between
       our Colonies and ourselves are threatened by other people.

       "I leave the matter," said Mr. Chamberlain, "in your hands. I
       desire that a discussion on this subject should be opened. The
       time has not yet come to settle it, but it seems to me that
       for good or for evil this is an issue much greater in its
       consequences than any of our local disputes. Make a mistake in
       legislation. Yet it can be corrected. Make a mistake in your
       Imperial policy. It is irretrievable. You have an opportunity;
       you will never have it again."

       Naturally this speech, from a Minister of the Crown, as
       important and influential in the Government and in his party
       as Mr. Chamberlain, caused an immense political commotion. It
       had suddenly injected a new issue into the politics of the
       United Kingdom, involving some reconstruction of the party in
       possession of power, and a fundamental readjustment of
       principles in some part of it, more or less, according to the
       following that Mr. Chamberlain secured. Would he leave the
       Ministry or the Ministry leave him?—was the question of the
       hour. It remained unanswered for three months or more, while
       controversy over the propositions of Mr. Chamberlain raged and
       the situation became more puzzling every day. Meantime the
       head of the Government, Mr. Balfour, was acting like a
       faithful adherent to the English principle of freedom in
       trade, by advocating a repeal of the incongruous corn duty
       levied the year before, but speaking, at the same time, like a
       man of open mind on the question of preferential trade,
       treating it as one that demanded careful thought. "If foreign
       countries," he said, "should take the view that our
       self-governing colonies could be treated as separate nations
       we must resist their policy by fiscal retaliation. There must
       be a weapon to our hands with which to meet those who might
       attempt to disintegrate the Empire by fiscal means. The
       question whether we should be justified in raising revenue
       with the object of drawing the different portions of the
       Empire more closely together was certainly well worth
       consideration."

       All that he said in these months conveyed the impression that
       he was in an undetermined, waiting state of mind on the
       question raised by Mr. Chamberlain, not yet convinced that his
       colleague should be supported in the new policy proposed, but
       quite likely to be. That, however, was not the attitude in
       which he could hold the two coalesced parties, Conservative
       and Liberal Union, that were behind him in the Government. The
       issue had instant activity there, dividing both. The Premier
       could suppress debate on it in Parliament, as he did, but
       everywhere else in the kingdom the rage of controversy
       gathered heat, and party lines on the side of the Government
       were rapidly confused. Two members of the Cabinet resigned,
       while Mr. Chamberlain kept his place in it until the 9th of
       September, when he addressed to Mr. Balfour a letter which
       offered his resignation, for reasons stated as follows:

    {232}

       "Owing to admitted differences of opinion in the Unionist
       party the political organisations of the party were paralysed
       and our opponents have had full possession of the field. … I
       recognise that serious prejudice has been created, and that,
       while the people generally are alive to the danger of
       unrestricted competition on the part of those foreign
       countries that close their markets to us while finding in our
       market an outlet for their surplus production, they have not
       yet appreciated the importance to our trade of Colonial
       markets, nor the danger of losing them if we do not meet in
       some way their natural and patriotic desire for preferential
       trade.

       "The result is that, for the present at any rate, a
       preferential agreement with our Colonies involving any new
       duty, however small, on articles of food hitherto untaxed is,
       even if accompanied by a reduction of taxation on other
       articles of food of equally universal consumption,
       unacceptable to the majority in the constituencies. …

       "I suggest that you should limit the present policy of the
       Government to the assertion of our freedom in the case of all
       commercial relations with foreign countries, and that you
       should agree to my tendering my resignation of my present
       office to his Majesty and devoting myself to the work of
       explaining and popularising those principles of Imperial union
       which my experience has convinced me are essential to our
       future welfare and prosperity."

       Mr. Balfour’s reply to this, when published, disclosed the
       fact that he was wholly in agreement with Mr. Chamberlain, and
       that they were now parting company in order to pursue a common
       purpose more effectually on different lines. Both saw that
       England was not to be drawn easily away from its fundamental
       belief in freedom of trade; that what they had undertaken
       would require much persuasive labor and considerable time, if
       accomplished at all; wherefore Mr. Chamberlain accepted an
       assignment to the missionary field of the imperialist cause,
       while Mr. Balfour would continue his endeavor to hold a party
       in waiting for the fruits of the mission, and in possession of
       the government as long as circumstances might permit. The
       programme was disclosed frankly in the two letters. In that of
       Mr. Balfour he said:

       "Agreeing as I do with you that the time has come when a
       change should be made in the fiscal canons by which we have
       bound ourselves in our commercial dealings with other
       Governments, it seems paradoxical, indeed, that you should
       leave the Cabinet at the time that others of my colleagues are
       leaving it who disagree on that very point with us both. Yet I
       can not but admit, however reluctantly, that there is some
       force in the arguments with which you support that course,
       based as they are upon your special and personal relation to
       that portion of the controversy which deals with Colonial
       preference. You have done more than any man, living or dead,
       to bring home to the citizens of the Empire the consciousness
       of Imperial obligation, and the interdependence between the
       various fragments into which the Empire is geographically
       divided. I believe you to be right in holding that this
       interdependence should find expression in our commercial
       relations as well as in our political and military relations.
       I believe with you that closer fiscal union between the Mother
       Country and her Colonies would be good for the trade of both,
       and that, if much closer union could be established on fitting
       terms, its advantage to both parties would increase as the
       years went on and as the Colonies grew in wealth and
       population.

       "If there ever has been any difference between us in
       connection with this matter it has only been with regard to
       the practicability of a proposal which would seem to require,
       on the part of the Colonies, a limitation in the all-round
       development of a protective policy, and on the part of this
       country the establishment of a preference in favour of
       important Colonial products. On the first of these
       requirements I say nothing, but if the second involves, as it
       almost certainly does, taxation, however light, upon food
       stuffs, I am convinced with you that public opinion is not yet
       ripe for such an arrangement. …

       "I feel, however, deeply concerned that you should regard this
       conclusion, however well founded, as one which makes it
       difficult for you, in your very special circumstances, to
       remain a member of the Government. Yet I do not venture, in a
       matter so strictly personal, to raise any objection.

       "If you think you can best serve the interests of Imperial
       unity, for which you have done so much, by pressing your views
       on Colonial preference with the freedom which is possible in
       an independent position, but is hardly compatible with office,
       how can I criticise your determination? The loss to the
       Government is great, but the gain to the cause you have at
       heart may be greater still. If so, what can I do but
       acquiesce?"

       So Mr. Chamberlain left the Cabinet, with Mr. Balfour’s
       blessing and God-speed, and went out to preach the gospel of
       commercial imperialism, under the more carefully chosen name
       of "fiscal reform." His co-laborer, who stayed at the helm of
       State, was so favored by circumstances as to hold it for
       somewhat more than another year. But the propagandism made no
       satisfying progress in that year; it seems doubtful, indeed,
       if Mr. Chamberlain won as many disciples as he lost from his
       first following.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (August).
       Employment of Children Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (August).
       Communication to the Powers that were parties to the Berlin
       Act of 1884-1885, asking their attention to the Administration
       of the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1903-1905.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (October).
       Settlement of the Alaska boundary question.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Canadian measures to establish British sovereignty over land
       and sea of Hudson Bay region.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.
       Arbitration of boundary dispute between British Guiana
       and Brazil.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.
       Her rivals in the Persian Gulf.

          See PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

    {233}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (April).
       The agreements of the Entente Cordiale with France.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (April-August).
       Agitation over the Licensing Bill, which passed Parliament
       after much bitter debate.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (July).
       The question of Church Attendance in school hours.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1904.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1904 (October).
       The Dogger Bank incident of the voyage of the
       Russian Baltic Fleet.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
       The Esher Army Commission and its Report.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
       Reopened controversy with the United States over Newfoundland
       Fisheries questions.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
       Action with other Powers in forcing financial reforms in
       Macedonia on Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.
       Unemployed Workmen Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (March).
       Partially Representative Legislative Assembly created in
       the Transvaal.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (April).
       Order relating to Underfed School Children.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (April).
       Treaty with Nicaragua concerning the Mosquito Territory.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA: A. D. 1905.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (June).
       Change in the office of Speaker of the House of Commons.

       After a service of more than ten years in the speaker’s chair
       of the House of Commons, Mr. W. C. Gully resigned, on account
       of failing health, and the Deputy Speaker, Mr. J. W. Lowther,
       was chosen in his place, with no dissent. Subsequently, Mr.
       Gully was raised to the peerage and received an annual grant
       of £5000 for life.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (June).
       Frauds in the sale of surplus army stores in South Africa.

       An exciting scandal, connected with the sale of surplus army
       stores, in South Africa, after the closing of the Boer War,
       came to light in June. It was found that stores had been sold
       to certain contractors at very low prices, and then
       repurchased at high figures under new contracts entered into
       with the same contractors. Several army officers, including
       two colonels, were implicated in what the investigating
       committee described mildly as "a cleverly arranged
       contrivance."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (August).
       New Defensive Agreement with Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (August).
       Resignation of the Viceroyalty of India by Lord Curzon.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Resignation of the Balfour Ministry.
       The Liberal Party in power.
       Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman Prime Minister.
       His Cabinet.
       His attitude toward Ireland.
       Strength of the Labor Party in Parliament.
       Its representative in the Cabinet.

       The Education Act of 1902, the apostasy of Mr. Chamberlain and
       his Conservative Unionist followers from British Free Trade
       principles, proclaimed in 1903, and the Licensing Act of 1904,
       had each, in turn, been productive of bitter disagreements and
       ruptures which rapidly lowered the strength of the party in
       power. It had been in control of the Government since 1895,
       when its opposition to Irish Home Rule was endorsed by a large
       majority. The next election, in 1900, during the war in South
       Africa, reinforced its Parliamentary support, and it could
       count, during the two years following, on more than 400 votes
       in the House of Commons, against about 268. After that period
       its Parliamentary majority in the popular chamber ran down,
       until, in the later months of 1905, it was no more than 75 or
       76. This would have been an ample majority if it had
       represented an equivalent preponderance of public support,
       which, manifestly, it did not. For three years the
       "by-elections,"—that is, the special elections ordered for
       filling vacancies in the House as they occurred,—had been
       going steadily against the Government, and nobody doubted that
       a general election would throw it out. It was challenged again
       and again to give the country an opportunity to express its
       feeling in the matter, by a dissolution of Parliament, without
       waiting for any nearer approach to the end of the term. This
       it would not do; but, on the 4th of December, 1905, the
       Premier, Mr. Balfour, surprised the country, and likewise his
       own Cabinet, it was said, by placing his resignation in the
       hands of the King.

       This proceeding was regarded as an artful manoeuvre in
       politics, for the embarrassment of the opposition. As
       explained at the time by a journalist who wrote of it on the
       side of the latter,—"The Liberals naturally desired that the
       country should have an opportunity of going to the polls on
       the clear issue raised by the record of ten years of Tory
       administration. They regarded Mr. Balfour and his party as
       being in the dock, and before they took office they wished to
       have the verdict of the country returned by the votes of the
       electors. But this, for equally obvious reasons, Mr. Balfour
       wished to avoid. By resigning now, he compelled his opponents
       to undertake the task, first of forming a new administration,
       with all the risks which it involves of personal slight and
       sectional differences, and, secondly, of facing the risk of
       any untoward incident arising in the next few weeks which
       might be used against the new-born government. It also would
       enable them to obscure to a certain extent the real issue
       before the country. Instead of simply voting for or against
       Mr. Balfour and his administration, they would be asked to
       express their opinion upon a new ministry, which had not had
       any opportunity of giving the country a taste of its quality.
       But as Mr. Balfour could not be compelled to stay in when he
       had made up his mind to go out, and as it was such a relief to
       get rid of him on any terms, the Liberals consented to face
       the disadvantages of taking office before the dissolution."

    {234}

       Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was invited by the King to form a
       Ministry, and accepted the Commission. The organization of his
       Cabinet was completed within the week following Mr. Balfour’s
       resignation, and it took office at once. Parliament was
       dissolved on the 8th of January, 1906, and a new Parliament
       was summoned to meet on February 13th. Elections began on the
       12th of January and were finished for the most part by the
       19th. In their total result, they returned 375 Liberals to the
       House of Commons, 55 Labor representatives, who would act on
       most questions with the Liberals, and 83 Irish Nationalists,
       whose attitude towards the new Ministry would depend upon its
       attitude on Irish questions, and seemed more likely to be
       friendly than otherwise. Against this array on the side of Sir
       Henry and his colleagues, of pledged partisans and conditional
       allies, the Conservative Unionists had Secured an Opposition
       in the House that numbered only 157. The political overturn
       was one of the most remarkable that the United Kingdom has
       ever known.

       The Cabinet as formed when Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman took
       office was made up as follows:

          Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury,
          Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.

          Lord Chancellor, Sir Robert T. Reid.

          Chancellor of the Exchequer,
          Herbert H. Asquith.

          Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs,
          Sir Edward Grey.

          Secretary of State for the Colonies,
          the Earl of Elgin.

          Secretary of State for War,
          Richard B. Haldane.

          Secretary of State for Home Affairs,
          Herbert J. Gladstone.

          Secretary of State for India,
          John Morley.

          First Lord of the Admiralty,
          Lord Tweedmouth.

          President of the Board of Trade,
          David Lloyd-George.

          President of the Local Government Board,
          John Burns.

          Chief Secretary for Scotland,
          John Sinclair.

          President of the Board of Agriculture,
          Earl Carrington.

          Postmaster-General,
          Sydney C. Buxton.

          Chief Secretary for Ireland,
          James Bryce.

          Lord President of the Council,
          the Earl of Crewe.

          Lord of the Privy Seal,
          the Marquis of Ripon.

          President of the Board of Education,
          Augustine Birrell.

          Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster,
          Sir Henry H. Fowler.

       The following were not members of the cabinet, but formed part
       of the administration:

          Lord Lieutenant of Ireland,
          the Earl of Aberdeen.

          Under Secretary for the Colonies,
          Winston L. Churchill.

          First Commissioner of Works,
          Louis Vernon-Harcourt.

          Attorney-General,
          John Lawson Walton.

          Solicitor-General,
          William S. Robson.

       That Lord Rosebery had no place in the new Liberal
       administration was due to his wide disagreement with most of
       the leaders of his party on the question of Home Rule for
       Ireland. When he succeeded Mr. Gladstone as Prime Minister, in
       1894, he quite distinctly discarded that line of Irish policy,
       and his antagonism to it had undergone no change.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895)

       On the other hand, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman had remained
       faithfully sympathetic with Mr. Gladstone’s idea of Ireland’s
       due from England, and had reannounced his standing on it in a
       recent speech. "My opinion," he said, "has long been known to
       you. It is that the only way of healing the evils of
       Ireland,—difficulties of her administration, of giving
       contentment and prosperity to her people, and of making her a
       strength instead of a weakness to the empire,—is that the
       Irish people should have the management of their own domestic
       affairs; and so far from this opinion fading and dwindling as
       the years pass, it is becoming stronger, and, what is more, I
       have more confidence in its realization. … If I were asked for
       advice by an ardent Nationalist, I would say my desire is to
       see the effective management of Irish affairs in the hands of
       a representative Irish party. … I trust that the opportunity
       of making a great advance on this question of Irish government
       will not long be delayed, and when that opportunity comes my
       firm belief is that a greater measure of agreement than
       hitherto as to the ultimate solution will be found possible,
       and that a keener appreciation will be felt of the benefits
       that will flow to the Irish communities and British people
       throughout the world, and that Ireland, from being
       disaffected, impoverished, and discouraged, will take its
       place as a strong, harmonious, and contented portion of the
       empire."

       That Sir Henry, maintaining this posture on the Irish question
       of questions, could be the accepted leader of the Liberal
       party and the Premier of Government, afforded clear evidence
       that the party, and the country which confided power to that
       party, were at least more nearly prepared to make the great
       concession to Ireland than they were to refuse it; but the
       question entered slightly into the parliamentary canvass,
       though the Conservative-Unionists strove hard to make it the
       dominant issue. The public mind was occupied so fully with the
       fiscal and educational controversies of the last three years
       that the motives in its voting came mostly from them. The
       mandates of the vote were understood to be especially for the
       amending of recent legislation on those subjects and on the
       terms of the licensing of the liquor trade. It was equally
       understood that Irish measures in the Gladstone spirit should
       be looked for, not hastily undertaken, but in due time.

       The fact of most impressive significance in the result of the
       parliamentary elections was the sudden weight that had been
       given in the House of Commons to the representation of Labor
       by laboring men. Since 1903 the Labor Party had emerged in
       British politics as a force to be taken into serious account.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906; 1903; and
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

       Of its 55 members in the new Parliament a considerable number
       had been elected by a combination of Liberal and Labor votes;
       but the same combination went as often to the increase of the
       Liberal representation. One large section of the Labor voters,
       organized under the name of the Independent Labor Party, stood
       aloof from such alliances entirely. It had been formed some
       years before, under the lead of Mr. Keir Hardie, a Scottish
       miner, with Socialistic beliefs, but opposed to the aims of
       the Marxian Socialists, and expecting nothing substantially
       beneficial to the working class from any political party. His
       mission was to create a Labor Party that would fight its own
       battles on its own ground. He made no great headway until the
       Taff Vale decision of 1902 roused the British Trade Unions to
       fight for their lives. That brought them into the ranks of the
       Independent Labor Party, and prepared it for the powerful
       showing it made in the elections of January, 1906, when it
       polled 303,000 votes, and elected 30 members who are free
       lances in the House. The remaining 25 Labor Members act with
       these on labor questions, but otherwise are to be reckoned as
       allies of the Liberal Party.

    {235}

       Foremost among these latter is Mr. John Burns, who represents
       the Labor Party not only in Parliament but in the Ministry of
       Government, being the first of his class to be called to a
       Cabinet seat. A London editor who wrote of him when he took
       that seat said:

       "He has been a working engineer, a strike leader, labor
       agitator, a London County Councilor for eighteen years, and
       member of Parliament for fourteen. He is a great leader who
       never had a party, but whose influence has been felt in every
       labor movement in England for the last twenty years. The labor
       and social policy of the London County Council has been
       largely inspired and directed by him. He has also molded labor
       legislation in Parliament. Mr. Burns has ‘scorned delights and
       lived laborious days’ for the sake of the workers. He is an
       avowed Socialist. He has never changed his principles, only
       modified his methods. He is a real Fabian, a skillful
       opportunist, a tireless worker, and a first-rate organizer.
       Since he became a Socialist who does things, he has been
       ostracized by the Socialists who only agitate. Mr. Burns is
       exercising great influence within the Cabinet, and is one of
       the men in the confidence and in the secrets of the Prime
       Minister, who seeks his advice in many matters outside Mr.
       Burns’s department."

       The same writer gave the following account of the many
       important duties and great responsibilities of the office
       filled by Mr. Burns, as the President of the Local Government
       Board, which supervises the administration of local government
       in all England and Wales:

       "As President of the Local Government Board, Mr. Burns has
       multifarious duties committed to his charge. He has to
       sanction local loans, supervise the finances of local
       authorities, hold inquiries into proposed new undertakings,
       exercise the (almost) legislative powers which Parliament has
       delegated to him by way of provisional orders, and is armed
       with large powers of initiative, inspection, revision, and
       veto, so that in some respects he can revolutionize the whole
       system of local administration. In the domain of Poor Law his
       authority is paramount. He revises, for example, the rules and
       regulations which guide the system of relief and the
       administration of the Poor Law, passes plans for new
       workhouses, settles the wages of the nurses and porters, and
       fixes the amount of snuff (if any) which a pauper may receive.
       Sanitary legislation is also under his supervision, as he acts
       as Minister of Public Health, and beyond the more strictly
       local governmental functions belonging to his department there
       is the social side of his work, such as the administration of
       the Allotments Acts, the Unemployed Act, inquiring into
       housing conditions, etc."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Sudden German hostility to the Anglo-French agreement
       concerning Morocco.
       Demand for an International Conference.
       The Conference at Algeciras and the Act signed there.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Pan-Islamic agitation in Egypt.
       Menacing attitude of Turkey.
       The Tabah incident.

          See (in this Volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Action in Persia during the Constitutional Revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          Persia.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Aliens Act.
       A new policy of restriction on the admission of aliens.
       Its working.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Progress in cooperative organizations of industry.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.
       Prevention of Corruption Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (March).
       Report of Royal Commission on Labor Disputes.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (April).
       Convention for determining and marking the Alaska Boundary Line.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1906.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (April-December).
       Fate of the Liberal Education Bill, passed by the Commons
       and killed by Amendments in the House of Lords.
       Resolution of the Commons, contemplating a change of
       Constitutional Law respecting the Legislative Powers of the
       House of Lords.

       The Education Bill was brought forward by the Government in
       April and passed by the Commons in December.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906

       When the bill had been killed by destructive amendments in the
       House of Lords, the Prime Minister, Sir Henry
       Campbell-Bannerman, proposed to the House of Commons a
       resolution, which was adopted, declaring that "the power of
       the other house to alter or reject bills passed by this house
       should be so restricted by law as to secure that within the
       limits of a single Parliament the final decision of the House
       of Commons shall prevail." In plainer words, this proposed an
       amendment of what has been, since 1832, an unwritten but
       understood rule of the British Constitution, namely, that the
       House of Lords cannot defeat a measure which has been passed
       by the Commons in successive parliaments, and thus certified,
       by an intervening election, as being the embodiment of a
       popular demand. The proposed amendment is to give the force of
       law to a repeated enactment of the House of Commons, even
       "within the limits of a single Parliament," and without the
       intervention of an election.

       The Premier has explained that this resolution is adopted only
       to foreshadow action which the Government intends to take at
       some convenient future time. So far as indicated by the
       Premier’s resolution, he and his colleagues, if they do
       anything affecting the peers in Parliament, will not touch the
       existing composition of the aristocratic house, but will only
       shorten the suspense in which it may hold legislation that is
       persisted in by the popular house. As now exercised, the
       practical effect of the suspensive veto of the Lords, if not
       submitted to by the government, is to bring about what is
       actually a referendum of the question at issue to the people.
       The proposed constitutional amendment would eliminate the
       referendum and empower the Commons to override the opposition
       of the Lords.

    {236}

       The legislative function of the House of Lords would not
       differ substantially then from that performed by the President
       of the United States. Acts of Congress require the approval of
       the President to make them law. His disapproval sends them
       back to Congress for reenactment, if two-thirds of both houses
       persist in them; annulling them if they do not. The function
       is simply a critical one, and involves no exercise of
       legislative powers, if the language of our Constitution is
       correct; for that instrument, in the first section of its
       first article, says: "all legislative powers herein granted
       shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which
       shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives."
       Thus the reference of legislation to the President for his
       approval or disapproval is not recognized as a grant to him of
       participation in the exercise of legislative powers."

       In this view the British House of Lords, when its part in
       legislation is reduced, like that of the American President,
       to mere criticism, expressed in approval or a suspensive veto,
       cannot rightly be regarded as a legislative body, and
       Parliament can hardly be counted among the bicameral
       legislatures, as we have counted it hitherto. The House of
       Commons will hold all the powers of legislation; the House of
       Lords will be its official critic, commissioned only to make
       it think twice in the enactment of some of its laws.

       The King has no voice now in the making of British laws,
       although, when his prerogatives are described, it is still
       said that "he may refuse the royal assent to any bills." Two
       hundred years ago it ceased to be prudent for royalty to
       exercise that prerogative, and Queen Anne, in 1707, asserted
       it in practice for the last time. The sovereigns of the
       reigning House of Hanover have never enjoyed the satisfaction
       of refusing assent to an act of Parliament. Even George III.
       did not venture it, though he stoutly asserted his right.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (May).
       Withdrawal of the last British garrison from Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1906 (MAY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (SEPTEMBER).
       Army Order instituting the General Staff.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (December).
       Broadened self-government extended to the Transvaal and the
       Orange River Colony.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (December).
       Passage of the Workmen’s Compensation Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
       Drink in its relation to crime.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
       Act legalizing Marriage with a Deceased Wife’s Sister.

       The following are the main provisions of the Act to legalize
       marriage with a deceased wife’s sister which, after many years
       of agitation by its advocates and many defeats in Parliament,
       was passed finally in 1907:

       "1. No marriage heretofore or hereafter contracted between a
       man and his deceased wife’s sister, within the realm or
       without, shall be deemed to have been or shall be void or
       voidable, as a civil contract, by reason only of such
       affinity: Provided always that no clergyman in holy orders of
       the Church of England shall be liable to any suit, penalty, or
       censure, whether civil or ecclesiastical, for anything done or
       omitted to be done by him in the performance of the duties of
       his office to which suit, penalty, or censure he would not
       have been liable if this Act had not been passed:

       "Provided also that when any minister of any church or chapel
       of the Church of England shall refuse to perform such marriage
       service between any persons who, but for such refusal, would
       be entitled to have the same service performed in such church
       or chapel, such minister may permit any other clergyman in
       holy orders in the Church of England, entitled to officiate
       within the diocese in which such church or chapel is situate,
       to perform such marriage service in such church or chapel.

       "Provided also that in case, before the passing of this Act,
       any such marriage shall have been annulled, or either party
       thereto (after the marriage and during the life of the other)
       shall have lawfully married another, it shall be deemed to
       have become and to be void upon and after the day upon which
       it was so annulled, or upon which either party thereto
       lawfully married another as aforesaid.

       "2. No right, title, estate or interest, whether in possession
       or expectancy, and whether vested or contingent at the time of
       the passing of this Act, existing in, to, or in respect of,
       any dignity, title of honour, or property, and no act or thing
       lawfully done or omitted before the passing of this Act shall
       be prejudicially affected nor shall any will be deemed to have
       been revoked by reason of any marriage heretofore contracted
       as aforesaid being made valid by this Act.

       "3.
          (1) Nothing in this Act shall remove wives from the class
          of persons adultery with whom constitutes a right, on the
          part of wives, to sue for divorce under the Matrimonial
          Causes Act, 1857.

          "(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in this Act or the
          Matrimonial Causes Act, 1857, it shall not be lawful for a
          man to marry the sister of his divorced wife, or of his
          wife by whom he has been divorced, during the lifetime of
          such wife.

       "4. Nothing in this Act shall relieve a clergyman in holy
       orders of the Church of England from any ecclesiastical
       censure to which he would have been liable if this Act had not
       been passed by reason of his having contracted or hereafter
       contracting a marriage with his deceased wife’s sister.

       "5. In this Act the word ‘sister’ shall include a sister of
       the half-blood."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
       Probation of Offenders Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907.
       French testimony to the good work of the English in Egypt.

          See EGYPT: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
       Conference of Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London.
       Discussing Preferential Trade, Imperial Defence, and other
       subjects.
       Resolutions adopted.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (May).
       Proposed Councils Bill for Ireland rejected by the Irish
       National Party.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (May).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (July).
       Capture of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean in Morocco for ransom, by
       Raisuli.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
       Convention with Russia containing arrangements on the
       subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

          See EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
       Establishment of a Court of Criminal Appeal.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW, AND ITS COURTS: ENGLAND.

    {237}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
       Qualification of women for election to County and
       Borough Councils.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (August).
       Patents and Designs Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          PATENTS.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
       Abortive Compromise Education Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
       Treaty with France, Germany, Norway, and Russia guaranteeing
       the integrity of Norway.

          See ENGLAND:
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (November).
       Treaty with France concerning Death Duties.

          See (in this Volume)
          DEATH DUTIES.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
       Institution of the Territorial Force.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
       Proposals in the House of Lords of Reform in its Constitution.

       Consequent, no doubt, on the increase of popular hostility to
       the House of Lords which it had provoked by its dealing with
       the Education Bill of 1906, and the serious threatenings of an
       undertaking in the House of Commons to "end or mend" it as a
       branch of Parliament, the Lords, in 1907, gave thought among
       themselves to the expediency of a constitutional reformation
       of their House. In February, a bill was proposed to them by
       Lord Newton which provided in its first two articles as
       follows:

       "1.
          (1) After the termination of the present session of
          Parliament a writ of summons to attend and to sit and vote
          in the House of Lords shall not be issued to any temporal
          peer of the peerage of England entitled by descent to an
          hereditary seat in the House of Lords (in this Act referred
          to as an hereditary peer), unless he is a representative or
          a qualified hereditary peer within the meaning of this Act,
          nor to any lord spiritual, unless he is a representative
          lord spiritual within the meaning of this Act."

       "2.
          For the purposes of this Act the expression ‘qualified
          hereditary peer’ means an hereditary peer who possesses any
          of the qualifications specified in the First Schedule to
          this Act."

       The schedule referred to was as follows:

       "QUALIFICATIONS ENTITLING AN HEREDITARY PEER TO A WRIT
       OF SUMMONS:
       I. The holding at any time of any of the following Offices:—

          1. High judicial office, within the meaning of the
          Appellate Jurisdiction Acts, 1876 and 1887.

          2. The office of First Lord of the Treasury, Secretary of
          State, Chancellor of the Exchequer, President of the
          Council, or Head (not being a permanent Civil Servant) of
          any other Government Department.

          3. The office of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Secretary
          to the Lord Lieutenant.

          4. Office of Viceroy of India, or a Governor of the
          Presidency of Madras or Bombay, or of Lieutenant-Governor
          of any Province of India.

          5. Office of Governor-General of the Dominion of Canada or
          of the Commonwealth of Australia, or of High Commissioner
          of South Africa, or of Governor of any Colony.

          6. The Office of Parliamentary Under Secretary,
          Parliamentary Secretary, or permanent Under Secretary, in
          any Government Department.

          7. Office of Lord of the Admiralty or member of the Army
          Council.

          8. Office of Minister plenipotentiary, or any higher
          office, in His Majesty’s Diplomatic Service.

          9. Office of Vice-Admiral, or any higher office, in His
          Majesty’s Naval Forces, or of Lieutenant-General, or any
          higher office, in His Majesty’s Land Forces.

       "II. Election to serve in the House of Commons on not less
       than two occasions before succeeding to the peerage."

       In addition to the hereditary peers thus qualified to sit in
       the House of Lords as proposed to be reformed, the Bill
       provided for the election by the peers, from their own number,
       of representatives, to the extent of one-fourth of their whole
       number; and likewise for the election by the lords spiritual,
       from their ranks, of representatives in the same proportion of
       number; such representatives to form part of the House of
       Lords in Parliament. It authorized, further, the appointment
       by the King of peers for life, to be "peers of Parliament,"
       these never to exceed one hundred in number.

       Debate on the Bill in May resulted in the substitution for it
       of a resolution, that "a Select Committee be appointed to
       consider the suggestions which have from time to time been
       made for increasing the efficiency of the House of Lords in
       matters affecting legislation, and to report as to the
       desirability of adopting them, either in their original or in
       some modified form." The report of the Committee (twenty-five
       in number, having Lord Rosebery for its elected chairman) was
       not brought in until near the close of the following year. Its
       recommendations were considerably on the lines of the Bill
       described above. It suggested that the reformed House of Lords
       should be made up of three classes of members, namely,
       hereditary peers who had held certain high public offices—
       much the same as those scheduled in Lord Newton’s Bill; two
       hundred representative "Peers of Parliament," elected from the
       whole body of the peerage, not for life, but for a single
       Parliament, and ten lords spiritual, to include the two
       archbishops and eight bishops to be elected. The
       self-governing colonies, in the judgment of the Committee,
       should be represented in the House of Lords, and twenty years
       of service in the House of Commons should entitle an Irish
       peer to a seat in it.

       The plan submitted by the Committee would reduce the House
       from 617 members to about 350. No action has been taken on the
       report.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.
       The Small Holdings Act.
       The first year of its operation.

       In 1907 an Act passed Parliament which provided for the
       acquisition by local authorities of land to be divided into
       small holdings for sale or lease to buyers or tenants who
       could not otherwise be placed on it for self-support. The
       results from the first year’s operation of the Act was
       reported in September, 1909, by the Board of Agriculture and
       Fisheries, which administers the law. The following are
       statements from the report of the Board:

       "Stated shortly, the result, so far as small holdings are
       concerned, of the first year’s work since the Small Holdings
       and Allotments Act, 1907, came into operation has been that
       23,285 applications have been received by county councils for
       373,601 acres, that 13,202 applicants have been approved
       provisionally as suitable, that the estimated quantity of land
       required for the suitable applicants is 185,098 acres, that
       21,417 acres have been acquired by county councils, of which
       11,346 acres have been purchased for £370,965, and 10,071
       acres leased for total rents amounting to £11,209, that the
       land acquired will provide for about 1,500 of the applicants,
       and that 504 of them were in actual possession of their
       holdings on December 31, 1908.

    {238}

       "It may seem at first sight that the progress that has been
       made in satisfying the keen demand for small holdings which
       the Act has disclosed has been small, but the figures do not
       give at all an adequate idea of the amount of work that has
       been actually done. It must be remembered that practically the
       whole of the first six months of the year were occupied in the
       preliminary work of constituting committees, issuing forms,
       receiving and tabulating applications and holding local
       inquiries, and that until this work was completed little
       progress could be made in the acquisition of land. … The rate
       at which land is being acquired is now increasing rapidly, and
       we have little doubt that by Michaelmas, 1909, not less than
       50,000 acres will have been obtained. In addition to the
       holdings which have been provided by county councils, the
       returns we have obtained show that over 700 applicants have
       been supplied with holdings by landowners direct, mainly
       through the intervention of the councils.

       "In considering the results already accomplished it must also
       be borne in mind that the problem is to fit particular men to
       particular land, and not merely to acquire whatever land may
       be in the market and to offer it in small holdings. The great
       majority of the applicants desire land in close proximity to
       their homes, and it is obviously more difficult to acquire a
       large number of detached plots than to take a whole farm or
       estate and divide it into a number of small holdings. …

       "A striking feature of the applications made under the Act has
       been the small extent to which the applicants desire to
       purchase their holdings. Out of the 23,295 applications
       received during the year, only 629, or 2.7 per cent.,
       expressed a desire to purchase. … The Act imposes no direct
       obligation on councils to provide houses, but we are of
       opinion that where an applicant desires a holding to which he
       will devote his whole time and from which he will get his
       whole living councils should be prepared to erect a house and
       the necessary buildings."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908 (December-March).
       Appeals to other Powers for effective measures to
       rescue Macedonia from its dreadful state.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Anglo-Russian action in Persia.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D). 1907, and after.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
       The Campaign of the Militant Woman Suffragists or Suffragettes.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
       The disaffection in India.
       Its character, causes, and meaning.
       Hindu and Moslem feeling.
       The past of British Government and its fruits.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Negotiation by the President of the Board of Trade of a
       General System of Conciliation and Arbitration Boards for
       Settlement of Labor Disputes in the Railway Service.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
       Estimate of King Edward VII. as a Diplomatist.

       Mr. Isaac N. Ford, the American newspaper correspondent in
       London, has much well-informed opinion in Europe and America
       to support him in the following estimate of the diplomatic
       influence exerted by King Edward, which he expressed in
       January, 1908:

       "At the opening of King Edward’s reign Berlin was the center
       of European diplomacy, as Paris had been when Bismarck entered
       upon his series of machinations and triumphs. The personal
       ascendency of the German Emperor was unchallenged in Europe. …
       In the course of seven years conditions have been transformed.
       London is now the diplomatic capital of Europe. Resentful
       enemies like France have been reconciled; friendships with
       America, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Spain have been
       strengthened; strained relations with Russia and Germany have
       been eased; and by the alliance with Japan forces have been
       readjusted for the maintenance of existing order in the
       Pacific. A new balance of power has been established in
       Europe, and the diplomatic resources of the British Empire
       have been reinvigorated and enlarged. While there have been
       eminent statesmen in the British Foreign Office—Lord Lansdowne
       and Sir Edward Grey—these transformations have been mainly
       King Edward’s work. Fifty years hence there may be a true
       sense of proportion, so that his services as an empire-builder
       and a peace-maker can be judged aright."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
       Invitation of an International Naval Conference preliminary
       to the establishment of an International Prize Court.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907
          (appended to account of Second Peace Conference
          at The Hague).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
       Municipal and County Offices opened to Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
       North Sea and Baltic agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
       Passage of the Coal Mines Eight Hours Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
       Rejection of the Liberal Licensing Bill by the House of Lords.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (March).
       Communication to the Belgian Government respecting obligations
       involved in its proposed annexation of the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Resignation and Death of Prime Minister
       Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman.
       Succession of Herbert H. Asquith.

       Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was forced by ill health to
       resign the premiership on the 5th of April, 1908, and his
       death occurred on the 22d of the same month. He was succeeded
       in the headship of the Government by Mr. Herbert H. Asquith,
       previously Chancellor of the Exchequer, whose place in the
       latter office was filled by Mr. David Lloyd-George. Mr.
       Lloyd-George had been President of the Board of Trade, and
       that office was now filled by Mr. Winston Churchill, while Mr.
       Reginald McKenna became First Lord of the Admiralty.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty with Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and
       Sweden for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty with the United States respecting the Demarcation of
       the International Boundary between the United States and Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

    {239}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (September).
       Withdrawal of intervention in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (December).
       Passage of "The Children Act."

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS DEPENDENTS AND OFFENDERS.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (December).
       The Shipbuilding Agreement between Employers and
       Trade Unions to prevent strikes and lockouts.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Attitude on the question of the Austrian annexation of
       Bosnia and Herzegovina.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Old Age Pensions Act.
       Its working.
       Its disclosures of poverty.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS, &c.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Passage of the Indian Councils Bill.
       Its provisions for popular representation in the
       Legislative Councils of India.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Chief source of Food Supplies.

          See (in this Volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Concentration of Wealth.

          See (in this Volume)
          WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Development and Road Improvement Funds Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Naval questions.
       "Dreadnought" building.
       Distrust of Germany.
       The Territorial Force, etc.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Official reports and statements concerning Public Education.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Passage of the Housing and Town-planning Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Principal Socialist organizations.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Report of Royal Commission on the working of the Poor Laws
       and Relief Systems, and the existing pauperism of the
       United Kingdom.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Summary of the total prospective military defensive strength
       of the Empire.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (January).
       The Waterways Treaty with the United States, concerning
       waters along the Canadian boundary.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
       The Opening of Parliament.

       The session of Parliament was opened by the King with due form
       and ceremony on February 16. "The Royal procession from
       Buckingham Palace to Westminster," says a report of the
       occasion, "took place in the dim grey light of a typical
       February afternoon, and the pageant lost much of its beauty in
       consequence. In spite of the cold wind and the absence of the
       genial sunshine which is such a valuable asset on occasions of
       spectacular display, there appeared to be as many people as
       ever along the route of the procession. These formal openings
       of Parliament, which have become customary since the beginning
       of the present reign, are clearly popular with those of the
       King’s subjects who know nothing, except by hearsay, of the
       impressive scenes which are to be witnessed in the House of
       Lords. The immense crowds who assembled to watch the King and
       Queen pass yesterday, waiting patiently for hours in order to
       enjoy a few minutes’ ecstatic sight-seeing, welcomed their
       Majesties with a cordiality of the meaning of which there
       could be no doubt. The King and Queen, in their wonderful gold
       coach, with its sides of glass, must have been gratified with
       the respect and affection which were manifested from all
       quarters."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
       Debate in Parliament on the annexation of the
       Congo State by Belgium.
       Recognition of the annexation dependent on reforms.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (February).
       Represented in International Opium Commission at Shanghai.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
       Representation of the People Bill.
       Proposed Universal Suffrage, including women.
       Its second reading.

       On the 20th of March, 1909, the second reading of a bill
       described as "the Representation of the People Bill" was moved
       and seconded in the House of Commons. Its provisions were
       substantially for universal suffrage, including women. In
       explaining the measure, the member who moved the second
       reading—a representative of the Labor party, Mr. Howard—said:

       "It was difficult, if not almost impossible, to deal with a
       reform of the franchise without at the same time dealing with
       woman suffrage, and it was difficult to deal with woman
       enfranchisement without at the same time making some
       alteration in the existing franchise law which should meet the
       condition of the new elements proposed to be placed on the
       register. The House must face the situation as a whole and
       handle the two reforms in one scheme, because by a
       coordinated Bill there would be a better chance of getting
       nearer a settlement. In the Bill that he submitted to the
       House there was no abolition of any old franchise. It proposed
       to create a residential franchise in order to do away with the
       hardships which any one with a knowledge of registration knew
       to exist in connexion with the occupation vote of men. The
       second clause provided for a restriction of plural voting, and
       the third clause related to the removal of the sex
       disqualification."

       Before debate began another member presented a monster
       petition against the political enfranchisement of women, said
       to contain 243,000 signatures.

       The attitude of the Government toward the bill was explained
       by Mr. Asquith, the Premier. It was well known, he said, that
       on the issue whether women should be granted the suffrage
       Ministers were not of one mind. But they were strongly in
       favour of a wide reform of the existing suffrage. They desired
       the abolition of plural voting, the disappearance of the
       artificial distinctions between occupiers and lodgers, the
       material shortening of the period of qualification, and an
       effective simplification of the machinery of registration. But
       any measure to bring about these reforms ought, in his
       opinion, if it was to take its place on the Statute-book, to
       proceed from the responsible Government of the day, and to be
       carefully remoulded in the light of prolonged Parliamentary
       discussion. For these reasons he thought it was not necessary
       that the members of the Government should vote for the second
       reading of the Bill under consideration.

       After some hours of debate the closure was moved and the
       second reading of the bill was carried by 157 votes against
       122.

    {240}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
       Defeat of the Progressives in the London County
       Council Election.

          See (in this Volume)
          LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March).
       Cession by Siam of suzerainty over three States
       in the Malay Peninsula.

          See (in this Volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1909.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (March-July).
       The question of " Dreadnought" building, with reference to
       the accelerated expansion of the German Navy.
       Debates in Parliament and excitement in the country.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April).
       The National Debt of the United Kingdom.

       The following official statement of the national debt of the
       United Kingdom was published in April, 1909:

       "On the 1st April, 1908, the aggregate gross liabilities of
       the State amounted to £762,326,051. On the 1st April, 1909,
       the corresponding figure was £754,121,309, showing a reduction
       of £8,204,742.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April).
       Announced Governmental projects of Afforestation, and other
       measures for Development of Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).
       Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget.
       Its features of taxation, denounced as Socialistic.
       Seven months of vehement debate.
       Adopted by the Commons and rejected by the Lords.
       Warnings to the Lords against their action.
       Preparation for appeal to the people.

       The 29th of April, 1909, when the financial proposals of the
       Government for meeting the needs of the coming year, called
       "the Budget," were brought before Parliament, and the 30th of
       the following November, when, after seven months of arduous
       and angry debate, and after their adoption by a great majority
       of the Commons, the Bill embodying them was overwhelmingly
       rejected by the Lords, will be memorable dates in English
       history if the consequences of the action of the Peers are
       what, at this writing, they seem likely to be. Even failing
       those consequences, the production of the Budget will be in
       itself an event of no small moment, from what it signifies of
       the development of democracy in Great Britain.

       As a formulated "Finance Bill," the Budget was not submitted
       to the House of Commons and to the public in print until the
       28th of May. It was then entitled "A Bill to grant certain
       Duties of Customs and Inland Revenue (including Excise), to
       alter other Duties, and to amend the Law relating to Customs
       and Inland Revenue (including Excise), and the National Debt,
       and to make other provisions for the Financial Arrangements of
       the Year." Until then its provisions were known only from the
       statement of them made four weeks before by the Chancellor of
       the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd-George, in a speech extended
       through several hours, which even his opponents were forced to
       characterize as "a wonderful effort."

       The Chancellor’s explanation of the Budget rested primarily on
       the fact that an anticipated deficit of £15,762,000 required
       to be filled from new sources of revenue. Of the main causes
       of the deficit he said: "Were I dealing with a shortage due
       only to a temporary cause like forestalments, I might have
       resorted to some temporary shift which would have carried me
       over until next year when the revenue would resume its normal
       course. But unfortunately I have to reckon not merely with an
       enormous increase in expenditure this year, but an inevitable
       expansion of some of the heaviest items in the course of the
       coming years. What is the increase of expenditure due to? It
       is very well known that it must be placed to the credit of two
       items, and practically two items alone. One is the Navy, and
       the other is old-age pensions. Now I have one observation
       which I think I am entitled to make about both. … The
       increased expenditure under both these heads was substantially
       incurred with the unanimous assent of all political parties in
       this House. There was, it is true, a protest entered on behalf
       of honourable members below the gangway against increased
       expenditure in the Navy, but as far as the overwhelming
       majority of members in this House are concerned the increase
       has received their sanction and approval. I am entitled to say
       more. The attitude of the Government towards these two
       branches of increased expenditure has not been one of rushing
       a reluctant House of Commons into expense which it disliked,
       but rather of resisting appeals coming from all quarters of
       the House for still further increases under both heads. …

       "We are told that we ought not to have touched old-age
       pensions, at least not at the present moment, when heavy
       liabilities were in sight in connexion with the defence of the
       country. I may point out that when we introduced our Old-Age
       Pensions Bill that emergency had not arisen. But, apart
       altogether from that, we had no honourable alternative left.
       We simply honoured a cheque drawn years ago in favour of the
       aged poor, which bore at its foot the signatures of all the
       leaders of political parties in this country. They had all
       promised pensions at election after election, and great
       political parties have no right to make promises to poor
       people in return for political support, valuable to them, and
       all these people had to give, and then time after time return
       the bill with ‘No assets’ written across it."

       Proceeding next to survey the "inevitable expansion" of future
       expenditure to which he had referred at the outset, and which
       could be foreseen in connection with the navy and with social
       reform, the Chancellor dealt at length on the demands that
       were pressing from the latter side and would not be postponed.
       "What the Government have to ask themselves," he said, "is
       this: Can the whole subject of further social reform be
       postponed until the increasing demands made upon the National
       Exchequer by the growth of armaments has ceased? Not merely
       can it be postponed, but ought it to be postponed? Is there
       the slightest hope that if we deferred consideration of the
       matter we are likely within a generation to find any more
       favourable moment for attending to it? I confess that, as to
       that, I am rather pessimistic. And we have to ask ourselves
       this further question—If we put off dealing with these social
       sores are the evils which arise from them not likely to grow
       and to fester until finally the loss which the country
       sustains will be infinitely greater than anything it would
       have to bear in paying the cost of an immediate remedy?
    {241}
       There are hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children in
       this country now enduring hardships for which the sternest
       judge would not hold them responsible; hardships entirely due
       to circumstances over which they have not the slightest
       command—the fluctuations and changes of trade, or even of
       fashions, ill-health, and the premature breakdown or death of
       the bread-winner. … Last year, while we were discussing the
       Old-Age Pensions Bill, all parties in this House recognized
       fully and freely that once we had started on these lines the
       case for extension was irresistible. The leader of the
       Opposition, in what I venture to regard as the most notable
       speeches he has probably delivered during this Parliament,
       recognized quite boldly that, whichever party was in power,
       provision would have to be made in some shape or other for
       those who are out of work through no fault of their own, and
       those who are incapacitated for work owing to physical causes
       for which they are not responsible."

       The speaker then developed at length the intentions of the
       Government on these lines of social reform, which will have to
       include undertakings of some system like the German, of
       compulsory insurance against sickness, accident and
       unemployment, and which will have to look to the organization
       of labor exchanges and to the opening of wider fields for
       employment, by development of neglected resources of the
       country, through afforestation, through promotion of
       agriculture, and the extension and improvement of roads.

       And now, at last, he began to unfold his plans for raising the
       means with which to deal with all these augmented demands on
       the Government, and started them with a schedule of increased
       taxes on automobiles. Further details of his scheme are
       summarized in the following, from The Times "Review of
       Parliament," next morning:

       "The right honourable gentleman was listened to with intense
       attention when he proceeded to announce an increase of the
       income-tax and of the estate duty. He proposed that for earned
       incomes under £2,000 the tax should remain at 9d. but that
       between £2,000 and £3,000 it should be 1s., and that all other
       incomes now liable to the shilling tax should pay 1s. 2d.
       Holding that the family man was entitled to more relief than
       the bachelor, he proposed that on all incomes under £500, in
       addition to existing abatements, a special abatement should be
       allowed of £10 for every child under 16 years of age. He hoped
       to get £160,000 by the partial restoration of the shilling
       duty and £3,000,000 from the additional 2d. on the higher
       incomes. There was also to be a super-tax on incomes exceeding
       £5,000, to be levied on the amount by which such incomes
       exceeded £3,000. The tax would be at the rate of 6d. in the
       pound. Exclamations denoting great disapproval arose from the
       Unionist benches when this was announced. The yield from this
       super-tax, Mr. Lloyd-George explained, would be in a full year
       £2,300,000; but this year not more than £500,000. He next came
       to the Death duties. There would be no change in the case of
       estates up to £5,000, but between this limit and the limit of
       two millions graduation would be steepened. The duty on
       estates between £5,000 and £10,000 would be 4 per cent.;
       "between £10,000 and £20,000, 5 per cent.; £20,000 to £40,000,
       6 per cent.; £40,000 to £70,000, 7 per cent.; £70,000 to
       £100,000, 8 per cent.; £100,000 to £150,000, 9 per cent.;
       £150,000 to £200,000, 10 per cent.; £200,000 to £400,000, 11
       per cent.; £400,000 to £600,000, 12 per cent.; £600,000 to
       £800,000, 13 per cent.; £800,000 to £1,000,000, 14 per cent.,
       and above £1,000,000, 15 per cent. This new scale was
       estimated to yield £2,550,000 this year, £4,200,000 next year,
       and afterwards £4,400,000. The settled Estate duty he raised
       from 1 per cent. to 2 per cent. From this source he hoped to
       get £50,000 this year and £375,000 in 1910-1911. The Legacy
       and Succession duty was to be raised in some cases from 3 per
       cent. to 5 per cent., and in all others to 10 per cent. The
       yield from this next year would be £1,300,000, and would
       increase in the course of time to £2,150,000. Property
       alienated inter vivos within five years from death was
       to be liable to duty. Objects of national and scientific
       interest would only be chargeable for duty when they were
       actually sold. There were to be increased duties in bonds to
       bearer and in stock and share transfers. The estimated yield
       from the increased Stamp Duties would be this year £650,000.

       "It was at this point in his speech that the Chancellor of the
       Exchequer required rest and that the sitting was suspended.
       When in half-an-hour’s time it was resumed, the right
       honourable gentleman continued his speech with renewed vigour.
       He dealt at considerable length with the subject of licenses,
       dwelling on the value of the monopoly granted to the liquor
       trade and arguing that the toll exacted by the public was
       ludicrously inadequate. He explained in detail a number of
       changes which he proposed to effect, the chief being a uniform
       charge of 50 per cent., subject to a minimum rate in
       urban areas according to population. For clubs there would be
       a poundage rate of 3d. on the amount taken for the sale of
       liquor. The yield from his revision of the liquor licensing
       law would be £2,600,000.

       "Then he turned to land, drawing a marked distinction between
       the agricultural landowner and the urban landowner, of whom he
       spoke with some scorn. He proposed to levy a tax on the value
       accruing to land in the future through the enterprise of the
       community, taking the land apart from buildings and other
       improvements. This duty of 20 per cent. on unearned increment
       would be payable on two occasions—when land was sold and when
       land passed at death. A preliminary valuation of the land at
       the price which it might be expected to fetch at the present
       time would be necessary; and as the tax was to be imposed only
       on the unearned increment subsequently accruing on that
       valuation, the yield would probably be only £50,000 in 1909,
       but in future years it should prove a fruitful source of
       revenue. It was further proposed to levy an annual duty of one
       halfpenny in the pound on the capital value of undeveloped
       land and undeveloped minerals. Until the proposed valuation of
       the land of the United Kingdom on a capital basis was
       completed, it would be impossible to estimate the yield of
       this duty, but till then the duty would be calculated on the
       declarations of the owners, and in the current year he
       expected it to bring in £350,000. A 10 per cent. reversion
       duty was to be imposed on any benefit accruing to a lessor on
       the termination of a lease, and from this source a yield of
       £100,000 was anticipated. The three land taxes were,
       accordingly, calculated to produce £500,000 in the current
       year.

    {242}

       "He next dealt with indirect taxation. He proposed to raise
       the present duty on spirits by 3s. 9d. per gallon. This would
       justify an increase in the retail price of whisky of one
       half-penny per glass, which would recoup the publican for the
       additional duty and leave him something more to mitigate the
       pressure of the new duties on licenses. The yield, during the
       current year, he estimated at £1,600,000. He also proposed to
       increase the duty on unmanufactured tobacco from 3s. to 3s.
       8d. per lb., with equivalent additions to the rates for
       cigars, cigarettes, and manufactured tobacco, the return from
       which he estimated at £1,900,000 during the current year and
       £2,250,000 for a full year.

       "The total estimated revenue was £162,590,000 and the total
       estimated expenditure £162,102,000, leaving a margin of
       £488,000 for contingencies. In conclusion, the right
       honourable gentleman—anticipating the charge that he was
       imposing very heavy taxation for a time of peace—declared it
       was a war Budget. The Government had declared implacable war
       against poverty. It was 8 o’clock when the right honourable
       gentleman finished, amid the cheers of his supporters."

       That Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget was a gage of battle and that
       the fight over it was fierce is known to everybody, for the
       din of the conflict penetrated to every corner of every land.
       The key-note of the outcry against it was sounded in The
       Times of next morning, which opened its editorial comment
       with these words:

       "One general impression will be very widely made by the
       complicated and portentous Budget which Mr. Lloyd-George
       expounded at enormous length yesterday. That is that the huge
       deficit of nearly sixteen millions is to be raised almost
       exclusively at the cost of the wealthy and the fairly
       well-to-do. They are struck at in all sorts of ways, through
       the income-tax, the legacy duties, the estate duties, the
       stamps upon their investments, their land, their royalties,
       their brewery dividends, and their motor-cars. So when Mr.
       Lloyd-George exclaims rather theatrically—‘Mr. Emmott, this
       is a war Budget,’ his words carry a meaning which he did not
       intend. He talks of waging war against poverty, but that is
       never really waged by unjust exactions from those whose custom
       prevents a worse poverty than any we know; and whose brains
       and capital count for at least as much as thews and sinews.
       Unless men exempt from income-tax either smoke or drink, they
       do not pay a single penny towards making up a deficit mainly
       due to a pension scheme of which they reap the whole benefit.
       The doctrine of social ransom has never been carried quite so
       far."

       So it was branded by its opponents as a "Socialist Budget" and
       its authors as allies of Socialism, throughout the campaign.
       This denunciation was applied especially to the tax on
       unearned increments of value in land, as such increments
       should occur hereafter. On that point of opposition to the
       Budget Mr. Asquith, the Prime Minister of the Government,
       speaking at a public meeting in London, had this to say: "The
       increment duty is a tax of 20 per cent. on the increase in the
       capital value of certain kinds of land which is shown on the
       occasion of its transfer or devolution, and which is not
       attributable to the efforts or to the expenditure either of
       the owner or the occupier. That is what the increment duty is.
       Now what is it not? I spoke a few moments ago of certain
       classes of land. Let me ask you to observe, first, what are
       the kinds of landed property which are altogether exempted
       from the scope of this taxation. In the first place, all
       agricultural land which has no building value above its
       agricultural value; next, small properties occupied by their
       owners; thirdly, property belonging to local authorities;
       again, property held for public or charitable purposes; and,
       finally, property belonging to statutory companies, such as
       railways, which cannot be used for other than statutory
       purposes. …

       "Now, suppose the case of land which does not fall within any
       of those exempted categories, how is the duty charged? Here,
       again, there is a great deal of misapprehension about it, so
       it is better to state the case as clearly as one can. You
       start with the site value of the land at the present moment,
       and by site value—I am not going into technicalities—we mean,
       roughly speaking, the value of the land divested of the
       buildings. You do not go back into the past, you take things
       as they are; you do not rip up the previous history; you do
       not interfere with existing or past contracts. You give to
       every man, however he has acquired it, the full and
       undisturbed enjoyment of the rights, privileges, and property
       which he at present possesses. Starting with that datum line,
       you will see that in years to come, when that piece of land is
       transferred by sale—it may be by lease—or devolves upon death,
       the site value (you are comparing like with like, mind you) at
       that date—that is to say, the value after giving the owner and
       every one who has been interested in the land credit for all
       expenditure they have made in the way of improvement and
       development in the interval—comparing site with site, if you
       find an increment in value there, you say that it is an
       increment due to the community, to social causes, to causes
       over which the owner was no more responsible than you or I,
       and that it is not unfair in point of justice, and that it is
       in the highest degree expedient in point of policy that the
       State should be entitled to claim for itself in relief of the
       necessities of the same community some part—not any
       exaggerated or exorbitant part—but some part, of the increment
       which has so accrued. I may point out that there is no duty
       chargeable at all. So tender has my friend Mr. Lloyd-George
       (laughter and cheers) been to the interests concerned—he is a
       man of a most sympathetic nature—sometimes I am disposed to
       think he is of almost too impressionable a nature when appeals
       of this kind are addressed to him—so tender has he been of all
       these interests that he has agreed that no duty should be
       chargeable unless the increment value amounts to at least 10
       per cent., and where it is over, the first 10 per cent. should
       escape free. That is the increment duty which Lord Rothschild
       tells you—I think I am not misquoting him—is rank and
       undiluted Socialism, and which Lord Lansdowne says is going to
       shake the very foundations of civilized society. …

    {243}

       "The propriety and justice of taxing this kind of increment,
       in the case of these classes of land, rests upon the most
       solid ground both of authority and experience. It has been
       advocated for generations by the most eminent economists. It
       has been recommended in one shape or another by more than one
       Royal Commission. It was approved in principle more than once
       even by the late non-progressive House of Commons. It has been
       put in practice in various forms for local purposes in not a
       few Continental municipalities and in many of our own
       Colonies, and, I believe, always with successful results. And
       let me add, by way of climax to that catena of authority, that
       it is at this moment, or at any rate was a few weeks ago, the
       alternative proposal put forward by the Conservative party in
       the Reichstag in Germany—an increment duty, not for local but
       for Imperial purposes, was the alternative proposal to the
       Budget of Prince Bülow put forward by the Conservative party
       in the Reichstag in Germany, and this is rank Socialism!"

       Next to the proposed land taxes, the most bitterly opposed
       feature of the Budget was the increased revenue to be exacted
       from the licensed monopolists of the liquor trade. Everything,
       however, in its new taxation was denounced by the
       Conservatives, who set against it their own project of
       obtaining increased revenues by returning to the protective
       tariff which England had abandoned three-quarters of a century
       ago. The cry for what they preferred to call "tariff reform"
       had been silenced since the election of 1906, when the
       electors of the Kingdom rejected Mr. Chamberlain's revived
       protectionism by an overwhelming vote. Now it was raised
       again, and fully made the prime article in the Conservative
       creed, as it had not been before.

       It was not until the 4th of November that the Finance Bill was
       brought to its third reading in the House of Commons, and was
       passed, by the heavy majority of 379 to 149. From the
       beginning it was known, of course, that the measure had few
       friends in the House of Lords, and would go down in defeat
       there if the Peers ventured to assume the right to negative a
       money Bill. For many generations they had not disputed the
       claim of the Commons to exclusive control of revenue
       legislation; but a theory had now been mooted, that Mr.
       Lloyd-George’s Budget Bill differed from a mere money Bill by
       carrying Socialistic implications tacked on to it, which the
       House of Lords was under no obligation to accept. Whether the
       Lords would or would not be bold enough to act on this theory
       and throw down the Bill, as they had thrown down so much of
       the non-financial legislation of the Liberal Government, had
       been a serious question throughout the debates. Sir Edward
       Grey said of it, in a speech at Leeds, in August:

       "As to the fate of the Budget—Is it going to be destroyed by
       the House of Lords or is it not? The leaders of the Tory
       party—with whom the decision rests—are very cautious in
       expressing their opinions. Some of the rank and file have said
       the House of Lords is going to destroy the Budget, or have
       spoken as if it were so. But the leaders—Mr. Balfour, Lord
       Lansdowne, and so forth—have been very cautious. They are
       great partisans in this matter of the open door, or, perhaps I
       should say, of two open doors. They have studiously kept two
       doors open, and as far as Lord Lansdowne’s utterances go, he
       has kept the door open for passing the Budget in the House of
       Lords or rejecting it. He says the House of Lords is bound to
       decide so that the people should be properly consulted, and
       that that is the function of the House of Lords, to protect
       the right of the people to have their say on the subject. A
       very nice function if only it was performed impartially; but
       when it is a function which has been in abeyance for the
       greater part of the last 20 years, and is only to be erected
       into operation when a Liberal Government comes into office, it
       is not a function for which we can have much respect. But,
       nevertheless, it is so in our Constitution at present that the
       House of Lords is a weapon—a great gun, if you like to call it
       so—which can be pointed only against Liberal measures—not
       against Conservative measures—and which is in the hands of the
       Conservative party. Now there is the Budget going presently to
       the House of Lords; there is the gun pointing when it arrives
       there; there is the Conservative finger on the trigger. Are
       they going to fire the gun or not? They do not know themselves
       yet. They are debating in their own minds what will happen if
       they fire the gun. Will they destroy the Budget, or will the
       recoil be more injurious to themselves? Or, perhaps, will the
       gun burst altogether if they let it off? We know what their
       wishes and inclinations are; what we do not know at the
       present time is how much nerve they have got. But of this I am
       convinced—whatever the House of Lords may do, when the time
       comes for an appeal to the country, it will be an appeal on
       this Budget as a Free Trade Budget, and against the
       alternative of tariff reform.

       Others among the prominent Liberals spoke with more temper of
       the threatened action of the Lords. Mr. Winston Churchill, for
       example, at Leicester, in September, said: "The rejection of
       the Budget by the House of Lords … would be a violent rupture
       of constitutional custom and usage extending over 300 years
       and recognized during all that time by the leaders of every
       party in the State. It would involve a sharp and sensible
       breach with the traditions of the past; and what does the
       House of Lords depend upon if not upon the traditions of the
       past? It would amount to an attempt at revolution not by the
       poor, but by the rich; not by the masses, but by the
       privileged few; not in the name of progress, but in that of
       reaction; not for the purpose of broadening the framework of
       the State, but greatly narrowing it. Such an attempt,
       gentlemen, whatever you may think of it, such an attempt would
       be historic in its character, and the result of the battle
       fought upon it, whoever wins, must inevitably be not of an
       annual, but of a permanent and final character. The result of
       such an election must mean an alteration of the veto of the
       House of Lords; if they win they will have asserted their
       right, not merely to reject legislation of the House of
       Commons, but to control the finances of the country, and if
       they lose we will smash to pieces their veto. I say to you
       that we do not seek the struggle, we have our work to do; but
       if it is to come, it could never come better than now."

       Very soon after the Bill had been passed over to the House of
       Lords it was known that the Conservative leaders had consented
       to its death in that body. What may be called the death
       sentence was pronounced on the 22d of November, when Lord
       Lansdowne moved the following amendment to a motion for the
       second reading of the Bill: "That this House is not justified
       in giving its consent to this Bill until it has been submitted
       to the judgment of the country."

    {244}

       Speaking to the motion with great seriousness he said: "I have
       been in this House more than 40 years, I owe everything to its
       indulgence, and I say from the depth of my heart that it is my
       desire to do nothing unworthy of your high reputation or your
       great place in the Constitution of this country. But I believe
       that the worst and most damaging thing that you could do would
       be that you should fail those who look to you as the guardians
       of their greatest constitutional right, the right to be
       consulted when fundamental political changes are demanded by
       the Government of the day; and, my lords, depend upon it that
       by rejecting this Bill you will, on the one hand, insist that
       that right shall be respected; you will not usurp the function
       of granting aid and supplies to the Crown; you will not
       pronounce a final verdict upon this Bill, bad though you may
       believe it to be; but you will say that it is a Bill to which
       you have no right to give your indispensable consent until you
       are assured by the people of the country that they desire it
       to pass into law."

       In the week of debate which followed many speeches of notable
       force and impressiveness were made on both sides; but,
       unquestionably, the weightiest, in reasoning and feeling, were
       those which came from opponents of the Budget who would not
       join their associates in the step proposed, but warned them of
       dangers involved, to the existence of their House and to the
       future of parliamentary government, from constitutional
       changes which no man could forecalculate. On the latter point,
       Lord Rosebery begged his fellows of the peerage to "remember
       this: The menaces which were addressed to this House in old
       days were addressed by statesmen of a different school and
       under a different balance of constitutional forces in this
       country. The menaces addressed to you now come from a wholly
       different school of opinion, who wish for a single Chamber and
       who set no value on the controlling and revising forces of a
       second Chamber—a school of opinion which, if you like it and
       do not dread the word, is eminently revolutionary in essence,
       if not in fact. I ask you to bear in mind that fact when you
       weigh the consequences of the vote which you are to give
       to-morrow night. ‘Hang the consequences,’ said my noble friend
       Lord Camperdown last night. That is a noble sentiment and a
       noble utterance. It is a kind of Balaklava charge, and nothing
       more intrepid could be said by any of us if we had not to
       weigh the consequences, not to the individual, but to the
       State; and you should think once, you should think twice, and
       thrice, before you give a vote which may involve such enormous
       constitutional consequences."

       Lord Balfour, while condemning the Bill, condemned still more
       the proposition that the House of Lords would do its duty in
       compelling a referendum to the people on the measure. A
       question in finance, he said, differs from all others in its
       unfitness for this treatment in Great Britain. "If you are to
       establish a system whereby this House or any other authority
       had the right of establishing a referendum as it is called—a
       reference to the people in matters of finance—you would spoil
       and destroy the control of the other House of Parliament over
       the Government, and you would make, I venture to say, perhaps
       the most momentous change in the Constitution, as it has grown
       up, which has been made in the whole history of that
       Constitution. Take it how you like, if you pass this
       resolution, if you make it a precedent—I care not with what
       safeguards you accompany it, whether you say it is only to be
       done on extreme occasions or by any other safeguard—you have
       made a change in the practice and in the Constitution which
       will prevent things going on as they have gone on up to the
       present time. My lords, if you win, the victory can at most be
       a temporary one. If you lose you have altered and prejudiced
       the position, the power, the prestige, the usefulness of this
       House, which I believe every one of you honours and desires to
       serve as heartily and as thoroughly as I do myself. If you win
       you are but beginning a conflict."

       Lord James, one of the ablest of the Law Lords, and Lord
       Cromer, were other opponents of the Budget who earnestly
       counselled the Upper House not to interfere with the action of
       the Commons on this measure of finance. From the side of the
       few Liberals among the peers came other weighty words of
       admonition, spoken especially by the calm and thoughtful Lord
       Morley and by the Lord Chancellor, the presiding officer of
       their House. "No one," said the latter, "will be so simple as
       to believe that the only question which the country will
       consider will be the question whether this Bill ought to pass
       into law. Other and graver questions will be raised. We have
       been in office for four years. In 1906 our whole time in the
       House of Commons was taken up by passing an Education Bill. It
       came to this House. It was wrecked, and the whole labour of
       that Session was thrown away. The following year, 1907, was
       not a year of very great enterprise of a legislative
       character. In 1908 the whole time of the House of Commons was
       spent in passing the Licensing Bill, a measure the loss of
       which I regret more than I regret the loss of any other. It
       came up to this House. It was not alive when it came here. It
       had perished by the stiletto in Berkeley-square before it ever
       saw this House. Now, again in 1909, after a Session of
       unexampled labour, the House of Commons has presented to your
       lordships the proof of many, many months of arduous work in a
       domain entirely their own; and this House is going to destroy
       the Finance Bill of 1909 and to refuse supplies. It is, in my
       opinion, impossible that any Liberal Government should ever
       again bear the heavy burden of office unless it is secured
       against a repetition of treatment such as our measures have
       had to undergo for the last four years. If we fail in the
       coming general election, assuming that his Majesty is pleased
       to dissolve Parliament, it will only be the beginning of a
       conflict which can end only in one way. If we succeed, I hope
       we shall not flinch from that which will have to follow."

       The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Spiritual Lords generally
       refrained from taking sides on what they regarded as a
       political question; but the Archbishop of York construed his
       duty differently, and added his voice to the remonstrance
       against Lord Landsdowne’s motion. Close upon midnight,
       November 30, the House divided on that motion and it was
       carried, rejecting the Finance Bill, by a vote of 350 to 75.
       So big a vote—such a swarming of titled legislators to record
       it—had not been known within the memory of living men.

    {245}

       Three days later, on the 3d of December, the Premier, Mr.
       Asquith, rose in the House of Commons and moved the adoption
       of the following declaration:

       "That the action of the House of Lords in refusing to pass
       into law the financial provision made by this House for the
       service of the year is a breach of the Constitution and a
       usurpation of the rights of the Commons."

       Speaking to this motion, he said, in part:

       "When, a short time ago, the Finance Bill received its third
       reading, as it left this House it represented, I believe, in a
       greater degree than can be said of any measure of our time,
       the mature, the well-sifted, the deliberate work of an
       overwhelming majority of the representatives of the people
       upon a matter which, by the custom of generations and by the
       course of a practically unbroken authority, is the province of
       this House, and of this House alone. In the course of a week,
       or a little more than a week, the whole of this fabric has
       been thrown to the ground. For the first time in English
       history the grant of the whole of the Ways and Means for the
       Supply and the Services of the year, the grant made at the
       request of the Crown to the Crown by the Commons, has been
       intercepted and nullified by a body which admittedly has not
       the power to increase or to diminish one single tax or to
       propose any substitute or alternative for any one of the
       taxes. The House of Commons would, in the judgment of his
       Majesty’s Government, be unworthy of its past and of the
       traditions of which it is the custodian and the trustee if it
       allowed another day to pass without making it clear that it
       does not mean to brook the greatest indignity, and, I will
       add, the most arrogant usurpation (loud cheers), to which for
       more than two centuries it has been asked to submit."

       After a short debate, the House divided on the motion, and it
       was adopted by 349 against 134.

       On the afternoon of the same day the King prorogued Parliament
       to the 15th of January, 1910, this being preparatory to the
       dissolution and appeal to the people which the action of the
       Lords had made necessary.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (January-March).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
       A Majority Vote in the Commons for removing Disabilities
       from Roman Catholics.

       A bill for the removal of remaining disabilities from Roman
       Catholics passed its second reading in the House of Commons on
       the 14th of May, by a vote of 133 to 123. Not being a
       Government measure, the crowded programme of business for the
       session gave no hope that it could be carried into law; but
       the vote was an encouragement.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
       Resolution of the House of Commons in favor of the Payment
       of Members and the public payment of election expenses.

       The following resolution was introduced in the House of
       Commons on the 12th of May, 1909, by Mr. Higham, of York:

       "That in the opinion of this House the non-payment of members
       and the liability of candidates for the returning officers’
       expenses render it impossible for many constituencies to
       exercise a free choice in their selection of candidates and
       election of members of Parliament; and this House is of
       opinion that any measure of general electoral reform passed
       before the dissolution of this Parliament, and coming into
       force upon or after the dissolution, should be accompanied by
       arrangements for the payment of members elected to serve in
       Parliament and for the transfer to the Imperial Exchequer of
       the financial responsibility for the returning officers’
       expenses incurred in the conduct of such elections."

       Mr. Harcourt, for the Government, accepted the motion at once.
       He pointed out that the expenditure entailed, if members were
       paid £300 a year, would be £200,000 annually; but this was not
       a valid argument against the change. For his part, he could
       not see why politics should be the only profession "run by
       amateurs." He was, therefore, not frightened by the prospect
       of an Assembly of professional politicians. The time had gone
       by when the country could select its legislators solely from
       the leisured class; public servants deserved to be paid.

       Most of the speakers in a debate of three hours favored the
       resolution, and it was then adopted, by 242 votes against 92.
       No legislation in accordance with it has yet been undertaken.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May).
       Reorganization of Passive Resistance to the Education Act
       of 1902.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND; A. D. 1909 (MAY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (May-October).
       Consumption of whiskey diminished by increase of tax.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (June).
       The Imperial Press Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July).
       Assassination of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by an Indian Anarchist.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
       Imperial Defence Conference.
       Its conclusions and agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (July-December).
       Decision against the right of Trade Unions to pay Salaries
       to Members of Parliament.

       On the 23d of July, 1909, an appeal from an order of the Court
       of Appeal was argued before five legal members of the House of
       Lords, on the question whether the payment of members of
       Parliament chosen to represent the interests of a trade union
       was a lawful application of the funds of such union. The
       complainant in the case had sued the Amalgamated Society of
       Railway Servants, of which he had been a member since 1892, to
       have it declared that one of the rules of the society, which
       provides, amongst other things, for Parliamentary
       representation and the enforced levy of contributions from the
       plaintiff and other members of the society, towards the
       payment of salaries, or maintenance allowance, to members of
       Parliament pledged to observe and fulfil the conditions
       imposed by the constitution of the Labour Party therein
       referred to, is ultra vires and void, and that the
       society may be restrained from enforcing it. And in the
       alternative that it may be declared that a certain amendment
       or addition made to the rules in 1906 be declared to be
       illegal and void. The added rule, thus complained of, was as
       follows; "All candidates shall sign and accept the conditions
       of the Labour Party and be subject to their Whip."

    {246}

       The judgment of the Lords, rendered on the 21st of December,
       sustained the order from the court below, dismissing the
       appeal. Their decision rested mainly on considerations
       relating to the rule quoted above, and stated briefly by one
       of their bench, Lord James, as follows:

       "The effect of this rule and others that exist is that a
       member of the trade union is compelled to contribute to the
       support of a member of Parliament, who is compelled ‘to answer
       the Whip of the Labour Party.’ I construe this condition as
       meaning that the member undertakes to forego his own judgment,
       and to vote in Parliament in accordance with the opinions of
       some person or persons acting on behalf of the Labour Party.
       And such vote would have to be given in respect of all
       matters, including those of a most general character—such as
       confidence in a Ministry or the policy of a Budget—matters
       unconnected directly at least with the interests of labour.
       Therefore I am of opinion that the application of money to the
       maintenance of a member whose action is so regulated is not
       within the powers of a trade union. If your Lordships decide
       on this branch of the case that the respondent is entitled to
       judgment, it is unnecessary that any opinion should be
       expressed upon the very broad constitutional question raised
       for the first time in the Court of Appeal affecting the
       general support of members."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (August).
       The Prevention of Crimes Act brought into force.
       The Borstal System.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (August).
       The Trade Boards Bill, to suppress "Sweating."

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Imperial Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Marconi Wireless Telegraph Stations taken over
       by the Post Office.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Organization of a Navy War Council.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (January-March).
       Dissolution of Parliament.
       An indecisive Election.
       No majority in the House of Commons for any single party.
       Precarious support for the Liberal Ministry.
       Uncertainties of the Situation.

       As expected, Parliament was dissolved by royal proclamation
       early in January, and new elections commanded, the first of
       which took place on the 15th of that month and the last on the
       14th of February. The result was generally disappointing,
       because wholly indecisive. The new House of Commons was found
       to be made up of 275 Liberals, 273 Unionists, 71 Nationalists
       (Irish), 11 Independent Nationalists, and 40 Labor members.
       Neither of the political parties arrayed on the main issues
       involved had won a majority. The people had rendered no
       recognizable verdict on the Budget, or on the tariff question,
       or on the abolition of the veto power claimed by the House of
       Lords.

       Even with the support of the Labor members the Asquith
       Ministry was in a minority. The balance was held by the Irish
       members, and it was only by compromise with them that either
       Liberals or Unionists could do anything. Had the Ministry been
       able to choose its own course it might have preferred,
       perhaps, to push the Budget question to a settlement before
       attempting to determine the future of the House of Lords; but
       the leader of the Nationalists, Mr. Redmond, gave prompt
       notice that they would allow no such second rating of the
       Lords’ veto question to go into the programme of legislation.
       Probably, therefore, there were negotiations between Liberals
       and Nationalists before Mr. Asquith announced the intentions
       of the Government, which he did on the 28th of
       February,—Parliament having been formally opened on the 15th.
       Up to the 24th of March, he claimed all the time of the House
       of Commons for immediate measures which must be adopted before
       the close of the financial year, to provide immediately
       necessary means for maintaining the national credit. Then,
       "when the House reassembled after Easter, on March 29, the
       Government would present their proposals on the relations
       between the two Houses. They would be presented, in the first
       instance, in the form of resolutions affirming the necessity
       for excluding the House of Lords altogether from the domain of
       finance, and inviting the House to declare that, in the sphere
       of legislation, the power of the veto now possessed by the
       Lords should be so limited as to secure the predominance of
       the deliberate and considered will of the Commons within the
       lifetime of a single Parliament. Further, it would be made
       plain that these constitutional changes were without prejudice
       to and contemplated in a subsequent year the substitution in
       our Second Chamber, of a democratic for an hereditary basis.
       When these resolutions had been agreed to, they would be
       submitted to the House of Lords, so as to bring the main issue
       to a trial at the earliest possible moment."

       This programme of procedure appears to have been hastened
       slightly; for despatches from London on the 21st of March
       announced that Mr. Asquith had brought forward his
       resolutions, and that their purport was as follows:

       "The first resolution provides for complete control of money
       bills by the House of Commons, thus unmistakably disposing of
       the question that was precipitated by the Lords’ rejection of
       the budget; the second precludes the Lords from rejecting any
       bill that, has been passed by the Commons at three successive
       sessions, provided the entire time the bill has been before
       the House is not less than two years; and in the same case the
       bill becomes a law without the royal assent."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (May).
       Death of King Edward VII.
       Accession of King George V.

       The political situation in England, which had become
       problematical, was probably changed with suddenness, on the
       night of May 6, by the death of King Edward, after a brief
       illness, consequent on chronic bronchial disorders. His son
       was proclaimed as King George V. Settlement of the pending
       political questions seems likely to be postponed for some
       time.

       ----------ENGLAND: End--------

    ENJUMEN.

          See (in this Volume)
          ANJUMAN.

    ENVER BEY.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    EQUADOR.

          See (in this Volume)
          ECUADOR.

    EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    ERDMAN LAW.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

    ERICHSEN, DR. MYLIUS:
       Tragically ended survey of Greenland coast.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    {247}

    ERICSSON, JOHN:
       Unveiling of a monument to his memory at Stockholm,
       September 14, 1901.

          See (in this Volume)
          SWEDEN: A. D. 1901.

    ERIE CANAL:
       Popular vote for its enlargement to a capacity
       for boats of 1000 tons.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YOKE STATE: A. D. 1903.

    ERITREA:
       Its habitability by whites.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    ESHER ARMY COMMISSION, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

    ESNEH BARRAGE, Opening of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    ESPERANTO.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: ESPERANTO.

    ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT D', BARON.

          See (in this Volume)
          Nobel Prizes.

    ESTRADA, GENERAL JUAN:
       Revolutionary leader in Nicaragua.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

    ESTUPINIAN, DON BALTASER:
       Vice-President of Second International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    ETHER OF SPACE, NEW CONCEPTION OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

    ETHIOPIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          ABYSSINIA.

    EUCKEN, Rudolf.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    EUDISTES, THE CONGREGATION OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    EUGENICS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: EUGENICS.

    EULENBURG, PRINCE,
       The charges against.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

    EUPHRATES VALLEY:
       Railway building.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

    EUPHRATES VALLEY:
       Irrigation projects.

          See in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

       ----------EUROPE: Start--------

    EUROPE: A. D. 1850-1907.
       Growth and changes in population.
       The shifting of numerical weight among nations and peoples.

       Some statistical statements of surprising interest were set
       forth in an article published by Professor Sombart, of Berlin,
       in 1907. German statisticians have a reputation for accuracy,
       and we have no ground for questioning the figures submitted by
       this professor, which show that, notwithstanding the great
       flow of emigration from Europe within the last 60 years, its
       population has increased from about 250,000,000 to 400,000,000
       since the middle of the nineteenth century. The main growth,
       however, has been in Russia, from which the emigration has
       been slight.

       The exhibit of relative increase in the several countries and
       among the several races of Europe is more interesting and more
       important than the total growth. This comparison gives a heavy
       gain of weight to Russia since 1850, a considerable gain to
       Germany, slight gains to Austria-Hungary, Great Britain and
       Ireland (wholly on the British side of the United Kingdom),
       Belgium, and the Netherlands, with comparative losses in all
       the rest. The drop made by France in the scale of population
       is distressingly great. Out of every 1,000 inhabitants of
       Europe in 1850, 137 were in France; but out of the same number
       of Europeans in 1905 she counted but 94. Russia, in the same
       period, raised her share of the population of Europe from 215
       per 1,000 to 285; Germany from 138 to 145; Austria-Hungary
       from 114 to 117; Great Britain and Ireland from 104 to 105;
       Belgium from sixteen to seventeen; the Netherlands from twelve
       to thirteen. On the other hand, Italy dropped from 95 to 80;
       Spain and Portugal from 71 to 58; Sweden, Norway, and Denmark
       from 29 to 25; the Balkan States from 60 to 53; Switzerland
       from nine to eight.

       Carrying the comparisons of relative population back to the
       beginning of the last century, Professor Sombart finds that
       Germany, which gained ground in the last half of the period,
       had lost more in the first half than that gain made good. In
       1801 the Germans furnished 160 to each 1,000 of the population
       of Europe, against their present count of 145. But Great
       Britain and Ireland gave but 93 to that 1,000 in 1801 against
       the 105 of the present time. The gains of Russia and the
       losses of France, Italy, and Spain were alike continuous from
       the first to the latest date.

       As the result of these differences of advance in population,
       the Slavic peoples have been raised from the lowest to the
       highest weight in numbers; the Germanic have dropped just
       enough in the scale to take second place; while the Latinized
       folk of Southwestern Europe, or Latins as we call them, have
       fallen far from the share they had in the peopling of the
       continent 100 years ago. Of each 1,000 Europeans in 1801 the
       Slavs numbered 268, the Latins 355, the Germanics 375. In
       1850 the count was 310 for the Slav, 321 for the Latin, 369
       for the Germanic. The next 55 years brought the Slav to the
       front, with a great bound, and the figures in the column for
       1905 are 375 Slav, 373 Germanic, 251 Latin.

       These statistics hold a number of deep meanings; but they are
       especially eloquent in their showing of the deadly effects of
       the Napoleonic wars. For France there has been no recovery
       since those horrible years when the Corsican vampire sucked at
       her veins; and Spain and Italy are still sicklied from the
       same cause. But Germany’s languishing ended when the long
       peace of the last 36 years began. Her vitality had never been
       spent, even in the Thirty Years’ War and by the belligerency
       of Frederick, "called the Great," before Napoleon came to
       trample upon her, as that of France had been exhausted by her
       Bourbon and Corsican masters.

    {248}

    EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Rate of Increase of Population in other countries
       compared with Germany.

       "During the last few decades, the population of Germany has
       been increasing with marvellous and unprecedented rapidity.
       From 1870 to the present time it has grown from 40,818,000
       people to more than 60,000,000 people, and has therefore
       increased by 50 per cent. During the same period, our own
       [British] population has increased from 31,817,000 people to
       43,000,000 people, or by but 32 per cent. No nation in the
       world excepting those oversea which yearly receive a huge
       number of immigrants from abroad multiplies more rapidly than
       does the German nation, as may be seen from the following
       figures:

       "Average Yearly Increase of Population
       between the Last and the Previous Census.

       Germany,        15,000 people per million of inhabitants.
       Russia,         13,600 people per million of inhabitants.
       Holland,        12,300 people per million of inhabitants.
       Switzerland,    10,400 people per million of inhabitants.
       Belgium,        10,100 people per million of inhabitants.
       Great Britain,   9,400 people per million of inhabitants.
       Austria-Hungary, 9,300 people per million of inhabitants.
       Spain,           8,800 people per million of inhabitants.
       Italy,           6,900 people per million of inhabitants.
       France,          1,700 people per million of inhabitants.

       "From the foregoing table it appears that not only the
       population of Germany, but that of all the chiefly Germanic
       nations, increases very much faster than that of all other
       nations, Russia excepted. However, Russia cannot fairly be
       compared with Germany, partly because her population
       statistics are not reliable, partly because the growth of her
       population is to some extent due to conquest. …

       "The proud boast of the Pan-Germans that it is the destiny of
       the German race to rule the world would appear to be correct,
       were it not for a singular phenomenon which, so far, has
       remained almost unobserved. Whilst the 60,000,000 Germans in
       Germany are increasing with astonishing celerity, the
       30,000,000 Germans who live in Austria-Hungary and in other
       countries are so rapidly losing all German characteristics and
       even the German language, that it seems possible that, forty
       or fifty years hence, the number of Germans outside Germany
       proper will be almost nil. …

       "The 90,000,000 Germans who live in Germany and in Greater
       Germany are distributed over the globe as follows:

       Germany                      60,000,000
       Austria-Hungary              11,550,000
       Switzerland                   2,320,000
       Russia                        2,000,000
       Various European countries    1,130,000
                                    ----------
       Total in Europe              77,000,000

       United States and Canada     11,500,000

       Central and South America       600,000

       Asia, Africa, Australia         400,000

       Grand total                  89,500,000"

          O. Eltzbacher,
          Germany and Greater Germany
          (Contemporary Review, August, 1905).

       Later figures, relative to France, on this subject, were given
       by the Paris correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
       writing June 12th, 1909, when he said: "From 1901 to 1905 the
       birthrate was high enough to increase the population of France
       18 for every 10,000 yearly. During the same period the
       relative increase per 10,000 was 106 in Italy, 113 in Austria,
       121 in England, 149 in Germany, and 155 in Holland. … Coming
       back to single years, the birth rate of 1906 only increased
       the French population 7 per 10,000; that is, among every
       10,000 inhabitants there were as many births of living
       children as there were deaths taken altogether, plus seven
       births more. In 1907 there were five fewer births than deaths
       per 10,000 inhabitants. And now here comes 1908 jumping back
       to an excess of twelve births over deaths per 10,000. Such
       sudden fluctuations can be seized on by no theory; 1907 had
       its deficit because it had 19,892 more deaths than the
       average; 1908 recovers lost ground because it had 48,266 fewer
       deaths than 1907, or 28,374 fewer than the average of the
       preceding period of five years. Along with this slow but sure
       decrease in the absolute birth rate of France goes the happier
       decrease of deaths, owing to greater well-being in general and
       better popular hygiene in particular.

       "Statistics have something better than this to show. The
       steady increase in marriages, which I noted last year, has
       gone on. For 1908 it is the heaviest since 1873; the total
       number was 315,928—which is 1,172 more than in 1907 and 9441
       more than in 1906. Divorces, for all France, were 10,573 in
       1906 and 11,515 in 1908.

       "Why do Frenchmen have few children? Because they deliberately
       will not to have them. That is the answer which every
       intelligent observer who passes his life among Frenchmen—as
       one of themselves, not as an outsider—will give spontaneously;
       and it is the answer to which all statistics and all verified
       social facts lead up."

    EUROPE: A. D. 1878-1909.
       Thirty-one Years of Peace, broken only by
       Thirty-one Days of War.

       In the spring of 1897 there were thirty-one days of war
       between Turkey and Greece. With that exception there have been
       no hostilities on the European continent since Russia fought
       the Turks in 1877-1878, a period of thirty-one years. In the
       preceding thirty years there had been nearly a score of
       serious insurrections and wars: the widespread revolutionary
       conflicts of 1848-1849, in France, Italy, Austria, Hungary,
       Germany, and Denmark; the coup d’etat of 1851 in France; the
       Crimean War of 1854-1856; the war of France and Sardinia with
       Austria in 1859; Garibaldi’s liberation of Sicily and Naples
       in 1861, and his attempt on Rome the next year; the Greek
       revolution of 1862; Polish revolts of 1861 and 1863; the
       Schleswig-Holstein war of 1864; the Austro-Prussian "Seven
       Weeks War" and the Austro-Italian war, in 1866; Garibaldi’s
       renewed attack on the Papal government at Rome in 1867;
       revolution in Spain in 1868; the Franco-German War and the
       insurrection of the Communists at Paris in 1870-1871; the
       revolts of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1875 and of Bulgaria in
       1876.

       There is no mistaking the hopeful significance of so striking
       a contrast as this; and if we look back through two more
       similar periods, each of which represents the average term
       reckoned for a generation, we find the key to a better
       understanding of its hopefulness. Behind the turbulent thirty
       years from 1847 to 1877 are thirty years during most of which
       Europe lay bleeding, panting, exhausted by thirty other years
       of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars; exhausted
       physically but stirred deeply in brain and heart, and
       gathering strength for the efforts toward freer and better
       institutions of government and more homogeneous organizations
       of nationality which most of the conflicts between 1847 and
       1877 represent.

    {249}

       It is because those conflicts resulted in far better political
       conditions, and in much of satisfaction to racial affinities
       and national aspirations long resisted, that the people of
       Europe, in these last thirty years, have enjoyed the longest
       exemption from war on their own soil that their history
       records.

    EUROPE: A. D. 1902-1907.
       Renewal and maintenance of the Triple Alliance.
       Its value to Italy.

       The Triple Alliance or Dreibund of Germany, Austria-Hungary
       and Italy, formed in 1882 and renewed in 1887 and 1891, was
       renewed for the third time in 1902, a year before the end of
       its term, by the Zanardelli Government. "The term of this
       renewal was for six or 12 years; that is to say, if the treaty
       were not denounced in 1907, five years after its actual
       renewal, it should be considered as holding good for the full
       term of 12 years. The treaty was not denounced by the Giolitti
       Ministry, with Signor Tittoni Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
       therefore is in force until 1914, 12 years after its third
       renewal by Prinetti. Except in the case of a very marked
       alteration in the friendly relations between the three
       contracting Powers there can be no question of its renewal or
       non-renewal at this date. That case has not arrived; the
       cordial relations between Italy and her allies, in spite of
       conjectured though unacknowledged differences of opinion,
       remain ostensibly unaltered, and may still be considered as
       correctly described in the words used in their speeches in
       Vienna by the Emperor of Austria and the German Emperor, and
       in the telegrams which they afterwards exchanged with the King
       of Italy.

       "Some Italian politicians, however, seem disposed to question
       the utility of an alliance which does not relieve Italy from
       the necessity of spending more money on her national defence.
       What, they ask, is the use of the alliance if we have to make
       these heavy sacrifices in order to increase our army and navy
       and put our frontier fortifications in order? The answer is
       more simple than agreeable. It is precisely the existence of
       the Triple Alliance that has permitted Italy to leave her
       Austrian frontier absolutely open to invasion, and to allow
       both her army and navy to fall below the standard which she
       had proposed to keep up. The alliance has secured her immunity
       for her neglect. But she has naturally paid for that combined
       neglect and immunity by accepting a subordinate role by the
       side of her allies."

          Rome Correspondence,
          London Times, May 15, 1909.

    EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (April).
       The Entente Cordiale of England and France.

       In his interesting work on "France and the Alliances," founded
       on a course of lectures delivered at Harvard University in
       1908, M. André Tardieu reviews the long antagonism between
       England and France, which ran through their history, from
       early in the Fourteenth Century to the last year but one of
       the Nineteenth, when, in March, 1899, France, by treaty with
       the British Government, gave up her strong desire to extend
       her North African dominion eastward to the Nile. Then he asks:
       "How came it that within five years a sincere understanding
       was established between the two hereditary enemies?" He
       answers the question by saying: "Neither in England nor in
       France is the principle of the understanding to be sought.
       Rather was it the fear of Germany which determined England—not
       only her King and Government, but the whole of her people—to
       draw near to France." This, without doubt, is substantially
       the true explanation of the friendly agreements, forming what
       is known as the Entente Cordiale between England and France,
       which were signed on the 8th of April, 1904. They involved
       nothing in the nature of a defensive alliance against Germany,
       and they had been prepared for by a rapid growth of natural
       and real good feeling between English and French folk; but it
       is certain that they received their immediate prompting from
       the common recognition, in England and France, that Germany
       had become a rival in political and economic ambitions to both
       of them, more formidable than either could be to the other.
       This gave them a common reason for obliterating all their old
       differences and causes of difference, and exhibiting
       themselves to the world as friends.

       M. Tardieu credits the English King with the initiation of
       this most important rapprochement. "He it was," says the
       French writer, "who both conceived and facilitated it, while
       still many believed that the moment was premature. Edward VII.
       has been both praised and attacked without stint. Perhaps he
       deserves neither the ‘excess of honor nor yet the excess of
       abuse.’ Among present sovereigns, he has one superiority, that
       of having gained experience in life before reigning. … He is
       not afraid of taking the initiative; and so far his initiative
       has been a success. The boldest example of it was his visit to
       Paris in 1903. Putting aside all objections, and being
       convinced of his success, he arrived in France amidst an
       atmosphere of uncertainty. When the first platoons of
       cuirassiers rode down the Champs Elysées, embarrassment and
       anxiety weighed on the public. The Nationalists had declared
       their intention of hissing. What would be the result of a
       hostile manifestation? The King, as far as he was concerned,
       did not believe in the danger, and he was right. The Parisians
       accorded him, not an enthusiastic, but, from the first, a
       respectful, and soon a genial, reception. The road was clear.
       Two months later, Mr. Loubet paid King Edward a return visit.
       And, on welcoming his colleague, Mr. Delcassé, to London, Lord
       Lansdowne said to him: ‘Now we are going to have some
       conversation.’ As a matter of fact, there was conversation
       both in Paris and in London. … On the 8th of April, 1904, the
       agreement was signed, and its immediate publication produced a
       deep impression in Europe."

       Strictly speaking, there were three Agreements, or two
       Declarations and one formal Convention, signed on the 8th of
       April, 1904, constituting, together, the Anglo-French
       Entente. The first, a "Declaration respecting Egypt and
       Morocco," ran as follows:

       "Article I.
       His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no
       intention of altering the political status of Egypt. The
       Government of the French Republic, for their part, declare
       that they will not obstruct the action of Great Britain in
       that country by asking that a limit of time be fixed for the
       British occupation or in any other manner, and that they give
       their assent to the draft Khedivial Decree annexed to the
       present Arrangement, containing the guarantees considered
       necessary for the protection of the interests of the Egyptian
       bondholders, on the condition that, after its promulgation, it
       cannot be modified in any way without the consent of the
       Powers Signatory of the Convention of London of 1885. It is
       agreed that the post of Director-General of Antiquities in
       Egypt shall continue, as in the past, to be entrusted to a
       French savant. The French schools in Egypt shall
       continue to enjoy the same liberty as in the past.

    {250}

       "Article II.
       The Government of the French Republic declare that they have
       no intention of altering the political status of Morocco. His
       Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, recognize that
       it appertains to France, more particularly as a Power whose
       dominions are conterminous for a great distance with those of
       Morocco, to preserve order in that country, and to provide
       assistance for the purpose of all administrative, economic,
       financial, and military reforms which it may require. They
       declare that they will not obstruct the action taken by France
       for this purpose, provided that such action shall leave intact
       the rights which Great Britain, in virtue of Treaties,
       Conventions, and usage, enjoys in Morocco, including the right
       of coasting trade between the ports of Morocco, enjoyed by
       British vessels since 1901.

       "Article III.
       His Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, will
       respect the rights which France, in virtue of Treaties,
       Conventions, and usage, enjoys in Egypt, including the right
       of coasting trade between Egyptian ports accorded to French
       vessels.

       "Article IV.
       The two Governments, being equally attached to the principle
       of commercial liberty both in Egypt and Morocco, declare that
       they will not, in those countries, countenance any inequality
       either in the imposition of customs duties or other taxes, or
       of railway transport charges. The trade of both nations with
       Morocco and with Egypt shall enjoy the same treatment in
       transit through the French and British possessions in Africa.
       An Agreement between the two Governments shall settle the
       conditions of such transit and shall determine the points of
       entry. This mutual engagement shall be binding for a period of
       thirty years. Unless this stipulation is expressly denounced
       at least one year in advance, the period shall be extended for
       five years at a time. Nevertheless, the Government of the
       French Republic reserve to themselves in Morocco, and His
       Britannic Majesty’s Government reserve to themselves in Egypt,
       the right to see that the concessions for roads, railways,
       ports, &c., are only granted on such conditions as will
       maintain intact the authority of the State over these great
       undertakings of public interest.

       "Article V.
       His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they will use
       their influence in order that the French officials now in the
       Egyptian service may not be placed under conditions less
       advantageous than those applying to the British officials in
       the same service. The Government of the French Republic, for
       their part, would make no objection to the application of
       analogous conditions to British officials now in the Moorish
       service.

       "Article VI.
       In order to insure the free passage of the Suez Canal, His
       Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they adhere to the
       stipulations of the Treaty of the 29th October, 1888, and that
       they agree to their being put in force. The free passage of
       the Canal being thus guaranteed, the execution of the last
       sentence of paragraph 1 as well as of paragraph 2 of Article
       VIII of that Treaty will remain in abeyance.

       "Article VII.
       In order to secure the free passage of the Straits of
       Gibraltar, the two Governments agree not to permit the
       erection of any fortifications or strategic works on that
       portion of the coast of Morocco comprised between, but not
       including, Melilla and the heights which command the right
       bank of the River Sebou. This condition does not, however,
       apply to the places at present in the occupation of Spain on
       the Moorish coast of the Mediterranean.

       "Article VIII.
       The two Governments, inspired by their feeling of sincere
       friendship for Spain, take into special consideration the
       interests which that country derives from her geographical
       position and from her territorial possessions on the Moorish
       coast of the Mediterranean. In regard to these interests the
       French Government will come to an understanding with the
       Spanish Government. The agreement which may be come to on the
       subject between France and Spain shall be communicated to His
       Britannic Majesty’s Government.

       "Article IX.
       The two Governments agree to afford to one another their
       diplomatic support, in order to obtain the execution of the
       clauses of the present Declaration regarding Egypt and
       Morocco."

       The more formally designated Convention relates to questions
       concerning the Newfoundland fisheries and certain boundaries
       between French and English possessions in Africa. The articles
       respecting Newfoundland and the fisheries are as follows:

       "Article I.
       France renounces the privileges established to her advantage
       by Article XIII of the Treaty of Utrecht, and confirmed or
       modified by subsequent provisions.

       "Article II.
       France retains for her citizens, on a footing of equality with
       British subjects, the right of fishing in the territorial
       waters on that portion of the coast of Newfoundland comprised
       between Cape St. John and Cape Ray, passing by the north; this
       right shall be exercised during the usual fishing season
       closing for all persons on the 20th October of each year. The
       French may therefore fish there for every kind of fish,
       including bait and also shell fish. They may enter any port or
       harbour on the said coast and may there obtain supplies or
       bait and shelter on the same conditions as the inhabitants of
       Newfoundland, but they will remain subject to the local
       Regulations in force; they may also fish at the mouths of the
       rivers, but without going beyond a straight line drawn between
       the two extremities of the banks, where the river enters the
       sea. They shall not make use of stake-nets or fixed engines
       without permission of the local authorities. On the
       above-mentioned portion of the coast, British subjects and
       French citizens shall be subject alike to the laws and
       Regulations now in force, or which may hereafter be passed for
       the establishment of a close time in regard to any particular
       kind of fish, or for the improvement of the fisheries. Notice
       of any fresh laws or Regulations shall be given to the
       Government of the French Republic three months before they
       come into operation. The policing of the fishing on the
       above-mentioned portion of the coast, and for prevention of
       illicit liquor traffic and smuggling of spirits, shall form
       the subject of Regulations drawn up in agreement by the two
       Governments.

    {251}

       "Article III.
       A pecuniary indemnity shall be awarded by His Britannic
       Majesty’s Government to the French citizens engaged in fishing
       or the preparation of fish on the ‘Treaty Shore,’ who are
       obliged, either to abandon the establishments they possess
       there, or to give up their occupation, in consequence of the
       modification introduced by the present Convention into the
       existing state of affairs. This indemnity cannot be claimed by
       the parties interested unless they have been engaged in their
       business prior to the closing of the fishing season of 1903.
       Claims for indemnity shall be submitted to an Arbitral
       Tribunal, composed of an officer of each nation, and, in the
       event of disagreement, of an Umpire appointed in accordance
       with the procedure laid down by Article XXXII of The Hague
       Convention. The details regulating the constitution of the
       Tribunal, and the conditions of the inquiries to be instituted
       for the purpose of substantiating the claims, shall form the
       subject of a special Agreement between the two Governments.

       "Article IV.
       His Britannic Majesty’s Government, recognizing that, in
       addition to the indemnity referred to in the preceding
       Article, some territorial compensation is due to France in
       return for the surrender of her privilege in that part of the
       Island of Newfoundland referred to in Article II, agree with
       the Government of the French Republic to the provisions
       embodied in the following Articles:"

       The provisions here referred to, contained in the subsequent
       articles, modify the former frontier between Senegambia and
       the English colony of the Gambia, "so as to give to France
       Yarbutenda and the lands and landing places belonging to that
       locality"; cede to France "the group known as the Isles de
       Los, and situated opposite Konakry"; and substitute a new
       boundary, to the east of the Niger, for that which was fixed
       between the French and British possessions by the Convention
       of 1898.

       The Declaration which concludes the series of Agreements has
       to do with matters in Siam, Madagascar, and New Hebrides. As
       to Siam, the two Governments "declare by mutual agreement that
       the influence of Great Britain shall be recognized by France
       in the territories situated to the west of the basin of the
       River Menam, and that the influence of France shall be
       recognized by Great Britain in the territories situated to the
       east of the same region, all the Siamese possessions on the
       east and southeast of the zone above described and the
       adjacent islands coming thus henceforth under French
       influence, and, on the other hand, all Siamese possessions on
       the west of this zone and of the Gulf of Siam, including the
       Malay Peninsula and the adjacent islands, coming under English
       influence. The two Contracting Parties, disclaiming all idea
       of annexing any Siamese territory, and determined to abstain
       from any act which might contravene the provisions of existing
       Treaties, agree that, with this reservation, and so far as either
       of them is concerned, the two Governments shall each have
       respectively liberty of action in their spheres of influence
       as above defined."

       The further agreements were, on the part of the British
       Government, to withdraw a protest it had raised against the
       customs tariff established in Madagascar, and, on the part of
       the two Governments, "to draw up in concert an arrangement
       which, without involving any modification of the political
       status quo, shall put an end to the difficulties arising from
       the absence of jurisdiction over the natives of the New
       Hebrides."

       In the British Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 1952, April, 1904)
       which gave official publication to these Agreements, they are
       accompanied by an explanatory despatch from the Marquess of
       Lansdowne, British Foreign Secretary, to Sir E. Monson,
       Ambassador at Paris, which affirms distinctly that "if any
       European Power is to have a predominant influence in Morocco,
       that Power is France." The language of the despatch on this
       subject is as follows:

       "The condition of that country [Morocco] has for a long time
       been unsatisfactory and fraught with danger. The authority of
       the Sultan over a large portion of his dominions is that of a
       titular Chief rather than of a Ruler. Life and property are
       unsafe, the natural resources of the country are undeveloped,
       and trade, though increasing, is hampered by the political
       situation. In these respects the contrast between Morocco and
       Egypt is marked. In spite of well-meant efforts to assist the
       Sultan, but little progress has been effected, and at this
       moment the prospect is probably as little hopeful as it ever
       has been. Without the intervention of a strong and civilized
       Power there appears to be no probability of a real improvement
       in the condition of the country.

       "It seems not unnatural that, in these circumstances, France
       should regard it as falling to her lot to assume the task of
       attempting the regeneration of the country. Her Algerian
       possessions adjoin those of the Sultan throughout the length
       of a frontier of several hundred miles. She has been compelled
       from time to time to undertake military operations of
       considerable difficulty, and at much cost, in order to put an
       end to the disturbances which continually arise amongst tribes
       adjoining the Algerian frontier—tribes which, although
       nominally the subjects of the Sultan, are, in fact, almost
       entirely beyond his control. The trade of France with Morocco
       is again—if that across the Algerian frontier be included—of
       considerable importance, and compares not unfavourably with
       our own. In these circumstances, France, although in no wise
       desiring to annex the Sultan’s dominions or to subvert his
       authority, seeks to extend her influence in Morocco, and is
       ready to submit to sacrifices and to incur responsibilities
       with the object of putting an end to the condition of anarchy
       which prevails upon the borders of Algeria. His Majesty’s
       Government are not prepared to assume such responsibilities,
       or to make such sacrifices, and they have therefore readily
       admitted that if any European Power is to have a predominant
       influence in Morocco, that Power is France."

    {252}

       Of the reciprocal and equally important recognition by France
       of the paramount influence of Great Britain in Egypt, Lord
       Lansdowne wrote:

       "From the point of view of Great Britain the most important
       part of the Agreement which has been concluded in respect of
       Egypt is the recognition by the French Government of the
       predominant position of Great Britain in that country. They
       fully admit that the fulfilment of the task upon which we
       entered in 1883 must not be impeded by any suggestion on their
       part that our interest in Egypt is of a temporary character,
       and they undertake that, so far as they are concerned, we
       shall not be impeded in the performance of that task. This
       undertaking will enable us to pursue our work in Egypt
       without, so far as France is concerned, arousing international
       susceptibilities. It is true that the other Great Powers of
       Europe also enjoy, in virtue of existing arrangements, a
       privileged position in Egypt; but the interests of
       France—historical, political, and financial—so far outweigh
       those of the other Powers, with the exception of Great
       Britain, that so long as we work in harmony with France, there
       seems no reason to anticipate difficulty at the hands of the
       other powers."

    EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.
       General Consequences in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War and
       the Weakening of Russia in Prestige and Actual Power.

       "Europe is apparently on the eve of such a new combination of
       the Great Powers as was caused by the Franco-German War of
       1870, and just as after that fateful event Berlin became the
       centre of the continental political system, so Paris bids fair
       to play this part in the near future. For France has never
       been so powerful a factor in politics since the fall of the
       Empire as to-day. Everyone recognises that her alliance with
       Russia was the first step from the isolation which followed
       her military reverses towards her reinstatement in the
       political hierarchy, and some of the most popular and
       statesmanlike politicians of the Republic hold that the
       dissolution of that partnership will be the second. For the
       good which it achieved, they allege, was largely accidental,
       while the cost it entailed was proportionately great. …

       "The chief aim of the French statesman who struck up an
       alliance with the Government of Alexander III. was to
       neutralise Teutonic aggressiveness, and if possible to recover
       the lost provinces as well. The latter part of this programme
       has turned out to be a will-o’-the-wisp, while the first item
       can now be realised independently of the Russian alliance.
       Moreover, France, far from being isolated to-day, counts among
       her friends and natural allies not only the Latin peoples but
       the smaller States of the Continent, to say nothing of Great
       Britain. …

       "The motives which induced Germany, Austria-Hungary and Italy
       to enter into partnership have lost their force; the Triple
       Alliance has ceased to exist in aught but the name. Italy was
       the first of the three States to break away. And her adherence
       to the league was so obviously opposed to the sentiments of
       her people and the real interests of the nation, that only the
       strongest conceivable motive could keep her in the uncongenial
       society of her former oppressor. That motive had been supplied
       by Bismarck, who persuaded Crispi that clerical France was at
       the beck and call of the Vatican, and only awaited a
       prosperous moment to disunite Italy and restore Rome to the
       Pope. But to-day Germany herself has become the most trusty
       and perhaps the most helpful friend of the Holy See, while
       France has struck a vigorous blow on the line of cleavage
       between the political and ecclesiastical institutions which
       constitute the Catholic Church. The ruling body in
       Parliamentary Germany is the Ultramontane centre, and if any
       State in Europe could be conceived to be capable of breaking a
       lance for the temporal power of his Holiness, it would
       certainly be one of the two Teutonic Empires of Central
       Europe."

          E. J. Dillon,
          Foreign Affairs
          (Contemporary Review, August, 1904).

       The following is from a special correspondent of the New York
       Evening Post, who wrote from St. Petersburg on the 5th
       of March, 1909:

       "The international position of Russia has weakened greatly
       during the last five years. Before the Japanese war and the
       revolution her strength was enormous, and a Japanese officer
       who visited St. Petersburg in 1903 wrote in a Japanese paper
       that, judging by the attention which was paid to the Czar by
       every court in Europe and by the respect, almost awe even,
       with which he was regarded, that monarch might almost be
       styled the king of kings. The war and the revolution made
       short work, however, of this respect and awe. The Emperor
       William first took advantage of Russia’s weakness by springing
       the Morocco surprise on Europe; then Baron von Aerenthal
       annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which he would never, of
       course, have dared to do six years ago; while recently in the
       Duma Mr. Iswolsky frankly confessed that Russia can do
       absolutely nothing; that the war and the revolution have bled
       her white, and that no assistance or hope of assistance can be
       given to the Serbs and the Montenegrins."

    EUROPE: A. D. 1905.
       Joint action of Powers in forcing Financial Reforms in
       Macedonia on Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo-French Agreement
       concerning Morocco.
       The Kaiser’s speech at Tangier.
       Threatening pressure on France.
       Demand for International Conference.
       Results at Algeciras.

       What use the French Government wished to make of the free
       exercise of influence in Morocco which Great Britain consented
       to, in the agreements of April 8, 1904, is stated by M. Tardieu
       in his "France and the Alliances," with more than probable
       truth, as follows:

       "There was no design of conquest, or of protectorate, or of
       monopoly. Conquest would have cost too dear. A protectorate
       would have served no purpose in face of the exclusiveness of
       the tribes. Monopolization would have been contrary to
       international treaties. To create police forces with Moroccan
       natives and Algerian instructors in all the principal towns;
       to restore finances by means of a more honest collection of
       taxes, a genuine checking of expenses, and the repression of
       smuggling; to increase the carrying trade by public works
       wisely planned and the construction of ports, bridges and
       roads—all this by contract law; to multiply hospitals,
       schools, educational and charitable institutions,—such was
       the tenor of the programme. … As Mr. Delcassé wrote: ‘Far from
       diminishing the Sultan’s authority, we were peculiarly anxious
       to enhance his prestige.’"

    {253}

       For almost a year after the signing of the Anglo-French
       agreements of April, 1904, no objection was raised in Europe
       to the undertaking by France of such regenerative work in
       Morocco as they contemplated. Italy had assented to it before
       England did. Spain did the same a few months later. These were
       the Powers most concerned. The German Ambassador to France had
       been informed of the tenor of the agreement with England a
       fortnight before it was signed, and no criticism came from his
       Government. After the text of it had been published,
       Chancellor von Bülow said in the Reichstag: "We know of
       nothing that should lead us to think that this agreement is
       directed against any Power whatsoever. … From the point of
       view of German interests, we have no objection to make against
       it." During the eleven months that followed this utterance
       nothing appears to have been done by France in Morocco that
       changed the situation; but something changed the official
       attitude of Germany towards what it had found acceptable
       before, and changed it very suddenly. On the 31st of March,
       1905, the German Emperor, on a yachting cruise to the
       Mediterranean, disembarked at Tangier, and found occasion to
       address these remarks to a representative of the Sultan:

       "To-day, I pay my visit to the Sultan in his character of
       independent sovereign. I hope that, under the Sultan’s
       sovereignty, a free Morocco will remain open to the pacific
       competition of all nations without monopoly and without
       annexation, on a footing of absolute equality. My visit to
       Tangier is intended to make known the fact that I am resolved
       to do all that is in my power properly to safeguard the
       interests of Germany, since I consider the Sultan as being an
       absolutely free sovereign. It is with him that I mean to come
       to an understanding respecting the best way of safeguarding
       such interests. As regards the reforms which the Sultan is
       intending to make, it seems to me that any action in this
       direction should be taken with great precaution, respect being
       had for the religious sentiments of the population in order
       that there may be no disturbance of public tranquillity."

       All Europe read an emphasized threat in these words, and felt
       instantly that they meant hostile intentions towards France.
       That they came so quickly after the crushing defeat of Russia
       at Mukden; that Russia, ally of France in European politics,
       would need no longer to be counted, for some indefinite future
       time, as a military Power; that the Dual Alliance, which had
       been the prop of France in the recovery of her standing among
       the Powers, was thus suddenly a broken reed, and that
       circumstances were propitious, therefore, for humiliating her
       again,—here were facts for a bit of reasoning which suggested
       itself quickly to a multitude of minds.

       Twelve days after the speech of William II. at Tangier
       Chancellor Bülow addressed a circular to the Ambassadors of
       Germany at various capitals, directing them to demand an
       International Conference for the settlement of matters
       concerning Morocco. A little later the Moorish Sultan, Abd el
       Aziz, endorsed the demand, in the following missive, addressed
       to the several legations of foreign governments at Tangier:

       "We have been ordered by our master the Sultan (God strengthen
       him) to request all the great powers to hold a conference at
       Tangier, composed by its honorable representatives and those
       appointed by the Maghzen [the royal council or Cabinet] to
       discuss the manner for suitable reforms which His Shcreefian
       Majesty has determined to introduce into his Empire, and the
       expenses to carry out the same. We therefore beg to inform
       your excellency of this, so that you may notify your
       government and request them to permit your excellency to
       attend said conference for the above-mentioned purpose and let
       us know of its answer, and remain in peace and with joy.
       Written at the Holy Court at Fez on the 25th day of Rabe 1st,
       1905; corresponding to May 29, 1905.
          MOHAMMED BEN ARBY TORRES."

       Meantime, Germany was bringing pressure at Paris to force the
       resignation or removal of M. Delcassé, the Foreign Minister,
       whose policy was now said to be "A threat to Germany," and the
       French Government, unprepared for war, submitted to
       concessions which involved that result. It entered on
       preliminary pourparlers concerning the demand for an
       international conference, and allowed Minister Delcassé to
       resign.

       A fair-minded German’s view of the proceedings of the German
       Government in this matter was expressed by Mr. W. C. Dreher in
       his next annual review of "The Year in Germany" for The
       Atlantic Monthly. Frankly acknowledging that the Morocco
       controversy had "left with most other nations a distinctly
       disagreeable impression of the disturbing tendencies of German
       policy," and that the Kaiser’s famous speech at Tangier had
       "astonished the German people not less than other nations," he
       remarks: "For the Germans had learned to acquiesce in the
       Anglo-French settlement, under which France was to have a free
       hand for its scheme of pénétration pacifique in
       Morocco. The utterances of the Imperial Chancellor in the
       Reichstag clearly indicated that the Government accepted with
       good grace the general terms of that settlement. The people,
       too, had been schooled by the inspired press in the theory
       that Germany’s commercial interests in Morocco were so
       insignificant as not to warrant the inauguration of a large
       and energetic action to assert them; and this view had been
       generally accepted by them, barring the noisy little faction
       of Pan Germans.

       "The chief fault of Germany’s Morocco policy was, accordingly,
       that it was sprung upon the German people themselves without
       warning, without any preparation of their minds for it; hence
       they imperfectly comprehended it and never had any great
       interest in it. They did not feel that it was a matter
       intimately affecting the nation’s interests; and while the
       German Ambassador at Paris was asserting Germany’s solidarity
       with Morocco, the press at home was diligently occupied in
       convincing the outside world that Germany would never go to
       war on account of that remote and insignificant state.

       "Despite the abruptness and lack of skill in launching its new
       policy, however, the government’s position was logical and,
       within certain limits, reasonable. France and England had
       assumed to decide the fate of Morocco between themselves,
       whereas the Madrid Treaty of 1880, to which Germany was
       signatory, had explicitly given an international character to
       the Moroccan question. This was clearly an affront to
       Germany’s dignity and an attempt to isolate her, which ought
       to have been objected to at once."

          W. C. Dreher,
          The Year in Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1906).

    {254}

       On the 28th of September M. Rouvier, the French Premier, and
       Prince de Radolin, the German Ambassador at Paris, arrived at
       an agreement concerning the matters to be settled at the
       demanded Conference, and it was announced to other governments
       in the following Memorandum;

       The two Governments have agreed to submit to the Sultan the
       draft of the following programme elaborated in conformity to
       principles adopted by exchange of notes on July 8:

       "First.
       1. Organization, by way of international agreement, of the
       police outside the border region.

       "2. Regulations organizing the surveillance and suppression of
       the smuggling of arms. In the border region the enforcement of
       these regulations will exclusively concern France and Morocco.

       "Second.
       Financial reform.

       "Financial support given to the Maghzen through the
       establishment of a state bank with the privilege of issue,
       taking charge of treasury operations and acting as a medium
       for the coinage of money, the profits of which would belong to
       the Maghzen.

       "The said state bank would undertake to bring about a sounder
       monetary condition.

       "The credits opened to the Maghzen would be applied to the
       equipment and salaries of the public forces and to urgent
       public works, especially the improvement of the harbors and
       their facilities.

       "Third.
       Study of better proceeds from imposts and of new sources of
       revenue.

       "Fourth.
       Undertaking on the part of the Maghzen that no public service
       will be disposed of for the benefit of private interests.

       "Principle of letting contracts for public works to the lowest
       bidder, without preference for any nationality."

       In due time the further details were arranged, and
       representatives of thirteen governments, namely, of
       Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, Germany, Great Britain,
       Italy, Morocco, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Russia,
       Sweden, and the United States, were assembled in Conference on
       the 15th of January, 1906, not at Tangier, but at the Spanish
       city of Algeciras, on the coast of the Straits of Gibraltar.
       The United States were represented by the American Ambassador
       to the French Republic, Henry White, and by the American
       Minister to Morocco, S. R. Gummeré. The instructions addressed
       to them from Washington by the Secretary of State, Mr. Root,
       were partly in these words:

       "The United States is a participant in the discussions of the
       conference solely by reason of being a treaty power, having
       conventional engagements with Morocco dating back to 1836, by
       which this country not only enjoys special privileges, but is
       entitled to the most-favored-nation treatment for the time
       being. This government also shares in the right of protection
       of certain native Moors as defined in the multipartite
       convention of July 3, 1880. Our interest and right comprise
       and are limited to an equal share in whatever privileges of
       residence, trade, and protection are enjoyed by, or may be
       hereafter conceded by, the Shereefian Government to aliens and
       their local agencies, and it follows that we have a like
       concern in the enlargement of those privileges in all
       appropriate ways. With the special political problems of
       influence and association affecting the relations of the
       Moroccan Empire, as a Mediterranean state, to the powers
       having interests in that great sea and whose concern lies
       naturally in the conservation and extension of its commerce
       for the common benefit of all, the United States have little
       to do beyond expression of its wish that equality and
       stability be secured. …

       "It is expected that your attitude in the proceedings of the
       conference will display the impartial benevolence which the
       United States feels toward Morocco and the cordial and
       unbiased friendship we have for all the treaty powers. Fair
       play is what the United States asks—for Morocco and for all
       the interested nations—and it confidently expects that
       outcome. The complete dissociation of the United States from
       all motives or influences which might tend to thwart a perfect
       agreement of the powers should, in case of need, lend weight
       to your impartial counsels in endeavoring to compose any
       dissidence of aims which may possibly develop in the course of
       the conference."

       Algeciras, the chosen seat of the Conference, had been three
       times a landing place of the Moors in their invasions of
       Spain. "The modern town," says one who wrote an account of the
       Conference, "dating only from 1760, has but one attraction, a
       magnificent English hotel, built by the owners of the
       picturesque railway which connects it with the rest of Europe,
       and of the corresponding steamer service across the bay to
       Gibraltar, placing it in touch with all the world. But this
       attraction sufficed, and the Reina Cristina Hotel was engaged
       for the delegates, while the town-hall was cleared and
       refitted for their deliberations. …

       "The meetings were held at irregular intervals, about three
       times a week, being summoned whenever the President was
       advised that sufficient instructions had been received, or
       that the drafting committee had some document to present for
       consideration. Formal sessions were held from ten to twelve in
       the morning, the Conference meeting in committee from three to
       five in the afternoon, the drafting and translating committees
       assembling when and where convenient to their members."

          Budgett Meakin,
          The Algeciras Conference
          (Fortnightly Review, May, 1906).

       The General Act of the Conference, finished and signed on the
       7th of April, 1906, is in 123 Articles, divided into 6
       Chapters, as follows:

       I. A Declaration relative to the Organization of the Police;

       II. Regulations concerning the detection and suppression of
       the Illicit Trade in Arms;

       III. An Act of Concession for a Moorish State Bank;

       IV. A Declaration concerning an Improved Yield of the Taxes,
       and the creation of New Sources of Revenue;

       V. Regulations respecting the Customs of the Empire and the
       suppression of Fraud and Smuggling;

       VI. A Declaration relative to the Public Services and Public
       Works.

       The first chapter provides for the organization of a police
       force, not less than 2000 nor more than 2500 in number,
       recruited from among Moorish Mussulmans and commanded by
       Kaids, but having Spanish and French officers and
       non-commissioned officers for instructors, nominated to the
       Sultan by their respective Governments, and their services
       given for five years.
    {255}
       This police force, moreover, is subject to general inspection
       by a superior officer of the Swiss army. The regulations of
       the second chapter are minute and precise for their stated
       purpose. The Morocco State Bank, provided for in the third, is
       made subject to the law of France, and is to "discharge the
       duties of disbursing Treasurer of the Empire" and "financial
       agent of the Government." The Directors of the Bank are
       chosen, of course, by the shareholders; but one article
       stipulates that "the Shereefian Government shall exercise its
       high control over the Bank through a Moorish High
       Commissioner, whom it shall appoint after previous agreement
       with the board of directors," while another requires that
       "each of the following institutions, viz., the German Imperial
       Bank, the Bank of England, the Bank of Spain and the Bank of
       France, shall, with the approval of its Government, appoint a
       Censor to the State Bank of Morocco." The prescriptions in the
       fourth and fifth chapters of the act are not of general
       significance or interest. In the sixth, relating to "public
       services and public works," it is set forth that, "should the
       Shereefian Government consider it necessary to have recourse
       to foreign capital or to foreign industries for the working of
       public services or for the execution of public works, roads,
       railways, ports, telegraphs, or other, the Signatory Powers
       reserve to themselves the right to see that the control of the
       State over such large undertakings of public interest remain
       intact." On the signing of the Act Mr. Henry White, the chief
       delegate from the United States to the Conference, made the
       following Declaration on behalf of his Government:

       "The Government of the United States of America, having no
       political interests in Morocco, and having taken part in the
       present Conference with no other desires or intentions than to
       assist in assuring to all the nations in Morocco the most
       complete equality in matters of commerce, treatment, and
       privileges, and in facilitating the introduction into that
       Empire of reforms which should bring about a general state of
       well-being founded on the perfect cordiality of her foreign
       relations, and on a stable internal administration, declares:
       that in subscribing to the Regulations and Declarations of the
       Conference by the act of signing the General Act, subject to
       ratification according to constitutional procedure, and the
       Additional Protocol, and in consenting to their application to
       American citizens and interests in Morocco, it assumes no
       obligation or responsibility as to the measures which may be
       necessary for the enforcement of the said Regulations and
       Declarations."

    EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).
       Convention between Great Britain and Russia, containing
       arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

       Parallel with the Agreements—the "Entente Cordiale"—of
       1904 between England and France, in its purpose and in its
       importance to Europe, was the Convention between England and
       Russia in 1907, which harmonized the interests and the policy
       of the two nations in matters relating to Persia, Afghanistan,
       and Tibet. In each case the dictating motive looked not so
       much to a settlement of the particular questions involved, as
       to a general extinguishment of possible causes of contention
       which might at some time disturb the peaceful or friendly
       relations of the peoples concerned. Taken together, the two
       formally expressed understandings, Anglo-French and
       Anglo-Russian, added to the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1895
       (see, in Volume VI. of this work, FRANCE: A. D. 1895)
       constituted, not a new Triple Alliance, set over against that
       of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, but an amicable
       conjunction which bore suggestions of alliance, and which
       introduced a counterweight in European politics that makes
       undoubtedly for peace.

       The Anglo-Russian Convention, signed August 31, 1907,
       contained three distinct "Arrangements," under a common
       preamble, as follows:

       "His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
       and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas,
       Emperor of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the
       Russias, animated by the sincere desire to settle by mutual
       agreement different questions concerning the interests of
       their States on the Continent of Asia, have determined to
       conclude Agreements destined to prevent all cause of
       misunderstanding between Great Britain and Russia in regard to
       the questions referred to, and have nominated for this purpose
       their respective Plenipotentiaries. … Who, having communicated
       to each other their full powers, found in good and due form, have
       agreed on the following:

       Arrangement concerning Persia.

       "The Governments of Great Britain and Russia having mutually
       engaged to respect the integrity and independence of Persia,
       and sincerely desiring the preservation of order throughout
       that country and its peaceful development, as well as the
       permanent establishment of equal advantages for the trade and
       industry of all other nations;

       "Considering that each of them has, for geographical and
       economic reasons, a special interest in the maintenance of
       peace and order in certain provinces of Persia adjoining, or
       in the neighbourhood of, the Russian frontier on the one hand,
       and the frontiers of Afghanistan and Baluchistan on the other
       hand; and being desirous of avoiding all cause of conflict
       between their respective interests in the above-mentioned
       Provinces of Persia;

       "Have agreed on the following terms:

       "I. Great Britain engages not to seek for herself, and not to
       support in favour of British subjects, or in favour of the
       subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political or
       commercial nature—such as Concessions for railways, banks,
       telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, &c.—beyond a line
       starting from Kasr-i-Shirin, passing through Isfahan, Yezd,
       Kakhk and ending at a point on the Persian frontier at the
       intersection of the Russian and Afghan frontiers, and not to
       oppose, directly or indirectly, demands for similar
       Concessions in this region which are supported by the Russian
       Government. It is understood that the above-mentioned places
       are included in the region in which Great Britain engages not
       to seek the Concessions referred to.

       "II. Russia, on her part, engages not to seek for herself, and
       not to support in favour of Russian subjects, or in favour of
       the subjects of third Powers, any Concessions of a political
       or commercial nature—such as Concessions for railways, banks,
       telegraphs, roads, transport, insurance, &c.—beyond a line
       going from the Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjand,
       Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and not to oppose,
       directly or indirectly, demands for similar Concessions in
       this region which are supported by the British Government. It
       is understood that the above-mentioned places are included in
       the region in which Russia engages not to seek the Concessions
       referred to.

    {256}

       "III. Russia, on her part, engages not to oppose, without
       previous arrangement with Great Britain, the grant of any
       Concessions whatever to British subjects in the regions of
       Persia situated between the lines mentioned in Articles I and
       II. Great Britain undertakes a similar engagement as regards
       the grant of Concessions to Russian subjects in the same
       regions of Persia. All Concessions existing at present in the
       regions indicated in Articles I and II are maintained.

       "IV. It is understood that the revenues of all the Persian
       customs, with the exception of those of Farsistan and of the
       Persian Gulf, revenues guaranteeing the amortization and the
       interest of the loans concluded by the Government of the Shah
       with the ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prêts de Perse ’ up to the
       date of the signature of the present Arrangement, shall be
       devoted to the same purpose as in the past. It is equally
       understood that the revenues of the Persian customs of
       Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, as well as those of the
       fisheries on the Persian shore of the Caspian Sea and those of
       the Posts and Telegraphs, shall be devoted, as in the past, to
       the service of the loans concluded by the Government of the
       Shah with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of the
       signature of the present Arrangement.

       "V. In the event of irregularities occurring in the
       amortization or the payment of the interest of the Persian
       loans concluded with the ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prêts de
       Perse’ and with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the date of
       the signature of the present Arrangement, and in the event of
       the necessity arising for Russia to establish control over the
       sources of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the
       loans concluded with the first-named bank, and situated in the
       region mentioned in Article II of the present Arrangement, or
       for Great Britain to establish control over the sources of
       revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the loans
       concluded with the second-named bank, and situated in the
       region mentioned in Article I of the present Arrangement, the
       British and Russian Governments undertake to enter beforehand
       into a friendly exchange of ideas with a view to determine, in
       agreement with each other, the measures of control in question
       and to avoid all interference which would not be in conformity
       with the principles governing the present Arrangement.

       Convention concerning Afghanistan.

       "The High Contracting Parties, in order to ensure perfect
       security on their respective frontiers in Central Asia and to
       maintain in these regions a solid and lasting peace, have
       concluded the following Convention:

       "Article I.
       His Britannic Majesty’s Government declare that they have no
       intention of changing the political status of Afghanistan. His
       Britannic Majesty’s Government further engage to exercise
       their influence in Afghanistan only in a pacific sense, and
       they will not themselves take, nor encourage Afghanistan to
       take, any measures threatening Russia. The Russian Government,
       on their part, declare that they recognize Afghanistan as
       outside the sphere of Russian influence, and they engage that
       all their political relations with Afghanistan shall be
       conducted through the intermediary of His Britannic Majesty’s
       Government; they further engage not to send any Agents into
       Afghanistan.

       "Article II.
       The Government of His Britannic Majesty having declared in the
       Treaty signed at Kabul on the 21st March, 1905, that they
       recognize the Agreement and the engagements concluded with the
       late Ameer Abdur Rahman, and that they have no intention of
       interfering in the internal government of Afghan territory,
       Great Britain engages neither to annex nor to occupy in
       contravention of that Treaty any portion of Afghanistan or to
       interfere in the internal administration of the country,
       provided that the Ameer fulfils the engagements already
       contracted by him towards His Britannic Majesty’s Government
       under the above-mentioned Treaty.

       "Article III.
       The Russian and Afghan authorities, specially designated for
       the purpose on the frontier or in the frontier provinces, may
       establish direct relations with each other for the settlement
       of local questions of a non-political character.

       "Article IV.
       His Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Russian Government
       affirm their adherence to the principle of equality of
       commercial opportunity in Afghanistan, and they agree that any
       facilities which may have been, or shall be hereafter obtained
       for British and British-Indian trade and traders, shall be
       equally enjoyed by Russian trade and traders. Should the
       progress of trade establish the necessity for Commercial
       Agents, the two Governments will agree as to what measures
       shall be taken, due regard, of course, being had to the
       Ameer’s sovereign rights.

       "Article V.
       The present Arrangements will only come into force when His
       Britannic Majesty’s Government shall have notified to the
       Russian Government the consent of the Ameer to the terms
       stipulated above.

       Arrangement concerning Thibet.

       "The Governments of Great Britain and Russia recognizing the
       suzerain rights of China in Thibet, and considering the fact
       that Great Britain, by reason of her geographical position,
       has a special interest in the maintenance of the status quo in
       the external relations of Thibet, have made the following
       Arrangement:—

       "Article I.
       The two High Contracting Parties engage to respect the
       territorial integrity of Thibet and to abstain from all
       interference in its internal administration.

       "Article II.
       In conformity with the admitted principle of the suzerainty of
       China over Thibet, Great Britain and Russia engage not to
       enter into negotiations with Thibet except through the
       intermediary of the Chinese Government. This engagement does
       not exclude the direct relations between British Commercial
       Agents and the Thibetan authorities provided for in Article V
       of the Convention between Great Britain and Thibet of the 7th
       September, 1904, and confirmed by the Convention between Great
       Britain and China of the 27th April, 1906; nor does it modify
       the engagements entered into by Great Britain and China in
       Article I of the said Convention of 1906.

    {257}

       "It is clearly understood that Buddhists, subjects of Great
       Britain or of Russia, may enter into direct relations on
       strictly religious matters with the Dalai Lama and the other
       representatives of Buddhism in Thibet; the Governments of
       Great Britain and Russia engage, as far as they are concerned,
       not to allow those relations to infringe the stipulations of
       the present Arrangement.

       "Article III.
       The British and Russian Governments respectively engage not to
       send Representatives to Lhassa.

       "Article IV.
       The two High Contracting Parties engage neither to seek nor to
       obtain, whether for themselves or their subjects, any
       Concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, and mines, or
       other rights in Thibet.

       "Article V.
       The two Governments agree that no part of the revenues of
       Thibet, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or
       assigned to Great Britain or Russia or to any of their
       subjects.

       Annex to the Arrangement between Great Britain and Russia
       concerning Thibet.

       "Great Britain reaffirms the Declaration, signed by his
       Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India and
       appended to the ratification of the Convention of the 7th
       September, 1904, to the effect that the occupation of the
       Chumbi Valley by British forces shall cease after the payment
       of three annual instalments of the indemnity of 25,000,000
       rupees, provided that the trade marts mentioned in Article II
       of that Convention have been effectively opened for three
       years, and that in the meantime the Thibetan authorities have
       faithfully complied in all respects with the terms of the said
       Convention of 1904. It is clearly understood that if the
       occupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British forces has, for
       any reason, not been terminated at the time anticipated in the
       above Declaration, the British and Russian Governments will
       enter upon a friendly exchange of views on this subject."

       As an Inclosure with the Convention, Notes were exchanged by
       the Plenipotentiaries, of which that from Mr. Nicolson was in
       the following words, M. Iswolsky replying to the same effect.

          "ST. PETERSBURG, AUGUST 18 (31), 1907.
          "M. LE MINISTRE,
       "With reference to the Arrangement regarding Thibet, signed
       to-day, I have the honour to make the following Declaration to
       your Excellency:

       "'His Britannic Majesty’s Government think it desirable, so
       far as they are concerned, not to allow, unless by a previous
       agreement with the Russian Government, for a period of three
       years from the date of the present communication, the entry
       into Thibet of any scientific mission whatever, on condition
       that a like assurance is given on the part of the Imperial
       Russian Government.

       "‘His Britannic Majesty’s Government propose, moreover, to
       approach the Chinese Government with a view to induce them to
       accept a similar obligation for a corresponding period; the
       Russian Government will as a matter of course take similar
       action.

       "‘At the expiration of the term of three years above mentioned
       His Britannic Majesty’s Government will, if necessary, consult
       with the Russian government as to the desirability of any
       ulterior measures with regard to scientific expeditions to
       Thibet.’ I avail, &c.
          (Signed) A. NICOLSON."

       In authorizing Sir A. Nicolson to sign the preceding
       Convention, Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary for Foreign
       Affairs, wrote, on the 29th of August, as follows:

       "I have to-day authorized your Excellency by telegraph to sign
       a Convention with the Russian Government containing
       Arrangements on the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and
       Thibet.

       "The Arrangement respecting Persia is limited to the regions
       of that country touching the respective frontiers of Great
       Britain and Russia in Asia, and the Persian Gulf is not part
       of those regions, and is only partly in Persian territory. It
       has not therefore been considered appropriate to introduce
       into the Convention a positive declaration respecting special
       interests possessed by Great Britain in the Gulf, the result
       of British action in those waters for more than a hundred
       years.

       "His Majesty’s Government have reason to believe that this
       question will not give rise to difficulties between the two
       Governments, should developments arise which make further
       discussion affecting British interests in the Gulf necessary.
       For the Russian Government have in the course of the
       negotiations leading up to the conclusion of this Arrangement
       explicitly stated that they do not deny the special interests
       of Great Britain in the Persian Gulf—a statement of which His
       Majesty’s Government have formally taken note.

       "In order to make it quite clear that the present Arrangement
       is not intended to affect the position in the Gulf, and does
       not imply any change of policy respecting it on the part of
       Great Britain, His Majesty’s Government think it desirable to
       draw attention to previous declarations of British policy, and
       to reaffirm generally previous statements as to British
       interests in the Persian Gulf and the importance of
       maintaining them.

       "His Majesty’s Government will continue to direct all their
       efforts to the preservation of the status quo in the
       Gulf and the maintenance of British trade; in doing so, they
       have no desire to exclude the legitimate trade of any other
       Power."

          Parliamentary Papers by Command.
          Russia. Number 1. 1907 (Cd. 3750).

    EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.
       Treaties respecting the Independence and Territorial Integrity
       of Norway, and concerning the Maintenance of the Status Quo
       in the territories bordering upon the North Sea.

       Two Treaties of great importance to the security of peace in
       Europe, having for object a joint protection by several Powers
       of existing conditions on the North Sea and the Baltic exit to
       it, were concluded and signed on the 2d of November, 1907, and
       the 23d of April, 1908, respectively. The parties to the first
       of these Treaties were Great Britain, France, Germany, Norway,
       and Russia, and its purpose was "to secure to Norway, within
       her present frontiers and with her neutral zone, her
       independence and territorial integrity, as also the benefits
       of peace." It was signed at Christiania, where ratifications
       were deposited on the 6th of February following: The following
       is the text of the Treaty;

    {258}

       "Article I.
       The Norwegian Government undertake not to cede any portion of
       the territory of Norway to any Power to hold on a title
       founded either on occupation, or on any other ground
       whatsoever.

       "Article II.
       The German, French, British, and Russian Governments recognize
       and undertake to respect the integrity of Norway. If the
       integrity of Norway is threatened or impaired by any Power
       whatsoever, the German, French, British, and Russian
       Governments undertake, on the receipt of a previous
       communication to this effect from the Norwegian Government, to
       afford to that Government their support, by such means as may
       be deemed the most appropriate, with a view to safeguarding
       the integrity of Norway.

       "Article III.
       The present Treaty is concluded for a period of ten years from
       the day of the exchange of ratifications. If the Treaty is not
       denounced by any of the parties at least two years before the
       expiration of the said period, it will remain in force, in the
       same manner as before, for a further period of ten years and
       so on accordingly.

       "In the event of the Treaty being denounced by one of the
       Powers who have participated with Norway in the conclusion of
       the present Treaty, such denunciation shall have effect only
       as far as that Power is concerned.

       "Article IV.
       The present Treaty shall be ratified and the ratifications
       shall be exchanged at Christiania as soon as possible."

       The second of the two Treaties was in two documents, styled
       "Declaration and Memorandum between the United Kingdom,
       Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden,
       concerning the maintenance of the Status Quo in the
       territories bordering upon the North Sea." They were signed at
       Berlin, where ratifications were deposited on the 2d of July,
       1908, and were in the following terms:

       "Declaration.
       The British, Danish, French, German, Netherland, and Swedish
       Governments,

       "Animated by the desire to strengthen the ties of neighbourly
       friendship existing between their respective countries, and to
       contribute thereby to the preservation of universal peace, and
       recognizing that their policy with respect to the regions
       bordering on the North Sea is directed to the maintenance of
       the existing territorial status quo,

       "Declare that they are firmly resolved to preserve intact, and
       mutually to respect, the sovereign rights which their
       countries at present enjoy over their respective territories
       in those regions.

       "Should any events occur which, in the opinion of any of the
       above-mentioned Governments, threaten the existing territorial
       status quo in the regions bordering upon the North Sea,
       the Powers Signatory of the present Declaration will
       communicate with each other in order to concert, by an
       agreement to be arrived at between them, such measures as they
       may consider it useful to take in the interest of the
       maintenance of the status quo as regards their
       possessions.

       "The present Declaration shall be ratified with the least
       possible delay. The ratifications shall be deposited at Berlin
       as soon as may be, and, at the latest, on the 31st December,
       1908. The deposit of each ratification shall be recorded in a
       Protocol, of which a certified copy shall be forwarded through
       the diplomatic channel to the Signatory Powers.

       "Memorandum.
       At the moment of signing the Declaration of this day’s date,
       the Under signed, by order of their respective Governments,
       consider it necessary to state—

       "1. That the principle of the maintenance of the status
       quo, as laid down by the said Declaration, applies solely
       to the territorial integrity of all the existing possessions
       of the High Contracting Parties in the regions bordering upon
       the North Sea, and that consequently the Declaration can in no
       case be invoked where the free exercise of the sovereign
       rights of the High Contracting Parties over their
       above-mentioned respective possessions is in question;

       "2. That, for the purposes of the said Declaration, the North
       Sea shall be considered to extend eastwards as far as its
       junction with the waters of the Baltic."

          British Parliamentary Papers by Command,
          Treaty Series No. 35, 1907, and 23, 1908
          (Cd. 3754 and 4248).

    EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1909.
       The Situation in Crete as controlled by the Four Protecting
       Powers.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

    EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (October-March).
       Declaration of Bulgarian Independence.
       Austrian Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
       Excitement of Servia.
       The menace to European peace.
       The question of a Conference.
       Attitude of Germany.
       Was Russia coerced to assent?
       Violation of the Public Law of Europe.

       On the 5th of October, 1908, the independence of Bulgaria as a
       Kingdom was formally proclaimed, the suzerainty of the Sultan
       of Turkey renounced, and Prince Ferdinand invested with the
       title of Tzar, or King. This proceeding was consequent on the
       revolution in Turkey, which had resurrected the suspended
       Constitution of 1876, broken the despotism of the Sultanate
       and subjected it to a Parliamentary system of government.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908, JULY-DECEMBER.

       Never having accepted the arrangements of 1878, made by the
       Congress of Berlin, which gave them self-government but kept
       them tributary and nominally subject to the over lordship of
       the Sultan, the Bulgarians had but waited for the opportunity
       which now seemed to invite this act.

          See, in Volume V. of this work,
          TURKS: A. D. 1878;
          and in Volume I.,
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1878, and 1878-1886)

       An immediate provocation to their declaration of independence
       was supplied by a thoughtless offence to them given by the new
       Ministry at Constantinople. To celebrate the triumph of the
       revolution a state dinner was given, the Sultan presiding, and
       all the diplomats at the Turkish capital were invited to it
       excepting the representative of Bulgaria. When he asked for an
       explanation of this exception he was told that he could not be
       recognized as an ambassador or envoy, but only as the agent of
       a subject province. This was enough to set Bulgaria aflame.
       Her affronted Minister at Constantinople was withdrawn and
       diplomatic intercourse with the Turkish Government dropped.
       The breach was accentuated further by the recent occurrence of
       a strike on the railway, owned by the Turkish Government,
       which traverses both Turkish and Bulgarian territory. The
       Bulgarians had taken possession of and were operating the
       section within their own domain, and when the strike was
       called off the Government announced its intention to retain
       that portion of the line, with due compensation to the company
       which leased it. This proceeding intensified and doubled the
       ferments produced by the proclamation of independence.
       Statesmen were disturbed by the violation of the Treaty of
       Berlin and capitalists by the danger which menaced their
       Turkish railway securities.

    {259}

       But this tells of only half the threatening incidents of the
       time. Simultaneously with the Bulgarian defiance of the Treaty
       of Berlin and its signatory sponsors, the Government of
       Austria-Hungary broke away from its obligations, by a formal
       announcement that the simple occupation and administration of
       Bosnia, and Herzegovina, which that treaty had permitted the
       Dual Empire to undertake, was now to be complete annexation,
       by no other authority than the Imperial will to have it so.

       Many interests and ambitions, many jealousies and distrusts
       among the Powers, were disturbed and excited by this sudden
       disordering of the political geography of Southeastern Europe.
       Pan-Slavic feelings and hopes were profoundly antagonistic to
       the Austrian absorption of more Slavic populations and lands.
       Servia was alarmed to desperation by the aggrandizement of her
       dangerous great neighbor, and Russia was more than sympathetic
       with her alarm. What Turkey could or would do in vindication
       of her treaty rights over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Herzegovina,
       was a question of little gravity compared with that which
       asked what Servia might attempt in resistance to the Austrian
       scheme, and what Russia would venture if an Austro-Servian war
       should break out. The situation very soon became one in which
       any act of hostility on any side could hardly fail to
       precipitate a great tempest of war; and thus the peace of
       Europe was held in a trembling balance for months. The state
       of affairs was described clearly and with ample knowledge at
       the time by Mr. Archibald R. Colquhoun, in a paper which he
       read in London, at a meeting of the Royal Society of Arts.
       "The more hot-headed Servians," he said, "undoubtedly felt
       that their whole future was imperilled, and that they might as
       well risk all on a desperate hazard, in the belief that
       intervention would come to their assistance should their
       independence be threatened. The close racial ties between the
       Bosnians, Servians, and Montenegrins made it impossible to say
       how far an armed movement might spread if it once broke out.
       While Turkey and Bulgaria might come to terms, and while
       Austria might effect an amicable arrangement with Turkey, it
       was difficult to see how the question of the Southern Slavs
       was to be finally adjusted unless Austria could placate them
       in sections, and so perhaps divide them. Concessions of a
       comparatively unimportant nature might induce Montenegro to
       keep quiet, and a liberal policy, with a promise of autonomy
       in the near future, would discount a good deal of the
       agitation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The more far-sighted
       Bosnians appreciated the fact that their shortest cut to
       comparative freedom lay through that local autonomy which they
       could legitimately demand from Austria. …

       "The spectacle of these Southern Slave countries, whose
       peoples exhibited so many splendid qualities, but yet did not
       have that instinct for government which characterized some far
       less gifted races, was rather a melancholy one. In the tangle
       of mountains, races, and religions which made up the Balkans
       the people needed peace above every other thing—a breathing
       space in which to develop themselves and their resources, and
       to get a truer perspective on their position in Europe. To the
       Great Powers who controlled the destinies of these small ones
       peace was no less essential, but it was not quite clear that
       Austria-Hungary, with the great military power of Germany
       behind her, realized this or was prepared to ‘seek peace and
       ensue it.’ It was this uncertainty which made many await with
       anxiety the melting of the Balkan snows, which put an end to
       enforced inactivity in those regions."

       Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy were agreed in
       desiring a Conference of the Powers which had been parties to
       the Berlin Treaty of thirty years before, to adjudicate all
       the questions raised by the acts of Austria and Bulgaria, in
       contravention of that treaty. Austria was supported by Germany
       in holding back from such a conference, and nothing definite
       in that direction was done. Meantime Turkey was brought to
       negotiations with both of the trespassers on her ancient
       sovereignty, and within a few months she came to terms with
       both. The arrangement with Austria, determining an indemnity
       to be paid for the surrender of Turkish claims to Bosnia and
       Herzegovina, was quickened by a boycott of Austrian
       merchandise in Turkey, so extensive as to be felt very
       seriously in Austrian and Hungarian trade. By the terms of a
       protocol, which was signed on the 26th of February, 1909,
       Austria-Hungary paid £T2,500,000 ($10,800,000) of indemnity to
       the Ottoman Government; assured religious freedom and
       political equality to Mussulman Bosniaks who should choose to
       remain in the province, with liberty of emigration during
       three years to all who might choose to depart, and promised a
       commercial treaty on lines which the Turks desired. This
       cleared the situation as between Austria and Turkey, but
       intensified the Servian and Montenegrin bitterness of anger
       and dread, which menaced the peace of the continent for
       another month.

       Meantime the terms of a Turkish adjustment with Bulgaria had
       been practically settled, on the basis of a helpful suggestion
       from St. Petersburg. Bulgaria offered $16,400,000 of
       indemnity; Turkey claimed $24,000,000. The bargaining was at a
       standstill until Russia offered to remit a yearly
       war-indemnity of $1,600,000 which Russia owed her under the
       Berlin Treaty, until the Turkish claim on Bulgaria should be
       satisfied, while she would collect from Bulgaria in similar
       instalments until the offer of the latter had been made good.
       Inasmuch as the Turkish debt to Russia bore no interest, while
       Bulgaria would pay interest on the deferred payments to
       Russia, the Muscovite treasury would suffer no loss. The
       matter was so arranged, and the interests of peace were served
       by a most ingenious and happy device.

    {260}

       But peace was made more than insecure for some weeks yet by
       the irreconcilability of Servia to the Austrian annexation of
       Bosnia and Herzegovina. Of course that small State could not
       hope to resist it successfully alone, or with Montenegrin aid;
       but a desperate venture of war, into which Russia might be
       dragged, and if Russia, then Germany,—and who could tell what
       other powers!—and out of the wreckage of which something
       better for Southeastern Europe than an Austro-Hungarian
       domination might be drawn,—this appeal to the lottery of
       battle seemed a dangerous temptation to the Servian mind. It
       was extinguished as such in the end by the decision of Russia
       to drop the project of a Conference of Powers, accept the
       action of Austria, and recognize, unreservedly, on her own
       part, the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as an
       accomplished fact. This was announced on the 15th of March,
       and with the announcement came excited and exciting reports
       that Germany had extorted the concession from the Russian
       Government, by pressures that were humiliating, but which the
       Empire, in its present circumstances, was powerless to resist.
       Germany denied having exercised an illegitimate pressure in
       the matter, but made no concealment of the fact that she stood
       by Austria-Hungary with approval of what the Imperial
       Government at Vienna had done. In a speech on the 29th of
       March Chancellor Bülow was reported as saying:

       "In her quarrel with Servia Austria indisputably had right on
       her side. The annexation was no cynical act of robbery, but
       the last step on the road of the political work of
       civilization which had been followed for 30 years with the
       recognition of the Powers. Any offence against the form of the
       law had been disposed of by the negotiations with Turkey, and
       after this agreement between the parties most nearly
       interested the formal recognition of the other Powers
       signatory of the Berlin Treaty could not be withheld. The
       controllers of Russian policy, and especially the Emperor
       Nicholas, had earned the gratitude of all friends of peace in
       Europe. Concerning the Conference question, Germany still had
       no objection in principle to a Conference in which all the
       Powers took part and of which the programme was established in
       advance. They had been charged with inactivity, but they had
       no reason for special activity. They had done what they could
       and used influence, not without success, between Vienna and
       Constantinople, and also between Vienna and St. Petersburg.
       They had, however, carefully observed the limits prescribed by
       their interests and their loyalty. They had done nothing, and
       they would do nothing, which could afford the smallest doubt
       of their determination to sacrifice no vital interest of
       Austria-Hungary, and they would have nothing to do with
       suggestions to Austria which were incompatible with the
       dignity of the Hapsburg Monarchy. They had experiences of
       their own to inspire caution with regard to playing the part
       of the broker, even in the most honourable way. … To sum up,
       by loyalty to her ally Germany best secured her own interests
       and contributed most to the maintenance of the peace of
       Europe."

       On the day of this speech at Berlin the London Times
       expressed, in an editorial article, what was then and what
       continues to be the prevailing belief and judgment of the best
       informed political circles throughout Europe, when it said:
       "The decision of the Russian Government to recognize the
       annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was, of course, an
       admission of their inability, in present circumstances, to
       countenance the aspirations of the Southern Slavs. The intense
       and general indignation which it has excited in Russia is
       natural, and indeed, in the known state of public feeling,
       inevitable. We trust, however, that it may be kept within
       bounds, and that it will not find expression in useless and
       vehement invective. Those who are tempted to indulge in it
       without restraint should reflect upon the difficulties which
       confront the responsible rulers of the State, and should
       consider whether, as Statesmen answerable for the future, as
       well as for the immediate present, of the Empire and of the
       Slav race, those rulers could wisely have rejected the
       proposal peremptorily made to them by the German Ambassador.
       The cardinal fact in the situation—the fact upon which
       Austria-Hungary and Germany have based their calculations and
       determined their action throughout—is that Russia could not
       for some time to come engage in a great war without incurring
       unjustified risks. Nothing, we may be sure, but the
       overwhelming consciousness of this fact could have induced the
       Emperor and his advisers to adopt the decision to which they
       came a few days ago. They must have been well aware of the
       painful effect which it was certain to produce, in the first
       instance, abroad as well as at home. None can have realized
       more acutely than they that the presentation of the demand was
       humiliating, and that the circumstances attending it were
       eminently calculated to make that humiliation bitter. But they
       held, and rightly held, that it was their duty to accept
       humiliation rather than to jeopardize the great permanent
       interests which are committed to their keeping. They might,
       indeed, have been somewhat less precipitate. They might
       reasonably have asked for time for consulting the Powers with
       whom they have acted, and who have consistently supported
       them, upon the proposals which Germany sprang upon them. The
       fact that they did not do so is a significant indication that
       the pressure which Count Pourtalès was instructed to put upon
       them must have been of the most imperious and dictatorial
       kind.

       "As to the precise form of the intimation conveyed to M.
       Isvolsky by the German Ambassador no definite information is
       yet forthcoming, but of its nature there can be no possible
       doubt. Our Paris Correspondent learns that, immediately after
       his interview with Count Pourtalès, the Russian Minister
       summoned a Council, and, after a hasty audience with the Tsar,
       communicated to the German Ambassador Russia’s acquiescence in
       the demands of his Government. There was no alternative to
       this course, as we are told from St. Petersburg, unless Russia
       was prepared to face the consequences of the mobilization of
       the German Army. The matter, our Correspondent adds, was
       treated as of ‘supreme urgency,’ from which it may be inferred
       that a reply was required without delay. The Council of
       Ministers knew what ‘German mobilization’ in the circumstances
       would mean."

    {261}

       In appearance, if not in reality, Germany or Germany’s Kaiser
       had again, as in the Morocco affair of 1905, taken advantage
       of the weakened circumstances of Russia to play a dictatorial
       part in European politics. The distrust and apprehension kept
       alive by such repeated performances of the military big stick
       at Berlin seem infinitely more dangerous to Europe than any
       possible explosion of the unstable compounds of race,
       religion, and lawless politics that are mixed in the Balkan
       magazine. For the time being, however, the sparks that
       sputtered alarmingly in the latter, throughout the winter of
       1908-1909, were easily extinguished by the sudden dash of cold
       water upon them from St. Petersburg. Great Britain, France,
       and Italy, accepting the situation, joined Germany and Russia
       in persuading the Government at Belgrade to be equally
       submissive to events. Their persuasions were effective, and a
       note to the following purpose, which the Powers in question
       had formulated, was signed by the Servian Ministry and
       presented to the Government at Vienna on the 31st of March:

       "(1.) Servia declares that her rights have not been violated
       by the annexation by Austria-Hungary of Bosnia and
       Herzegovina, and accepts the Powers’ decision to annul
       paragraph 25 of the Treaty of Berlin.

       (2.) Servia will not protest against the annexation of Bosnia
       and Herzegovina.

       (3.) Servia will maintain peaceful relations with
       Austria-Hungary.

       (4.) Servia will return her military forces to normal
       conditions, and will discharge the reservists and volunteers;
       she will not permit the formation of irregular troops or
       bands."

       The arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina was now
       legitimated; the Treaty of Berlin was revised by violations
       condoned; a serious precedent had been injected into European
       public law. What was said on the subject by the London
       Times on the morning after the delivery of the Servian
       note is hardly open to the least dispute. "The danger of war,"
       said the Times, "has thus, we may confidently hope, been
       averted. But the sense of immediate relief with which this
       deliverance may well be greeted cannot blind us to the cost at
       which it has been achieved. The first great international
       compact to which the new German Empire of the Hohenzollerns
       subscribed within a few months of its proclamation at
       Versailles was that which embodied the resolutions of the
       London Conference of 1871. The European Powers, rightly
       disputing Russia’s claim to denounce motu proprio the Black
       Sea Clauses of the Treaty of Paris, maintained that no
       revision of an international treaty could take place without
       ‘impartial examination’ and ‘free discussion.’ None upheld
       that principle more stoutly than Austria-Hungary. Russia
       herself finally accepted it, and it was solemnly placed on
       record by Lord Granville in his opening speech as President of
       the London Conference. It was embodied in a Protocol, signed
       by all the Plenipotentiaries of the Powers, laying down as ‘an
       essential principle of the law of nations that no Power can
       repudiate treaty engagements or modify treaty provisions,
       except with the consent of the contracting parties by mutual
       agreement.’ That instrument has, until recently, governed the
       public law of Europe. In conformity with its provisions,
       Russia, after her war with Turkey in 1877-1878, was fain to
       submit the Treaty of San Stefano to the Congress of Berlin;
       and again in 1885 a Conference was held at Constantinople to
       settle the question of the union of Eastern Rumelia with
       Bulgaria which had been effected in violation of the Treaty of
       Berlin. Five months ago, immediately after the annexation of
       Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and the proclamation
       of Bulgarian independence, Great Britain, France, and Russia
       were agreed, after M. Isvolsky’s conversations with M.
       Clemenceau and Sir Edward Grey, that the same 'essential
       principle of the law of nations’ was once more at stake and
       must be upheld. Italy adhered subsequently to that agreement,
       which took shape in the suggestion for a conference, and
       neither Germany nor Austria-Hungary openly rejected it at the
       time. …

       "The terms of the submission now made by Servia at the
       instance of the Powers show how far we have travelled away
       from that ‘essential principle of the law of nations’ since
       October last. … Whether the formal ratification of the
       breaches of international law which were committed last autumn
       takes place now at a Conference, or by an exchange of Notes,
       is a matter of small moment. In substance the Powers have
       already conveyed their acquiescence in the abrogation of
       Article XXV. of the Berlin Treaty concerning Bosnia and
       Herzegovina, without the slightest show even of that
       ‘impartial examination’ and ‘perfectly free discussion’ which
       the London Conference of 1871 laid down as an essential
       preliminary to the revision of treaty engagements."

       There was an illuminating sequel to this transaction near the
       end of the year, in the trial of a libel suit, known as the
       Friedjung case, which uncovered many hidden circumstances of
       the annexation. One of the arguments by which the annexation
       of Bosnia-Herzegovina was defended at the time was the
       necessity of putting an end to an alleged conspiracy of the
       Southern Slavs against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

          See (in this Volume),
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.
          "Agram Trials", page 40.)

       At the trial it was proved that the "documents" which had been
       accepted as proving the existence of this conspiracy were
       forgeries of the clumsiest description.

    EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
       Changed conditions making for peace.
       Three striking examples.

       Speaking at Sheffield, England, on the occasion of "the
       Cutlers’ Feast," October 21, Sir Edward Grey, the British
       Secretary for Foreign Affairs, called to mind, in a few
       admirable sentences, three illustrations in the past year of
       wonderfully changed conditions in Europe, making for peace. He
       said:

       "In the world at large to-day—if I may say a few words about
       the business of my own department—there is no doubt plenty of
       trouble, as there always is, but if you take the true measure
       of the situation by comparing it with what it was a short time
       ago, the outlook is distinctly favourable. I will give you
       three points which are, I think, subjects of congratulation.

       "It is only a year ago to this very month that we were at the
       beginning of what was called the Balkan crisis. I do not know
       whether the Budget has driven all recollection of it from your
       minds, but it did occupy a good deal of attention a year ago
       and for some months afterwards. For a long time it had been
       almost an axiom of the diplomacy of Europe that some day or
       other there would be trouble in the Balkans, and that, when
       that trouble came, there would be danger of a European war.
       The trouble came a year ago; it caused anxiety; there was a
       storm; and for some months some anxiety as to whether one or
       other of the Great European Powers might not drift from their
       moorings.
    {262}
       But the anchors held, and now the swell has subsided, and
       though there may be trouble again in the future, the fact that
       the Great Powers of Europe have passed through the Balkan
       troubles of the last year and yet maintained their peace is a
       good augury that in future troubles the same may be done.

       "Then I will take the question of Persia. A few years ago, had
       any one foretold exactly what has happened in Persia in the
       last year—that there would be a revolution, that there would
       be great outbreaks of disorder throughout the country, and
       that the Shah would be deposed—he would certainly have said
       that it would be a time of considerable anxiety both for
       Russia and for ourselves. A few years ago the representatives
       of those two countries were watching each other in Persia with
       jealousy, suspicion, and distrust. Had what has happened in
       Persia in the last year happened a few years ago when those
       were the relations between the two countries, I do not say
       that there would actually have been war, but there would
       certainly have been considerable anxiety and considerable
       scares in the public opinion of both countries as to the
       effect upon their relations with each other. Now we have
       passed through the troubles of the last year in Persia, and in
       no section of the Press of either country, in no section of
       public opinion of either country, has there been a fear that
       relations between ourselves and Russia would be impaired by
       what was happening in Persia.

       "The third subject to which I would refer is that of Morocco.
       Morocco is to-day very full of trouble, and the trouble is a
       matter of concern and worry to those Powers who have
       conterminous frontiers in Morocco. That of course is so, but
       look back over the last few years and survey. The matter which
       occupied men’s minds in regard to Morocco was not the troubles
       in Morocco itself but the possible effect which events in
       Morocco might have upon the relations of the European Powers
       to each other. To-day the trouble continues in Morocco, but
       during the last year the anxiety that what was happening in
       Morocco might cause serious difficulties between European
       Powers themselves has greatly diminished if it has not
       entirely disappeared. That, again, is a satisfactory
       retrospect."

    EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
       Contradictory feeling and action concerning War.
       Its causes.
       International Barbarism with Inter-personal Civilization.
       The two main knots of difficulty in the situation.
       Great Britain and Germany.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    EUROPE: A. D. 1909.
       Size and cost of its armies.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

       ----------EUROPE: End--------

    EVANS, Rear-Admiral Robley D.:
       Commanding the American Battleship Fleet.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    EVICTED TENANTS ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

    EXCLUSION OF ALIENS.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION, AND RACE PROBLEMS.

    EXPATRIATION:
       Its Rights.
       Principles maintained by the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          NATURALIZATION.

    EXPLORATION, Polar.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    EXPOSITIONS, Industrial.

          See (in this Volume)
          BUFFALO; ST. LOUIS; CHARLESTON;
          JAMESTOWN; PORTLAND, OREGON; SEATTLE.

    EZCURRA, COLONEL:
       Deposed President of Paraguay.

          See (in this Volume)
          PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

    F.

    FABIAN SOCIETY.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

    FAIRBANKS, Charles W.:
       Elected Vice-President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

    FAKUMENN RAILWAY QUESTION, between Japan and China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    FALLIÈRES, ARMAND:
       President of the French Senate.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

    FALLIÈRES, ARMAND:
       President of the French Republic.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    FALL RIVER STRIKE, in the Cotton Mills.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1905.

    FAMINES:
       In China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1906-1907.

    FAMINES:
       In India: The poverty they signify.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA; A. D. 1905-1908.

    FAMINES:
       In Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

    FARADAY, MICHAEL:
       His Prophetic Conception of Radiant Matter.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM.

    FARM COLONY, Cleveland, Ohio.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY, PROBLEMS OF.

    FARMAN, Henri.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: AERONAUTICS.

    FARMERS’ ORGANIZATIONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909; and
          LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

    FEDAKIARANS, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    FEDERAL PARTY.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 and 1907.

    FEHIM PASHA, THE FATE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908(JULY-DECEMBER), AND 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    FEJERVARY MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    FENGHUANGCHENG.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    FENSHUILING.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), AND (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    FERRER, Professor Francisco:
       His trial and execution.

          See (in this Volume)
          Spain: A. D. 1907-1909.

    FERTILIZER TRUST:
       Dissolution and indictment.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    {263}

    FETVA, of the Sheik-ul-Islam.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    FIALA ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    FICHTE’S PROPHECY, of a World Commonwealth.

          See (in this Volume)
          WORLD MOVEMENTS.

    FILIPINO CATHOLIC CHURCH, Independent.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

       ----------FINANCE AND TRADE: Start--------

    FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.
       A Review of the decade.
       The Sequence of Phenomena from the beginning of "the great
       Trade Boom" to the Collapse of 1907, and after.
       The Process of Recovery.

       On the 31st of December, 1908, the New York Evening
       Post gave an admirably studied and clear, though succinct,
       review of the sequence of phenomena in financial and
       commercial affairs that could be traced through "the series of
       years since the great trade boom began which collapsed in
       1907," and thence to the close of 1908. By permission of the
       proprietors of the Evening Post a considerable part of
       that review is quoted here. While it relates more especially
       to conditions and events in the United States, it affords
       substantially a summary of the financial history of the world
       from 1901 to 1908, both inclusive:

       "1901.
       This was preeminently the ‘boom year’—much more legitimately
       so, as events have proved, than 1905 or 1906, when
       overstrained capital resources gave an atmosphere of unreality
       to what seemed altogether real in the days of abundant capital
       in 1901. It is first to be said of 1901 that a probably
       unexampled surplus of ready capital in the United States, and
       a certainly unprecedented foreign credit balance—due to our
       amazing surplus of exports over imports—happened to coincide
       with a period of European trade reaction which released
       foreign capital from foreign industries and left it free for
       use in America. Presuming the foregoing influences, the six
       main causes for the phenomena of 1901 were:

       (1) The series of enormous company amalgamations, beginning
       with the billion-dollar Steel incorporation, and culminating
       in the purchase of the British steamship lines at wildly
       extravagant prices; these operations being based on issues of
       securities in unprecedented quantity;

       (2) Formation of ‘underwriting syndicates’ to float these
       securities, one of those syndicates receiving a bonus of
       $50,000,000 for one year’s use of $25,000,000, and all of them
       using freely for their purposes the surpluses of life
       insurance companies and the deposits of trust companies;

       (3) Acquisition of control of great railway companies by
       powerful millionaires, through purchase of stock of these
       railways in the open market, often at extravagant prices; the
       purchase-money being obtained through issue of bonds by
       railways already under control of the purchasers;

       (4) Wild speculation by the public;

       (5) Sudden fright of Europe at our excesses, withdrawal of its
       capital, and consequent severe reaction in our markets;

       (6) The failure of the corn crop, which in the summer applied
       a further check to this speculation, but which was itself
       offset by a wheat crop larger than any harvested in this
       country before or since, and sold at the highest average price
       since 1897.

       "1902.
       This year was one both of reaction and of further expansion;
       it was both a legitimate sequel to 1901 and a legitimate
       forerunner of 1903. …

       "Its salient phenomena were these:

       (1) Abundant harvests;

       (2) Overstraining of bank resources by financial ‘deals’ and
       Stock Exchange speculation, exhausting the bank surplus in
       September;

       (3) Enormous increase in imports and decrease in agricultural
       exports, along with Europe’s withdrawal of its capital;

       (4) Rapid advance in cost of raw material and labor;

       (5) Struggle of capitalists to so entrench themselves in
       control of corporate enterprises that they could not be
       dislodged.

       "1903.
       The year which followed was an entirely logical sequel. Its
       controlling factors were:

       (1) Forced liquidation by individuals and syndicates who were
       tied up in new securities at a time when the investing public
       withdrew from the market;

       (2) Inability of great corporations to sell bonds, and their
       resort to notes at a high interest rate;

       (3) Abundant grain crops, but an inadequate cotton crop, with
       great speculation, and famine prices;

       (4) Rapid fall in the price of steel and iron;

       (5) Severe contraction in profits of industrial combinations,
       with reduced dividends in some, reorganization of capital in
       others, and bankruptcy in still others.

       "1904.
       For obvious reasons, 1904 is an interesting year to compare
       with 1908. Both were in a sense 'after-panic years,’ though
       the strain of 1903, and the resultant financial and commercial
       reaction of 1904, were trifles compared with those of the past
       two years. It will be seen that 1904, which did in fact usher
       in another great boom in trade, paralleled closely in some
       respects the history of 1908, but in others diverged very
       widely from it. Its dominant influences were:

       (1) A huge surplus reserve at the New York banks, reaching in
       August a height only four times exceeded in the country’s
       history, and as a result a 1 per cent. call money market
       during two-thirds of the year;

       (2) The largest gold export movement in the history of the
       country;

       (3) A midsummer recovery on the Stock Exchange, with large
       investment buying;

       (4) A Presidential campaign, which hardly affected business;

       (5) Substantial, but not very rapid, trade revivals, without
       any of the extravagant optimism of 1908;

       (6) Famine prices for cotton during half the year, followed by
       a new crop unparalleled in history, and by a heavy fall in
       prices;

       (7) Virtual disappearance of our export trade in wheat, with
       the smallest harvest since 1900, the highest prices since
       1898, and the smallest shipment to Europe since 1872. The
       Russian war, which began in February, affected our markets
       only indirectly.

    {264}

       " 1905.
       This year’s history is better understood to-day than it has
       been before. The testimony of the whole financial and
       commercial world now is, that the exploiting of capital in
       trade and speculation, which eventually brought about the
       recent panic, and the abnormal enhancement of cost of living,
       which lifted the average price of commodities as much in two
       years as it had risen in the eight preceding years, began in
       the middle of 1905. These were the salient incidents of the
       financial year:

       (1) Rapid and vigorous trade revival, with industry and
       production probably more active than at any previous period,
       and with profits and dividends enhanced;

       (2) Exposure of the use of life insurance funds by promoting
       and speculating millionaires, an exposure which ended in
       legislation preventing such use of them in future
       speculations;

       (3) World-wide money stringency, with the New York bank
       surplus twice exhausted, London’s bank position the weakest
       since 1890, and Berlin’s the weakest since 1897;

       (4) Excited stock speculation for the rise, in this country
       and in Germany, which in New York almost wholly disregarded
       the abnormal strain on money.

       "1906.
       Neither the $400,000,000 loss at San Francisco in April, nor
       the Treasury’s efforts to relieve an overstrained New York
       money market in September, was a fundamental cause for the
       events of 1906. They were a true sequel to 1905, and may be
       summarized as follows:

       (1) Enormous Volume of trade, the whole world over, with rapid
       rise in price of goods, but equally rapid rise in cost of raw
       material and labor;

       (2) Grain harvests, as a whole, never paralleled in Volume,
       and wheat crop second only to 1901;

       (3) Wild speculation by all classes of the community,
       particularly in land, mining shares, and Stock Exchange
       securities, but not as a rule in produce, the wealthiest
       capitalists in the country entering into stock speculation in
       the late summer, and using most unscrupulously their power
       over company finance to help along their purposes;

       (4) Overstrained bank resources as a result, with five
       deficits at New York, occurring in spring, autumn, and winter,
       two of these deficits being the largest since 1893;

       (5) Abnormally high money rates all the year, with the highest
       September rate for call loans ever reached in New York, and
       the highest rate for time loans and merchants’ paper reached
       at that time of year since 1872;

       (6) Sudden decision by Europe that American credit was
       unlimited, and the consequent placing of foreign capital
       unrestrictedly at our disposal;

       (7) Struggle between London and New York for possession of new
       gold arriving in London, resulting in our import of
       $40,000,000 gold from Europe in the spring, and $45,000,000 in
       the autumn, and leading to a rise of the Bank of England rate
       to 6 per cent. for the first time since the Boer war panic,
       and to an energetic effort on the Bank’s part to stop the
       wholesale equipping of the American speculation with London
       bank money.

       "1907.
       The panic year’s story may be told without further
       introduction, summing up thus its characteristic events:

       (1) Withdrawal by Europe of the capital loaned to us in 1906,
       leading, early in the year, to $32,000,000 gold exports to
       Europe, of which $25,000,000 went to France:

       (2) Partial withdrawal of their capital from Wall Street by
       interior markets, which were said to have had $400,000,000
       outstanding in New York during 1906;

       (3) Distress of the immensely wealthy capitalists who had tied
       themselves up in the Wall Street speculation of 1906, their
       forced liquidation on an enormous scale, and consequent
       demoralized Stock Exchange markets in March and August;

       (4) Very abnormal crop weather throughout the spring and over
       nearly all the world, with a resultant shortage of the whole
       world’s wheat crop, the deficit of supplies below expected
       requirements being probably the largest since 1890.

       "(5) Revelation of unsound banking practices at New York in
       October; leading to the failure of the Knickerbocker Trust, a
       formidable run on the banks, adoption of Clearing House
       certificates in all the larger cities and issue of emergency
       credit currency in many; to restriction of cash payments to
       depositors throughout the country, to a premium on currency,
       to complete demoralization of interior exchange, and to
       insolvency of several large industrial companies and numerous
       banks—neither, however, reaching the number which shortly
       followed the panic of 1893;

       (6) Import of $100,000,000 gold from Europe during November
       and December, most of it bought at a premium and some of it
       engaged with sight sterling at 4.91;

       (7) As a result, large inroads on the Bank of England’s gold
       reserve, rise in the bank rate from 4½ to 7 per cent., rapid
       advance of all continental bank rates, and loan of large sums
       of gold by the Bank of France to the Bank of England.

       "(8) Precarious position of financial Germany throughout the
       year, important failures at Hamburg, minor financial panics in
       Holland, Egypt, Italy, and Chili, many of them before our own;

       (9) Intervention of our Treasury, which wisely placed all its
       surplus on deposit with the banks in October, and most
       unwisely undertook to issue $150,000,000 bonds and notes in
       November to provide basis for new bank-note circulation;

       (10) Recovery in markets late in November, with slow return of
       the bank situation to normal, the currency premium at New York
       lasting longer than in either 1893 or 1873;

       (11) Discharge of laborers from employment all over the
       country, and the beginning of severe trade reaction—all this
       in spite of the largest annual gold output in the history of
       the world.

       "1908.
       Now comes the present remarkable after-panic year, of which
       the salient phenomena may be thus summed up:

       (1) Spasmodic and irregular recovery in trade activity,
       starting from a very low level, with merchants rushing in
       suddenly with orders—in February, in July, and in
       November—when their shelves were almost depleted, these buying
       impulses ceasing as suddenly as they had begun, leaving trade
       stagnation again;

       (2) Slow increase in consumption of merchandise, here and
       abroad, the ratio being below 30 per cent. of normal at the
       beginning of the year, and 60 to 75 per cent. on the average
       at its close;

       (3) Sudden shrinkage of our international commerce,
       merchandise trade in eleven months falling $478,000,000 from
       1907, a decline of 15 per cent., of which $326,000,000 was
       imports and $152,000,000 exports, experience of European
       nations being similar;

       (4) Enormous increase in the unemployed, leading, at the
       Atlantic ports, to an emigration 250,000 larger than
       immigration;

       (5) Severe contraction of railway earnings, resulting in
       twenty-four railway insolvencies, involving the largest
       capital of any receiverships since those of 1893, and causing
       many dividend reductions, but followed, after the middle of
       the year, by such enormous reduction in expenses that, in some
       cases, autumn net earnings actually increased over 1907;

    {265}

       "(6) Sudden rush of currency into the banks, as a result,
       first of removal of restrictions on depositors and next of
       idle trade, with resultant change from a $20,000,000 New York
       bank deficit at the end of 1907 to a surplus of $40,000,000 at
       the end of January and of $66,000,000 on June 27—the latter
       being second only to the $111,000,000 maximum of 1894;

       (7) As a consequence, abnormally low rates for money, call
       loans going at 2 per cent. before the end of January, at 1 per
       cent. in eighteen weeks of the present year, and at less than
       1 per cent. in three weeks;

       (8) Export of $73,000,000 gold, the largest (except for 1904)
       since 1895, and net export of $45,000,000, the largest in
       thirteen years;

       "(9) In spite of the above recited facts, a constant spirit of
       optimism throughout the year, expressing itself, first in the
       organization of ‘Prosperity Leagues’ which held conventions
       and proclaimed that if people would only decide to be
       prosperous, they would be prosperous, and second by a series
       of extravagant speculative movements on the Stock Exchange, in
       the course of which it was declared in February, in July, and
       in November, that we were not only destined to get back into
       the boom of 1906, but that we were there already;

       (10) A wheat harvest which in midsummer promised to be the
       second largest on record, but which turned out only of average
       Volume, the quality and price for this and other cereals,
       however, being so good as to enhance very greatly the wealth
       of the agricultural West;

       (11) A Presidential election, the result of which the markets
       and all experienced people foresaw from the beginning, but of
       which it was alleged, for two weeks in November, that its
       outcome had totally changed for the better the entire aspect
       of American business affairs."

       1909.
       The following, from the New York Evening Post of
       December 31, 1909, continues the review:

       The noteworthy characteristics of "the year which ends to-day,
       … so far as they can now be discerned, have been as follows:

       (1) Rapid industrial recovery, beginning with the steel
       trade’s reduction of prices, leading in September to the
       largest monthly output of iron and steel in the history of the
       country, and to heavy demand from consumers, but contrasting
       singularly with the copper market, where signs of
       overproduction were visible throughout the year;

       (2) Very rapid increase in cost of necessaries of life,
       affecting chiefly food, clothing, and rent, leading in the
       autumn to bitter complaint and to numerous strikes for higher
       wages, notably on the railways;

       (3) Along with reviving trade, a speculation of great
       magnitude on the Stock Exchange, ascribed to the initiative of
       very powerful finance houses, and converging in a most
       peculiar way on United States Steel common shares, whose
       dividend was twice advanced, notwithstanding the fact that
       quarterly earnings had not recovered to the magnitude of 1906
       or 1907, when the dividend had been maintained at the old
       rate;

       (4) Largely as a result of the tying-up of capital in this
       speculation, severe autumn strain on bank reserves, turning a
       New York surplus of $34,000,000 on July 10 into one of only
       $1,600,000 on October 2, driving Wall Street to probably
       unprecedented borrowings from interior banks and from London,
       which latter market, under the influence of the Bank of
       England, threw back great amounts of these New York loans
       during October;

       "(5) Call money rates kept down by such expedients, 6 per
       cent. being the maximum up to the two closing days of
       December;

       (6) a wheat corner in June, in the course of which the New
       York cash price rose to $1.51 in June, the highest price since
       the Leiter corner of 1898, followed by a new wheat crop
       unsurpassed in magnitude except for 1901, yet with high prices
       continued in later autumn, despite an abundant crop in Europe
       also;

       (7) A very short crop of cotton, driving the price from 9½
       cents a pound, early in the year, to 16 cents in December, the
       latter being the highest December price since paper inflation
       days, and less than one cent below the highest price in the
       corner of 1904;

       (8) Import of foreign merchandise wholly unparalleled for
       magnitude in our history, causing, in June, July, and August,
       an excess of imports over exports for the first time since
       1897, and resulting, in the eleven first months of the year,
       in a total excess of exports over imports $340,000,000 less
       than in 1908, and very much the smallest of any year since
       1897;

       (9) As a partial consequence, the largest export of gold of
       any year in the country’s history, and the largest net export
       except for 1894 and the paper money days.

       "The prolonged tariff debate in Congress, which high financial
       authority declared would hold back financial activity, but
       which gave no evidence of doing so, can hardly be classed as a
       fundamental influence of the year. Whether Mr. Harriman’s
       death in September, with the resultant realignment of forces
       in high finance, deserves to be so classed, is a question
       which can hardly be passed upon as yet."

    FINANCE AND TRADE:
       America: Proposal of an International American Bank.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    FINANCE AND TRADE: Asia; A. D. 1909.
       Disturbance of Trade by the Fall in Silver Exchange.

       The following is a Press telegram from Ottawa, Canada,
    June 23, 1909:

       "The serious check to American exports to the Orient resulting
       from the great fall in the silver exchanges last year is
       attracting increasing attention on the Pacific Coast. A League
       which describes itself as the Fair Exchange league has been
       organized in Ottawa to keep the issues before the Dominion
       parliament. It advocates the adoption of the Goschen plan of
       1891 jointly by the British empire and the United States with
       open mints in India as before 1893. The new movement has
       secured a qualified endorsement from J. J. Hill of the Great
       Northern railway. Mr. Hill says: ‘We must await the proposals
       of the monetary commission at Washington. The silver problem
       is full of difficulties. I wish it were possible to ignore it.
       But our consuls in Asia warn us that at the present rate of
       silver exchange Asia has ceased to import our wheat or flour
       or lumber; that the Shanghai merchants who eighteen months
       since bought the sovereign or five gold dollars with five
       taels, must now pay near eight taels; the result is disaster;
       he no longer buys.’"

    FINANCE AND TRADE: British Empire: A. D. 1909.
       Imperial Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

    FINANCE AND TRADE: England: A. D. 1909.
       The Budget of Mr. Lloyd-George.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    {266}

    FINANCE AND TRADE: Germany: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Industrial Crisis and Period of Depression.

       The extraordinary industrial development of Germany between
       1895 and 1900 had its usual sequel in a sudden collapse,
       followed by a period of depression and slow return to
       productive activity. According to Dr. Braun, writing in the
       Yale Review of May, 1902, "the cause of the crisis lay
       undoubtedly in extreme overproduction, which had continued for
       a long time without its significance having been discovered by
       any one. Enormous quantities of commodities had been
       accumulated, numberless new industrial undertakings had come
       into being, or were about to be started, and every one was
       counting on further development of production by leaps and
       bounds. But a feeling of uncertainty, which should pass into a
       crisis, was bound to arise the moment certain unhealthy
       conditions of German economic life, which had been covered up
       during the period of prosperity, made their appearance.

       "The conditions which did arouse this widespread feeling in
       German capitalistic circles lay far from the industrial market
       itself. Great losses suddenly appeared in the field of
       mortgage investments, whose securities had been accepted by
       the public as, next to government bonds, the safest form of
       investment, and the freest from speculation. These
       developments caused a panic among the investing public. This
       feeling of panic began, according to my view, at the time when
       the authorities found themselves forced to arrest two
       directors of the Pomeranian Mortgage Bank (Pommersche
       Hypothekenbank), who occupied the highest social position. …
       The extraordinary result of the action of the authorities
       against the leaders of certain mortgage banks is explained
       only by the facts that at the end of 1900, six and two-third
       billion marks of mortgage debentures were in circulation, and
       that within ten years the amount invested in such debentures
       had increased by three billion marks. The great majority of
       the small and middle-class capitalists, who wished to invest
       their money in safe securities, had put it into mortgage
       debentures of this kind. The greatest confidence had been
       placed in them, and now, for the first time, the eyes of the
       public were open to the fact that great losses could also
       ensue from such investments. The five principal offending
       banks had at the end of 1900, 692,670,950 marks of mortgage
       debentures in circulation. Every one had invested in these,
       from the smallest capitalist to the German Empress. The public
       and pretentious piety of the directors of the Prussian
       Mortgage Stock Bank, who were later placed under arrest, had
       induced even church-building associations to place their money
       in these debentures."

       "Then came the failure of the Dresdener Kreditanstalt, which,
       with a capital of 20,000,000 marks, had loaned a single
       industrial company, the Dresden Electrical Company, 9,000,000
       marks; and this failure was followed by that of the famous
       Leipsic Bank, which had loaned 84,000,000 marks to a concern
       which had used up its own capital, and was paying fraudulent
       dividends of 50 per cent. These two failures frightened the
       public into a general withdrawal of deposits from banks of
       every class."

    FINANCE AND TRADE: Japan: A. D. 1909.
       State of the War Debt and its Payment.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    FINANCE AND TRADE: Mexico: A. D. 1905.
       Currency Reform.
       Cessation of Free Coinage of Silver.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

    FINANCE AND TRADE: United States: A. D. 1908.
       The Emergency Currency Act.

       What is known as the Emergency Currency Act was passed by
       Congress in May, 1908, and received the approval of the
       President on the 30th of that month. It is a temporary
       measure, for exigencies that may repeat the monetary
       experience of 1907 before an adequate reform of the banking
       and currency system of the country is effected, and will
       expire by limitation on the 30th of June, 1914. It does not
       disturb the present National bank note currency of the
       country, based on Government bonds, but provides a means by
       which an additional Volume, amounting to a total of
       $500,000,000, if necessary, may be issued by the National
       banks in case of a currency stringency.

       There are two ways in which emergency circulation may be
       issued. A bank may make an application through the Currency
       Association of which it is a member, or, where State and
       municipal bonds are offered as security, the application may
       be made directly. A Currency Association may be formed by ten
       or more banks having an aggregate capital and surplus of at
       least $5,000,000. Only one may be formed in any city, and no
       bank may belong to more than one. It must be formed by banks
       located in territory as contiguous as convenient.

       All applications for emergency currency are to be passed upon
       by the Secretary of the Treasury after recommendation by the
       Comptroller of the Currency. The Secretary will also determine
       whether business conditions in the locality warrant the
       issuance of such circulation. The distribution of the notes is
       likewise left to him. Where application is made through an
       Association, the securities are deposited with it; where a
       direct application is made, they are deposited with the
       Treasurer or any Assistant Treasurer of the United States. All
       the members composing an Association are jointly and severally
       liable to the United States for the redemption of all
       emergency circulation taken out by its members.

    FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1908.
       Banking and Currency Questions in the Party Platforms.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909.
       The "Wall Street Investigation."
       Report on the Operations of the Stock Exchange and other
       Exchanges of New York City.

       In December, 1908, a Special Committee of nine experienced
       gentlemen, having Mr. Horace White for its chairman, was
       appointed by Governor Hughes, of the State of New York, to
       investigate and report "what changes, if any, are advisable in
       the laws of the State bearing upon speculation in securities
       and commodities, or relating to the protection of investors,
       or with regard to the instrumentalities and organizations used
       in dealings in securities and commodities which are the
       subject of speculation." On the 7th of the following June the
       Committee submitted to the Governor an extended report,
       describing and discussing the organizations, the
       instrumentalities and the methods employed in the dealings
       with which their inquiry had to do. The following excerpts
       from this important report (known commonly as the "report on
       Wall Street") may suffice, perhaps, to convey the main matters
       of information afforded by it and the more valuable
       conclusions at which the Committee arrived:

    {267}

       "In law, speculation becomes gambling when the trading which
       it involves does not lead, and is not intended to lead, to the
       actual passing from hand to hand of the property that is dealt
       in. … The rules of all the exchanges forbid gambling as
       defined by this opinion [of the New York Court of Appeals,
       case of Hurd vs. Taylor, 181 New York 231; but they make so
       easy a technical delivery of the property contracted for, that
       the practical effect of much speculation, in point of form
       legitimate, is not greatly different from that of gambling.
       Contracts to buy may be privately offset by contracts to sell.
       The offsetting may be done, in a systematic way, by clearing
       houses, or by ‘ring settlements.’ Where deliveries are
       actually made, property may be temporarily borrowed for the
       purpose. In these ways, speculation which has the legal traits
       of legitimate dealing may go on almost as freely as mere
       wagering, and may have most of the pecuniary and immoral
       effects of gambling on a large scale.

       "A real distinction exists between speculation which is
       carried on by persons of means and experience, and based on an
       intelligent forecast, and that which is carried on by persons
       without these qualifications. The former is closely connected
       with regular business. While not unaccompanied by waste and
       loss, this speculation accomplishes an amount of good which
       offsets much of its cost. The latter does but a small amount
       of good and an almost incalculable amount of evil. In its
       nature it is in the same class with gambling upon the
       race-track or at the roulette table, but is practised on a
       vastly larger scale. Its ramifications extend to all parts of
       the country. It involves a practical certainty of loss to
       those who engage in it.

       "The problem, wherever speculation is strongly rooted, is to
       eliminate that which is wasteful and morally destructive,
       while retaining and allowing free play to that which is
       beneficial. The difficulty in the solution of the problem lies
       in the practical impossibility of distinguishing what is
       virtually gambling from legitimate speculation. The most
       fruitful policy will be found in measures which will lessen
       speculation by persons not qualified to engage in it. In
       carrying out such a policy exchanges can accomplish more than
       legislatures. …

       "The New York Stock Exchange is a voluntary association,
       limited to 1,100 members, of whom about 700 are active, some
       of them residents of other cities. Memberships are sold for
       about $80,000. The Exchange as such does no business, merely
       providing facilities to members and regulating their conduct.
       The governing power is in an elected committee of forty
       members and is plenary in scope. The business transacted on
       the floor is the purchase and sale of stocks and bonds of
       corporations and governments. Practically all transactions
       must be completed by delivery and payment on the following
       day. The mechanism of the Exchange, provided by its
       constitution and rules, is the evolution of more than a
       century. …

       "The Volume of transactions indicates that the Exchange is
       to-day probably the most important financial institution in
       the world. In the past decade the average annual sales of
       shares have been 196,500,000 at prices involving an annual
       average turnover of nearly $15,500,000,000; bond transactions
       averaged about $800,000,000. This enormous business affects
       the financial and credit interests of the country in so large
       a measure that its proper regulation is a matter of
       transcendent importance. While radical changes in the
       mechanism, which is now so nicely adjusted that the
       transactions are carried on with the minimum of friction,
       might prove disastrous to the whole country, nevertheless
       measures should be adopted to correct existing abuses.

       "It is unquestionable that only a small part of the
       transactions upon the Exchange is of an investment character;
       a substantial part may be characterized as virtually gambling.
       Yet we are unable to see how the State could distinguish by
       law between proper and improper transactions, since the forms
       and the mechanisms used are identical. Rigid statutes directed
       against the latter would seriously interfere with the former.
       The experience of Germany with similar legislation is
       illuminating.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

       But the Exchange, with the plenary power over members and
       their operations, could provide correctives, as we shall show.

       "Purchasing securities on margin is as legitimate a
       transaction as a purchase of any other property in which part
       payment is deferred. We therefore see no reason whatsoever for
       recommending the radical change suggested, that margin trading be
       prohibited. … In so far as losses are due to insufficient
       margins, they would be materially reduced if the customary
       percentage of margins were increased. The amount of margin
       which a broker requires from a speculative buyer of stocks
       depends, in each case, on the credit of the buyer; and the
       amount of credit which one person may extend to another is a
       dangerous subject on which to legislate. Upon the other hand,
       a rule made by the Exchange could safely deal with the
       prevalent rate of margins required from customers. In
       preference, therefore, to recommending legislation, we urge
       upon all brokers to discourage speculation upon small margins
       and upon the Exchange to use its influence, and, if necessary,
       its power, to prevent members from soliciting and generally
       accepting business on a less margin than 20 per cent.

       "‘Pyramiding,’ which is the use of paper profits in stock
       transactions as a margin for further commitments, should be
       discouraged. The practice tends to produce more extreme
       fluctuations and more rapid wiping out of margins. If the
       stock brokers and the banks would make it a rule to value
       securities for the purpose of margin or collateral, not at the
       current price of the moment, but at the average price of, say,
       the previous two or three months (provided that such average
       price were not higher than the price of the moment), the
       dangers of pyramiding would be largely prevented.

       "We have been strongly urged to advise the prohibition or
       limitation of short sales, not only on the theory that it is
       wrong to agree to sell what one does not possess, but that
       such sales reduce the market price of the securities involved.
    {268}
       We do not think that it is wrong to agree to sell something
       that one does not now possess, but expects to obtain later.
       Contracts and agreements to sell, and deliver in the future,
       property which one does not possess at the time of the
       contract, are common in all kinds of business. The man who has
       ‘sold short’ must some day buy in order to return the stock
       which he has borrowed to make the short sale. Short-sellers
       endeavor to select times when prices seem high in order to
       sell, and times when prices seem low in order to buy, their
       action in both cases serving to lessen advances and diminish
       declines of price. In other words, short-selling tends to
       produce steadiness in prices, which is an advantage to the
       community. No other means of restraining unwarranted marking
       up and down of prices has been suggested to us. …

       "A subject to which we have devoted much time and thought is
       that of the manipulation of prices by large interests. This
       falls into two general classes:

       (1.) That which is resorted to for the purpose of making a
       market for issues of new securities.

       (2.) That which is designed to serve merely speculative
       purposes in the endeavor to make a profit as the result of
       fluctuations which have been planned in advance.

       The first kind of manipulation has certain advantages, and
       when not accompanied by ‘matched orders' is unobjectionable
       per se. …

       "The second kind of manipulation mentioned is undoubtedly open
       to serious criticism. It has for its object either the
       creation of high prices for particular stocks, in order to
       draw in the public as buyers and to unload upon them the
       holdings of the operators, or to depress the prices and induce
       the public to sell. There have been instances of gross and
       unjustifiable manipulation of securities, as in the case of
       American Ice stock. While we have been unable to discover any
       complete remedy short of abolishing the Stock Exchange itself,
       we are convinced that the Exchange can prevent the worst forms
       of this evil by exercising its influence and authority over
       the members to prevent them. When continued manipulation
       exists it is patent to experienced observers.

       "In the foregoing discussion we have confined ourselves to
       bona-fide sales. So far as manipulation of either class
       is based upon fictitious or so-called ‘wash sales’ it is open
       to the severest condemnation, and should be prevented by all
       possible means. These fictitious sales are forbidden by the
       rules of all the regular exchanges, and are not enforceable at
       law. They are less frequent than many persons suppose. … There
       is, however, another class of transactions called ‘matched
       orders,’ which differ materially from those already mentioned,
       in that they are actual and enforceable contracts. We refer to
       that class of transactions, engineered by some manipulator,
       who sends a number of orders simultaneously to different
       brokers, some to buy and some to sell. These brokers, without
       knowing that other brokers have countervailing orders from the
       same principal, execute their orders upon the floor of the
       Exchange, and the transactions become binding contracts; they
       cause an appearance of activity in a certain security which is
       unreal. Since they are legal and binding, we find a difficulty
       in suggesting a legislative remedy. But where the activities
       of two or more brokers in a certain securities become so
       extreme as to indicate manipulation rather than genuine
       transactions, the officers of the Exchange would be remiss
       unless they exercised their influence and authority upon such
       members. …

       "The subject of corners in the stock market has engaged our
       attention. The Stock Exchange might properly adopt a rule
       providing that the governors shall have power to decide when a
       corner exists and to fix a settlement price, so as to relieve
       innocent persons from the injury or ruin which may result
       therefrom. The mere existence of such a rule would tend to
       prevent corners."

       Speaking in a general way, it may be said that the Committee
       holds the directorate of the Stock Exchange responsible for
       evils connected with the operations that are centralized by
       it. "It has almost unlimited power over the conduct of its
       members," says the report, "and it can subject them to instant
       discipline for wrongdoing." As a voluntary organization it is
       more free in the exercise of this power than it would be if
       incorporated and brought under the authority and supervision
       of the State and the process of the courts. Hence the
       Committee refrains from advising the incorporation of the
       Exchange; but it does so only on the assumption that it "will
       in the future take full advantage of the powers conferred upon
       it by its voluntary organization." In the past it has failed
       to do so.

       At the same time, the Committee corrects an erroneous public
       notion that Wall Street and the Stock Exchange are one and the
       same thing. "An investigation was made of the transactions on
       the Exchange for a given day, when the sales were 1,500,000
       shares. The returns showed that on that day 52 per cent. of
       the total transactions on the Exchange apparently originated
       in New York city, and 48 per cent. in other localities."

       The operations of the various other trading exchanges in New
       York,—the Consolidated Stock Exchange, "the Curb," so called,
       and the several "commodity exchanges," where dealings in
       produce, cotton, coffee, etc., are centered,—are discussed in
       the report, with disapproval of some. The abuses which find
       their opportunity in the unorganized Curb market,—carried on
       within a roped-off section of Broad Street,—are set forth with
       distinctness, and are traced clearly to the tolerance and
       encouragement afforded to them by the Stock Exchange. "About
       85 per cent, of the business of the Curb," says the report,
       "comes through the offices of members of the New York Stock
       Exchange, but a provision of the constitution of that Exchange
       prohibits its members from becoming members of, or dealing on,
       any other organized Stock Exchange in New York.
       Accordingly, operators on the curb market have not attempted
       to form an organization. The attitude of the Stock Exchange is
       therefore largely responsible for the existence of such abuses
       as result from the want of organization of the curb market.
       The brokers dealing on the latter do not wish to lose their
       best customers, and hence they submit to these irregularities
       and inconveniences. Some of the members of the Exchange
       dealing on the curb have apparently been satisfied with the
       prevailing conditions, and in their own selfish interests have
       maintained an attitude of indifference toward abuses. We are
       informed that some of the most flagrant cases of discreditable
       enterprises finding dealings on the curb were promoted by
       members of the New York Stock Exchange. The present apparent
       attitude of the Exchange toward the curb seems to us clearly
       inconsistent with its moral obligations to the community at
       large."

    {269}

       On the much debated question, whether dealing in
       "futures,"—the selling of agricultural products for future
       delivery,—should be prohibited or otherwise interfered with,
       the report of the Committee is strongly in favor of letting it
       alone. It says, "The subject was exhaustively considered by
       the Industrial Commission of Congress which in 1901 made an
       elaborate report (Volume VI.), showing that selling for future
       delivery, based upon a forecast of future conditions of supply
       and demand, is an indispensable part of the world’s commercial
       machinery, by which prices are, as far as possible, equalized
       throughout the year to the advantage of both producer and
       consumer. The subject is also treated with clearness and
       impartiality in the Cyclopedia of American Agriculture, in an
       article on ‘Speculation and Farm Prices’; where it is shown
       that since the yearly supply of wheat, for example, matures
       within a comparatively short period of time, somebody must
       handle and store the great bulk of it during the interval
       between production and consumption. Otherwise the price will
       be unduly depressed at the end of one harvest and
       correspondingly advanced before the beginning of another.
       Buying for future delivery causes advances in prices; selling
       short tends to restrain inordinate advances. In each case
       there must be a buyer and a seller, and the interaction of
       their trading steadies prices. Speculation thus brings into
       the market a distinct class of people possessing capital and
       special training who assume the risks of holding and
       distributing the proceeds of the crops from one season to
       another with the minimum of cost to producer and consumer."

    FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909-1910.
       The "Central Bank" Question.

       In Boston, at the outset of President Taft's tour of the
       country in the fall of 1909, he made a speech on financial
       subjects which touched the old question of the need in the
       country of a Central Bank of Issue, as an instrument for the
       automatic or natural regulation of its currency, in quantity
       and distribution. This gave the opening to a revival of
       discussions which have been seldom heard since Jackson’s time.
       A clear, succinct statement of the banking conditions which
       have revived this question, with explanations of what it
       involves, appears in the following, borrowed from a monthly
       financial letter sent out in November by the National City
       Bank of Chicago:

       "The creation of a Central Bank of Issue as a cure for the
       defects of our financial system is of such importance that a
       brief review of the proposition may be of interest to our
       clients:

       "The business of banking is probably as sound in this country
       as in any other. Our individual banks are, as a rule,
       prudently, honestly and capably managed. During normal times
       they deserve and enjoy the confidence of the public which they
       efficiently serve. Yet only two years ago they practically
       suspended because the system—that is the relation of one bank
       to all the others—had collapsed. This occurred while there was
       more gold in the country than existed in several of the other
       leading commercial nations combined, and while nearly all of
       the twenty or more thousand banks in the United States were
       sound, solvent, and in normal condition. With over
       $900,000,000 of gold in the United States Treasury, and
       several hundred millions more in the country, we imported at
       great cost about $100,000,000 chiefly from the coffers of the
       Bank of England, which itself only held $105,000,000.

       "The loss on investments and to general business by such a
       panic as that of 1907 is beyond computation. When we consider
       that we have had several such panics within the memory of
       living men, and that other and poorer countries possess the
       means of avoiding such conditions, we naturally ask what is
       wrong or lacking in our financial system as compared to
       theirs?

       "In times of trouble our reserves scatter. Theirs are massed.
       Our currency is rigid and cannot be quickly expanded to meet
       an emergency. Their currency is capable of instantaneous
       expansion. Our chief gold reserves are in the United States
       Treasury unavailable as a basis for such expansion. Their
       reserves are in great central banks—immediately available for
       currency expansion. Besides, under our national banking
       system, a bank in a non-reserve city with deposits of, say
       $1,000,000, keeps six per cent, or $60,000 in its own vault,
       and nine per cent, or $90,000, to its credit with a reserve
       city bank. In the reserve city bank, however, the $90,000 is
       merely a deposit against which it keeps an actual reserve of
       about $20,000. When trouble comes, therefore, and the bank in
       the non-reserve city decides to increase its cash reserves
       from six to eight per cent it calls upon its reserve agent for
       $20,000 cash, and when the reserve city bank has forwarded
       that amount, it has parted with all the actual reserve it has
       belonging to the non-reserve city bank, and it still has a
       deposit liability on its books of $70,000 against which it
       holds no reserve whatever.

       "As it is a very natural and prudent thing for banks in
       non-reserve cities to increase their cash reserves by at least
       two per cent when trouble threatens, nearly all try to do so
       at the same time, and the result is that the threatened
       trouble becomes a reality. In short, when financial trouble
       threatens in any other great country the system
       provides relief and the danger is avoided, whereas,
       unfortunately, with us every step we take increases the
       trouble and helps it along until it is beyond control.

       "Financial stringency existed in all the leading countries in
       1907. Suspension of specie-payments and actual panic occurred
       only in the United States. They stopped abruptly at our
       borders, and Canada and even Mexico knew nothing of them.
       Manifestly, we need something! There is little difference of
       opinion on that score. But when we begin to discuss the remedy
       we have a wide divergence of views.

       "Many favor asset or credit currency similar to that
       prevailing in Canada. The Canadian System of asset currency is
       excellent when joined to the branch banking system. But it is
       felt that it would be almost impossible to apply it to a
       system containing thousands of individual banks. The
       difficulty is that of providing adequate redemption
       facilities, without which the danger of currency inflation
       could scarcely be avoided. Several schemes to meet this
       difficulty have been suggested, but the best of them seem
       rather unwieldy.

    {270}

       "The proposal which seems to be gaining most ground is to
       establish a great semi-government bank to be added to our
       present system. To this bank would be transferred at once the
       government deposits now in national banks, and later a large
       part of the reserves of the banks in the central reserve, and
       possibly also the reserve cities. Like everything else, the
       bank would have to be an evolution. Years would pass before it
       would work into its proper position and exercise its full
       powers. Gradually, it is hoped, the United States Treasury
       could be done away with, and the government taken out of the
       banking business. Then all government funds would be deposited
       with the Central Bank. Its branches would take the place of
       our Sub-Treasuries. It would be a bank of banks, where other
       banks could re-discount their bills, or borrow on securities,
       receiving therefor currency to be issued by the Central Bank.
       This currency would be partly secured by a gold reserve, and
       partly by the general assets of the bank.

       "If the $900,000,000 gold in the United States Treasury in
       1907, held against an equal amount of notes, had been in a
       Central Bank it would have formed a sufficient basis for the
       issue of an additional $900,000,000 of currency, for fifty per
       cent reserve against currency would be ample. For such
       additional issue the Central Bank would, of course, receive
       acceptable banking assets. A far smaller amount, however, than
       $900,000,000 would have averted the panic. It seems clear that
       such an institution would provide the elasticity to our
       currency which we so much need, not only in times of stress,
       but every crop-moving season.

       "There are many details which would require careful study, but
       to many competent to judge, the Central Bank idea seems to be
       the correct solution of the difficulty. The fact that all the
       other important countries of the world have adopted it ought
       to give it weight. Even little Switzerland came to it four
       years ago, and Japan, after adopting a system copied from
       ours, has established a Central Bank patterned after the
       Imperial Bank of Germany.

       "Most of the objections raised seem to be largely based on
       sentiment rather than on argument. It is said to be
       ‘un-American,’ or that it would be ‘used by Wall Street.’ or
       that ‘it would get into politics.’ It would seem to us that if
       the system is the best, it should not be ‘un-American’ to
       adopt it, and that an illegitimate use of it by ‘ Wall Street’
       could easily be guarded against in its organization. To say
       that we cannot trust our government to properly use, and not
       abuse, the powers of a Central Bank is to say that it is
       inferior to the governments of Europe which have wisely used
       such powers for generations.

       "There seems some danger that the bank would not pay unless it
       entered into competition with existing banks for regular
       commercial business; but we must remember that Central Banks
       are not expected to earn large dividends.

       "We predict a long campaign of discussion before the right
       course appears clear to the American people; but it seems to
       us that the arguments advanced for a Central Bank are well
       worthy of the most earnest study."

    FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1909-1910.
       Powerful Combination of Banking Interests by J. P. Morgan & Co.

       Early in December, 1909, the powerful banking house of J. P.
       Morgan & Co. obtained control of the Guaranty Trust Company
       and the Equitable Life Assurance Company, which latter
       controls the Equitable and Mercantile trust companies. In the
       former case it purchased the holding of the Harriman estate,
       and in the latter that of Thomas Ryan. At the beginning of the
       following month, by another deal with Mr. Ryan, the same firm
       acquired the Morton and the Fifth Avenue trust companies. The
       combined assets of the Guaranty, Morton, and Fifth Avenue
       trust companies were reported to be $259,000,000. Joined to
       the vast resources of the Equitable Life Assurance Company and
       to those previously controlled by the Morgan Company, the
       financial combination seems overpowering.

    FINANCE AND TRADE.

          See,(in this Volume),
          TARIFFS, AND COMBINATIONS.

       ----------FINANCE AND TRADE: End--------

    FINLAND: A. D. 1901.
       The Russianizing of the Finnish Army.
       Resistance to the Violation of Constitutional Rights.
       Despotic measures of the Tsar.
       M. de Plehve’s defence.

       The shameful overthrow, in 1899, by the present Tsar of
       Russia, of the ancient constitution of Finland, which had
       preserved its distinct nationality ever since it came, in
       1809, under the Russian crown, is related in Volume VI. of
       this work. Among the measures then undertaken for Russianizing
       Finland—reducing it substantially to the status of a Russian
       province—the most serious was the practical incorporation of
       the Finnish army with the Russian, the law for accomplishing
       which had not been fully carried through when the account of
       events in Volume VI. was closed. It was opposed very
       strenuously by M. Witte, then rising to influence in the
       councils of the Tsar, and seemed not unlikely to be put aside.
       But the worse influences prevailed in the end over the wiser,
       and the proposed measure became law on the 11th of July, 1901.
       It placed all Finnish troops under the orders of the Russian
       commander in Finland, authorized the putting of Finnish
       conscripts into the Russian regiments stationed in Finland,
       and subjected Finnish regiments to service, when required,
       outside of Finland, from which service they had been
       constitutionally exempt hitherto.

       The resistance to this gross violation of time-honored rights
       was universal and determined. Conscripts refused to answer the
       call to military service, subjecting themselves to the
       penalties for desertion, and practically the whole population
       stood ready to protect them. Extensive movements of emigration
       to America and elsewhere were begun. At the same time the
       Tsar’s authority, as the common sovereign of Finland and
       Russia, was used in many ways as autocratically in his
       constitutional realm as in that where his absolutism knew no
       bounds. The powers of the Russian Governor-General of Finland
       were enlarged; the Finnish archives were removed to St.
       Petersburg; Cossacks were sent into the abused country with
       their knouts to quell resistance to the army law; but the
       resistance went on, taking presently a more passive form.
       Communes refused to elect the conscription boards which the
       law prescribed for carrying out the levy of recruits, and
       heavy fines were imposed on them without effect. In November,
       1902, a convention of delegates from all parts of Finland,
       composed largely of peasants and workmen, resolved to
       "continue everywhere, unswervingly, and until legal conditions
       are restored to the country, the passive resistance against
       all measures conflicting with, or calculated to abolish, our
       fundamental laws."

    {271}

       An elaborate defence of these Russianizing measures in Finland
       was addressed, in August, 1903, by the Russian Minister of the
       Interior, M. dePlehve, to Mr. W. T. Stead, editor of the
       English Review of Reviews, by way of reply to an "open
       letter" to himself on the subject, by Mr. Stead, published in
       the Review of that month. Concerning the military law,
       M. Plehve wrote:

       "This law, in its application to the new conscription
       regulations, has alleviated the condition of the population of
       Finland. Contrary to the information you have received, the
       military burden laid on the population of the land has not
       been increased by 5,000 recruits annually, but has been
       decreased from 2,000 men to 500 per annum, and latterly to
       280. As you will see, there is in reality no opposition
       between the will of the Emperor of Russia as announced to
       Finland in 1899 and his generous initiative at The Hague
       Conference." At the end of a long exposition of the principles
       of Russian imperial policy, which left it far from clear, the
       Minister said: "I shall give the following answer to your
       entreaty to put an end to the present policy of Russia in
       Finland, which you are pleased to call the policy of General
       Bobrikoff. First of all, it is incorrect to connect the
       present course of Russian policy in Finland with the name of
       the present Governor-General of Finland alone, for, as regards
       the fundamental purpose of his labors, all the advisers and
       servants of his Imperial Majesty who have to do with the
       government of Finland are at one with him in their firm
       conviction that the measures now applied in Finland are called
       for by the pressing requirements of our state. With regard to
       the essence of the question, I repeat that in matters of
       government temporary phenomena should be distinguished from
       permanent ones. The incidental expression of Russian policy,
       necessitated by an open mutiny against the government in
       Finland, will, undoubtedly, be replaced by the former favor of
       the sovereign toward his Finnish subjects, as soon as peace is
       finally restored and the current of social life in that
       country assumes its normal course. Then, certainly, all
       repressive measures will be repealed. But the realization of
       the fundamental aim which the Russian Government has set
       itself in Finland,—i. e., the confirming in that land of the
       principle of imperial unity,—must continue, and it would be
       best of all if this end were attained with the trustful
       cooperation of local workers under the guidance of the
       sovereign to whom Divine Providence has committed the
       destinies of Russia and Finland."

    FINLAND: A. D. 1904.
       Assassination of Governor-General Bobrikoff.

       On the 15th of June, 1904, Governor-General Bobrikoff, who had
       been the executor of the Russianizing policy in Finland, and
       was hated accordingly, was shot by a Finnish member of the
       Parliamentary opposition.

    FINLAND: A. D. 1905.
       Successful Revolt against the Russianizing Oppressions.
       The Tsar’s Concessions.
       Restoration of Ancient Liberties.

       Taking advantage of the situation in Russia, which tied the
       hands of the Autocrat (see (in this Volume) RUSSIA: A. D.
       1904-1905), the Finns, by a sudden general rising, drove out
       the Russian officials in their country, took possession of the
       military posts and Government building, and forced the
       Governor, Prince John Obolenski, to send to the Tsar their
       demand for a restoration of their ancient constitutional
       rights which he had taken away (see, in Volume VI. of this
       work, FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901). The helplessness to which
       their Russian master had been reduced was signified by the
       prompt amiability of his response, in successive manifestoes,
       the first of which bore the following command:

       "By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., etc., command the
       opening at Helsingfors, December 20, of an extraordinary Diet
       to consider the following questions.

       "First.
       The proposals for the budget of 1906-1907, provisional taxes,
       and a loan for railway construction.

       "Second.
       A bill providing, by a new fundamental law, a parliament for
       Finland on the basis of universal suffrage, with the
       establishment of the responsibility of the local authorities
       to the nation’s deputies.

       "Third.
       Bills granting liberty of the press, of meeting, and of
       unions."

       A subsequent manifesto announced:

       "We have ordered the elaboration of bills reforming the
       fundamental laws for submission to the deputies of the nation,
       and we order the abrogation of the manifesto of February 15,
       1899; the ukase of April 15, 1903, concerning measures for the
       maintenance of public order and tranquillity; the imperial
       ukase of November 23, 1903, according exceptional rights to
       the gendarmerie in the grand duchy; Article 12 of the ukase of
       July 13, 1902, on Finnish legislation; the ukase of September
       21, 1902, on the reform of the Senate and the extension of
       powers of governors; the ukase of April 8, 1903, on
       instructions for the governor-general and the assistant
       governor of Finland; the law of July 25, 1901, on military
       service; the ukase of August 13, 1902, on the duties of civic
       officials in Finland; the ukase of August 27, 1902, on the
       resignation of administrative officials and judicial
       responsibility for offenses and crimes of officials, and the
       ukase of July 15, 1900, on meetings.

       "We further order the Senate to proceed immediately with the
       revision of the other regulations enumerated in the petition,
       and we order the immediate suppression of the censorship.

       "The Senate should prepare bills granting liberty of speech,
       of the press, of meeting, and of union; a national assembly on
       the basis of universal suffrage, and the responsibility of the
       local authorities as soon as possible, in order that the Diet
       may discuss them.

       "We trust that the measures enumerated, being dictated by a
       desire to benefit Finland, will strengthen the ties uniting
       the Finnish nation to its sovereign."

       An article quoted from a Danish magazine tells in a few words
       how the bloodless revolution was accomplished:

       "The weapon used for the purpose of paralyzing the government
       was the general strike. It may be questioned to which class
       belongs the chief part of honor in this struggle. A marvelous
       unity characterized the whole movement. While post, telegraph,
       and railroad traffic was stopped the entire light supply was
       cut off. The strike extended even into the private kitchen,
       and this was one of the reasons which hastened the departure
       of the Russian officials. In the meantime the question was not
       only should Russian guns be directed on Helsingfors, but also
       should personal safety be maintained. That so few
       transgressions of the law occurred with the whole police force
       on strike is a splendid testimony for the Finnish people. The
       revolution in Finland stands hence as an unparalleled example
       of a popular upheaval."

    {272}

    FINLAND: A. D. 1906.
       Political Enfranchisement of Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Russian Measures for the Destruction of the
       Constitutional Autonomy of Finland.

       The reactionary determinations of the Russian Government,
       since it mastered the revolutionary movements of 1905-1906, are
       revealed in nothing else more plainly than in its steady
       pursuance of measures to extinguish the degree of autonomy
       which belongs to Finland, under the constitution that was
       confirmed to its people by the Tsar Alexander I., after he had
       taken their country from the Swedish crown.

          See, in Volume IV. of this work,
          SCANDINAVIAN STATES: A. D. 1807-1810.

       One of the most arbitrary of the early measures in this
       direction was the assumption by the Tsar, in June, 1908, of a
       right to confer on the Russian Council of Ministers certain
       powers of control over Finnish legislation. The protests of
       the Diet and Senate of Finland against this and other attacks
       on their constitutional rights led to a dissolution of the
       Diet, and the election of a new representative body, early in
       May, 1909. The election produced substantially the same
       popular representation in the new Diet that had characterized
       its predecessor, and its attitude toward the autocratic
       invasion of Finnish rights was the same. The Socialists
       received 79,447 votes. The party of the Old Finns which
       inclines to submissiveness polled a total of 52,396. The
       Constitutional parties, the Young Finns and the Swedes,
       received respectively 28,711 and 15,885 votes, while the
       Agrarian-Socialists got 13,648 and the Christian Workmen 6172.
       The Old Finns stand alone against the other parties.

       Meantime, the Tsar, in sanctioning an Act of the previous
       Diet, after its dissolution, had done it in terms that were
       deemed contrary to the Constitution of Finland, and the
       Senate, which is composed of members appointed by the Tsar,
       petitioned him for a modification of them. His reply was a
       rebuke and a command that they promulgate the law, and thus
       accept his misconstruction of the Constitution. Thereupon the
       Vice-President of the Senate and four of its members resigned.
       The remaining five, pliant to the imperial will, voted with
       the presiding Governor-General for the promulgation of the
       law.

       In the course of the next few months other demands were made
       on the Finns which even the imperial appointees of the Senate
       could not yield to. In October, an Imperial rescript decreed
       that military service legislation for Finland should be
       withdrawn from the competence of the Finnish Diet and
       transferred to the Imperial Legislature; and that until such
       legislation is enacted Finland should pay into the Russian
       exchequer an annual contribution of 10,000,000 marks
       ($2,000,000), to be increased gradually to 20,000.000 marks.
       This left the Finnish Diet no voice in the appropriation. The
       five members who had remained in the Senate when their four
       colleagues resigned now intimated their intention to withdraw.
       On the 14th of October the four vacant seats were filled by an
       appointment of naval and military officers who were said to be
       "technically Finnish citizens," but all of whom, save one, had
       spent their lives in Russia. A month later, November 17, a
       Press despatch from Helsingfors made the following
       announcement: "At an all-night session which ended to-day the
       Finnish Diet rejected the government bill providing for
       Finland’s contribution to the Russian military appropriation.
       A resolution was adopted requesting the Emperor to reintroduce
       the measure in a constitutional form. The dissolution of the
       Diet is expected. The Emperor has accepted the resignations of
       the Finnish Senators who refused to remain in office if the
       Russian demand for a big military appropriation by Finland was
       pressed." The expectation of another dissolution of the Diet
       by the Tsar, as the consequence of this action, was realized
       the next day.

       Some months prior to this time a joint committee of Russians
       and Finns had been appointed to formulate rules or principles
       that should apply with authority in future to legislation for
       Finland. Agreement between the two constituents of this
       Russo-Finnish committee appears to have been impossible from
       the beginning. They were hopelessly opposed in their views of
       the relation existing between the constitutional Grand Duchy
       of Finland and the autocratic Empire of Russia, by virtue of
       their having a common sovereign. Toward the end of November
       their failure to come to any agreement was made known; and on
       the 22d of December a despatch from St. Petersburg announced
       that "the conclusion of the labours of the Russo-Finnish
       Commission, resulting in a perfunctory majority vote of the
       Russian members in favour of the reduction of the Finnish
       Constitution to a provincial autonomy, is deplored by most of
       the newspapers. The Finnish members apprehend a military
       dictatorship."

       The St. Petersburg correspondent of The Times had
       previously stated what the prescription of the Russian
       majority of the Committee would be. They maintain, he wrote,
       that "there never was a Constitution granted to Finland
       binding on Russia as the Sovereign Power, and that, therefore,
       a new order of procedure can be established independently of
       the Finnish authorities by an Act of legislation passed by the
       Russian Legislature alone. They have drawn up a list of
       matters to come under the new procedure. According to this
       list all legislation on such matters as the Russian language
       in Finland, the principles of Finnish administration, police,
       administration of justice, public education, formation of
       business companies and of associations, public meetings,
       Press, importation of foreign literature, Customs tariffs,
       literary and artistic copyright, monetary system, means of
       communication, including pilot and lighthouse service, and
       many other subjects, shall be enacted by the Imperial
       legislative organs. The Finnish Diet shall be entirely ignored
       in such matters, while there is a provision for some cases
       that the opinion of the Finnish Senate shall be taken.

       "It is difficult to understand what legislative matters are to
       be left for the Finnish Diet to deal with; but it seems that
       the Russian members are not sure that they have covered the
       whole ground, for their project contains a clause to the
       effect that additions to their list may be made by means of
       Imperial legislation.

    {273}

       "It is proposed that Finland shall be represented in the
       Russian Duma by five members, one of whom shall be elected by
       Russian residents in Finland who are not Finnish citizens,
       whilst the Finnish Diet shall send one member to the Council
       of Empire."

       The first movement, probably, on these new lines of imperial
       government for Finland, was that reported in a Reuter message
       from St. Petersburg, December 24, as follows:

       "The Cabinet has approved new regulations whereby all
       documents issued by the Chancellery of the Governor-General of
       Finland shall be worded in Russian without a Finnish or
       Swedish translation."

    FINLAND: A. D. 1910.
       Fresh Elections to the Finnish Diet.
       The Russian Duma assuming authority over Finland.

       A new Diet, chosen at elections held early in February, 1910,
       is composed as follows:
       Old Finns, 42;
       Young Finns, 28;
       Swedish People’s party, 26;
       Social Democrats, 86;
       Agrarians, 17;
       Christian Labor party, 1.

       Fifteen women were elected, nine of them by the Social
       Democrats.

       Just as this matter goes into type, a despatch from St.
       Petersburg, March 30, 1910, announces the introduction of a
       bill in the Russian Duma assuming authority in that body over
       Finland.

    FINSEN, Niels Ryberg.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    FIRE, Great calamities of.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALTIMORE;
          CHICAGO;
          NEW YORK CITY;
          SAN FRANCISCO;
          OSAKA.

    FISCAL REFORM, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain’s programme of.

          See (in this Volume)
          England: A. D. 1903 (May-September).

    FISCHER, Emil.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    FISHER, Andrew:
       Prime Minister of Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA; A. D. 1908, and 1909 (MAY-JUNE).

    FISHERIES:
       Newfoundland.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND.

    FISHES, FOOD:
       Convention for their Preservation and Propagation in the
       Waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          FOOD FISHES.

    FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES:
       End of their Autonomy.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN.

    FLOODS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA; A. D. 1906-1907, and
          FRANCE: A. D. 1910.

    FOLK, Joseph Wingate:
       Prosecutor of Municipal Thievery and Corruption in St. Louis.
       Governor of Missouri.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    FOOD FISHES:
       Convention respecting their Protection, Preservation, and
       Propagation in the Waters contiguous to the United States
       and Canada.

       The following are the articles of a Convention negotiated at
       Washington and signed by Ambassador James Bryce, for the
       Government of Great Britain, and by Secretary Elihu Root, for
       that of the United States, on the 11th of April, 1908.
       Ratifications of the Convention were exchanged on the 4th of
       June:

       "ARTICLE 1.
       The times, seasons, and methods of fishing in the waters
       contiguous to the United States and Canada as specified in
       Article 4 of this Convention, and the nets, engines, gear,
       apparatus, and appliances which may be used therein, shall be
       fixed and determined by uniform and common international
       regulations, restrictions, and provisions; and to that end the
       High Contracting Parties agree to appoint, within three months
       after this Convention is proclaimed, a Commission to be known
       as the International Fisheries Commission, consisting of one
       person named by each Government.

       "ARTICLE 2.
       It shall be the duty of this International Fisheries
       Commission, within six months after being named, to prepare a
       system of uniform and common International Regulations for the
       protection and preservation of the food fishes in each of the
       waters prescribed in Article 4 of this Convention, which
       Regulations shall embrace close seasons, limitations as to the
       character, size, and manner of use of nets, engines, gear,
       apparatus, and other appliances; a uniform system of registry
       by each Government in waters where required for the more
       convenient regulation of commercial fishing by its own
       citizens or subjects within its own territorial waters or any
       part of such waters; an arrangement for concurrent measures
       for the propagation of fish; and such other provisions and
       measures as the Commission shall deem necessary.

       "ARTICLE 3.
       The two Governments engage to put into operation and to
       enforce by legislation and executive action, with as little
       delay as possible, the Regulations, restrictions, and
       provisions with appropriate penalties for all breaches
       thereof; and the date when they shall be put into operation
       shall be fixed by the concurrent proclamations of the
       President of the United States and the Governor-General of the
       Dominion of Canada in Council.

       "And it is further agreed that jurisdiction shall be exercised
       by either Government, as well over citizens or subjects of
       either party apprehended for violation of the Regulations in
       any of its own waters to which said Regulations apply, as over
       its own citizens or subjects found within its own jurisdiction
       who shall have violated said Regulations within the waters of
       the other party.

       "ARTICLE 4.
       It is agreed that the waters within which the aforementioned
       Regulations are to be applied shall be as follows:
       (1) The territorial waters of Passamaquoddy Bay;
       (2) the St. John and St. Croix Rivers;
       (3) Lake Memphremagog:
       (4) Lake Champlain;
       (5) the St. Lawrence River, where the said River constitutes
           the International Boundary;
       (6) Lake Ontario;
       (7) the Niagara River;
       (8) Lake Erie;
       (9) the waters connecting Lake Erie and Lake Huron,
           including Lake St. Clair;
       (10) Lake Huron, excluding Georgian Bay but including
            North Channel;
       (11) St. Mary’s River and Lake Superior;
       (12) Rainy River and Rainy Lake;
       (13) Lake of the Woods;
       (14) the Strait of San Juan de Fuca, those parts of
            Washington Sound, the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound
            lying between the parallels of 48° 10' and 49° 20';
       (15) and such other contiguous waters as may be
            recommended by the International Fisheries Commission and
            approved by the two Governments.

       It is agreed on the part of Great Britain that the Canadian
       Government will protect by adequate regulations the food
       fishes frequenting the Fraser River.

       "The two Governments engage to have prepared as soon as
       practicable charts of the waters described in this Article,
       with the International Boundary Line indicated thereon; and to
       establish such additional boundary monuments, buoys, and marks
       as may be recommended by the Commission.

    {274}

       "ARTICLE 5.
       The International Fisheries Commission shall continue in
       existence so long as this Convention shall be in force, and
       each Government shall have the power to fill, and shall fill
       from time to time, any vacancy which may occur in its
       representation on the Commission. Each Government shall pay
       its own Commissioner, and any joint expenses shall be paid by
       the two Governments in equal moieties.

       "ARTICLE 6.
       The Regulations, restrictions, and provisions provided for in
       this Convention shall remain in force for a period of four
       years from the date of their executive promulgation, and
       thereafter until one year from the date when either the
       Government of Great Britain or of the United States shall give
       notice to the other of its desire for their revision; and
       immediately upon such notice being given the Commission shall
       proceed to make a revision thereof, which Revised Regulations,
       if adopted and promulgated by the President of the United
       States and the Governor-General of Canada in Council, shall
       remain in force for another period of four years and
       thereafter until one year from the date when a further notice
       of revision is given as above provided in this Article. It
       shall, however, be in the power of the two Governments, by
       joint or concurrent action upon the recommendation of the
       Commission, to make modifications at any time in the
       Regulations.

       "ARTICLE 7.
       The present Convention shall be duly ratified by His Britannic
       Majesty and by the President of the United States, by and with
       the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and the
       ratifications shall be exchanged in Washington as soon as
       practicable."

    FOOD LAWS.

          See (in this Volume )
          PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS.

    FORESTS, Conservation of.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    FORMOSA:
       Earthquake in.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: FORMOSA: A. D. 1906.

    FORMOSA:
       Japanese Dealing with the Opium Problem.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    FORTIS MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    FOSTER, John W.:
       On the American Violation of Treaties with China.

          See (in this Volume )
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    FOSTER, Volney W.:
       Delegate to Second International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    FOUNDATION FOR THE PROMOTION OF INDUSTRIAL PEACE.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

       ----------FRANCE: Start--------

    FRANCE: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1896-1906.
       Encroachments of the French Algerian Boundary on Morocco.

          See Morocco: A. D. 1896-1906.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900.
       Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.
       Its Increase.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
       Purchase of Franchises and Property of the French Panama
       Canal Company by the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
       Favored footing in Abyssinia.
       Railway Projects.

          See (in this Volume)
          ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1902.
       French Central Africa.
       Explorations.
       A Land-locked Empire.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: FRENCH CENTRAL.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (April-October).
       Elections to the Chamber of Deputies.
       Resignation of Waldeck-Rousseau.
       Formation of a Radical Ministry under M. Combes.
       Enforcement of the Law of Associations.
       Closing of unauthorized schools.

       The first ballot in elections to the Chamber of Deputies was
       cast on the 27th of April, producing 413 conclusive elections
       and leaving 178 to be decided by a second vote. The new
       Chamber met on the 1st of June, and elected for its president,
       M. Leon Bourgeois, by a vote of 303 against 267. On the
       following day M. Waldeck-Rousseau, who had been at the head of
       the Ministry for three years—an exceptional term of
       premiership in France—resigned, on the plea that his task was
       done. A new Radical Cabinet was then formed by M. Émile
       Combes, which announced a moderate programme on the 10th, and
       received the declared support of 312 members, against 116 in
       opposition and 149 who took neutral ground. Of the previous
       Cabinet, M. Delcassé retained the portfolio of Foreign Affairs
       and General Andre that of War. The session was short and
       little was done.

       In the following months great excitement and much disorder in
       parts of the country, especially in Brittany, was caused by
       proceedings taken to enforce the law concerning Associations,
       passed in the previous year.

          See in Volume VI.
          FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

       Some religious orders—teaching orders and others—had refused
       or neglected to register themselves and obtain authorization,
       as required by the law, and these were now to be closed. In
       many cases there was resistance to the closing of the
       unauthorized schools. In a few cases there was a refusal by
       military officers to obey commands for the assistance of their
       soldiery in enforcing the law. Magistrates, too, opposed the
       government, and a majority of the councils in the departments
       of France withheld their support. Nevertheless the government
       proceeded firmly in the matter and the provisions of the law
       were carried out. When the Chambers were reconvened in October
       the burning subject came up for fierce discussion, and the
       attitude and acts of the Combes Ministry were approved in the
       Chamber of Deputies by 329 against 233.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (May).
       Courtesies at the unveiling of a Monument to
       Marshal de Rochambeau, at Washington.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (October).
       Strikes in the Coal Mines and on the Docks at Marseilles.

          See (in this Volume)
          Labor Organization:
          FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (October).
       Treaty with Siam.
       Acquisition of more territory.

          See (in this Volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1902.

    {275}

    FRANCE: A. D. 1903.
       Elections to the Senate.
       Execution of the Associations Law.
       Closing of Schools and Houses of the Religious Orders.
       Resistance and Rioting encouraged by Magistrates.
       State Monopoly of Education established.
       Building new Schoolhouses.

       Elections for a section of the Senate, occurring early in
       January, 1903, went favorably for the Government. M. Fallières
       was reëlected President of that body, while M. Bourgeois was
       seated again in the presiding chair of the lower Chamber. The
       Combes Ministry was strengthened in its hold of power by the
       continued agitation that attended the execution of the
       Associations Law as applied to the religious orders and
       brotherhoods.

          See in Volume VI. of this work,
          FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

       Its support was a shifting one, made up sometimes by one
       combination of the many party divisions in the Chambers and
       sometimes by another; but it did not fail throughout the year
       to find somewhere a majority that would not allow a political
       crisis to be brought on. Everywhere the closing of the schools
       and houses of the unauthorized associations was resisted with
       increasing determination, and the proceeding became too much
       retarded to satisfy the supporters of the law. Objection was
       raised to the separate dealing with questions of authorization
       for this and that order or congregation, and the Government
       was called upon to name at once to the Chambers the whole list
       of institutions which it would have authorizations refused to.
       In March this demand was acceded to, so far as concerned the
       male congregations, and a great debate, of a fortnight’s
       duration, in the Chamber of Deputies, resulted in the refusal
       of authorization to all the teaching, preaching, and
       contemplative orders, of Redemptorists, Capuchins,
       Benedictines, Dominicans, and Passionists. A few months later
       the same entire refusal of authorization to the teaching
       orders of women was voted, but by a diminished majority.

       The Clericals, on their side, were as energetic as the parties
       of the Government, and were supported very generally by the
       magistracy of the country at large, which dealt so leniently
       with the resistance and rioting provoked by the enforcement of
       the law that the Government was left practically dependent on
       the army and the police. The army, too, was a doubtful
       instrument of authority in many cases, numerous officers of
       all grades resigning to escape the repugnant mandate of law.
       The most threatening situation arose in Brittany, consequent
       on the inauguration of a monument to Renan, which the
       Catholics regarded as an insult to the Church.

       One final step in the secularizing of education in France was
       taken late in the year, by the passing of a bill which
       practically established a State monopoly of education, by
       repealing a law of 1850 that abolished such monopoly. By the
       new law all members of any religious order, authorized or
       unauthorized, were forbidden to engage in teaching.

       The extent to which the schools of the religious congregations
       were being closed involved a great expenditure for building
       new schoolhouses, and the Government had difficulty in passing
       an Act which laid the cost of this provision on the communes,
       instead of accepting it for the state at large. It carried the
       Act, however, notwithstanding the opposition of M.
       Waldeck-Rousseau.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1904.
       Rivalry with England in the Persian Gulf.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (April).
       The Agreements of the Entente Cordiale with England.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1904 (June-July).
       Groundless charges against the Premier.

       A great public scandal was raised in June by charges against
       the Premier, M. Combes, that he had tried to force the
       Chartreux monks to buy the right of remaining in France.
       Investigation showed that bold swindlers had attempted to
       obtain money from the monks on the pretence of being able to
       buy such permission for them. As the result of the
       investigation the President of the Council and his colleagues
       were vindicated by an almost unanimous vote of the Chamber of
       Deputies.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1904-1909.
       General Consequences in Europe of the Weakening of Russia in
       the Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1905.
       Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms in
       Macedonia on Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
       The Separation of Church and State.
       Preceding Contentions.
       Measures and Proceedings of the Separation,
       as recounted by writers of each Party.

       The separation of Church and State in France involved the
       nullification of the Concordat, negotiated by Napoleon I. with
       Pope Pius VII. in 1802, and of what are known as the Organic
       Statutes, promulgated by the French Government at the same
       time.

          See (in Volume IV. of this work)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1808-1814.

       The former was in the nature of a treaty; the latter was not.
       The French Government claimed rights under both; the Roman
       Church acknowledged no force in the Statutes that could be
       binding on itself. This difference, which entered into much of
       the controversy preceding the measures taken by the Government
       to separate the State from the Church, is explained in the
       first quotation below,—following which, two accounts are
       given of some among those controversies, and of the
       proceedings connected with the adoption and execution of the
       Act of Separation,—one account written from the view-point of
       the Government and the other from that of the Church:

       "The Concordat consists of a preamble and seventeen statutes.
       It is a reciprocal contract between the temporal and spiritual
       powers, and is therefore at the same time State law and Church
       law. The preamble states that the Catholic, Apostolic, and
       Roman religion is that of the great majority of the French
       people; it does not say that it is ‘the religion of France,’
       as the Holy See would have wished, and consequently it does
       not restore to the Catholic religion its former character of
       being a State religion. After establishing a new distribution
       of the French dioceses, it directs that the bishops shall be
       ‘nominated’ by the Government and ‘installed’ by the Pope. The
       alienation of ecclesiastical property, effected by the
       Revolution, is definitely sanctioned. In return the Government
       undertakes, as had already been done by the Constituent
       Assembly, to secure ‘a reasonable allowance to the bishops and
       curés, whose dioceses and parishes will be included in the new
       arrangement,’ and to take ‘measures to allow French Catholics
       to make foundations in favour of churches if they wish.’

    {276}

       "As regards the Organic Statutes, promulgated at the same
       time as the Concordat, 18th April, 1802, they proclaim that no
       bull, pastoral letter, or writing of any kind from the Holy
       See shall be published in France without the authority of the
       Government; no council, general or special, shall be held
       without this authority. There must be no other delegate from
       Rome in France besides the Nuncio, the official representative
       of the Sovereign Pontiff. Any infraction on the part of the
       clergy of the provisions either of the Concordat or of French
       law is referred to the Council of State, who must decide if
       there has been any abuse. The Organic Statutes were equally
       concerned with questions relating to discipline, doctrine, and
       even dogma—which are purely spiritual questions. They
       therefore not only upheld the Declaration of 1682 as a
       declaration of the principles of the Gallican Church, but also
       expected all the professors to teach it in the seminaries.
       According to the Concordat, bishops had a right to appoint
       curés; the Organic Statutes obliged them to obtain the
       approval of the Government for their appointments.

       "Although the Organic Statutes are, with the Concordat, part
       of one and the same State law, they must not be considered to
       be entirely on the same footing. The Concordat concluded
       between the two powers binds them together; the Organic
       Statutes, an exclusive product of the French Government, never
       received the sanction of the Papal authority. They were, on
       the contrary, a source of further quarrels with the Roman
       Court. Even in our days, they frequently lead to conflict, the
       representatives of the Church having refused, on various
       occasions, to recognise the validity of decisions made in
       virtue of these Statutes by the French Government."

          Jules Legrand,
          Church and State in France
          (Contemporary Review, May, 1901).

    FRANCE:
       Measures and Proceedings of the Separation as recounted
       by its Advocates.

       "The action of the Republic in suppressing the religious
       orders had produced strained relations between it and the
       Vatican. This was intensified by the ‘nominavit nobis’
       controversy. In the Bulls instituting some bishops whom the
       President had nominated, and which had to have the sanction of
       the Government before they could be published and be valid in
       France, the Vatican had inserted the word ‘nobis,’ implying
       that the President had merely nominated the bishop to the Pope
       for appointment and that the appointment was really in the
       hands of the Pope. The French Government, under the guidance
       of M. Combes, the Premier and Minister of Public Worship,
       insisted that this word must be removed before the bull was
       sanctioned, and as both sides refused to yield no bishop was
       instituted. Relations were still further strained by the visit
       of the President to the King of Italy. … To visit the King was
       to insult the Pope by disregarding the protest made by him
       against the occupation of Rome. President Loubet was the first
       Roman Catholic ruler who ventured to disregard the feelings
       and protests of the Pope. From the 24th to the 28th April,
       1904, M. Loubet was the guest of King Victor Emmanuel, and
       gave no intimation to the Pope of his intention to visit Rome,
       and did not include a visit to the Vatican in his programme.
       On the 28th of April, Cardinal Merry del Val sent to the
       representatives of the Curia at the Courts of all the Roman
       Catholic powers in the world, to be communicated to the
       Governments to which they were commissioned, a protest against
       the action of the French Government. … The French Government
       replied by recalling its ambassador from the Vatican and
       breaking off diplomatic relations with the Pope.

       "In the summer of the same year the friction between the
       French Government and the Vatican was increased by the cases
       of the bishops of Laval and Dijon. Bishop Geay of Laval, in
       his opening discourse in his cathedral, had proclaimed his
       adherence to the Republic and his desire to be the shepherd of
       all his flock. He denounced Orleanism and refused to support
       reactionaries at the elections. … He was summoned to appear at
       Rome. He submitted the summons to the Government, as he was
       required by the Organic Articles to do, and he was refused
       permission to leave his diocese. Subsequently, under threats
       of excommunication, he went, and was immediately informed by
       the Minister of Public Worship that his salary was stopped
       from the day he left his diocese without permission. A similar
       summons to Mgr. Le Nordez, Bishop of Dijon, led to similar
       results. …

       "In the month of October, 1904, M. Combes, replying to several
       interpellations addressed to the Government, reviewed the
       history of the relations of the Vatican to the Republic since
       its foundation in 1870, and showed that there had been a
       continuous disregard of the Concordat and of the Organic
       Articles by the Vatican, and that clericalism had been the
       most inveterate enemy of the Republic. He showed that no
       stipulations could safeguard the rights of the State, which
       were denied by the doctrines of the Catholic Church. The
       confidence of the Chamber was expressed by a vote of 548 to
       88. In November he introduced a Bill for the separation of
       Church and State, which was referred to a Commission, by which
       it was adopted on the 2nd December. In the middle of January,
       1905, M. Combes, owing to resentment at certain incidents in
       connection with the administration of the army, carried a vote
       of confidence by a majority of only ten votes and resigned.
       Before the end of the month a new Cabinet under the presidency
       of M. Rouvier, retaining several members of M. Combes’
       administration, was formed, which asserted its determination
       to carry out the policy of its predecessor in its relations
       with the Vatican. The Chamber of Deputies referred to a new
       Commission all the Bills dealing with the question of Church
       and State which had been presented to it, including that of M.
       Combes. Instead of adopting any one of them, the Commission
       decided to draft its own Bill, and shortly afterwards
       presented to the Chamber a Bill which engaged the close
       attention of the deputies for several months in the spring and
       summer of the year 1905. It passed through the Chamber on the
       3rd of July, and was sent to the Senate the following day. …
       The Senate made no alterations in the Bill, and it became law
       on the 6th of December, 1905."

          John A. Bain,
          The New Reformation, chapter 17
          (T. and T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1900).

    {277}

       "The law of the 9th of December, 1905, which put an end to the
       regime of the Concordat and substituted that of separation
       between Church and State, had been promulgated on the 11th of
       December, 1905. It was to come into effect a year after its
       promulgation. The Protestants and the Israelites had accepted
       it even before it was passed; but they represented an
       infinitesimal minority, and it was not that minority that the
       legislators had had in view when they framed the law of
       separation. The one question in the matter was that of the
       attitude that would be taken by the Catholics,—the counsels
       that would come to them from Rome.

       "In the French Episcopate there were two opposing currents of
       opinion, one for acceptance of the law, under certain
       reserves, the other for resistance. In the latter part of
       November, 1905, some bishops met in Paris and agreed that
       energetic efforts must be made to prevent action at Rome on
       misinformation as to the situation of the Church in France and
       the state of mind prevailing in it. Monseigneur Fulbert Petit,
       Archbishop of Besançon, was their chosen envoy, and in the
       following January he repaired to Rome. There he met other
       bishops who had come to give counsels to the Pope that were
       not pacific; and he met, also, the Père Le Doré, former
       superior of the dissolved congregation of the Eudistes, well
       known for his uncompromising opinions and his aggressive
       temper, but who had been commissioned to convey to Rome the
       proceedings of the meeting of French cardinals at Paris, on
       the 28th of December, which showed a majority in favor of the
       acceptance of the law. At the same time, an important meeting
       of bishops was held at Albi, under the presidency of Monsignor
       Mignot, the majority at which meeting, notably the Archbishop
       who received them and the Archbishop of Toulouse, Monsignor
       Germain, made no secret of their desire to adjust themselves
       to the law, according to the expression of Cardinal Lecot.

       "But nothing said or done drew the Pope from the silence which
       he kept. Then it was rumored that the head of the Church would
       reserve his decision until a general assembly of the French
       episcopate, which the French cardinals had advised, could be
       held, to propose a solution of the question. This, however,
       was contradicted positively by the party which urged
       resistance to the law.

       "Such was the situation when the Government, obliged to
       act,—since the period of delay fixed by the law was only a
       year,—came to the first proceedings which the Act prescribed.
       Article 43 of the law provided for administrative rules, of
       which the part relating to inventories appeared logically the
       first, that being the operation which needed consideration
       before all others. The second part of the regulations had to
       do with the life pensions and temporary provisions accorded to
       the ministers of religion. The regulation concerning pensions
       and provisions was published in the Journal Official of
       January 20, 1906. [Article 11 of the Act assigned to priests
       or ministers of more than sixty years of age, who had been not
       less than thirty years in an ecclesiastical service salaried
       by the state, a yearly life pension of three-fourths of their
       former stipend. To those under sixty years of age and above
       forty-five, whose service had been for less than thirty years
       but not less than twenty, it assigned one-half of their
       previous compensation.] …

       "The first executive act imposed on the Government was the
       inventorying of the property, movable and fixed, belonging to
       the State, to the departments or to the communes, of which the
       establishments of public worship had had the use. Article 3 of
       the law required this to be proceeded with immediately after
       its promulgation. This article had been voted in the Chamber
       and in the Senate by very large majorities, and, so to speak,
       without discussion, so rational and judicial it seemed to be.
       In fact, as the existence of the public establishments of
       worship came to an end with the regime of the Concordat, the
       succession to them was left open, and an inventory,
       descriptive and estimative, of their property, was a necessary
       measure preliminary to any devolution of such property,
       dependent on that succession. … Being one of those
       conservative measures which attack no right and leave a
       continuous state of things, there was no expectation of much
       feeling about it among Catholics. … Apparently, the consistent
       attitude on the part of Catholics, provisionally, at least,
       and until the Pope had spoken, would be one of calm, of
       prudence, of expectancy. Such was the purport of the
       instructions given by the bishops, even by the most combative.
       These latter, while condemning the law with vehemence, did not
       counsel a recourse to force against the agents appointed to
       make the inventory. They required but one thing of their
       priests and of the administrators of parish property, which
       was that they should not coöperate in the work, and that they
       should make declaration that their non-resistance did not
       imply acceptance of the law.

       "On the 29th of December, 1905, a first decree for regulating
       the procedure was issued by the Council of State. This was
       followed by a circular from the Minister of Finance which, it
       must be confessed, roused a justifiable feeling among the
       Catholics. From one phrase in that circular it could be
       understood that the officials making the inventory were
       authorized to demand the opening of the tabernacles. M.
       Groussau questioned the Minister on the subject, and M. Merlou
       cleared away all misunderstanding by replying that officials
       were to accept the declaration of the curé of a church as to
       the contents of its tabernacle; and that they had been
       instructed to avoid everything that could give pain to pious
       minds. The Abbé Gayraud recognized that these decisions of the
       Government were in conformity with the instructions of the
       Cardinal Archbishop of Paris, and the interpellation was
       withdrawn.

       "The inventories were begun at once after this decision of the
       question of the tabernacles. At first there was no disorder.
       The bishops, notably those of Toulouse, of Rouen, of Albi, of
       Besançon, of Arras and Chartres, and their curés, from their
       example, confined themselves to the reading of a protestation
       to the receiver of the registration, after which the receiver
       was left free to fulfil his mission. But soon, in some
       dioceses, particularly in Paris, in the West, and in one part
       of the Center, the inventorying was made the pretext for
       demonstrations more political than religious, organized by
       enthusiasts or by political cliques. Generally the clergy were
       passively present at these demonstrations. …
    {278}
       These tumultuous manifestations, at the head of which the most
       conspicuous personalities of the reactionary opposition were
       often seen, ended by degenerating into veritable riots,
       necessitating the intervention of troops, and leading finally
       to bloody conflicts."

          René Wallier,
          Le Vingtième Siècle Politique, Annee 1906,
          pages 123-132.

       It was not until the 17th of February that the silence of the
       Pope on the matters that were agitating France and the Papal
       Church was broken. Then the "Encyclical Vehementer," so named,
       according to custom, from its first word, was published.

    FRANCE:
       Measures and proceedings of the separation as recounted
       by opponents.

       "In the first period of his premiership M. Combes was not
       prepared either to denounce the Concordat or to separate the
       churches from the State, simply because he found public
       opinion not yet ripe for either measure. Later he thought he
       saw in adopting this course a means of prolonging his official
       existence, a matter of considerable importance to a country
       doctor like himself without large private resources. Having
       slaughtered nearly all religious congregations or prepared
       their ultimate extinction, Combes appeared to seek no further
       occupation for himself and to fortify his position by
       attacking the Church itself, whose secular clergy he had so
       recently praised and sought to protect from unfair and ‘unjust
       concurrence or competition with the regulars!’ Like
       Waldeck-Rousseau, Combes saw here an opportunity to ‘save’ the
       Republic from ‘clerical reaction.' Throughout its whole
       discreditable history this third Republic of France has only
       been kept alive by being periodically ‘saved’ by some clever
       politician from ‘perils’ conjured up to terrorize the
       peasantry, who still recall the misery of their ancestors in
       the old régime and the misfortunes of France in the
       downfall of the first and second Empires. … The Pope
       protested, in March, 1904, against the bad faith and infamous
       aggressions of the French Government in the matter of
       religious education and those imparting it, and M. Delcassé,
       through the French Ambassador at the Vatican, protested
       against the Papal protest. In the following month M. Loubet,
       as President of the French Republic, visited the King of Italy
       at Rome, at the same time politely, but significantly,
       ignoring the existence of the Pope and the Vatican, at which
       court France then had accredited an Ambassador! Then followed
       the protest of the Vatican, addressed directly to the French
       Government, and the protest simultaneously sent to all the
       powers where Papal Nuncios are in residence. …

       "In March, 1904, had arisen the trouble in the Diocese of
       Dijon, France, which culminated in students of the diocesan
       seminary refusing to receive ordination from the hands of the
       Bishop, Monsignor Le Nordez. The Bishop of Dijon was,
       unfortunately, not the only one of the French episcopate
       claiming to be a ‘victim of hatred, deceit and calumny.’
       Almost from the commencement of his episcopate Monsignor Geay,
       Bishop of Laval, was attacked by accusations filed at Rome,
       charges which were examined into during the Pontificate of Leo
       XIII., and which led the Holy Office to advise the Bishop to
       resign his see. It was then (in 1900) thought at Rome that in
       the local conditions actually then existing it was impossible
       for Monsignor Geay to govern the diocese with the necessary
       authority and efficacy. Monsignor Geay agreed to resign,
       provided he received another bishopric in France. This
       condition appeared unacceptable to the Vatican, but no further
       action was taken in this case until May 17, 1904, when by
       order of Pius X. the request for the Bishop’s resignation was
       renewed, and in case it was not forthcoming within a specified
       time an ecclesiastical trial was intimated as inevitable.
       Notwithstanding the secret and private character of this last
       letter emanating from the Holy Office, Monsignor Geay
       communicated its contents to the French Government. Combes and
       Delcassé, jealous of the prerogatives of the French State and
       presumably caring little for the honor of the French
       episcopate, notified Cardinal Merry del Val (by the acting
       Charge d’ Affaires) ‘that if the letter of May 17 is not
       annulled the government will be led to take the measures that
       a like derogation of the compact which binds France and the
       Holy See admits of.’ The Papal Nuncio at Paris explained to M.
       Delcassé that this was not a threat of deposition of the
       Bishop without a decision of the French Government, but an
       invitation to the Bishop to meet the charges by a voluntary
       resignation.

       "As regards Monsignor Le Nordez and Monsignor Geay,
       respectively Bishops of Dijon and Laval, their long hesitation
       between the wishes of the French Government and the will of
       the Holy See ended by the departure of both of them for Rome.
       The government then promptly suppressed their salaries and
       after they had (under virtual pressure) placed their
       ‘voluntary resignation’ in the hands of the Holy Father, an
       allowance from the funds of the Vatican was made to each of
       them. They have since lived in France in a retirement, varied
       at first by interviews of Monsignor Geay with reporters that
       have since happily ceased. The severance of diplomatic
       relations with the Vatican was completed by a note from M.
       Delcassé to the Papal Nuncio at Paris stating that in
       consequence of the rupture of diplomatic relations between
       France and the Vatican ‘the mission of the Nuncio would
       henceforth be deprived of scope.’ In the parliamentary session
       of November 26, 1904, the credit for the Embassy at the
       Vatican was stricken from the budget. …

       "After the downfall of Combes, through the odium attaching to
       his spy system, the Minister of the Interior and of Public
       Worship presented to the Chamber of Deputies on behalf of the
       Rouvier Ministry a project of law to establish the separation.
       If for Combes separation had signified little else than
       spoliation, aggravated by oppression, the Rouvier plan sought
       to render spoliation less unjust, less intolerant. The
       ministerial project having been somewhat altered by the
       commission, conferences were held and a final agreement having
       been obtained, the proposed law was reported to the Chamber of
       Deputies in March, 1905. It is unnecessary to follow the
       parliamentary evolution of this immature project, forced as an
       issue by two successive Premiers who had far less solicitude
       for the permanent interests of their country than to assure
       their own continuance in power. M. Briand, speaking for the
       commission, took great trouble to throw upon the Pope the
       responsibility of a law which he at the same time declared to
       be perfectly good, beneficent for the Republic and honorable
       for its authors! Alas! for separatists, in an unguarded moment
       Combes betrayed the utter falsity and ridiculous insincerity
       of this pompous and solemn pretence of the anti-religious
       majority, that the Pope forced the separation upon France. In
       the parliamentary session of January 14, 1905, Combes
       declared: ‘When I assumed power I judged that public opinion
       was insufficiently prepared for this reform. I have judged it
       to be necessary to lead it to that.’

    {279}

       "When the law of separation, as finally adopted in the Chamber
       of Deputies, was referred to the Senate, the Senatorial
       commission, under ministerial pressure, adopted the law as
       passed in the Chamber, without change of a single word.
       Although the law was the most important of any passed in
       France for a hundred years, and though it is fraught with
       grave influences upon the destinies of the country, this
       hastily matured, ill-framed measure, with all its unjust and
       vexatious provisions, was swallowed whole by a commission of
       cowardly, truckling Senatorial politicians, who disregarded
       their plain duty at the dictation of Radicals and Socialists
       on the outside. Separationists both in and out of Parliament
       were eager to see the law become operative before the
       universal suffrage of France could have an opportunity of
       passing judgment upon the principle of the separation in the
       parliamentary elections of May, 1906. …

       "In the Papal Consistory of December 11, 1905, the Pope
       pronounced an allocution protesting against the law of
       separation in mild and temperate language, announcing his
       intention of again treating upon the same subject ‘more
       solemnly and more deliberately at an opportune time.’ The Holy
       Father evidently waited for the regulations of public
       administration that would indicate in what manner the
       Government of France intended to administer and enforce the
       law. …

       "Immediately after the adoption of the law of separation the
       government appointed a special commission to elaborate rules
       of public administration by which the law was to be
       interpreted and applied. This commission being stuffed with
       the anti-religious element, its work was worthy of its
       authors. … The first details of the regulations officially
       promulgated governed the taking of inventories of all movable
       and real property of churches, chapels and ecclesiastical
       buildings, including rectories, chapter houses, homes of
       retreat for aged and infirm priests (even pension endowments),
       etc., ostensibly to facilitate the transfer of these
       properties to such associations for the maintenance of public
       worship as might be formed under the provisions of the law of
       separation. These inventories were imposed upon all religious
       bodies—Catholic, Protestant and Jewish—and the law was made
       applicable to Algiers, where there is a large Mahomedan
       population. Viewed in the abstract, the taking of inventories
       was a formality necessary to an application of principles
       inscribed in the law. As estimates of value such inventories
       are worthless, because compiled by agents of the
       administration of Public Domains or treasury agents, unaided
       by experts in art, architecture and archivial paleography. The
       Director General of the Register prescribed to agents taking
       these inventories a request for the opening of tabernacles in
       churches and chapels to facilitate completeness and accuracy.
       This order aroused a storm of indignation throughout France
       and the government realized that a stupid blunder had been
       made, and it was announced that agents would content
       themselves with gathering and incorporating into their report
       declarations of the priests upon the nature and value of
       sacred vessels contained in the tabernacles.

       "The taking of inventories of churches and their contents
       commenced simultaneously in many parts of France in the latter
       part of January, 1906. Instead of the simple formality hastily
       accomplished without general observation, of which separatists
       had dreamed, this proceeding was characterized in various
       places by scenes of the wildest disorder. When officials of
       the Registry presented themselves for the taking of the
       inventories, the clergy, surrounded or attended by trustees of
       the building, read formal protests against what most of them
       styled ‘the first step in an act of spoliation.’ … If these
       protests had not been accompanied by physical violence, the
       country might have been spared the shocking scenes that took
       place in Paris and the provinces. In many churches free fights
       took place between militant Catholic laymen, opposed to an
       inventory, and police, firemen and troops, who burst open the
       doors of churches or broke them down with fire axes in order
       to make an inventory possible. While at the doors chairs and
       fragments of broken confessionals were flying through the
       air, pious women within sang:

       ‘We will pray God that the Church may be able to teach the
       truth, to combat error which causes division, to preach to all
       charity!’"

          F. W. Parsons,
          Separation of Church and State in France
          (American Catholic Quarterly Review, July, 1906).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
       The Morocco Question.
       Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo-French Agreement.
       Demand for an International Conference.
       The Conference at Algeciras.
       The resulting Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Claims against Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
       President Fallières succeeds Loubet.
       Fall of the Rouvier Ministry.
       Rise of M. Clemenceau.
       The Elections of May.
       Conformity to the Separation Law prohibited by the Pope.
       Sequestration of Church Property.
       The Socialists and the Bourgeois.
       Justice at last to Dreyfus.
       Honors to Picquart.

       The presidential term of M. Loubet, who had been elected on
       the 19th of February, 1899, would expire on the 18th of
       February, 1906. M. Loubet declined a reflection, and M.
       Fallières, the chosen candidate of the various groups of
       Republicans, was elected President of the French Republic at a
       joint session of the two chambers of the National Assembly, on
       the 17th of January, by 449 votes of a total 848. The new
       President was inducted into office on the 18th of February,
       and, according to usage, was offered the resignations of the
       existing Ministry, under M. Rouvier, which, however, he did
       not accept. M. Rouvier and his colleagues continued in office
       until the 7th of March, when a vote in the Chamber of Deputies
       which expressed want of confidence compelled a resignation
       that could not be declined.

    {280}

       The new Ministry then formed, and announced on the 14th, was
       nominally presided over by M. Sarrien, President of the
       Council and Minister of Justice, but its real chief was known
       to be M. Clemenceau, Minister of the Interior. Other important
       members of this Cabinet were M. Bourgeois, Minister of Foreign
       Affairs, and M. Aristide Briand, Minister of Public
       Instruction and of Worship. Sarrien and Bourgeois were classed
       politically as Radicals, Briand as a Socialist, and Clemenceau
       as a Socialist-Radical. The Ministerial declaration read in
       both chambers on the 14th was criticised as colorless, and as
       indicating an incongruity of political material in the make-up
       of the administration. On the burning question of the
       execution of the law for the separation of Church and State
       its language was:

       "The law on the separation of Church and State has met, in the
       execution of the provisions relating to the inventories, a
       resistance as unexpected as it is unjustified. There is no one
       among us who wishes to assail in any manner whatever the
       freedom of religious belief and worship. The law will be
       applied in the same liberal spirit in which it was adopted by
       the Parliament. … But it is our duty to insure the execution
       of all laws throughout the land. Under a republican government
       the law is the highest expression of national sovereignty; it
       must everywhere be respected and everywhere obeyed. The
       Government intends to apply with all necessary circumspection,
       but with inflexible firmness, the new legislation which
       certain parties of opposition strive vainly to misrepresent."

       On the 14th of April the Chamber of Deputies was adjourned
       sine die, and fresh elections to it were to be held in
       May. "The seventh legislature held under the Constitution of
       1875 came to an end amid a domestic confusion unparalleled in
       France since 1871. In the Nord and the Pas de Calais there
       were miners’ strikes, at Clermont-Ferrand strikes in the
       building trade; at Lorient and Toulon there was a general
       strike, and there were strikes also at Alais and Bordeaux. At
       Paris the compositors, the excavators and the railway men on
       the Metropolitan had left work, and the postmen also had
       joined the movement, though they were servants of the State.
       M. Clemenceau paid two visits to Lens to treat with the
       strikers; following his example and by his orders the
       magistrates, officers and soldiers exhibited admirable
       coolness as well as energy in controlling the excited crowds
       without resorting to force. … Attempts were made to form what
       were virtually revolutionary governments, and these announced
       openly that on May 1, capitalism would be assailed, a general
       strike proclaimed in Paris, and the Government swept away if
       it showed signs of attempting to interfere. These threats set
       up an unprecedented panic, which was intensified by the
       measures taken by the Government to get rid of it. Troops
       guarded the Metropolitan Railway workshops, the printing
       establishments, the bakeries. All the cavalry and infantry
       available were concentrated at Paris, and schools and empty
       houses taken up for their accommodation."

          Annual Register, 1906,
          page 270.

       In the midst of these distractions the political canvass for a
       new representation of the Republic in its legislature was
       carried on, and the elections were but slightly disturbed.
       They went so sweepingly in favor of the Government that only
       176 seats in the Chamber, out of 589, were carried by the
       opposition. The victory of the Government was more complete
       and decisive than the most sanguine had expected. Said a
       writer in The Fortnightly Review:

       "It is the end of the long struggle between the Republic and
       its internal enemies, those Emigres de l’intérieur as M. Paul
       Sabatier has happily called them. The political power of the
       Church is broken forever; the parties of reaction are finally
       crushed, and their future will be that of the Jacobites after
       Culloden. … It may perhaps be useful to record the relative
       strength of parties in the new Chamber as compared with the
       old. Precise accuracy is difficult, owing to the uncertainty
       as to the exact group to which a few of the deputies should be
       attributed, but the following figures are as near exactitude
       as possible:—

                                           New Chamber. Old Chamber.
       Ministerialists: (The Bloc):--
       Republicans of the Left
       (Alliance Démocratique
       and Gauche Démocratique)                  90         83

       Radicals                                 117         98

       Radical-Socialists                       132        119

       Independent Socialists                    20         14

          Total                                 359        314

       Unified Socialists                        54         41

       Opposition:—
       Republicans of the Centre
       (Union Républicaine and Progressists)     68         97

       Nationalists                              30         53

       Conservatives and Clericals               78         84

          Total                                 176        234

       "But the mere figures do not bring out the full significance
       of the election. Even more important than the fact that only
       108 Clerical and Nationalist deputies were returned is the
       fact that these 108 represent, with very few exceptions, the
       most ignorant and backward districts in France. Immediately
       after the election the Matin published an electoral map
       of France, in which the districts represented by Opposition
       deputies were left white. It is an instructive document. The
       whole of central France is a solid mass of black, in the north
       and south the white spots are few and scattered, in the east
       black very greatly predominates; only in the west is there any
       conspicuous show of white."

          Robert Dell,
          France, England, and Mr. Bodley
          (Fortnightly Review, September, 1906).

       Manifestly the majority in France approved the severance of
       religious institutions from the political organization of the
       State. In recognition of the fact, the General Assembly of
       French Bishops, sitting soon afterwards at Paris, petitioned
       the Pope, by the vote of a large majority, to permit the
       forming of Public Worship Associations under the Separation
       Law. The papal reply, given late in the summer, was a new
       Encyclical, formally forbidding French Catholics to form such
       Associations for taking the offered use of the church
       buildings and property, as provided for continued exercises of
       religion by the law. A little later the prohibition was
       carried farther, and French Catholics were forbidden to
       conform to the Associations Law of 1891, as well as to the
       Separation Law.
    {281}
       There seems to have been a disposition in the Government to
       extend, from one year to two, the period allowed for
       conformity to the latter enactment; but this attitude on the
       part of the head of the Church dispelled it. Accordingly, on
       the 11th of December, 1906, when the term fixed by the law
       expired, sequestration of the property of the vestries was
       pronounced, and buildings occupied in connection with the
       churches by bishops, rectors, seminaries, etc., were ordered
       to be vacated with no further delay.

       Before matters reached this stage M. Sarrien had resigned, on
       account of ill health, and the premiership had passed to
       Clemenceau. The Cabinet underwent a degree of reconstruction
       soon afterwards, and the upright, courageous Picquart,
       formerly Colonel, now Brigadier-General, who had stood so long
       almost alone in army circles as a champion of justice to the
       foully wronged Dreyfus, had been given the portfolio of War.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899)

       To Dreyfus himself the Republic had made all the reparation
       that it could. On the 12th of July in this year its highest
       court had pronounced a decision which branded with falsity and
       forgery every document and the whole testimony on which he had
       been convicted, and declared that "the accusation against
       Dreyfus was completely unjustified." Thereupon he was
       reinstated in the army with the rank of major, and not many
       days later, on the spot where the ceremony of his degradation
       had been performed, in 1894, he received the insignia of a
       Chevalier of the Legion of Honor.

       In the May elections for the Chamber of Deputies the
       Socialists had been heavily reinforced, and their most
       strenuous leader, M. Jaurès, was inspired to say in his
       journal, L'Humanité:

       "There is no more time to be lost. This time we must give the
       finishing blow to the Reaction, to all parties of the past, to
       Clericalism and Cæsarism. After clearing the battleground of
       all its litter, the Proletariat must be able to say to the
       face of the Republican Democracy, the Radical Democracy which
       at last is master of public power: ‘What are you going to do
       for workmen? What reforms, what guarantees, are you going to
       give them? How are you going to help French society out of the
       deep crisis in which it struggles? How, by what organization
       of Property and Labor, will you put an end to the exploiting
       of men, to the war of classes let loose by the Capitalist form
       of property?’" Quoting these words, soon afterwards, a writer
       in The Atlantic Monthly remarked:

       "Such words are not the mere rhetoric of a Parliamentary
       dictator who has just suffered a year’s eclipse in the
       retrograde combinations given to the Radical majority by Prime
       Minister Rouvier. Almost physiologically, certainly socially,
       the millions of French workmen stand over against
       property-holders in a way to which there is nothing comparable
       in the Northern and Western United States, with all their
       labor difficulties. They form a separate class in society,
       because French property-holders form an exclusive caste. It
       was the middle classes, the property-holding bourgeois and the
       peasant proprietors bound up with them, who profited by the
       great Revolution against the privileged classes of that
       day,—royalty, clergy, and nobles. During the century which has
       elapsed the triumphant bourgeois have steadily persisted in
       throwing around themselves a practically impenetrable wall of
       legal and social privilege in their turn. And now there is a
       spontaneous upheaval of the excluded, unprivileged, inferior
       class."

          Stoddard Dewey,
          The Year in France
          (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1906).

       Mainly, it appears, from the prompting and the influence of
       the Socialist and Labor organizations, France obtained, in
       1906, a law making Sunday a day of rest from most descriptions
       of industry and commerce, exceptions being made to allow
       travel and transportation companies, lighting and water works,
       newspaper offices, and some other performers of public
       services, to continue their operations, while hotels,
       restaurants, wine shops, drug stores, and the like, were
       exempted from closing their doors.

          See (in this Volume)
          SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
       Woman Suffrage Movement.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
       The Thrift and consequent loanable Wealth of the country.
       The power that it makes for peace.

       "In the world at large, however, France has also come to a
       consciousness of her real power. An English financier had
       already said that if the French people continue to live on the
       principle, ‘where you have four sous spend only two,’ they
       will end by having in their possession all the coined gold in
       the world. The great portion of it which they already possess,
       and the distress caused to German finance and industry by the
       patriotic refusal of the united French banks to allow their
       gold to be drawn until peace was secure, had a great and
       probably decisive influence in the happy termination of this
       entangled affair of Morocco. The floating of the latest
       Russian loan has since come to show yet further the riches of
       France, to which tourists alone, it is estimated, add two
       billion francs in gold each year. This money power and money
       need should tend to the keeping of European peace more than
       all the theories of the pacifists who clamor for a disarmament
       impossible to obtain."

          Stoddard Dewey,
          The Year in France
          (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1906).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1906.
       Deposition of the insane King of Anam.

          See (in this Volume)
          ANAM.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (February).
       The Papal Encyclical "Vehementer Nos."

          See PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.
       The Separation of Church and State.
       Further measures and proceedings, as related from opposite
       standpoints.

       From the Separationist Standpoint:

       "The practical question, what course the French Catholics were
       to adopt when the law should go into effect, was first
       answered by the pope in his encyclical Gravissimo, published
       August 10, 1906, eight months after the promulgation of the
       law. The gist of the document is in two sentences: ‘After
       having condemned as was our duty this iniquitous law, we
       examined with the greatest care whether the articles of the
       aforesaid law would leave at least some means of organizing
       religious life in France so as to rescue the sacred principles
       upon which rests the Holy Church.’ Having consulted the
       bishops, and addressed 'fervent prayers to the Father of
       Light,’ the pope came to the following conclusion:

       ‘As for the associations of worship, as the law organizes
       them, we decree that they can absolutely not be formed without
       violating the sacred rights which are the very life of the
       church.’

    {282}

       "Is there any other form of association which might be both
       legal and canonical? Pius X did not see any. Therefore, as
       long as the law remained as it was, the Holy Father forbade
       the French Catholics to try any form of association which did
       not promise, in an ‘unmistakable and legal manner, that the
       divine constitution of the church, the immutable rights of the
       Roman pontiff and the bishops, as well as their authority over
       the property necessary to the church, especially over the
       sacred edifices, will be forever insured in those
       associations.’ …

       "For this decision there were, from the ecclesiastical point
       of view, three grounds. One was the failure of the law of 1905
       to recognize, in so many words, the authority of the
       ecclesiastical hierarchy. Another was the abrupt fashion in
       which the French government broke off its diplomatic relations
       with the Vatican. The fact that the government consistently
       ignored the pope during the drafting of the bill was a third.
       …

       "Under what regime the churches were to live was at first
       somewhat uncertain; but M. Briand speedily discovered in
       existing legislation all that was needed to insure the
       continuance of religious worship. He was willing to admit that
       the church was not obliged to avail herself of the privileges
       that the new law provided for her. Law imposes duties on
       citizens, but it does not force them to make use of rights or
       privileges. Everything that is not forbidden is lawful. … The
       minister stated that the priests could make use of the
       churches after having filed such an application or declaration
       as is required for ordinary meetings by the law of 1881. These
       declarations would be valid for a whole year instead of for
       one meeting. But under this regime the priests would be simply
       temporary occupants of the buildings of worship without any
       legal title.

       "This compromise proved no more satisfactory to the Vatican
       than the law of 1905. …

       "The pope refused to sanction this arrangement. He objected to
       the scheme of yearly declaration. In the first place he
       complained that this broad interpretation of the law on public
       meetings was merely a personal fancy of M. Briand which might
       not bind his successors. In the second place, the dignity of
       the priests did not allow them to accept the humiliating
       position of simple occupants of the churches. …

       "The government, however, could not leave several million
       Catholics in a position in which opportunity to perform their
       religious duties depended upon uncertain texts and the
       circulars of a temporary minister of worship. It therefore set
       out to draft a bill that would be acceptable to the church
       without any recourse to the discarded associations of worship.
       The new bill was submitted to Parliament December 15, 1906;
       was accepted by the Chamber December 21 and by the Senate
       December 29, and was promulgated January 2, 1907. …

       "Most of the privileges granted in the law of 1905 are
       withdrawn; and the law of associations of 1901, combined with
       the law of public meetings of 1881, forms the basis of the new
       regime. …

       "Of all the catastrophes prophesied or feared by foes or
       friends none has occurred. The new regime so violently
       attacked in and out of France is being gradually acclimated."

          Othon Guerlac,
          The Separation of Church and State in France
          Political Science Quarterly, June, 1908.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.
       The Separation of Church and State.
       Further measures and proceedings, as related from opposite
       standpoints.

       From the Standpoint of the Church:

       "The third meeting of the French episcopate, held at the
       Château de la Muette, Paris, January 15-19, resulted in a
       declaration (approved by the Holy See) of their unanimous
       consent to essay the organization of public worship in
       churches to be placed at the Bishops’ disposal free; an
       essential condition being a legal contract (authorized by
       Government) between themselves or their clergy and the
       Prefects or Mayors to whom such churches (sequestrated in
       December) have been handed or will be handed over; the
       contract to be for a term of eighteen years, during which term
       (being fixed by the common law of municipal leases of communal
       properties) neither Mayors nor Prefects shall in any way
       interfere either in parochial administration or in regard to
       the conditions of occupancy of the edifices, which must be, as
       regards police, under control of the priest in charge, the
       mayor intervening only on grave occasions when his official
       duties require him according to law to re-establish disturbed
       order.

       "This document, published on January 29, was immediately, with
       a form of contract, sent by each Bishop to the Parish priests
       in his diocese with a request to be informed immediately
       whether the proposed contract would be entered into by their
       respective mayors, and instructing them if possible to get it
       signed at once and return it to the Bishop. Of course, from
       every parish where Catholics are strong and zealous the signed
       contracts were quickly obtainable or obtained. But so soon as
       the Minister of Worship learned these proceedings, he
       circularized the Prefects of France on February 1:

       "‘You will shortly receive instructions concerning the
       application of the Article in the Law of January 2, 1907,
       providing that free use of Communal buildings intended for
       worship, and of their fittings, may, subject to the
       requirements of Article 13 in the Law of 9 December, 1905, be
       accorded by an administration act of the mayors to the
       ministers of worship specified in declarations of
       worship-meetings. It is extremely urgent, to prevent mayors
       being entrapped into giving their signatures, that you should
       telegraphically warn them, they are not entitled to enter into
       a contract of this kind without preliminary deliberation by
       their municipal council, and that they should, pending the
       vote of that body, confine themselves, if asked for it, to
       giving an acknowledgment of receipt of any request for use of
       edifices they may have received. You will also assure them
       they shall at a very early date receive instructions defining
       the conditions to be observed to render such contracts valid,
       and will direct them to do nothing until those instructions
       reach them.’

       "It is due to M. Briand to acknowledge: first, that he lost no
       time whatever in fulfilling this promise; second, that his new
       circular on the application of the law of January 2, 1907,
       which bears date Paris, February 3rd, and was published the
       following evening, lays down regulations concerning the leases
       of Churches and Communal Chapels which on the face of these
       are fair, reasonable, and likely to be universally acceptable.
    {283}
       The main conditions are, approval of the agreements by the
       municipal councils, failing which mayors cannot enter into
       them; maximum term to be eighteen years; the lessee (whether a
       curé, or a worship association) to keep the buildings in
       proper repair; leases for longer periods than eighteen years
       to be sanctioned by the prefect; that the curé acts by
       permission of his ecclesiastical superior may be stated in the
       lease, but such superior is not to be entitled in any way,
       once the document is signed, to interfere, or exercise
       authority. …

       "In Paris the appearance of the circular was hailed with
       satisfaction by Catholics and reasonable men. … Cardinal
       Richard deems it proper and useful to direct his priests to
       make the declaration, after the contract is duly signed, and
       when His Eminence shall authorize them to make it. …

       "His Eminence lost no time in submitting to the Protestant
       prefect of the Seine, M. de Selves, a draft lease of the Paris
       Cathedral (Notre Dame) and the historical St. Denis Basilica.
       It was understood that, if settled and signed, this contract
       should serve as the model to be followed in the remaining
       eighty-five French dioceses. The Cardinal Secretary of State
       at the Vatican authorized these negotiations, against his
       personal judgment, without any illusions as to the result,
       simply to satisfy the French episcopate and a minority in the
       Sacred College. …

       "After negotiations extending over three weeks, the Prefect
       informed the Cardinal (in writing, on February 23) that His
       Eminence’s proposals were inacceptable, but the government
       invited amended ones based on ministerial declarations made in
       the Chamber during a stormy debate on February 19, when M.
       Briand found himself forced to confess the churches were left
       open in view of the truth that a parliamentary majority had
       ‘no right to hinder millions of Catholic compatriots from
       practising their religion.’ The Cardinal Archbishop replied
       immediately that the text of the draft submitted embodied the
       extreme limits of possible concessions."

          J. F. Boyd,
          The French Ecclesiastical Revolution
          (American Catholic Quarterly Review, January-April, 1907).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
       Effects of the Separation Law.
       The Catholics of France lose all Legal Organization.

       "The Church Separation Law has failed to do the particular
       work for which it was voted by the preceding Parliament.
       Catholic citizens have chosen to undergo its penalties, with
       new pains and reprisals voted by the present Parliament,
       rather than accept that civil reorganization of their religion
       which it imposed on them. The result has been to deprive
       French Catholics, not only of the church property which had
       been restored to them after the confiscations of the
       Revolution, but also of all church property of whatever kind,
       even such as had since been gathered together by their private
       and voluntary contributions. It is impossible to foresee how
       they are legally to constitute new church property for
       themselves. By the automatic working of separation, Catholics,
       so far as any corporative action might be intended, are left
       quite outside their country’s laws.

       "The Associations Law had previously suppressed their
       religious orders and congregations, that is, all those
       teaching and other communities which combined individual
       initiatives into a working power for their religion. In virtue
       of that law, their convents and colleges and the other
       properties of such religious associations have ‘reverted’ to
       the State, which is gradually liquidating them for its own
       purposes.

       "No example of temporal sacrifices for religion’s sake on such
       a scale has been seen since Catholics in the France of the
       Revolution chose to lose all, in many cases life itself,
       rather than accept the schismatical civil constitution of
       their clergy, which was accompanied by a like nationalizing of
       all their church property."

          Stoddard Dewey,
          The Year in France
          (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1907).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
       Rapid Development of the Syndicalist Labor Union Movement.
       The Confederation Generate du Travail.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1907.
       Popular Vote on the Greatest Frenchman of the
       Nineteenth Century, awarding the distinction to Louis Pasteur.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (May-July).
       The revolt of the Wine-growers of the Midi.

       From various causes, the wine-growers of Southern France have
       suffered from an increasing decline in the market for their
       products. They attributed this wholly to the extensive
       manufacture of adulterated and counterfeited wines, though it
       came partly, without doubt, from the increasing use of beers
       and spirituous liquors among the French. The struggling
       cultivators of the grape, who could hardly obtain a living
       from their vineyards, accused the government of neglect to
       make and enforce effective laws for the suppression of the
       adulterating frauds. They demanded new measures for the
       suppression of all vinous beverages that were not the pure
       product of the grape. In the spring of 1907 their attitude
       became seriously threatening; for a leader named Marcelin
       Albert, having an eloquent tongue, a bold spirit, and a
       capacity for command, had risen among them. Alarming
       demonstrations of popular excitement occurred in the cities of
       Perpignan, Montpellier, Narbonne, and others.

       Then, in May, the discontented people gave formal notice that
       they would refuse to pay taxes if all adulterate wine-making
       was not summarily stopped by the 10th of June. At the
       appointed time the threat was even more than made good, for
       most of the municipal officers in the four departments of
       Gard, Aude, Hérault, and the Pyrenees Orientales resigned and
       the machinery of local government was dissolved. The
       troublesome situation thus created was handled ably by Premier
       Clemenceau. On one hand he secured new legislation from
       Parliament against wine adulteration, while promptly ordering
       troops to the region of revolt on the other. Marcelin Albert
       and another leader, Dr. Ferroul, Mayor of Narbonne, were
       arrested, and order was soon restored, though a few collisions
       with turbulent crowds were attended with some loss of life.

       The new laws enacted for the occasion were intended in part to
       secure an annual record of the vineyard product of the country
       that would enable the Government to keep knowledge of it from
       the vine to the wine cask, and make fraudulent tampering with
       it more difficult, at least.

    {284}

    FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (September).
       Convention with Great Britain concerning Commercial Relations
       with Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (November).
       Treaty with Great Britain, Germany, Norway, and Russia,
       guaranteeing the integrity of Norway.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (November).
       Treaty with England concerning Death Duties.

          See (in this Volume)
          DEATH DUTIES.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Operation in Morocco.
       Bombardment of Casablanca.
       Fresh irritation of Germany.
       Arbitration of the Casablanca incident.
       Dethronement of Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother, Mulai Hafid.
       Franco-German Agreement.

          See (in this Volume)
          Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1908.
       North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1908.
       The Situation of the Catholic Church since the Separation
       of Church and State.
       A Church Organization impossible.

       "To question whether the Catholics in France, who have alone
       done more than the Catholics in any other nation for foreign
       missions and for the propagation of the faith, will succeed in
       maintaining the Church in their own country by private
       contributions, will perhaps arouse astonishment. Nevertheless
       it may be questioned. We do not doubt the generosity of our
       people, but that which does give us concern is the
       impossibility of organizing any revenue which can be
       permanent. … The Church would be able to surmount the
       difficulty if she had endowments, revenues, or property, as in
       other countries. But that of course demands some regular
       organization, some corporation or some body recognized by the
       laws of the country and capable of acquiring, possessing, and
       exercising ordinary property rights. We cannot state too
       emphatically that such an organization for the Church is not
       possible to-day in France. On one side the only body
       authorized by the law to look after the material side of the
       religious interests is the association cultuelle, or
       local committee of public worship, as defined and regulated by
       the Law of Separation. On the other side, this association
       cultuelle has been declared by the Pope incompatible with
       the hierarchical constitution of the Church of Rome, and the
       bishops, the priests, and the Catholic laity, in obedience to
       their Supreme Head, have abstained and will continue to
       abstain from forming any such organization. Not only, then,
       have there been no Catholic associations cultuelles to
       receive from the state the portion of the former religious
       property (the half perhaps) which we might have kept; but
       there will be none in the future to receive a gift of any
       kind. In the eyes of the law there is no diocese, no parish,
       no corporation representing diocese or parish. The bishop and
       the pastor are only individual citizens, Messrs. So-and-So.
       They cannot hold property except as individuals, and what they
       might receive for religious purposes cannot be handed down to
       their successors,—it must revert only to their legal heirs. In
       brief, no permanent body whatever can provide for the
       maintenance of public worship.

       "This is the situation with its almost insurmountable
       difficulties. In all probability it will be a long time before
       we escape from it."

          Felix Klein,
          The Present Difficulties of the Church in France
          (Fortnightly Review, April, 1908).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty with England, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and
       Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (June).
       Treaty with Japan, adjusting interests of each country
       in the East.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (JUNE).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1908 (June).
       Purchase of the Western Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: FRANCE.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Operations in and around Morocco.
       French Mauritanie.
       Pushing French lines toward the West.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Attitude on the question of the Austrian Annexation of
       Bosnia and Herzegovina.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
       Socialism and the Socialist Parties.
       The classes appealed to.
       The leaders and the followers.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM: FRANCE.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
       A late awakening to the need of better Technical
       and Industrial Training.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909.
       Coöperative Organization in Agriculture.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (January).
       Elections to one-third of the French Senate.
       Success of the Socialist-Radicals.
       Endorsement of the Clemenceau Ministry.

       Elections to the one-third of the French Senate which goes out
       every third year were held on Sunday, the 3d of January, and
       resulted heavily in favor of the party which calls itself
       Socialist-Radical, holding a middle ground between the extreme
       Socialists and the Moderate Republicans. M. Clemenceau, the
       Premier, is of this party, and his administration had given it
       great strength. He was one of the Senators whose term had
       expired, and his constituents of the Var re-elected him by a
       majority of 390, 46 more than they had formerly given him. Of
       the 103 Senators chosen at this election the
       Socialist-Radicals and Radicals (who work together) won 60,
       giving them secure control of the Senate, where the Moderate
       Republicans had been holding the balance of power. The latter
       lost eighteen seats, while the Conservatives or Reactionists
       of the Right added 1 to the 4 they had previously held. The
       strength in France of a politically and practically restrained
       sympathy with the economic ideas of Socialism was proved
       signally in this election.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (January).
       Amended Convention with Great Britain concerning Commercial
       Relations with Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March).
       Appointment of Abbé Loisy to the Professorship of the
       History of Religions in the College of France.

       Early in March, 1909, the Abbé Loisy, most conspicuous of the
       "Modernists" who had been condemned and denounced by the Pope,
       was appointed by the Minister of Public Instruction to be
       Professor of the History of Religions in the College de
       France, filling the chair vacated by the death of M. Réville.
       The appointment had been recommended by the authorities of the
       College, which is reputed to be an institution entirely
       devoted to "disinterested scientific research." Nevertheless,
       the choice was looked upon at once as being prompted by a
       motive of offensive antagonism to the Papacy.
    {285}
       The Abbé has had distinction for years among the masters of
       the higher criticism, and five of his books were placed on the
       "Index" by the church in 1903. The propositions characterized
       as "Modernism" and condemned by the Pope in 1907 were largely
       drawn from his writings. The Abbé replied to the condemnation,
       and was excommunicated.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March-May).
       Serious strike of Government employés in the Telegraph and
       Postal Service.
       Overcome by the firmness of the Government.
       Disciplinary proceedings.
       Court decision against Trade Unions among
       employés of the State.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (March-June).
       Report of Parliamentary Commission on the Naval Administration.
       Alarming conditions.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (April).
       Reported reanimation of Clerical Anti-Republicanism.

       "I learn on excellent authority," said an English
       correspondent of the Press, writing from Paris in April, "that
       the leaders of anti-clericalism in the French political world
       are becoming somewhat concerned as to the rapid recrudescence
       of the political religious orders, which, although suppressed,
       are somehow managing to reestablish themselves in France. As
       was recently pointed out by M. André Mater, in a Volume, ‘La
       Politique Religieuse de la République Française,’ published
       under the auspices of the ‘Committee for the defence abroad of
       the religious policy of France,’ the French monks, and not the
       French Bishops and priests, were almost entirely responsible
       for the Vatican’s refusal to accept the three Separation Laws
       which M. Briand, the then Minister of Public Worship, framed
       in a conciliatory spirit towards the Roman Catholic Church,
       and often with the assistance of the French Bishops
       themselves. The French Government will certainly not allow the
       religious orders to revive the old campaign of
       anti-Republicanism, which has, in the opinion of many French
       Roman Catholics, done so much to compromise the interests of
       Roman Catholicism in this country."

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Earthquake on the Mediterranean coast.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: FRANCE.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (June-July).
       Revised Naval Programme.
       Changes in the Department of the Marine.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
       Discussion of the Navy Report in the Chamber of Deputies.
       M. Clemenceau’s outbreak of passion.
       His flings at M. Delcassé resented by the Chamber.
       He is driven from office by its vote.
       His Successor, M. Briand, and the New Cabinet.
       A Socialist Statesman at the head of the Government.

       When the report of the Parliamentary Commission on the Navy
       and the Naval Administration came up for discussion in the
       Chamber of Deputies, in July, it brought about the overthrow
       of Prime Minister Clemenceau and his Cabinet in a singular
       way.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

       The report itself had not been seriously threatening to the
       stability of the Ministry. Responsibility for the weaknesses
       found in the Naval administration belonged evidently, in large
       measure, to the predecessors of M. Clemenceau and his
       colleagues, and they were united in maintaining that M.
       Picard, who held the Marine portfolio, had done all that could
       be done since he came to office towards reforming his
       department. M. Picard himself spoke with an aggressive
       boldness of self-justification in the debate. His speech, made
       on the 20th of July, called out M. Delcassé, president of the
       investigating Commission, who mounted the tribune and
       delivered an attack on the Government, fierce with the
       animosities of a long antagonism between M. Clemenceau and
       himself. This angered the Premier to a degree, apparently,
       which overpowered his usually clear judgment, and he retorted
       in a speech which taunted M. Delcassé with references to that
       Morocco affair in which he and France were subjected to
       mortifications at the hands of Germany.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906).

       It is a matter on which sore feeling exists naturally in
       France, and concerning which the sympathy of the nation is
       with M. Delcassé. Hence the Chamber resented Clemenceau’s
       allusions to it, and Delcassé was cheered when he made a
       passionate but dignified reply. The Premier would have needed
       to be blind if he did not see that his own party was against
       him in the tone he had given to the controversy; and yet he
       proceeded to a repetition of the taunt he had flung at his
       opponent before. What followed was thus described to the
       readers of the London Times the next morning, by its
       Paris correspondent:

       "M. Clemenceau rose in face of a hostile Chamber, which had
       been profoundly impressed by M. Delcassé, although on entering
       the Palais Bourbon before the debate this afternoon not a
       single member of the House had contemplated the possibility of
       a division which would entail the fall of the Ministry and
       expose all parties to the necessity of readjustments of
       electoral arrangements under a new and untried Cabinet within
       less than a year of the general election. M. Clemenceau said:—

       "‘M. Delcassé has taken a great deal of trouble not to reply
       to the only question which I put to him—namely, you were
       Minister and you followed a policy which was bound to carry us
       to one of the greatest humiliations.’

       "It seemed, as one gazed down upon the House, that the entire
       Chamber leapt as one man in indignant repudiation of this
       sentence, which, moreover, had been truncated by this
       spontaneous and concerted interruption. When the noise of the
       slamming desks had died down, M. Clemenceau was heard to say:

       "‘Oh, a truce to false indignation, I beg of you. You led us,
       M. Delcassé, within a hair’s breadth of war and you did
       nothing to prepare for any such policy by taking military
       precautions. Everybody is aware that the Ministers of War and
       of Marine were questioned, and that they declared that we were
       not ready. (Loud protests.) I have not humiliated France, M.
       Delcassé humiliated her.’

       "As M. Clemenceau returned to his place, there could be no
       doubt as to the temper of the House. A division was
       immediately announced on an order of the day of confidence,
       proposed by M. Jourde and accepted by the Government.

    {286}

       "The vote took place on priority in favour of this order of
       the day amid the liveliest agitation. By 212 votes to 176
       priority was rejected. As soon as the President had read out
       the figures, M. Clemenceau and the Ministers rose, and leaving
       the Government Bench filed out into the lobbies. Loud cheers
       from the Right and the Extreme Left followed them to the door.
       It was the fall of the Ministry which has enjoyed the longest
       lease of life of any under the Third Republic.

       "After holding a consultation at the Palais Bourbon, the Prime
       Minister and his colleagues immediately proceeded to the
       Elysee in order formally to tender their resignation.
       President Fallières, who was at dinner and who had not heard
       the result of the vote in the Chamber, was taken by surprise
       and expressed regret at the departure of M. Clemenceau, with
       whom he had collaborated so long. The short interview, which
       lasted only ten minutes, concluded with a formal request on
       the part of the President that M. Clemenceau and his
       colleagues would continue to discharge the duties of their
       respective Departments until the appointment of their
       successors."

       Though his colleagues went out of office with him, it was M.
       Clemenceau, alone, who could be said to have "fallen." Even
       that characterization of the occurrence was criticised by one
       of his opponents, who said: "M. Clemenceau did not fall; he
       plunged out of office." "The Chamber had no intention of
       upsetting the Government," said one of the Republican journals
       of Paris, "and an hour earlier, in fact, had loudly cheered
       the Minister of Marine, M. Picard." In these circumstances it
       was certain that the change of Ministry would make little
       change in the character or policy of the Government. It did,
       in fact, make no extensive change in even the personnel of the
       Ministry; for six members of the Cabinet of M. Clemenceau
       reappeared in its successor, and these included the new
       Premier, M. Aristide Briand.

       The choice of M. Briand for leadership in the Government
       appears to have been made by a common consensus of opinion
       that he was the one man pointed to by all the circumstances of
       the case. As Minister of Public Worship he had shown a
       temperateness of disposition and a political capacity, in
       steering the country through the stormy achievement of the
       separation of the State from the Church, which won high
       admiration and esteem both at home and abroad. He had been
       known as distinctly a Socialist, according to the full meaning
       of the term in France, and had come into public life with the
       prejudices raised against that brand of radicalism to contend
       with. But he had given good proof that he could be practically
       a statesman as well as theoretically a Socialist, and France
       appeared to be fully willing to see the helm of Government put
       into his hands. He is the first fully professed Socialist to
       attain that position in a great State. In making up his
       Cabinet he called into it two others of his own Socialist
       sect, namely, M. Millerand, to be Minister of Public Works,
       Posts, and Telegraphs, and M. Viviani to be Minister of Labor,
       as he had been before. For himself he retained the Ministry of
       Public Worship, and, with it, the Ministry of the Interior. Of
       other important departments of the Government, that of Foreign
       Affairs was reassumed by M. Pichon and that of Public
       Instruction by M. Domergue. General Brun became Minister of
       War and Admiral Boué de Lapcyrère, Minister of Marine. The
       Cabinet appears to have been generally recognized as one of
       exceptional strength.

       On the 27th of July the new Premier spoke as such to the
       Chamber of Deputies for the first time, and did so, it was
       manifest, with impressive effect. "If I deemed my person to be
       an element of discord in the Republican party," he said, "I
       should ask you not to follow me. I could not suppose that
       serious men would come to ask me to sort out, as it were, from
       my old ideas those which experience has confirmed within me
       and those which it has made me discard. If I had been base
       enough to do that, my interpellators would be right if they
       refused me their confidence. I come before you just as I am, a
       man whom you all know. I have been working with you of the
       majority for the last seven years. You know that I am not
       afraid of ideas, and that my way of thinking is daring. The
       Republic seems to me to be the germ of all progress, but I
       admit only such ideas as are feasible. Je suis un homme de
       réalisation. Those who have watched me know that full
       well. If there be among you any who are still ignorant of
       these facts, let them vote against me. I have as yet no
       mandate from you. Tonight I may have one, but at present there
       is still time for you to refuse to invest me with one."

       At the close of the Premier’s address a motion of confidence
       was made, and carried by 306 votes against 46.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
       French Deputies to lose pay when not in attendance
       at the Chamber.

       Voting by proxy is permitted in the French Chamber of
       Deputies, and this encourages absenteeism. To correct that
       result a remarkable rule was adopted by the Chamber at its
       session of July 17. "The Socialist Deputy for the Cher, M.
       Berton, aided by the Socialist Radical M. Dumont, induced the
       House to adopt, by 441 votes to 77, a measure in virtue of
       which ‘any Deputy who shall not have signed during six
       consecutive sittings a certificate of attendance shall be
       regarded as being absent without permission’ and deprived of
       his pay. M. Pelletan, ex-Minister of Marine, who is, with men
       like M. Brisson, President of the Chamber, the type of the old
       Parliamentary hand of the Republican régime, protested
       in vain against a conception of Parliamentary work which, as
       he said, humiliated the representatives of France to the
       position of schoolboys who have to be ruled with a rod of iron
       lest they play truant. M. Brisson himself pointed out that the
       proposal of the Socialist Deputies was seriously wanting in
       respect for the national sovereignty, and he reminded his
       colleagues that mere attendance in the Chamber was by no means
       the only, nor necessarily the most effective, way of doing
       one’s duty as Deputy.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (July).
       The Pensioning of State Railway Employés.
       The Pending Workman’s Pension Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY: ITS PROBLEMS: FRANCE.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Abrogation of Commercial Agreements with the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Clerical attack on the Secular or Neutral Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

    {287}

    FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (November).
       Contemplated Reform in Criminal Court Procedure.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: FRANCE.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1910.
       Destructive Floods in France, most seriously
       in and around Paris.

       Many parts of France suffered heavily from extraordinary
       floods in the later half of January and the early days of
       February, 1910; but Paris had the worst of the calamity to
       bear. In its long history the city has been cruelly dealt with
       many times by the waters of the Seine, which its quays and
       bridges constrict and obstruct; but this latest experience
       proved nearly the climax. It was comparable, at least, with a
       historic flood that dates back to 1615. Large districts were
       uninhabitable for days; half the streets and squares of the
       city were under water: foundations of many of the grandest
       buildings were being sapped, while sewers, subways, and
       pavements were extensively destroyed. It was not until the
       beginning of February that any subsidence of the waters
       occurred, and far into the month before much restoration of
       conditions could be taken in hand. The suffering meantime was
       very great and the pecuniary damage immense.

       ----------FRANCE: End--------

    FRANCO, JOÃO:
       His drastic Government of Portugal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    FREDERICK VIII.:
       Succession to the Crown of Denmark.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

    FREE CHURCH, of Scotland.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

    FREE ZONE, Mexican:
       Its abolition.

       For an account of the Free Zone:

          See Volume VI. of this work,
          MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

       It went out of existence in 1905.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

    FRIEDJUNG CASE, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    FRIARS’ LANDS, Governmental purchase of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.

    FRY, Sir Edward.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: England: A. D. 1907-1909.

    FULLER, Sir Bampfylde, Resignation of.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    FULTON CELEBRATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

    FURNESS, Sir Christopher:
       His plan of Profit-sharing with Workmen.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.

    G.

    GAELIC LEAGUE.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.

    GAGE, Lyman J.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905.

    GALSTER, Vice-Admiral:
       Argument for Submarines against "Dreadnoughts."

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

    GALVESTON PLAN OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
    DES MOINES PLAN OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: GALVESTON.

    GAMBLING:
       Its suppression in Siam.

          See (in this Volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1905.

    GAMBLING: Race-track:
       Legislation for its Suppression in the State of New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1908.

    GAMBLING:
       Legislation for its Suppression in Louisiana and
       the District of Columbia.

       In June, 1908, Louisiana followed the example of New York in
       passing an Act for the suppression of race-track gambling.
       There, as in New York, only exactly enough votes to pass the
       bill were secured; one Senator was present for the final vote
       in spite of illness which subjected him to the most serious
       inconvenience, and one Senator had to be sought by messenger
       with a motor-car and brought by an all-night ride ninety miles
       through the Louisiana marshes. Within a few months past the
       gamblers of the race track had been similarly placed under the
       ban of the law in the District of Columbia.

    GAMBLING:
       Its Suppression in Japan.

       The following was reported from Tokio, March 27, 1909:

       "A tremendous effort has been made by the race-track element
       in Japan to induce the government to retract and permit
       betting upon the tracks, but Marquis Katsura, the premier, has
       stood firm, and, for another year, at least, the race tracks
       of the Empire will be without their favorite Pari Mutuel or
       any other form of betting. This means in Japan practically an
       end of horse-racing, and necessarily a heavy loss to the
       stockholders in the various race tracks. The development of
       racing in Japan was extremely rapid. From a single course
       established at Yokohama by foreigners, at least half a dozen
       tracks were in full swing when gambling was prohibited. So
       flagrant were the cases of fraud and so numerous the examples
       of ruin brought about by reckless betting that the government
       suddenly put its foot down upon the whole thing."

    GAMBLING:
       Stock, and other Speculative Dealing.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    GAPON, Father George.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    GARCIA, Lugardo:
       Deposed President of Ecuador.

          See (in this Volume)
          ECUADOR.

    GARFIELD, HARRY A.: President of Williams College.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
       Commissioner of Corporations and Secretary of the Interior.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

    GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
       Investigation of the "Beef Trust," so-called.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    GARFIELD, JAMES R.:
       Investigation of the Standard Oil Company, and Report.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    GASOLINE ENGINE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

    GATUN DAM.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

    GAUNA, JUAN:
       Revolutionary President of Paraguay.

          See (in this Volume)
          PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

    GAUTSCH, BARON.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    {288}

    GAYNOR, WILLIAM J.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D). 1909.

    GEAY, Bishop.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    GENERAL EDUCATION BOARD.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

    "GENERAL SLOCUM," Burning of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1904.

    GEORGE, David Lloyd.

          See (in this Volume)
          LLOYD-GEORGE, DAVID.

    GEORGE V., KING OF GREAT BRITAIN:
       His accession to the Throne.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1910 (MAY).

    GEORGE JUNIOR REPUBLIC.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    GEORGEI POBIEDONOSETS, MUTINY ON THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.
       Abolition of the Convict Lease System.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    GEORGIA: A. D. 1908.
       Suffrage Amendment to the Constitution.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

    GEORGIA: A. D. 1909.
       Railroad Strike.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    GEORGIAN BAY CANAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1909.

    GERMAN EAST AFRICA:
       Its parts suitable for European Settlement.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    GERMAN SOUTHWEST AFRICA.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

       ----------GERMANY: Start--------

    GERMANY:
       Industrial Combinations, called Cartels.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: IN GERMANY.

    GERMANY:
       Matters relating to the Use of Alcoholic Liquors.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    GERMANY:
       State and Municipal Dealings with the
       Problems of Poverty and Unemployment.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.
       Rise of Commercial Universities.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1898-1904.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900.
       Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (December).
       Claims and Complaints against Venezuela communicated to the
       United States.
       The Reply.
       Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA A. D. 1901.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Industrial Crisis and succeeding Depression.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May).
       Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.

       For many years past the Prussian Government had been exerting
       itself to dilute the Polish population of its Polish
       provinces, by settling German colonists in them and by buying
       land from Polish owners. It now assumed a more aggressive
       attitude of hostility toward that portion of its subjects, as
       appeared from the temper of a speech by Count Bülow in the
       Prussian legislature, in January of this year, on what he
       characterized as "the most important concern of Prussian
       politics at the present time." German property, be said "was
       steadily passing into Polish hands," and "Polish lawyers,
       Polish doctors, Polish contractors, were united in the attempt
       to thrust the German element into the background." In support
       of the Count’s position it was averred by others in the debate
       that not only was Eastern Prussia being made Polish by the
       rise of a vigorous Polish middle class, but that the Poles
       already formed 10 per cent of the whole population of Prussia,
       and were spreading in other parts of the Empire, holding
       themselves generally apart from their German neighbors and
       cultivating a national patriotism of their own.

       In March the Prussian Government issued orders forbidding the
       admission of immigrants from Russian Poland into Prussia
       unless they brought not less than 400 marks of money in hand.
       Two months later a bill was brought forward appropriating
       250,000,000 marks for the purchasing of land in the Polish
       provinces and for settling German colonists upon it. In
       connection with this measure it was reported that, since the
       buying of land for these purposes began, in Posen, the Poles
       had acquired more from Germans than Germans had acquired
       from Poles, to the extent of 76,611 acres. Hence more money
       must be put into the game if it was to be played with effect.
       The money was voted, though opposition to the policy which
       makes enemies of the Poles, instead of Germanizing them by
       friendly treatment, made a show of much strength.

       "It was in 1886 that the Iron Chancellor started the fight
       against the Poles by the expulsion of more than 50,000 Polish
       labourers, natives of Austria and Russia. This measure not
       only hit the poor people who were driven away, it also and
       principally was directed against the Polish owners of large
       landed estates in the Eastern provinces, who thereafter
       experienced great difficulty in obtaining the necessary number
       of farm-hands. This artificial scarcity of labour, together
       with the great decrease in price of agricultural products
       which had just taken place, entirely ruined many owners of
       large estates, and there were therefore a great number who
       wanted to sell. Bismarck then appointed a Committee of
       Colonisation to buy Polish estates and parcel them out to
       German peasant farmers. The necessary funds were provided for
       by a sum of 100,000,000 marks (equal to £5,000,000) which was
       placed at the disposal of the Committee.

       "At the first moment the Poles were paralysed. What were they
       to do to ward off such an attack aimed at the poorest among
       them? But they kept up a good heart and did the only
       reasonable thing: some wealthy Polish noble men furnished a
       sum of 3,000,000 marks (equal to £150,000) whereby to fight
       the mighty Prussian Government, with its Committee of
       Colonisation and well-nigh inexhaustible financial resources.
       With this capital of 3,000,000 marks a Polish land bank was
       started for the purpose of buying estates and reselling them
       in small holdings to Polish colonists. …

    {289}

       "It maybe guessed from what is already stated that the Poles
       have not only been able to maintain their former hold on the
       land, but actually as peaceable conquerors are marching
       triumphantly westwards. This is also the case, but we need not
       restrict ourselves to a guess, the ‘Statisches Jahrbueh für
       den Preussischen Staat’ for 1903 containing ample
       corroboration of it. According to this official handbook there
       were parcelled out in the years 1896 to 1901, in the Provinces
       of Posen and West Prussia, 7,828 estates by German activity,
       containing 617,200 hectares, and 9,079 estates by Polish
       activity, containing 213,700 hectares. Although the Germans
       have parcelled out a very considerably larger area, the Poles
       have bought and parcelled out a far greater number of
       properties. The advantage thus obtained is put into an even
       stronger light when we learn that during the same period by
       this parcelling out there have been created only 15,941 German
       farms, with an area of 155,200 hectares, as against 22,289
       Polish farms, with an area of 95,800 hectares, for these
       figures show that during these six years more than 6,000
       Polish homes have been established over and above the number
       of German homes planted on old Polish soil. Moreover the
       advantage thus gained by the Poles has been increased during
       the last two years."

          Erik Givskov,
          Germany and her Subjected Races,
          Contemporary Review, June, 1905.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1902.
       The Imperial Pension Fund for Veterans.

       A statement of the condition of the imperial pension fund for
       the veterans of the wars of 1864, 1866, and 1870 showed that
       this fund, which was established by setting apart $138,000,000
       out of the war indemnity paid by France, had not for years
       past been able to meet the claims made upon it out of the
       income it produced. Recourse was had to appropriations of
       capital, and the fund would consequently be exhausted in
       course of time, probably not earlier than 1908 and not later
       than 1910. All the expenses now covered by the fund would then
       have to be incorporated in the ordinary estimates for the
       Empire. The Prussian Minister for War had estimated that about
       600,000 veterans of the former wars were still surviving.
       Allowing 10,000 for those who had died since this estimate was
       made, and allowing both for the 45,000 who already received a
       pension and the 12,000 who depended upon the special fund at
       the disposition of the Emperor, there remained over half a
       million veterans who as yet received no support from the fund.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1902.
       New Tariff Law and changed Commercial Policy.
       Attitude toward the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS, CUSTOMS: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-September).
       Discussion of Alcoholic Drinking.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (June).
       Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

          See (in this Volume)
          TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (August).
       Curtailment of visits to their native country of
       Expatriated Germans.
       Principles asserted by the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          NATURALIZATION.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Concessions for building the Bagdad Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1902-1904.
       Coercive proceedings against Venezuela concerted with
       Great Britain and Italy.
       Settlement of Claims secured.
       Reference to The Hague.
       Recognition given to the American Monroe Doctrine.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1903.
       Elections for the Reichstag.
       Large gains by the Socialists.
       Their disability in Prussia.
       Strong combination supporting the Imperial Government.
       Brutality in the Army.
       Prosecutions for Lèse Majesté.
       State of Colonies.

       General elections for the Reichstag, on the 16th of June,
       1903, took notable significance from the fact that the
       representation of the Social Democrats was increased from 58
       to 81, and that these figures gave no full measure of their
       actual gain in strength, since their votes in the election
       rose in number from 2,107,000 in 1898 to 3,010,771. Had the
       distribution of seats in the imperial legislature been fair to
       the towns, instead of favoring the agricultural interests, the
       Socialists would have gained more. In Berlin they won every
       seat but one. Nevertheless, in the elections for the lower
       house of the Prussian Landtag, which took place in November,
       they could not carry a single seat in the kingdom, owing to
       the ingenious disfranchisement of the common people which the
       Prussian constitution accomplishes by its classification of
       votes. Socialist gains in the Reichstag were made at the
       expense of the Radicals, from whom it drew votes which
       expressed, not so much conversion to Socialism as bitterness
       of opposition to the government. Socialist and Radical
       representatives together numbered only 111, against 224 in the
       combination of Conservatives, Clericals, and National
       Liberals, which gave the Ministry a more than ample support.

       "The Social Democrats in Germany are increasing in power at
       once steadily and rapidly; for, as Herr Bebel declares, every
       speech the Emperor makes secures for them thousands of
       adherents, adherents of whom quite a fair percentage now
       belong to the Intelligentia—are lawyers, professors,
       journalists, artists, etc. Already the party numbers nearly
       seven million members; it owns seventy-five journals, of which
       some thirty are issued daily; and the Berlin branch alone has
       under its control a revenue of £20,000 a year. At the General
       Election in 1874, their candidates received 351,671 votes; in
       1884, although the Exceptional Laws were then in force, they
       received 549,990 votes; and in 1893, 1,786,738. Thus, already
       at that time they were numerically the strongest party in the
       Empire, as the Ultramontanes received only 1,468,000 votes;
       and the Conservatives, 1,038,300. At the 1898 General Election
       no fewer than 2,120,000 votes were recorded for the
       Socialists; and, at the last Election, that held only the
       other day, some 3,000,000. Thanks to the Emperor’s speeches,
       thanks, too, to the new Tariff, Herr Bebel and his friends
       practically swept everything before them in the first ballot,
       and captured seats everywhere—five out of the six in Berlin,
       and, what is much more notable, eighteen out of the
       twenty-three seats in Saxony, the most ultra-Conservative and
       clerical of all the States. Were every constituency of equal
       size in Germany, and thus every vote of equal value, the
       Socialist Party would already to-day be the dominant party in
       the Reichstag."

          Edith Sellers,
          August Bebel
          (Fortnightly Review, July, 1903).

    {290}

       Throughout the year 1903 much excitement of feeling was caused
       by the many complaints that were brought against officers of
       the army for brutal and insolent treatment of soldiers. No
       less than 180 convictions are said to have been obtained in
       the course of the single year, for cruelty in the use of the
       power which military rank confers. Several soldiers were found
       to have committed suicide to escape from the suffering and
       humiliation of their life in the service. Another excitement
       of angry discussion came often from the many prosecutions for
       lèse-majesté that were instituted at this time. In both
       matters, a potent corrective was applied, without doubt, by
       the public feeling stirred up.

       An official report at the end of the year 1903 showed the
       total number of Germans in the German colonial possessions in
       Africa and the South Seas was only 5,125, more than a fourth
       of the number being officials or in the military force. Since
       1884 Germany had expended on its colonies about $75,000,000.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1903.
       Adoption of a new Child Labor Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1903 (October).
       Opposition to Socialism among Workmen.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1904.
       Arrangement of Professorial Interchanges between German
       and American Universities.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1904.
       Rivalry with England in the Persian Gulf.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1904.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Wars with Natives in German African Colonies.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Startling Increase of Labor Conflicts,
       compared with previous five years.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
       The Emperor’s Statement of his Peace Policy based
       on Preparation for War.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
       Effect of the Russo-Japanese War on the Triple Alliance.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1905.
       Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
       in Macedonia on Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Raising the Morocco Question.
       The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier.
       Demand for an International Conference.
       The Conference at Algeciras.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Spirit of the Struggle between Workmen and Capitalists.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1909.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
       Extensions of Popular Rights in Würtemburg, Baden, Bavaria,
       Saxony, Saxe Weimar, and Oldenburg.
       A Comedy of Election Reform in Prussia.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
       Enormous Results derived from Technical Education.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1906.
       German Settlements in Brazil.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.
       Popular Demand for better Representation in Prussia
       and elsewhere.
       School "Strike" in Polish Provinces.
       Dissatisfaction with Colonial Policy.
       Refusal in the Reichstag of Increased Appropriations.
       Dissolution by the Emperor.
       Result of the Elections.
       Popular Vote heavily against the Government.
       Incongruous Coalition or "Bloc" secured by the Chancellor.

       The democratic demand in Prussia and in some other German
       States, for a better representation in the legislatures than
       is afforded by their odious schemes of class election, became
       turbulent in the early part of 1906, and was met by strong
       military preparations for resistance by the Government.
       Notable demonstrations of popular feeling occurred in several
       cities, but with proceedings of violence only at Hamburg.
       Nothing was yielded to the demand; it was simply defied.

       The hard Prussian determination to crush out Polish sentiment
       in the Prussian provinces of the kingdom was relentlessly
       pursued. Polish children in the schools were required to
       receive religious instruction in the German language, and
       punished if they refused to answer questions in that tongue.
       This provoked a "strike" which took over 100,000 pupils out of
       the schools. In dealing with it, the Government both fined and
       imprisoned parents, and even sent children to a reformatory,
       on the ground that their parents were incapable of giving them
       proper care.

       The affairs of the German colonies in Africa became the
       subject of most heated and important discussion in the
       Reichstag during the last months of 1906. Both in German
       Southwest Africa and in German East Africa the obstinate
       revolts of native tribes were unsubdued, and the wars in the
       former were still requiring nearly 15,000 troops. The total
       German losses in Southwest Africa since the beginning of the
       outbreak of Hereros, Hottentots, and Witbois, were reported to
       have been 1750 killed, 900 wounded, 2000 disabled by disease.
       Popular feeling seemed to be turning very strongly against the
       whole colonial policy of the Empire. The economic promises of
       the undertaking were not looked upon as satisfactory.
       Statistical reports of the German capital invested in all
       German colonies excepting Kiao-chau, in China, showed a total
       of 370,000,000 marks ($92,500,000) of which 250,000,000 marks
       were classed as remunerative, 100,000,000 as
       "underdevelopment," 12,000,000 as unremunerative, and
       8,000,000 as missionary property. The capital value of the
       total productions of German colonies was estimated at
       616,000,000 marks ($154,000,000), half of which came from the
       Kameruns and Togo; but the revenue was only balancing the cost
       of administration. Ugly stories, moreover, of barbarity in the
       treatment of the natives, of official misconduct in other
       forms, and of private monopolies permitted, were told. On the
       whole, the colonial situation had created a temper in the
       Reichstag which was not friendly to the demand of the
       Government for increased appropriations to that department of
       administration. Even the Centrum or Clerical party, on which
       the Ministry counted for the reinforcing of the Conservatives
       of "the Right," refused the grant, and joined the Liberals,
       the Socialists, the Polish deputies, and other discontented
       groups in voting it down. As soon as the vote was announced,
       Chancellor Bülow arose and read a decree dissolving the House,
       which the Emperor had signed, in expectation of the defeat,
       that morning, December 13.

    {291}

       It is a provision of the Constitution of the German Empire
       that "in the case of a dissolution of the Reichstag, new
       elections shall take place within a period of sixty days".

          See (in Volume I.)
          CONSTITUTION OF GERMANY.

       The elections were appointed accordingly for the 25th of
       January, 1907. The preparatory canvass, compressed within six
       weeks, was one of extraordinary vigor, especially on the side
       of the Government, even the Emperor, as well as the
       Chancellor, making personal appeals. The efforts of the latter
       were directed especially against the party of the Center, from
       its past dependence on which for support the Government was
       most anxious to escape. These efforts were so little
       effective, however, that the Centrists gained two seats in the
       election, carrying 110. The heaviest losers were the
       Socialists, who, though they gained a quarter of a million of
       electoral votes, yet secured 36 fewer representatives in the
       Reichstag than they had before, electing only 43.

       Regarded as a plebiscite, the election went heavily
       against the government. That is to say, if the elected
       Reichstag had been truly representative of the popular vote,
       the Government could have made no combination of parties in it
       that would have given it support. As it was, the voters were
       so unequally represented that Chancellor Bülow was able, by
       dexterous compromises, to make up a precarious coalition, or
       "bloc," of Conservatives with National Liberals, and even
       Radicals, against Socialists, Clericals or Centrists, Poles,
       etc., which carried his administration through nearly three
       subsequent years.

       Somewhat detailed, the election resulted as follows: The
       parties which gave subsequent support to the Government for a
       time secured 215 seats in the Reichstag, gaining 33, thus
       distributed:

          Conservatives     108 (gain 13);
          National Liberals  56 (gain  5);
          Radicals           51 (gain 15).

       The parties in opposition won 182 seats,—a net loss among
       them of 33,—thus:

          Center                110 (gain  2);
          Socialists             43 (loss 36);
          Poles, Alsatians, etc. 29 (gain  1).

       The popular vote in the election was divided among these
       parties as follows:

       In the parties of the "bloc"—

          Conservatives (including Agrarians,
          Anti-Semites, etc.)                    2,235,000

          National Liberals                      1,655,000

          Radicals                               1,226,000

          Total for Government                   5,116,000

       In the Opposition—

          Socialists                             3,259,000

          Center                                 2,262,000

          Poles, etc.                              626,000

          Total against the Government.          6,147,000

       To show what the Socialist vote really indicated, the
       following statement of the vote cast and the seats won by that
       party in successive elections of the past twenty years is
       interesting.

              Vote.     Seats won.   Seats that equal apportionment
                                     would have given.

       1887    763,000     11            40
       1890  1,427,000     35            80
       1893  1,787,000     44            92
       1898  2,107,000     56           108
       1903  3,011,000     79           125
       1907  3,259,000     43           116

       It is evident that the surface-show of results in the election
       cannot be taken for a true indication of the prevalent state
       of mind in the Empire. The Centrists or Clericals, for
       example, elected more than twice as many deputies as the
       Socialists, by nearly 1,000,000 votes less. The Socialists
       polled about 250,000 votes more than in 1903, and yet lost 36
       seats. The inequity in the apportionment of representatives
       which produced this travesty of representation had some
       beginning, no doubt, in the organization of the imperial
       system, thirty-six years before; but it had been aggravated by
       the enormously disproportionate growth of cities ever since.
       That one constituency in Berlin, with a present population of
       nearly 700,000, had the same representation as a town of
       60,000 people, is doubtless an extreme instance of the
       inequalities that had come about, but the distortion was
       universal, and altogether in favor of the country landowning
       class. The Socialists polled some 250,000 more votes than in
       1903, and this was reckoned as an increase substantially
       commensurate with the general growth of population in four
       years. Hence socialism may be said to have neither gained nor
       lost footing in the empire; but hitherto it had been showing
       rapid gains.

       "The Centrum is one of the queerest, most paradoxical parties
       to be found in any country. It is usually called ultramontane
       by its enemies because it has its raison d’être in
       safeguarding the interests of the Catholic Church; yet it has
       not scrupled at times to disregard the wishes of the Vatican
       in respect to German internal affairs; and the Vatican, on its
       part, carefully avoids identifying its interests with those of
       the Centrum, since it is sure of getting better results
       through direct diplomatic action at Berlin. ‘The Centrum is an
       incalculable party,’ said Prince Bülow last winter in a
       campaign letter; ‘it represents aristocratic and democratic,
       reactionary and liberal, ultramontane and national policies.’
       The party lives upon a reminiscence, its defeat of Bismarck in
       the Kulturkampf; but since that time it has been
       without any sound reason for its existence. …

          See, in Volume II. of this work,
          GERMANY: A. D. 1873-1887.

       "The government’s attempt to break the power of the Centrum
       had already been tried by Bismarck in 1887 and again by
       Caprivi in 1893, and it had failed. Bülow’s step was
       accordingly a display of courage which the country had not
       been accustomed to expect from him. His breach with the
       Centrum, however, proved a most popular issue with the
       non-Catholic electorate; a thrill of exultation was its first
       response to the dissolution, and this feeling persisted
       throughout the campaign. Many of the most intelligent voters
       had hitherto stood aloof from politics owing precisely to the
       predominance of the Centrum; but they now greeted with
       enthusiasm the opportunity to extricate the government from
       its yoke. University professors, artists, and literary men
       organized an ‘Action Committee’ which plied these stay-at-home
       Intellektuellen with campaign literature."

          W. C. Dreher,
          The Year in Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, December, 1907).

    {292}

       As stated and illustrated above, the election gave the
       Government no majority of natural supporters. For the carrying
       of its measures it was left dependent on a coalition of
       Liberal with Conservative votes. The alliance was an
       incongruous one, produced by nothing but a common opposition
       to Socialists and Clericals, and it brought the Liberals into
       an utterly false position. Within the first year there were
       signs of a Liberal revolt from it: whereupon the chancellor
       made known that he would resign if the supporting coalition or
       "bloc" was not maintained. To avoid such a governmental crisis
       the Liberals were said to have given promises of continued
       support.

       The attitude thus assumed by the German chancellor toward the
       Reichstag is practically that of an English prime minister
       toward the House of Commons, and it creates a precedent which
       must make it very difficult, if not impossible, for imperial
       ministers to recover the defiantly independent posture of
       former times. Without verbal amendment, perhaps, but
       incidentally and informally, by force of circumstances, the
       absolutist features of the German constitution are manifestly
       dropping away.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
       Statistics of Population.
       Birth Rate and Death Rate.

       "The official report upon public health in Prussia for the
       year 1907 has just been published [May, 1909], and includes
       the latest available statistics regarding the movement of the
       population of Germany. The figures confirm the view, which is
       not always admitted, that a satisfactory decrease in the
       death-rate is still accompanied by a persistently
       unsatisfactory decrease in the birth-rate.

       "Prussia may be regarded, roughly, as comprising two-thirds of
       the German Empire. The population of the empire on December 1,
       1905, was 60,641,278, and the population of Prussia was
       37,293,324. On January 1, 1907, the population of Prussia was
       37,908,104. During the year 1907 the excess of births over
       deaths was 578,687, as compared with 595,942 in 1906, 514,941
       in 1905, 562,387 in 1904, and 527,263 in 1903. Although the
       Prussian figures are not always a sufficient index, it may be
       estimated that the excess of births over deaths in the whole
       empire during 1907 did not exceed 900,000. The comparatively
       satisfactory total increase of population is due to a decline
       in the death-rate to 17.96 per 1,000 of the population—the
       lowest rate ever recorded. In Silesia, in Hohenzollern, and in
       both West and East Prussia the rate exceeds 20 per 1,000. In
       the city of Berlin, on the other hand, the rate is 15.62, and
       in Berlin (outside the city) only 14.79. For the most part a
       high death-rate is set off by a high birth-rate. In Westphalia
       and the Rhine Province alone is a high birth-rate accompanied
       by a death-rate below the average. As regards ages at which
       death occurred, the statistics show a considerable decrease in
       infant mortality, although deaths under the age of one year
       were 31.14 per cent., or nearly one-third, of the whole number
       of deaths. While the death-rate was in 1907 the lowest ever
       recorded in Prussia, the birth-rate was the most
       unsatisfactory. The total number of births was less by 10,621
       in 1907 than in 1906, and was actually less by 1,058 than in
       the year 1901. The birth-rate per 1,000 inhabitants declined
       to 33.23, as compared with 34.00 in 1906, 33.77 in 1905, and
       35.04 in 1904."

          Berlin Correspondence London Times,
          May 27, 1909.

       The same correspondent reported, June 19, a further
       publication of statistics, which prove the Prussian returns,
       previously given, "to have been a fairly accurate index to the
       movement of population in the whole Empire. There is a marked
       decline in the birth-rate, which fell to 33.2 per 1,000
       inhabitants, as compared with 34.08 in 1906. The death-rate
       fell to 18.98, as compared with 19.20 in 1906. The excess of
       births over deaths was 882,624, as compared with 910,275 in
       1906. The excess, however, of births over deaths (natural
       increase of population) was greater in 1907 than in any
       previous year except 1906 and 1902 (902,243). The decline in
       the birth-rate, which stood at 41.64 in 1877, 38.33 in 1887,
       and 37.17 in 1897, as compared with 33.2 in 1907, as now
       attributable to a falling off in the number of births in every
       part of the Empire except Westphalia, and in Westphalia the
       number of births is not quite keeping pace with the total
       growth of population. The decrease in the number of births in
       the whole Empire in 1907 was 23,766, or 1.1 per cent. In
       Saxony the decrease was 3 per cent., and East Prussia, West
       Prussia, and Pomerania show about the same percentage. As
       regards the death-rate, which stood at 28.05 in 1877, 25.62 in
       1887, and 22.52 in 1897, as compared with 18.98 in 1907, there
       is a steady decline in the infant mortality rate in all parts
       of the Empire, but especially in large towns."

    GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
       Rapid Decrease of Agricultural Population.

       "The results of a census of occupations, taken in December of
       1907, has just been published and shows a remarkably rapid
       shifting of the population of Prussia from agriculture to
       industry and trade. The number of persons engaged in industry
       and trade was increased by 1,500,000 from 1895 to 1907, while
       the number engaged in agriculture was decreased by 500,000.
       This means that the non-farming population rose from 50 to 66
       per cent. in twelve years."

          Press Report from Berlin,
          February, 1909.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1907.
       Financial Situation.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1907 (November).
       Treaty with Great Britain, France, Norway, and Russia,
       guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.
       The Scandals connected with the Trials of Editor Harden.

       Maximilian Harden, editor of the Zukunft, made attacks
       on the character of Prince Eulenburg and Count Kuno von
       Moltke, in 1907, on account of which the latter brought a
       libel suit against him. "The charges not only affected the
       character of the persons accused, but affirmed that they had
       constituted a kind of kitchen cabinet, or ‘Camarilla,’ and had
       again and again given the Emperor misleading information and
       had exerted a very unfortunate influence over him. The case
       aroused intense interest throughout Germany, and indeed
       throughout Europe; and in spite of the unspeakable nature of
       the charges, the testimony was widely reprinted, and much more
       frankly, it may be said in passing, than would have been
       possible for the yellowest journalism in this country. Harden
       was acquitted, and the plaintiff was sentenced to pay the cost
       of the suit.
    {293}
       Taking into account the exalted political position of the
       accused, and the great respect in which the Imperial court is
       held in Germany, this action of a German judge was regarded as
       sustaining the high character of the German courts for
       independence. A criminal suit was then brought by the public
       prosecutor, at the instigation of Count von Moltke and his
       associates, on the charge that Harden had committed an offense
       against public morals. On this trial the same witnesses
       appeared as on the former trial, but a great change had taken
       place in their memory of the transactions to which they had
       testified on the first trial. They either contradicted or
       repudiated their former statements to such a degree that their
       evidence was discredited and Harden’s defense was broken down.
       Harden was found guilty and sentenced to four months’
       imprisonment. What changed the attitude of the witnesses is a
       matter of guesswork. It has been charged that their change of
       front was due to very powerful influences brought to bear upon
       them."

          The Outlook,
          January 18, 1908.

       An appeal was taken by Harden to a higher court. Official
       investigations which followed the trials resulted in the
       court-martialing of Count Lynar and General Hohenau, the
       former of whom was sentenced to fifteen months’ imprisonment,
       while the latter was acquitted. In May, 1908, Prince Eulenburg
       was arrested on charges of immorality, but appears to have
       been so shattered in health that he could not be brought to
       trial. Substantially, Editor Harden has been vindicated.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Opposition to the "Navy Fever."
       Views of Herr von Holstein and Admiral Galster.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
       Maintenance of the "Bloc."
       Two good measures of legislation.
       Revision of the Bourse Law and the law regulating meetings
       and association.
       More vigorous Germanizing of Polish Prussia.

       "Although many members of the Bloc thought its enemies
       justified in predicting that it would speedily break down, the
       combination did hold together during the past session. It did
       more; it passed at least two good laws. It revised the Bourse
       Law in a manner fairly satisfactory to the financial
       community, so that swindling speculators will henceforth find
       it less easy to get the sanction of the courts for repudiating
       debts incurred in stock operations. Another law regulates for
       the first time on a national basis the right of assembly and
       association, which had hitherto been in the hands of the
       individual states. It is interesting to note that this is
       another important step in the centralizing tendency in
       Germany. …

       "The measure foreshadowed in my last article for the forcible
       acquisition of Polish estates was duly laid before the Diet.
       The discussion of the bill brought out intense antagonisms,
       and the line of cleavage between the parties was not along
       Bloc lines. The Radicals joined with the ‘Centrum’ in opposing
       the dispossession of the Poles. As finally passed, the bill
       gives the Government the right to acquire, under the law of
       eminent domain, a maximum of 174,000 acres in the provinces of
       Posen and West Prussia, and to borrow $65,000,000 for this
       purpose and for further prosecuting settlement work. The final
       reading of the bill in the House of Lords stirred that usually
       somnolent body to a remarkable degree. The vote there showed
       how deeply, and on what uncommon lines, this radical measure
       had divided the minds of the people. While most of the titled
       lords of the land, including many intimate friends of the
       Kaiser, voted against dispossession, the university professors
       and mayors of liberal municipalities voted mostly for it."

          W. C. Dreher,
          The Year in Germany
          (Atlantic, January, 1909).

       In his advocacy of this measure Prince Bülow proclaimed the
       reasons for it without reserve. "Can we " he asked, "do
       without the two Polish provinces, one of which begins within
       75 miles of Berlin? That is the crucial point of the
       situation; there is no doubt about it. Our eastern provinces
       constitute the point of least resistance in the public body.
       We dare not wait until the grave disease, with its probable
       irreparable consequences, sets in." An English view of the
       measure is presented in the following:

       "Prince Bülow is only developing the policy of Bismarck, who
       perceived, as Frederick the Great did before him, that the
       possession of Posen was vital to the Prussian State, and who
       held that the surest way to secure that province was to plant
       German settlers on Polish land. The strategical importance of
       Posen has been a cardinal article in the political and
       military creed of all Prussian statesmen and soldiers for
       generations. Posen is of far more importance to Prussia than
       is Ireland to Great Britain, and the true motives which have
       induced Prussian statesmen to make the agrarian proposals
       embodied in Prince Bülow’s Bill are to be found not in their
       comparatively trifling difficulties with Liberals, Radicals,
       and Revolutionists at home, but in the foreign policy of the
       Court of Berlin. …

       "That portion of Poland which was given to Prussia by the
       Congress of Vienna has been administered by that Power in
       accordance with the spirit of Frederick the Great. The object
       of Frederick was to develop the intellectual and material
       resources of his Polish possessions, making them an integral
       part of the Prussian monarchy, and gradually eliminating all
       recollections on the part of the Poles of their having once
       been an independent nation. This policy to be successful
       should be carried out by officials with intellects as clear,
       if not as powerful, as that possessed by Frederick himself.
       The Prussian officials, however, who have administered Posen
       since 1815, have not always risen to the height of their
       mission. Edward Henry v. Flottwell, who was charged with the
       government of the province from 1830 to 1840, alone understood
       the conditions of success. He knew that in politics it is as
       mischievous as it is futile to endeavour to reconcile the
       irreconcilable. The efforts made in that direction after 1815
       strengthened the revolutionary spirit in Posen. On the
       retirement of Flottwell, Frederick William IV. tried again to
       propitiate Polish national feeling, with the result that the
       irreconcilable forces grew in strength, and in March, 1848,
       the Poles were the driving-power of the Revolutionary movement
       in Berlin. …

       "As far as international life is concerned the true
       significance of the Polish question is in the relations it has
       created between the three great Northern Powers. Those between
       Prussia and Russia have in consequence become extremely
       intimate. At the present moment that intimacy is as great, if
       not greater, than at any previous time.
    {294}
       Besides the German Ambassador at St. Petersburg and the
       Russian Ambassador at Berlin, there is a German military
       officer at St. Petersburg, and a Russian military officer at
       Berlin, who are especially charged to convey intimate
       communications between the Czar and the Kaiser. In spite of
       the alliance between Russia and France, which was concluded by
       the former Power, mainly for financial reasons, and which has
       never much disturbed the equanimity of Berlin, it is quite
       certain that in no conceivable circumstances will there be a
       real breach between Prussia and Russia. The Government of the
       Kaiser must and will make every possible concession to Russia
       rather than provoke a serious breach. This is the true
       inwardness of the policy as regards Poland. As long as Posen
       continues Polish Germany will be largely dependent on Russia."

          Rowland Blennerhassett,
          The Significance of the Polish Question
          (Fortnightly Review, March, 1908).

       Dr. Dillon, who reviews European politics regularly for the
       Contemporary Review, says with positiveness that the
       Polish expropriation bill was passed "against the better
       judgment of press, bar, gentry, political parties and people."
       He cites it as an illustration of the absolute domination
       under which the Prussian legislature is held, and maintains
       that national feeling and opinion have, practically, no
       influence over Prussian policy and no weight in the conduct of
       Prussian affairs. Concerning motives behind the Polish
       expropriation, this well-informed writer reports it to be a
       prevalent belief in Austrian and other political circles that
       the bill was driven through as a military measure, in
       anticipation of some future hostile alliance between Russia
       and Great Britain. It seems to be the belief that the Kaiser,
       if not his ministers, is haunted with the expectation of a war
       to be fought with those powers in combination, and is
       determined that, if a British fleet in the Baltic is ever
       coöperating with a Russian army, there shall be a population
       of patriotic Germans instead of disaffected Prussian Poles
       between them and Berlin.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
       The leading motive of German Foreign Policy officially stated.
       The Principle of the "Open Door."
       Colonial Expansion unnecessary.

       "Usually it has been stated that Germany has an annual
       increase of population of 800,000, that these new masses must
       be supported by manufactories, and that the German Empire will
       thus be forced, with or against its will, into expansion, in
       order to procure the raw material and to establish the
       requisite markets for its industrial growth. The annexation of
       Holland and Flemish Belgium, containing Antwerp, is described
       as a mere preliminary necessary to make possible such measures
       of expansion. Germany must enlarge its maritime basis, and
       should have control of the Lower Rhine and its harbors. To the
       alien, these arguments may seem plausible enough. Whoever is
       acquainted with existing conditions, however, knows that,
       though seemingly plausible, this is not the truth.

       "In the first place, it is not true that colonial expansion is
       a necessity for Germany, resulting from its industrial growth.
       The impetus given to German commerce and German manufactures
       is to be ascribed far more to the increase in the buying
       capacity of other nations—England, France, Russia or
       America—than to all the German colonies combined. Germany
       needs no colonies; what she wants is merely free competition
       on all seas, the open door, and the right to cooperate freely
       on an equal footing with all other commercial and industrial
       nations, in opening up new and as yet unopened districts and
       markets. Hence the principle of the open door is the leading
       motive of the foreign policy pursued by Germany. It is the red
       thread that winds itself through the Eastern-Asiatic, the
       Oriental and the Moroccan policy of the German Empire. The
       high quality of all German products obviates the necessity of
       unfair preferences accruing to political power. All they need
       is a fair chance to compete on equal terms with other
       countries. The world is large enough, and rich enough, in
       still dormant possibilities, to admit of a pacific
       co-operation by all nations in this great work."

          Baron von Speck-Sternburg,
          Imperial German Ambassador to the United States,
          The Truth about German Expansion
          (North American Review, March, 1908).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
       Amendment to Industrial Code.
       Hours of Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
       Remarkable Decrease of Emigration.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
       North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (January).
       Institution of Juvenile Courts.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Passage of Law defining for the Empire at large the Rights
       of Association and Public Meeting.

       The rights of association and public meeting were determined
       for the Empire at large by an enactment of the Reichstag, for
       the first time, in April, 1908. Hitherto each State had
       regulated these fundamental matters of political freedom by
       legislation of its own, some with considerable latitude, and
       others, especially in the North German States, with a narrow
       restraint, subject, in an intolerable degree, to the
       discretion or will of the police. The national law now brought
       into force, superseding the local legislation, enlarged
       greatly the liberty of citizens to associate themselves for
       legitimate purposes and to hold public meetings. An attempt to
       forbid the use of any foreign language at public meetings was
       defeated; but public speaking in other languages was
       sanctioned only in districts where 60 per cent, of the
       population use the foreign tongue. This does not apply,
       however, to international congresses in Germany, or to
       meetings of electors for the election of legislative
       representatives, Federal or State; and the States have some
       privilege of modifying the rule.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty with Denmark, England, France, the Netherlands, and
       Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (November).
       Excitement in Europe over a published Interview
       with the Emperor.

       What may fairly be called a "row" in the European world, and
       of the greatest liveliness in Germany itself, arose, early in
       November, 1908, from the appearance in the London
       Telegraph of a reported interview with the Emperor by
       "a representative Englishman who long since passed" it was
       said, "from public into private life."
    {295}
       The writer characterized it as "a calculated indiscretion,"
       which was expected to prove of great public service, by
       removing misconceptions of the Emperor’s feelings toward the
       English. The effect produced by the publication left no doubt
       of its indiscretion, but proved likewise that it had been very
       badly miscalculated. In his anxiety to convince the English of
       his friendliness to them the talkative Emperor made known that
       France and Russia, during the Boer War, had invited him to
       join them in a demand on England to stop it, and claimed
       credit for having prepared for the British army in that war a
       plan of campaign, which could be found at Windsor Castle, and
       which was on lines that Lord Roberts had followed in his
       subsequent operations to a large extent.

       How flattering this story was to English pride, and how
       pleasing to the Governments of Russia and France, might be
       imagined very easily; but it would not have been so easy to
       anticipate the outbreak of anger that it exploded in Germany.
       The Empire itself was surprised by that. It had been
       submissive to so many "indiscretions" of speech from its
       Kaiser that it could hardly have expected to be moved
       excitedly by anything from the imperial lips. But, with the
       indiscretion in this case, there seemed to be a reckless
       interference with the appointed organs provided for dealing
       with foreign affairs, doing mischief to the whole system of
       governmental administration. This proved, however, to be less
       the fact than appeared. According to subsequent explanations,
       the Emperor had sent the manuscript of the interview (which
       embodied the substance of a number of conversations with
       several Englishmen) to the Chancellor, Prince von Bülow, for
       his judgment on it, and the latter, not recognizing its
       character, had not read it, but passed it to a subordinate,
       who simply verified the facts stated in it and returned it to
       the Emperor as approved.

       This revelation convicted the Chancellor very clearly of a
       careless performance of duty in his office, and laid on him a
       large share of responsibility for the mischievous publication.
       He offered his resignation to the Emperor and it was refused.
       Constitutionally he was responsible only to the Emperor; the
       Reichstag could not hold him to account, in any practical way,
       nor did it attempt to do so; but there was such plain speaking
       in the Chamber from all parties, Conservative, Liberal, and
       Radical, during two days of debate, November 11 and 12, as
       never had been heard in Germany before. Whatever the language
       of the Constitution might be, it was made known beyond a
       question, then and in a later discussion, that Germany
       expected the crowned head of its Government to conduct
       himself—in the words of one speaker—as "the first servant of
       the State," preserving his own august irresponsibility only by
       acting and speaking in public matters, through ministers
       responsible to the elected representatives of the people. "We
       wish," said Herr Bassermann, leader of the National Liberals
       "so far as it is possible, for trustworthy guarantees against
       the intervention of the personal regime," and before he sat
       down he declared with the approval of the House; "It is the
       desire of my friends that the Kaiser should be thoroughly
       informed with regard to these proceedings. … Although fully
       convinced that even these utterances of our Kaiser sprang from
       his deep anxiety for the welfare of his people, we must give
       expression to the earnest desire that the Kaiser will, in his
       political activity, impose upon himself the reserve proper to
       a Constitutional ruler."

       Dr. Wiener, for the Radicals, corroborated the previous
       speaker by declaring that the article in question had filled
       the entire nation with embitterment, consternation, and rage,
       because it was felt that "confidence in our trustworthiness
       had been shaken. Everywhere it had been recognised that
       Germany’s prestige had received a severe blow." The trend of
       his speech was to show that the so-called "interview" had been
       interpreted in Germany as a crass specimen of personal regime
       which was distasteful to the nation in its entirety.
       Constitutional Government was what was wanted: the Minister,
       not the Sovereign, should be responsible to the people.

       Prince Hatzfeld, of the Imperial party, who stands in great
       favor with the Kaiser, impressed upon the House that the
       Chancellor and not the wearer of the crown was the responsible
       personage in the State. Prince von Bülow, speaking on the
       first day of debate, declared that grave injury had been
       caused by the publication in the Daily Telegraph. He
       added that immediately on reading the article in question, as
       to the disastrous consequences of which he could not for a
       moment be in doubt, he sent in his resignation, taking upon
       himself full responsibility for the mistakes which had been
       made in handling the manuscript. And he followed this up with
       the following significant statement: "Gentlemen! recognition
       that the publication of these utterances has not in England
       had the effect anticipated by his Majesty the Emperor, and, on
       the other hand, in Germany has called forth great excitement
       and painful regret, will—this firm conviction I have won in
       these sad days—induce his Majesty the Kaiser in future to
       impose upon himself, even in his private conversations, that
       reserve which is indispensable to a consistent policy and to
       the authority of the Crown. If that were not so, neither I nor
       any of my successors could accept responsibility for it."

       Proposals of amendment to the Constitution, carrying such
       ministerial responsibility into the fundamental law, were
       advocated without success; but the unwritten constitution
       which public opinion moulds slowly in every country took a
       notable shaping from these debates.

       For some time the Emperor was very silent, and kept himself
       unusually retired. Having occasion to speak publicly at Berlin
       on the 21st of November, when the centennial of the formation
       of the City Council was celebrated, it was reported that
       "Prince von Bülow stepped forward and impressively handed him
       a printed sheet," from which, contrary to his custom, he read
       his remarks.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Attempted Reform of Imperial Finance and its Defeat.
       Breaking of Chancellor Bülow’s "Bloc" in the Reichstag by
       the Government’s project of New Taxes.
       Triumph of the Agrarian Interests in renewed Coalition
       with the Center.
       Resignation of Chancellor Bülow.
       His successor.

       Expenditure outrunning income from year to year—thanks mainly
       to the burden of army and navy—with deficits made good by
       loans, mortgaging the future in an ever-growing public debt,
       had forced the Government, in 1908, to a resolution, not that
       the imperial expenditure on armament must be cut down, but
       that imperial taxation must be increased.
    {296}
       The Governments of the Federated States, which are directly
       represented, as such, in the Federal Council, were assenting
       parties to this conclusion, and the resulting measure was
       regarded, in all the proceedings which followed, as emanating
       essentially from that senatorial branch of the Parliament of
       the Empire.

       Preparatory to the undertaking, a new Minister of Finance,
       Herr Reinhold Sydow, was brought into office, and early in
       November, 1908, he submitted to the Reichstag a bill providing
       for new taxes that were estimated to add 500,000,000 marks
       ($125,000,000) yearly to the Treasury of the Empire. The
       scheme included an extended and augmented inheritance tax, new
       methods of deriving revenue from spirits and tobacco, added
       excise duties on beer and bottled still wines, taxes on
       electricity, gas, advertisements, etc. The bill went to the
       Finance Committee of the Reichstag and developed there, during
       the next five months, an antagonism of class interests, and
       consequently of parties, which completely shattered the
       "bloc," or coalition, which Chancellor Bülow had contrived to
       organize in 1906 for the support of his administration. The
       proposed new inheritance tax or death duty was especially
       obnoxious to the land-owning classes,—the agrarian core of
       German conservatism,—and no influence from the Government
       could save it from being stifled in their hands. Other
       oppositions were rallied against the proposals which touched
       spirits, tobacco, electricity, gas, and newspaper
       advertisements, and by the 20th of March, 1909, it was known
       that the Finance Committee had rejected or would reject all
       but about one-fifth of the new taxation which the Government
       and the Federal Council claimed from it.

       A month later the Government signified its abandonment of a
       present expectation, at least, of financial reform, by
       inviting subscriptions to a fresh loan. The budget wrangle in
       Committee went on, however, until the 13th of May, when the
       National-Liberals, the Radicals, and the Socialists of the
       Committee withdrew from it, the Chairman, Herr Paasche, a
       National-Liberal, resigning, refusing to take any further part
       in proceedings which they wholly disapproved. This left the
       Conservatives, the Center or Clerical party, and the Poles,
       who seem to have practically organized an opposition "bloc,"
       which proceeded to frame a budget on entirely different lines
       from that which the Government desired, one of its
       contemplated features being a tax on purchases and sales of
       stocks. On the 18th of May the Reichstag was adjourned until
       the 15th of June, and a month of rest from the controversy was
       enjoyed.

       When the Reichstag reassembled the Government laid before it
       several proposals of taxes to be substituted for those which
       the Committee had rejected. Inheritance taxation was still
       prominent in the revised scheme, but considerably modified in
       its range and reduced in productiveness. With it went an
       extensive readjustment of stamp duties, applied to bonds,
       stock certificates, transfers of real estate, bills and checks
       and a tax on policies of fire insurance. This revised budget
       of additions to the Imperial revenue was estimated to yield
       about $35,000,000. It fared no better than the original
       proposals of the Government. A week after its introduction the
       Reichstag adopted the tax on securities (called the
       Cotierungssteuer) which the Government disapproved, and
       on the 24th of June it rejected the new inheritance tax bill,
       by 194 votes to 186, the minority being composed of
       National-Liberals, Radicals and Socialists, with a few from
       the Conservative side. On the next day, rumors of the intended
       resignation of Prince Bülow were checked by the publication of
       the following semi-official statement:

       "Prince von Bülow will remain as chancellor of the empire. The
       Reichstag will not be dissolved. The chancellor holds that his
       duty is to be in accord with the conviction of the Federal
       Council of the necessity to bring about the passage of a
       taxation measure, but with the exclusion therefrom of duties
       on stock transfers, the output of the grain mills, and the
       exports of coal. Financial reform must now come into
       operation. What the chancellor will do after this has been
       accomplished is his personal affair."

       Nevertheless, it was made known on the 27th that the
       Chancellor had offered his resignation to the Emperor, who had
       declined to accept it, pointing out "that in the unanimous
       conviction of the Federal Governments the early achievement of
       finance reform is a vital question for the internal welfare of
       the Empire, as well as for its position in relation to foreign
       countries. In the circumstances he could not take into closer
       consideration the fulfilment of Prince Bülow’s wish to be
       relieved of his offices until the labours for the reform of
       the Imperial finances should have produced a result of a
       positive kind which the Federal Governments could accept." To
       this statement there was added, semi-officially, next day, the
       following: "Subject to the rejection of those taxation
       proposals which would be injurious to the general interest,
       and therefore impossible of acceptance by the Federal
       Governments, the Imperial Chancellor was unwilling not to
       comply with the Emperor’s desire. Nevertheless, having regard
       to the political development which was manifested by the
       division on the inheritance tax, he is irrevocably resolved to
       retire from office immediately after the accomplishment of
       finance reform."

       Then followed negotiations with the Conservative-Clerical
       majority now fully in control of the Reichstag, the Government
       yielding step by step, and the Federal Council coming openly
       into the management of the negotiations, the Chancellor
       falling into the background, and waiting only for permission
       to lay his office down. In the resulting budget of new taxes
       there was very little saved of the "financial reform" which
       the Federal Council and the Chancellor had undertaken to
       introduce. On most points the land-owners had their way. The
       character and effect of the legislation accomplished in the
       early days of July were described thus by a Berlin
       correspondent of the New York Evening Post, who wrote
       on the 11th of the month:

       "The leitmotif of the bill is that property shall be
       protected and industry shall pay. Even on the reckoning of the
       new majority the ratio between indirect and direct taxation in
       the scheme is as 14 to 34, but in reality property comes off
       far better. … The large land-owners will not be hit at all.
       The only tax that could touch them to any appreciable extent
       is the stamp duty on transfers of real estate.
    {297}
       But the remedy lies in their hands; they need not sell, and,
       in any event, of the $10,000,000 at which the returns are
       estimated only $1,250,000 at most falls on landed property. If
       the spirits bounty to be paid by the Government to the spirit
       distilleries (which are in agrarian hands) is set against this
       sum, it will be seen that the agrarians do not only not
       suffer, but net a profit of some ten millions of dollars. Most
       of all it is the consuming classes that are the victims of the
       new majority's taxation proposals. Every cup of coffee, the
       staple nourishment of the German workingman’s family, every
       cup of tea, every glass of beer and schnapps, the staple
       refreshment of the German workingman, will cost more, the
       total sum to be derived from these sources reaching
       $54,250,000, which, with the duty on the poor man’s cigar,
       amounts to over $60,000,000. Adding to this 30 per cent. for
       the increase in the middleman’s prices, the total burden of
       the consuming classes reaches over $80,000,000, or an increase
       of $7.50 on the workingman’s household expenses a year."

       On the 13th of July the session of the Reichstag was closed by
       Imperial decree. On the 14th the following announcement
       appeared in the Imperial Gazette: "His Majesty the
       Emperor and King has been graciously pleased to accede to the
       request of the Imperial Chancellor, the President of the
       Ministry, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Prince Bülow, to
       be relieved of his offices, and has conferred upon him the
       High Order of the Black Eagle with brilliants. His Majesty has
       been graciously pleased to appoint Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg,
       Secretary of State for the Interior, Minister of State, to be
       Imperial Chancellor, President of the Ministry, and Minister
       for Foreign Affairs." Herr Sydow now resigned from the
       secretaryship of the Imperial Treasury, and was made Prussian
       Minister of Commerce, in place of Herr Delbruck, who succeeded
       the new Chancellor as "Imperial Secretary of State for the
       Interior and representative of the Imperial Chancellor." Herr
       Sydow’s place in the department of the Imperial Treasury was
       taken by Herr Wermuth.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909 (September-May).
       The Casablanca Incident and its Arbitration at The Hague.
       Friendly Agreement with France.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
       Accelerated Naval Construction.
       Excitement in Great Britain.
       Parliamentary Debates.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
       Extent of Trade Unionism.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909.
       Proposed Amendments of the System of Workingmen’s Insurance.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS;
          also,
          LABOR PROTECTION: ACCIDENT AND SICKNESS INSURANCE.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (January).
       Rejection of Proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise
       in Prussia.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (April).
       Economic Conditions.
       Gain of Fifteen Years in National Wealth.
       Increased Cost of Living.
       Diminished Savings.
       Check on the Overcrowding of Towns.

       A report by the British Consul-General on the trade and
       commerce of the consular district of Frankfort-on-the-Main for
       the year ending April 30, 1909, gave the following items of
       interest touching general economic conditions of the year:

       Early in 1909 the national wealth of Germany, which had been
       estimated at 220,000,000,000 marks 15 years ago, was estimated
       to have reached 350,000,000,000 marks—i. e., an increase of 59
       per cent. in half a generation.

       "The cheapening of all manufactured commodities in comparison
       with the price they had reached during the end of the boom has
       failed until now, in spite of an unprecedented supply of cash,
       because the development which had taken place behind the wall
       of protection—the system of syndication—has killed free
       competition at home and has unduly raised the cost of the raw
       material needed by the finishing industries. The agricultural
       protection as well as the industrial has, moreover, increased
       the cost of living and has narrowed down the margin of profit
       which might have been used like a safety valve for reductions
       of price to revive trade at home or facilitate competition
       abroad. Syndication and protection have in fact combined to
       deprive German manufacture of that elastic cheapening power
       which ought chiefly to revive trade during the period
       succeeding a commercial high tide. At the same time the
       increased protection of the home market has admittedly
       rendered foreign markets more difficult for the German
       manufacturer."

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &C.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Speech of the Emperor on the Pride of his Subjects in
       "the Game of War."

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Latest Statistics of the Social Democratic Party.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM: GERMANY.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (October-December).
       Socialist Gains in By-elections, etc.
       Changed relations between Parties and the Government.

       Several by-elections for the Reichstag and elections to the
       diets of Saxony and Baden in these months showed somewhat
       startling gains for the Socialists. In the Saxon Diet they won
       25 seats, whereas in the late chamber, elected in 1907, they
       had held but 1. Both the Conservatives and the National
       Liberals were losers in the contest, the former most heavily.
       The Radicals shared a few of the gains. In the Baden Diet the
       Socialist gain was 8. At a by-election in one of the
       Brandenburg divisions the Socialists increased their vote by
       more than a thousand.

       The Reichstag was reopened by the Emperor on the 30th of
       November. On the organization of the House, Dr. Herman S.
       Paasche, National Liberal, declined election as Second
       Vice-President, stating that the National-Liberal party had
       decided unanimously not to accept office in the reorganization
       of the House. The Imperial party, or free Conservatives, also
       declined to take part in the organization, while the Radicals
       went so far as to decide that they would cast blank votes.
       These three parties are determined to place the full
       responsibility for the coming legislation upon the German
       Conservatives and Clericals.

    {298}

       This new attitude of parties, as one side of the sequence to
       the dissolution of the bloc of the past two years, and to the
       retirement of Chancellor Bülow, was responded to most
       appositely on the side of the Government by the new Imperial
       Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg, when he made his first
       speech in that capacity to the Reichstag, December 9th. In not
       many words he made it plain that the Imperial Government’s
       policy now was "to stand aloof from parties and groups of
       parties; in short, that the government of Germany was not a
       government by party. Governmental measures would be submitted
       to the Reichstag for adoption, but he was not disposed to
       define the constellation of parties which, he thought, would
       support these measures. The recent political crisis over the
       taxation bill had made no change in German institutions, he
       continued. Radicalism strove to divide all Germany into two
       political camps, but the existence of such a dualism was a
       fiction devised for party objects. It could not contribute to
       the sound development of the country for every proposal to be
       classified as either radical or reactionary. Germany, the
       chancellor affirmed, needed continuous and steady policies,
       both at home and abroad, to satisfy the people to the end that
       their work, either material or intellectual, might be
       undisturbed by disorders or experiments." His words in part
       were as follows:

       "As decidedly as the separate parties have ever refused, and
       still refuse, to be Government parties—and I personally can
       thoroughly understand it—so little will a Government in
       Germany ever be able to be a party Government. With the
       difficulties which arise from this fact every German statesman
       has had to fight, and in this relation of things, which is
       historic and based upon the peculiarity of our party life and
       of our State institutions, the last crisis has altered nothing
       whatever. I do not shut my eyes," continued the Chancellor,
       "to the excitement of party politics which pervades the
       country." But he believed that there were wide circles of the
       German people who did not wish to live permanently on
       political excitement and recrimination. "What our people
       desires in the first place is not to be disturbed in its
       actual work, whether economic or intellectual, either at home
       or abroad, in the markets of the world, by unrest or
       experiments. It wishes to be supported and encouraged by a
       policy of continuity and stability at home and abroad." As in
       the past there had never been a single party which had given
       its stamp to German policy, so all parties must work together
       in the future. The question was not one of "actual
       collaboration" or of nervous anxiety about the creation of a
       temporary Parliamentary majority, but of the conviction that
       there was an obligation to work imposed by the community upon
       each of its representatives, and the certainty that this
       obligation would survive the present turmoil.

       It is an interesting experiment which the new Chancellor is
       venturing on; but it seems to require a Bismarck in the
       Chancellor’s shoes.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (December).
       The Mannesmann Concession Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1910 (March).
       Demand of the Reichstag for Ministerial Responsibility.

       On the 15th of March, 1910, it was reported from Berlin that
       the Reichstag had adopted a motion, made by a Socialist
       member, demanding the introduction of a bill making the
       chancellor responsible to the Reichstag for his official acts
       and also extending his responsibility to cover all of the acts
       and documents made by the Emperor, for which responsibility he
       shall be answerable in a court of law.

       [Transcriber's note: The First World War was fought from
       July 28, 1914 to November 11, 1918, between the Allies
       (France, the United Kingdom, Russia, the United States,
       Italy, and Japan) and the Central Powers (Germany,
       Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Bulgaria).]

       ----------GERMANY: End--------

    GHENT: A. D. 1900.
       Municipal organization of Insurance against Unemployment.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT.

    GHOSE, Dr. Rash Bihari.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    GIBBONEY, D. Clarence.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: PHILADELPHIA.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of Andrew Carnegie:

       To Building for the Bureau of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS, BUREAU OF.

       For Court House and Library for Permanent Court of
       Arbitration at The Hague.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

       To Foundation for the Improvement of Teaching.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

       To Hero Funds.

          See (in this Volume)
          CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

       To Institute at Pittsburg.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

       To Institution of Washington.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

       To Scottish Universities.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of George Crocker for Cancer Research.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of Edwin Ginn to Fund for the Peace Propaganda.

          See (in this Volume)
          War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1909.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of Mrs. Harriman and others to the State of New York for
       a State Park on the Hudson.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of Miss Anna T. Jeanes to Schools for Southern Negroes.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of Mr. John Stewart Kennedy.

       Nearly $30,000,000, out of an estate valued close to
       $60,000,000, was left to public institutions by John Stewart
       Kennedy, banker and railroad builder, who died early in
       November, 1909. The remainder of the estate was bequeathed to
       relatives and employés. The larger bequests to religious,
       educational, and benevolent institutions were the following:

       Board of Foreign Missions of the
       Presbyterian Church in the United States   $2,250,000

       Board of Home Missions of the
       Presbyterian Church in the United States    2,250,000

       Board of Church Erection Fund of the
       General Assembly of the Presbyterian
       Church in the United States                 2,250,000

       Presbyterian Hospital in New York City      2,250,000

       New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox,
       and Tilden Foundations                      2,250,000

       Metropolitan Museum of Art                  2,250,000

       Columbia University                         2,250,000

       Church Extension Committee of the
       Presbytery of New York                      1.500,000

       Trustees of Robert College,
       Constantinople, Turkey                      1,500,000

       University of the City of New York            750,000

    {299}

       American Bible Society                       750,000

       Presbyterian Board of Aid for Colleges       750,000

       Charity Organization Society of the City
       of New York for its School of Philanthrophy,
       "to which I have already given an endowment
       of $250,000, or to the said school if the
       same be separately incorporated at the time
       of my death,"                                750,000

       United Charities, a corporation of
       the State of New York                      1,500,000

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of Letchworth Park to the State of New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE; A. D. 1907.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of Rhodes Scholarships.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       Of John D. Rockefeller to the General Education Board.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

    GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable:
       The Russell Sage Foundation.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

       From Mrs. Russell Sage to Yale University.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

       Of Mrs. Russell Sage to the U. S. Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          Constitution Island.

    GINN, EDWIN:
       Great Gift to Fund for the Peace Propaganda.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

    GIOLITTI, SIGNOR GIOVANNI:
       Minister of the Interior and then Premier of
       the Italian Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1901, 1903, and after.

    GIORGIS, GENERAL DE:
       Command of Gendarmerie in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

    GLADSTONE, HERBERT J.:
       Secretary of State for Home Affairs.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

       First Governor-General of United South Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    GOBAT, ALBERT.

          See (in this Volume)
          Nobel Prizes.

    GOETHALS, LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GEORGE W.:
       Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

    GOLGI, CAMILLO.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    GOLUCHOWSKI, Count.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    GOMEZ, José Miguel:
       President of Cuba.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

    GOMEZ, General Maximo:
       Military head of the last Cuban Rising against Spain.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1902.

    GOMEZ, General:
       Acting President of Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

    GOMPERS, Samuel:
       Sentence for alleged Violation of an Injunction.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

    GORDON MEMORIAL COLLEGE, at Khartoum.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: EGYPT.

    GOREMYKIN, Ivan Logginovich.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    GORGAS, Dr. W. C., United States of America:
       In charge of the Sanitation of the Panama Canal Zone.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

    GOVERNORS’ CONFERENCE, on Conservation of Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    "GRAFT," so called, in Municipal Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    GRAND TRUNK PACIFIC RAILWAY PROJECT.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1903.

    GRAY, Justice George:
       On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    GREAT BRITAIN.

          See (in this Volume and Volume II)
          ENGLAND.

    GREECE: A. D. 1905.
       Assassination of Prime Minister Delyannis.
       His successors.

       Theodoros Delyannis, the Premier of Greece, was assassinated
       on the 13th of June, 1905, by a revengeful gambler whose place
       had been closed by the police. A new Ministry formed by M.
       Ralli conducted the Government until December, when its defeat
       in the election of a president of the representative assembly
       forced a resignation. It was succeeded by a Cabinet formed
       under M. Theotokis, the leader of the Opposition.

    GREECE: A. D. 1905-1908.
       Barbarities of Greek bands in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    GREECE: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Insurrection in Crete.
       Demand for Union with "her Mother Greece."
       Investigation by the Powers.
       Resignation of Prince George.
       Appointment of M. Zaimis.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRETE; A. D. 1905-1906.

    GREECE: A. D. 1907-1909.
       The Cretan Situation as dealt with by the
       Four Protecting Powers.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

    GREECE: A. D. 1909 (July).
       Destructive Earthquake in Ellis.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: GREECE.

    GREECE: A. D. 1909.
       The Government dominated by a Military League.
       Its submission to the Dictatorship.

       Whatever vitality may previously have animated the forms of
       constitutional government in Greece was extinguished suddenly
       in July, 1909, by a demonstration of power on the part of a
       league of army officers to give orders to it. The Military
       League was backed, evidently, by a strong popular feeling
       against the Government, partly well founded, perhaps, but
       largely due to an unreasoning desire for rash undertakings to
       secure the annexation of Crete. The revolution in Turkey had
       stimulated this by seeming to open opportunities for breaking
       the island away from the claimed sovereignty of the Turks.
       What Bulgaria had been able to do in the situation for
       herself, and what Austria had done in annexing Bosnia and
       Herzegovina, it must be that the Powers which held Crete in
       commission, so to speak, could do for Greece, in the present
       state of things, if Greece had a competent Government to deal
       with affairs. This seems to have been the feeling, to a large
       extent, which produced the Military League and the popular
       threatenings whereby the Ministry of M. Theotoki was impelled
       to resign office on the 17th of July. The new Cabinet
       constructed by the King, under M. Ralli, held the semblance of
       power a little more than a month, and then had to choose
       between dropping it and taking orders from the League.
    {300}
       When it hesitated, and ventured an arrest of several leaders
       of the military combination, the latter, in a body, to the
       number of over 500, with about 2000 of the men of their
       commands, took possession of a hill outside of Athens, on the
       27th of August, and established there a menacing camp. Parley
       was then opened with them and they submitted a programme of
       demands which M. Ralli declined to accept, and resigned.

       According to a manifesto published by the League on the 27th,
       its demands, summarized in a letter from Athens, were as
       follows: "The officers belonging to the Military League
       respectfully ask the King and the Government to carry out
       radical reforms, and especially to proceed with the
       reorganization of the army and navy, in order that Greece
       might not in the future have to undergo any more humiliations
       such as she had had to tolerate in the past. The commands held
       by the Royal Princes in the army and navy are considered by
       the league to be prejudicial to their own prestige and to the
       accomplishment of their duties. The officers consequently
       insist that the Crown Prince, who is commander-in-chief of the
       army, and the other Royal Princes, should not hold any command
       in the army. They demand that the army shall be controlled by
       a council composed of the commanders of the three divisions
       under the presidency of the eldest of them, and the
       superintendence of the Crown Prince. They further ask that the
       two War Ministries should be invariably entrusted to the best
       officers in the army and navy and not to civilians. Among the
       detailed features of their programme they ask that four
       classes of the reserve should be called to the colours
       annually for manoeuvres, that a battleship of not less than
       10,000 tons, and eight destroyers of not less than 150 tons
       each, should be constructed, that the existing three cruisers
       should be repaired, that all the useless small ships should be
       sold, including the Royal yachts, with the exception of one
       for the King, that a war school should be established, that a
       foreign general with some officers should be called in to
       organize a Staff service and to look after the theoretical and
       practical training of the army and navy, and that a more
       efficient corps of Gendarmerie should be organized. In
       order to provide the necessary funds to carry out these
       reforms the league suggests that large retrenchments should be
       made in the general Budget."

       The King found a compliant premier, M. Mavromichalis, who
       submitted to these dictations in principle, amnestied the
       whole League, and took one of its leaders, Colonel
       Lapathiotis, into his Cabinet, as Minister of War. Since that
       day the actual Government of Greece has been transferred from
       the King, his Constitutional Ministers and the "Boule," or
       Legislative Chamber, to the Military League. The nominal
       Government turned a cheerful face to the world by publishing a
       semi-official explanation which began as follows:

       "Now that the situation has become clearer it becomes plain
       that the sole object of the military movement was the
       reorganization of the army and the reform and improvement of
       the Administration. The movement was at no time directed
       against the King or the dynasty, nor had it as its object the
       diminution of the rights and privileges of the Crown or the
       violation of the Constitution. The request of the Military
       Committee that the Crown Prince and the Royal Princes should
       be relieved of their high commands in the army was only
       formulated in their Highnesses’ interests, and with a view to
       relieve them of grave responsibilities likely to injure their
       prestige and in order to avert the discord and hatred which
       personal favoritism and the sympathies of the Princes would
       inevitably have engendered among the officers serving under
       them."

       That the League had strong backing in the country was shown by
       popular demonstrations, one of which, at Athens, on the 27th
       of September, brought 50,000 people, it was said, to the Champ
       de Mars, to pass a resolution and to convey it to the King.
       "The resolution began by expressing profound satisfaction at
       the initiation of the struggle by the Military League against
       the mischievous influence of parties on State affairs, and
       against the misuse of interest in the army and navy, and …
       concluded by declaring the determination of the people to
       exercise constant supervision over the Government and the
       Chamber until their demands had been completely fulfilled.

       "The demonstrators then marched to the Royal Palace, where the
       committee were received by the King and handed his Majesty the
       resolution. The King, after congratulating them upon the
       orderly and lawful way in which the people had made known
       their wishes, expressed his conviction that his Government and
       the Chamber would consider them and would vote the requisite
       laws."

       The Chamber, however, was less compliant, and showed marked
       signs of refusing legislation for the removal of the royal
       Princes from active service in the army. This angered the
       military dictators, and fresh trouble was threatened. It was
       averted by the resignation of the Princes, and by the speedy
       adoption of the whole series of measures demanded by the
       League, no less than twenty-three bills being enacted within
       the space of an hour.

       The dictatorial work of the League, however, had not gone far
       enough to satisfy one of its chiefs, a Lieutenant Typaldos,
       commander of a fleet of torpedo-boats and submarines, who
       suddenly set on foot a naval revolt of his own, withdrawing,
       with a few other officers and men, to Salamis and seizing the
       arsenal there. But, having the League against him, Typaldos
       was easily put to flight, and was captured eventually in
       ignominious disguise. For a time after this all went smoothly,
       and the Government was credited with a number of good
       measures, which its military masters permitted it to adopt.
       The situation was ruffled again toward the end of December by
       some offensive words in the Chamber from the Minister of War,
       Colonel Lapathiotis, which a large part of the deputies
       resented. These gave notice that they would not enter the
       Chamber again while the Colonel remained in the Ministry.
       Fortunately, just at this time, the obnoxious Minister gave
       offense to his associates of the League, by promoting several
       officers without consulting them, and they were willing that
       he should be dismissed.

    {301}

    GREECE: A. D. 1910.
       Agreements for a restored Constitutional Regime.

       The dismissal of Colonel Lapathiotis emboldened the party in
       the Chamber which follows the lead of ex-Premier Rallis to
       make some show of an independent opposition, and provoked
       thereby the most arrogant reminder yet given of the
       dictatorial power of the Military League. On the 2d of January
       two officers from the League appeared in the Chamber, bearing
       letters addressed to the Prime Minister and to the two leaders
       of Opposition parties, M. Rallis and M. Theotokis, requiring
       the Chamber to pass twenty-seven specified measures, besides
       the pending budget, and requiring the Government to recall its
       diplomatic representatives from Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and
       Rome. The messengers announced that they would return at 2 p.
       M. for a reply, and when they did so they were assured that
       the commands received would be obeyed. A few hours later the
       Premier received a fresh mandate to dismiss his Minister of
       the Interior. On this, he and his colleagues attempted to
       resign, but were so entreated by the King to remain and submit
       to the humiliating situation, rather than bring the country to
       a state of complete political wreck, that they did so,
       excepting the Minister of the Interior, who withdrew.

       In the succeeding four weeks, negotiations appear to have
       been effected between the League and the leaders of political
       parties, with the result announced as follows in a telegram
       from Athens to the American Press, January 28:

       "An agreement was reached to-day by the Theotokis party, the
       Rallis party, and the Military League to convoke the National
       Assembly for a revision of the Constitution, with the
       condition that the league shall first be dissolved. The powers
       of the National Assembly will be limited as to the sections of
       the Constitution to be revised, and no interference with the
       royal prerogatives will be permitted."

       King George assented to the proposed convocation of a National
       Assembly for the revision of the Constitution, though the
       existing Constitution would be violated by the method of
       procedure to be taken, since the choice seemed to lie between
       this and a complete wreckage of constitutional government. A
       Cretan leader, M. Venezelo, of high reputation for political
       sagacity, came to Athens on invitation and conducted a
       settlement of the affair with apparent success. The
       Mavromichalis Ministry gave way to another, formed under M.
       Dragoumis; a programme of constitutional changes to be laid
       before the contemplated National Assembly was agreed upon; the
       election of the Assembly was appointed for August next and its
       meeting for September, and the dissolution of the Military
       League was pledged. Such was the situation in the later days
       of March, 1910.

    GREEN HILLS, Capture of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    GREY, ALBERT HENRY GEORGE, EARL:
       Governor-General of Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1904.

    GREY, SIR EDWARD:
       Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (December), 1905-1906; and
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    GREY, SIR EDWARD:
       Correspondence on American Fishing Rights
       in Newfoundland waters.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

    GREY, SIR EDWARD:
       On the Changed Conditions in Europe that make for Peace.

          See EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

    GREY, SIR EDWARD:
       On the Budget of 1909 and the House of Lords.

          See ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (April-December).

    GROCERS’ ASSOCIATION, Dissolution of the.

       See (in this Volume)
       COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    GROSSCUP, JUDGE PETER S.:
       Decision in the Case of the
       United States v. Swift & Co., et al.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    GROSSCUP, JUDGE PETER S.:
       Opinion in Standard Oil Case.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    GRUITCH, GENERAL:
       Head of Radical Servian Ministry.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA: A. D. 1903.

    GUANTANAMO:
       Coaling and Naval Station leased to the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1903.

    GUATEMALA.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    GUERRA, COLONEL PINO:
       Leader of Insurrection in Cuba.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    GUIANA, BRITISH: A. D. 1904.
       Settlement of Brazilian boundary dispute.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1904.

    GULLY, W. C.:
       Resignation of the Speakership of House of Commons.
       Elevation to the Peerage.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (JUNE).

    GUMMERÉ, S. R.:
       American Delegate to the Alegeciras Conference
       on the Morocco Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    GUTHRIE, GEORGE W.:
       Mayor of Pittsburg.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    H.

    HAAKON VII., King of Norway.

          See (in this Volume )
          NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

    HABIBULLAH, Ameer of Afghanistan.

       See (in this Volume)
       AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    HAECKEL, Ernst Heinrich.
       Eminent German scientist, retired from his Professorship
       at Jena University on his 75th birthday, February 10, 1909.

    HAGEN-HAGEN, LIEUTENANT:
        Tragically ended Greenland Coast Survey.

           See (in this Volume)
           POLAR EXPLORATION.

    HAGOPIAN, H.:
       On the Turkish Revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1902.
       Decision of the Pious Fund Question between Mexico and
       the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

    HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1903.
       Decision on Venezuela Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D 1902-1903.

    HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The:
       Carnegie Gift to it of a Court House and Library.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.

    HAGUE, The: A. D. 1907.
       The Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    HAICHENG, RUSSIAN EVACUATION OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    HAKKI BEY: Grand Vizier.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (MAY-DECEMBER).

    {302}

    HALDANE, Richard B.:
       Secretary of State for War.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    HALE vs. HENKEL, The case of.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

    HAMID EDDIN, Sheik of the Hadramaut:
       His claims to the Caliphate, against the Sultan.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

    HAMLIN, Reverend Dr. Cyrus.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

    HANKAU-SZE-CHUAN RAILWAY LOAN.
       The question of American participation.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

    HANSEN, Ole.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

    HARBIN,
    KHARBIN: A. D. 1905.
       Opened to all commerce.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

    HARCOURT, VERNON.

          See VERNON-HARCOURT.

    HARDEN, Maximilian:
       The Trials of.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

    HARDIE, KEIR.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906;
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1903; and
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

    HARRIMAN, Edward H.:
       His extraordinary Accumulation and Organization of
       Railway Properties.
       His death.

       See (in this Volume)
       RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    HARRIMAN, Mrs. E. H.
       Gift of land to New York for a State Park.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.

    HARVARD UNIVERSITY:
       Interchanges of Professors with French and German Universities.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

    HASSAN FEHMI EFFENDI,
       Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    HATSUSE,
       Sinking of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    HATTI HUMAYUN, The Turkish.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    HAUSA LAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

    HAVANA: A. D. 1907.
       Population.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1907.

    HAY, John:
       Secretary of State.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

    HAY, John:
       Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity Treaty.

          See NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

    HAY, John:
       Negotiation of Treaty with China to open two new Ports
       to Foreign Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

    HAY, John:
       Honorary President of Second International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    HAY, John:
       Proclamation of his death.

          See UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (JULY).

    HAY-PAUNCEFOTE CANAL TREATY, Interoceanic.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

    HAITI: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Participation in Second International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    HAITI: A. D. 1902.
       Revolution and Civil War produced by a Blunder of Law.
       Resignation of President Sam.
       Election of General Nord Alexis.

       An outbreak of revolution in Haiti occurred under singular
       circumstances on the 12th of May, 1902. As related in a
       despatch of a few days later by Mr. W F. Powell, United States
       Minister to Haiti, the circumstances were these: When, in
       April, 1896. General Theresias Simon Sam was elected President
       of the Republic (see, under HAYTI, in Volume VI. of this
       work), on the sudden death of President Hypolite, "Congress
       enacted a law requiring him to enter upon the duties of the
       Presidential office at once, and to remain in office until May
       15, 1903. This law, it seems now," wrote Mr. Powell, "was not
       constitutional, as the constitution states: ‘That upon the
       death, resignation, malfeasance in office, or removal
       therefrom of the President before the 15th of May (in any
       year) the cabinet or council of ministers is charged with
       these functions until the 15th of May, when the newly elected
       President shall assume the duties of the Presidency; but if a
       President should accept office or enter upon the duties of the
       same prior to this time (15th of May), then his term of office
       must expire on the 15th of May of the year preceding the time
       that it actually expired, thus not allowing the incumbent to
       remain in office the full seven years, the time for which he
       was elected.’

       "For some reason this provision of the constitution was not
       thought of, or else forgotten, at the time General Sam was
       elected. No mention was made of this section until about a
       year ago, when the question was launched upon the public view
       by the enemies of the Government. The more this question was
       discussed the more potent it became, until it occupied the
       attention of all classes to the exclusion of all other
       matters. … The several political arrests and the exile of many
       persons within the past two years have been on account of this
       discussion, they demanding that this article of the
       constitution should be literally followed, the Government, on
       its part, believing that in the arrest and exile of all such
       persons all discussions and agitation of this matter would
       cease. But this rigor on the part of the Government produced,
       instead of friends, enemies, who were daily gaining strength.

       "At the several interviews I had with the President up to the
       time I left for Santo Domingo (February 10) he stated that it
       was his intention to remain in office until he had finished
       his term (to May 15, 1903) and that he would not resign or
       cease to be President prior to that time. He had also
       impressed this fact upon the members of his cabinet up to May
       1 of the present year, when it was learned that it was his
       intention to resign at an early day." This announcement
       brought a number of candidates into the field, and Mr. Powell,
       on returning to Port au Prince on the 11th of May, found a
       precarious situation there. He secured an interview with
       President Sam the following morning, and "was informed that he
       had determined to resign, that his resignation was ready to be
       sent to Congress, that he was tired of this constant
       agitation, and that he would leave by the French steamer then
       in port for France, where he would pass the remainder of his
       life in quietness and peace; that since it was the wish of the
       people to have a new President he would not oppose them, but
       would abide by article 93 of the national constitution, and if
       the chambers did not elect a President to-day, Monday, the
       country would be without a President."

    {303}

       One of the candidates, General Leconte, a member of the
       Government about to be dissolved, "felt certain that he would
       be elected, as he had sufficient votes pledged in both houses
       to elect him. This news spread rapidly, the streets became
       full of armed citizens wending their way toward the chambers
       to prevent, forcibly if necessary, his election. At first it
       was difficult to get the members together. The streets in the
       neighborhood of the legislative halls were thronged with
       people and the Government troops, the latter to protect the
       members in case of violence. Several secret meetings of the
       members were held. At last the doors were opened, and as soon
       as opened every available space not occupied by the two houses
       was filled by the friends and foes of General Leconte. As the
       balloting was about to commence some one in the chambers fired
       his revolver. In an instant shooting commenced from all parts
       of the room. One or two were killed and the same number
       wounded. The members all sought shelter in the most available
       places they could find—under benches or desks. Others forgot
       the way they entered and sought exit by means of the windows.
       By this means the populace prevented the election of General
       Leconte, forcibly adjourned the chambers without date, and
       dispersed the members of both chambers. The Government troops
       immediately retired to the palace, the arsenal, the barracks,
       or the arrondissement, as it was thought that an attack would
       be immediately made on each place.

       "A committee of safety was at once formed to safeguard the
       interests of the city, and as the news reached the other
       cities of the Republic similar committees were named with like
       duties. The next object was to secure the palace, arsenal, and
       the Government buildings. A concerted attack was made on each
       of the above places at 10 p. m., lasting about twenty minutes,
       in which the Government troops were the victors. It is
       supposed that in these engagements about one hundred persons
       were either killed or wounded."

       The next day, on the ex-President’s request, Mr. Powell, as
       dean of the diplomatic corps, arranged with his associates to
       escort General and Mrs. Sam, together with General Leconte, to
       the steamer on which they wished to embark, and their
       departure was undisturbed.

       On the 26th of May a Provisional Government, with General
       Boisrond Canal for its President, was established by delegates
       sent from "the several sections of the Republic." Elections
       for a new Chamber of Deputies were appointed to be held early
       in July; though the Constitution had declared that such
       elections "must occur during the first weeks in the month of
       January." This gave a fine opening for future troubles.
       Meantime, irregular skirmishing, preliminary to positive civil
       war, was bringing all business to an end. On the 26th of July
       Mr. Powell reported to Washington that civil war had been
       declared. The contest for the Presidency seemed narrowed to
       two candidates. General Nord Alexis, Minister of War and
       Marine in the Provisional Government, and Mr. A. Firmin, whose
       cause was supported by the Haytian navy, of two gunboats,
       commanded by Admiral Killick. It is needless to give details
       of the hostilities that ensued.

       The elections were determined and the Chamber of Deputies was
       organized about the 20th of August. The Deputies had then to
       choose the Senatorial body, and the strife of factions among
       them prevented that election until late in the year, when the
       forces of the Provisional Government had achieved successes
       which brought the civil war practically to an end. General
       Nord Alexis, who had been campaigning for months, returned
       triumphantly with his army to Port au Prince on the 14th of
       December; was acclaimed President by the Army on the 17th, and
       was formally elected by the National Assembly on the 21st. He
       was then reported to be 85 years old.

    HAITI: A. D. 1908.
       Revolution once more.
       Overthrow and expulsion of President Nord Alexis.
       General Antoine Simon his elected successor.

       The Government under President Nord Alexis was maintained for
       six years, by its own unsparing use of power, it would seem,
       rather than by the good will of the country. Revolutionary
       projects had been crushed with prompt vigor before they had
       much chance of development, until November, 1908, when one,
       led by a displaced military commander, General Antoine Simon,
       ran so rapid a course that it arrived at complete success on
       the 2d of the following month. The aged but indomitable Nord
       Alexis strove hard to resist it, even to the last inch of
       fighting in his own palace; but Port au Prince rose against
       him; his partisans fell away; his soldiers deserted; and
       finally, on the afternoon of December 2d, he consented to be
       taken on board a French training-ship, then in port. In doing
       this there was difficulty in saving him from an angry city
       mob. The escape of the fallen President was described in a
       Port au Prince despatch to the Associated Press as follows:

       "So serious was the situation that the French minister, M.
       Carteron, and other foreign representatives, with members of a
       specially appointed committee, forced themselves upon the
       President, who finally consented to withdraw. Shouts greeted
       him as he stepped to his carriage. M. Carteron, carrying the
       French tri-color, threw the folds of the flag over the
       shoulders of the de posed president to protect him. All along
       the route the people who lined the streets shouted, jeered and
       cursed the fallen President, but when the landing stage was
       reached, the mob lost all restraint. The scene was tragic and
       shameful. Infuriated women broke through the cordon of troops
       and shrieked the coarsest insults into the very face of the
       President, who strove bravely to appear undismayed. They
       hurled themselves, fighting with hands and feet, against the
       soldiers, who found difficulty in forcing them back. One woman
       with a murderous knife, got to the President’s side and made a
       sweep at his body, but the blow fell short, and, before she
       could follow it with another, she was seized by a soldier. A
       man struck the President a glancing blow with his fist on the
       neck. Alexis, shaking his head, so, turned to M. Carteron and
       said: ‘I told you your excellency.’

    {304}

       "To clear space, the troops fired several volleys over the
       heads of the mob. For a moment, they gave way, and Alexis,
       with the French colors draped about him, was bustled into a
       skiff, in tow of a steam launch, his disordered suite tumbling
       in after him. As the launch drew away, three Haytian gunboats
       and the American warships in the harbor fired a salute to the
       fallen President.

       "A trunk which was left behind on the precipitate departure of
       the President and his party from the wharf, was seized upon by
       the rioters and broken open. It was found to contain some
       $10,000 in gold and 20,000 Haytian gourdes. The specie was
       scattered about and promptly pillaged."

       According to a despatch of the next day, "riot and pillage
       swept through the night following the flight of the fallen
       President, Nord Alexis. The populace, maddened by a taste of
       revolt, gave themselves over to absolute license, They looted
       stores and residences and then fought among themselves over
       the booty until an armed force, hastily gathered together by
       General Poitevin, fired a volley into the mob and finally
       drove them into hiding. In all, twelve persons were killed and
       many wounded before order was restored. …

       "Past 90 years of age—how many years beyond nobody knows—Nord
       Alexis had faced his foes with the strength and determination
       of a man in the very prime of life. To-day he said: ‘The
       courageous conduct of M. Carteron (the French minister) saved
       my life.’ … The President was broken-hearted over the attitude
       of his people, of whose hostility he was entirely ignorant.
       ‘They always cheered me when I appealed in the streets,’ he
       said mournfully, ‘and I have always labored for their good.’

       "He protested against the ‘legend’ that he ever had shown any
       enmity toward the whites, and, for the first time, expressed
       his views with regard to the summary executions which took
       place on March 15th last, when many men were shot to death by
       order of General Leconte. He had always been convinced, he
       said, that the men had been killed during an attack upon the
       palace. His officials and those upon whom he depended had kept
       back the truth from him.

       "With regard to his destination, Nord Alexis said that he
       would wait until he could be transported to Jamaica, Saint
       Thomas or Martinique."

       General Simon and his victorious army of rebellion entered the
       capital on the 5th. Some degree of order had been restored by
       a Committee of Safety, under ex-President Legitime, but fresh
       strifes were imminent between rival candidates for the vacant
       presidency. Simon, with his military following, brushed them
       aside, and obtained a unanimous election by the Haitian
       Congress on the 17th, assuming office as President on the
       20th.

    HAITI: A. D. 1909.
       The Haitian People.
       The splendid industry of the Women.
       The curse of the country in its Military Government.

       "Four-fifths of the Haitians—the peasantry of the country,
       that is to say—are hard working, peaceable country people.
       These four-fifths of 3,000,000 are entirely negro in race, and
       probably represent a mingling of West African types from
       Senegambia, Dahomé, and the Congo. It is a race which
       exhibits, away from the towns, a fine physical development;
       its skin colour is much darker and the negro type more
       pronounced than in the United States. … The women are the best
       part of the nation They are splendid, unremitting toilers. In
       the face of all discouragements with, which a bad Government
       clouds their existence the women of Haiti almost remind one of
       certain patient types of ant or termite, who, as fast as you
       destroy their labour of months or days, hasten to repair it
       with unslacking energy.

       "The curse of Haiti from the day she established her
       independence in 1804 to the present time is the tyrannical and
       wasteful Government of the military party. … Scarcely a
       President in the history of Haiti has not been a military man
       and the favourite leader, for the time being, of the major
       portion of the army. … That President Antoine Simon will
       follow in the bloody footsteps of all his Presidential
       predecessors is improbable. He is a man of obviously kindly
       nature, with a record of 22 years’ essentially clement
       government of the great southern province of Haiti; but he is
       an old man of imperfect education, and though he may turn out
       a complete surprise, yet so far he has done nothing to improve
       the conditions of political elections. The whole power of the
       country is still entirely based on the soldiers."

          Sir Harry Johnston,
          in The London Times, April 13, 1909.

    HEARST, William R.:
       Candidacy for Mayor of New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905 and 1909.

    HEARST, William R.:
       Candidacy for Governor of New York State.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.

    HEDERVARY MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

    HENEY, FRANCIS J.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO,
          and UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    HENRIQUES, CAMPOS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    HENRY PHIPPS INSTITUTE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

    HENRY, Prince of Prussia:
       Visit to the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    HEPBURN ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908, and 1906-1909.

    HERMANN, BINGER:
       U. S. Commissioner of the Land Office, involved in Land Frauds.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    HERO FUNDS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS.

    HERREROS, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1904-1905, and
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

    HERRING, A. M.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    HERVÉ, Gustave:
        Apostle of Anti-Militarism in France.

           See (in this Volume)
           WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

    HERZEGOVINA.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    HETCH HETCHY PROJECT, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.

    HICKS-BEACH, SIR MICHAEL:
       Retirement from the English Chancellorship of the Exchequer.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

    HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS, CHINESE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.

    {305}

    HILL, David Jayne:
       Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    HILL, James J.:
       His connection with the Northern Securities Case.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    HILMI PASHA.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    HINDU DISAFFECTION.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    HINDU IMMIGRATION:
       The Resistance to in South Africa, Australia, and elsewhere.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS.

    HISGEN, Thomas L.:
       Nominated for President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    HITCHCOCK, Ethan Allen:
       Secretary of the Interior.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, 1903-1906, and 1905-1909.

    HITCHCOCK, Frank H.:
       Postmaster-General.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    HOFF, JACOBUS HENRICUS VAN’T.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    HOHENLOHE, Prince.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    "HOLDING COMPANY," The:
       Decision of its Illegality as a method of Combination
       between Corporations.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    HOLLAND.

          See (in this Volume and Volume III)
          NETHERLANDS.

    HOLSTEIN, Herr von:
       On the German "Navy Fever."

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.

    HOLSTEIN-LEDREBORG MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

    HOLY SEE.

          See (in this Volume and Volume IV)
          PAPACY.

    "HOLY WAR," IN ARABIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.

    HOMEL, JEWISH MASSACRE AT.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

    HONDURAS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    HORUP, M.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

    HOTTENTOTS, REVOLT OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

    HOURS OF LABOR.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902;
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908.
          Also,
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR; and
          LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES AND COST OF LIVING.

    HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

    HSIHOYEN, BATTLE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    HSUAN-TUNG:
       Child-Emperor of China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    HUDSON BAY REGION: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Canadian measures to establish Sovereignty over Land and Sea.

          See (in this Volume )
          CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    HUDSON BAY REGION:
       Projected Railway from the Canadian Northwest.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CANADA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    HUDSON-FULTON COMMEMORATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.

    HUDSON TUNNELS.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

    HUGHES, Charles Evans:
       Counsel of the Legislative Joint Committee to Investigate
       Life Insurance Companies in New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    HUGHES, Charles Evans:
       Governor of the State of New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.
          Also,
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES, and PUBLIC UTILITIES.

    HUGHES, Charles Evans:
       On the Proposed Income Tax Amendment to the Constitution
       of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    HUMPHREY, Judge:
       Immunity Decision in "Beef Trust" Case.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    HUNGARY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

    HYDE, Dr. Douglas:
       Founder of Gaelic League.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.

    HYDE, HENRY B.:
       Founder of the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    HYDE, James Hazen:
       Relations to the Equitable Life Assurance Society.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    I.

    ICELAND:
       Its Ancient Claims to Nationality.

       Within the last few years the Icelanders have been asserting
       their ancient right to a national life of their own so
       seriously that the King of Denmark has exerted himself to
       soothe their discontent with but partial success. For many
       historical reasons Iceland ought to have an independent
       standing among the European states. For some of those reasons
       its people seem fairly entitled to recognition as the foremost
       representatives of the old Norse or Scandinavian race. Their
       ancestors were men of the best blood of Norway, who quitted
       that country in the ninth century and took possession of the
       arctic island, because they would not submit to the despotism
       established by Harold the Fairhaired. That they took with them
       the best culture of their race and time is proved by the fact
       that almost everything we know of the old Norse literature,
       and of the mythology and history embedded in it, was preserved
       by their pens. Learning was cherished and cultivated among
       them from the first: and they had the capacity and the spirit
       for self-government from the first. Before the end of the
       tenth century they had adopted a republican constitution and
       founded a commonwealth which endured for about 300 years. This
       antedated the rise of the city republics of Italy and the free
       cantons of the Swiss by one or two centuries at the least.

       The Icelandic republic was destroyed at last by feuds among
       its leading families, which invited Norwegian intervention
       from time to time, and subjected the island to the parent
       kingdom in the end. Late in the fourteenth century the three
       Scandinavian kingdoms of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark were
       joined in a union which did not endure.
    {306}
       Its dissolution left Norway, with Iceland as a dependency,
       attached to Denmark, and that connection was maintained till
       1814. Norway was then transferred from the Danish to the
       Swedish crown; but Iceland was still kept as a part of the
       dominion of the Danish King. Norway regained national
       distinctness and independence in 1905, and now it is to be
       hoped that Iceland will have its just turn.

       The island has never been governed as a mere province of
       Denmark, but always under its own laws. Its old representative
       assembly, the Althing, was suspended during most of the first
       half of the last century, but revived in 1845 as a merely
       consultative assembly. As such it voiced very steadily the
       claim of the Icelanders to more of autonomy and political
       distinctness than their Danish lord was willing to yield. In
       1874, however, at the 1,000th anniversary of the Icelandic
       settlement, he granted a constitution which reinvested the
       Althing with legislative powers, and met the wishes of the
       island in other important ways; but not so far as to produce
       content.

    IDAHO: A. D. 1905-1907.
       Murder of ex-Governor Steunenberg.
       Trial and acquittal of Haywood.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

    IDE, HENRY CLAY:
       Governor-General of the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.

    IGNATIEFF, COUNT ALEXEI:
       Assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    ILLINOIS: A. D. 1899.
       Enactment of the first Juvenile Court Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    IMAM, ALI.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

       ----------IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Start--------

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Australia: A. D. 1909.
       The needs of the country.
       The attitude of the people toward Immigration.
       The difficulties.

       Speaking at a dinner in his honor, given in London, after his
       return from five years of service as Governor-General of
       Australia, Lord Northcote touched on what he described as "the
       Aaron’s rod of all political questions in Australia, which, if
       it does not swallow up the others, at all events the others
       depend upon it,"—meaning the increase of Australia’s
       population. As to the attitude of Australia to the immigration
       question he said: "No doubt, from time to time certain
       over-zealous officials have made mistakes which have
       prejudiced Australia in the eyes of the British public, but I
       do not believe that anything in the nature of a fixed desire
       to keep out men who are able to sustain themselves by their
       labour has ever existed. Of course, Australia has her number
       of unemployables, and is not prepared to import more from the
       old country. Then I come to the very important question of
       coloured immigration, and that is a question we should look at
       from an Australian as well as from a British point of view. …

       "Suppose Australia or Canada confronted by the presence of a
       large number of Asiatics, men of ability enough to hold their
       own, men who, if they come there, come to stay, and it is
       quite conceivable from an Australian point of view that if
       they do not rigidly secure themselves against the possibility
       of being swamped by Asiatic labour, they may be presented with
       a problem even more serious than is the great negro question
       in the United States. I say this to show that there is more to
       be said for the Australian point of view than some people are
       inclined to suppose. Of course a great deal depends upon
       whether the huge northern territory can be populated by white
       men. Upon that I hesitate to pronounce a definite opinion. I
       believe it is possible for a white man, if he is steady,
       sober, and careful, to colonize for a time this great tropical
       land; but it is a very serious matter how far the climate is
       suitable for women and children, and whether we can hope from
       generation to generation that a healthy and virile race can
       continue to live and breed in that climate. The territory is
       over half a million square miles in extent, and the white
       population is well under 2,000 people. …

       "There is plenty of land all through Australia for men who
       are willing to go there and will be steady and sober and work
       hard. I have been North, South, East, and West. I can claim
       for myself the credit that I have travelled fairly hard, and I
       have seen in every State of Australia plenty of land available
       for close settlement. If the great landowners are disinclined
       to sell their holdings—and I quite acknowledge that a great
       deal of the best land in Australia is in comparatively few
       hands—at all events the State Governments have very large
       reserves of land; and by the application of irrigation and
       other methods of scientific farming they could compete on even
       terms at least with these squatters, and they could turn these
       waste lands into fertile country fit for settlers. I am very
       glad to think that both in New South Wales and Victoria very
       large irrigation works are in progress and will be completed
       in a very short time, adding enormously to the acreage of land
       fit for cultivation; and I say deliberately and advisedly, I
       care not for reports of Commissions or individuals, that there
       is land and to spare for generations for men who are ready to
       undertake the cultivation."

       A correspondent of the London Times, writing from
       Sydney in January, 1909, on the subject of the vast quantity
       of fertile land in Australia that is locked up by private
       owners in vast sheep runs, to the exclusion of settlement, had
       this to say: "You may take it as an axiom that immigration to
       Australia will do no good till the fertile lands are thrown
       open. And a very large proportion of the closed land is
       controlled from London, either by ex-Australians who live
       there and draw their income from Australian property, or by
       big British companies. … It is necessary to warn seriously
       shareholders and directors of the big companies that they must
       put pressure on their officials out here, or prepare to have
       more drastic pressure forced on themselves. At present, those
       officials are often responsible for Australian dislike of the
       absentee company."

    {307}

       In another letter to the same paper it was said: "Somehow or
       other the locked-up lands must be opened for agricultural
       uses. No one now doubts that, and only a few owners, usually
       either absentees or corporations, pretend to doubt it. The
       Labour recipe is a Federal land tax on estates over £5,000 in
       value, of such a kind that fair use of the land will produce
       profit on which the tax will be a mere fleabite, while it will
       be a serious charge on fertile land that is used only for
       sheep runs. The proposed tax is to be Federal simply because
       there is no hope of passing the requisite Bill through several
       of the State Upper Houses; otherwise it is more properly a
       State concern. Now what we have to remember is that this is
       not only Labour’s remedy. I believe it would be quite possible
       to carry such a proposal in the present Federal Parliament, so
       definitely has public opinion swung round against the big
       owners who keep their land idle. If it is not carried next
       session, it will be because Mr. Deakin gave his word two years
       ago that he would not introduce the subject in this
       Parliament; but Mr. Deakin’s attitude is this—that he wishes
       the States would do it, that he does not consider this
       Parliament has any mandate to legislate for it, but that he
       personally has always favoured such a tax, and, if the
       States take no steps in that direction, he will support, or
       even propose, the measure when it has been submitted to the
       country at a general election. It is useless, therefore, for
       any one to decry the tax as merely a Labour idea, a
       ‘Socialistic’ nostrum. The support given it in Australia is
       far wider than that. And, apart from the many who advocate it
       as the best remedy for the present land-hunger, there is an
       increasing body of electors who are being forced into
       supporting it because no other remedies seem practicable."

       The attitude of the Australian Labor Party on the inseparable
       immigration and land questions was stated very clearly and
       succinctly in a letter to the London Times, dated at
       Newcastle, New South Wales, June 30, 1909, by a member of the
       Party, Frank Pittock, who signs himself "a Magistrate of the
       Territory." He writes: "We cannot at present obtain land for
       our own genuine land-seekers, skilled in the peculiar
       requirements of pastoral and agricultural work on the
       Australian soil. We certainly are unable to give our own
       unemployed a chance on the land. Any importations of labour
       from over the seas merely serve to render more distressful the
       unfortunate position of the colonial out-of-works. On the
       other hand, we do now, and always have, welcomed new arrivals
       who may be able, in the near future, to effectively augment
       our productive wealth. The party fully recognizes the need of
       population—of the right sort. We have vast empty spaces all
       over the continent, now grazing grounds for sheep, yet
       eminently suitable for intense settlement. The Australian
       Labour party seeks the support, at the forthcoming general
       election, of all who believe, as does your own Australian
       Correspondent, that the satisfying of the earth-hunger of our
       people is the great outstanding need of the day. Can we but be
       authorized to force the huge monopolists to surrender portions
       of their holdings we shall have, not only land for our own
       landless, but land and to spare for those who seek it from the
       British Isles. … We dare not, as a conscientious and
       humanitarian party, invite our kith and kin from other parts
       to come here now. We should be traitors to the Empire,
       betrayers of the race, if we endorsed in any way the attitude
       of those who seek, apparently, to flood this fair land with
       any population at all, regardless of the evil consequences to
       the immigrants themselves, and alike regardless of the grave
       injustice thereby done to native-born landless and, in many
       cases, at present, work-seeking Australians."

       A Press despatch from Sydney, October 30, made the following
       announcement: "Under the closer settlement amendment Bill,
       which is now before the Legislative Council of New South
       Wales, the Government will be empowered by proclamation to
       earmark estates in the vicinity of towns which might impede
       settlement. When such estates are of the value of £10,000 and
       upwards the Government may agree with the owners to subdivide
       them on terms and areas to be agreed upon, so as to ensure
       bona fide settlement. If the owners fulfil the
       agreement, the proclamation will be cancelled; if the owners
       refuse to subdivide within five years, the Government reserves
       the power to resume at the value on the date of proclamation."

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Brazil: 1908-1909.
       Increasing Influx.

       "During the year [1908] 112,234 persons came into the country,
       of which 17,539 were visitors and 94,695 immigrants. This
       shows a notable increase of 26,908 immigrants, or about forty
       per cent. over the number registered in 1907. Of these 74,999
       came at their own expense and 11,109 at the cost of the Union.
       The increase continues this year, as will be seen from the
       record of the Port of Rio de Janeiro alone, which received
       13,580 immigrants during the first quarter of this year, as
       compared with 8,607 in 1908 and 5,943 in 1907. In spite of the
       small grant allotted to this service, it has been conducted
       with the greatest efficiency. The Department for the Peopling
       of the Soil has effected the location of immigrants in 26
       colonies, situated respectively in the States of Espirito
       Santo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Geraes, São Paulo, Parana, Santa
       Catharina, and Rio-Grande-do-Sul, eleven of which are directly
       under the supervision of the Union. All the nucleus colonies
       founded last year enjoy unrestricted prosperity, and it has
       been even necessary to acquire neighbouring lands in order to
       satisfy the constant demand for more land on the part of the
       families settled."

          President’s Message to Congress,
          May 3, 1909.

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Canada: A. D. 1896-1909.
       The "American Invasion" of the Northwest.
       Immigration of the last decade.

          See (in this Volume )
          CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: England: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Aliens Act.
       Restrictions on the admission of Aliens.
       A new policy.

       Until 1905, England offered practically an open door to the
       aliens who sought either a permanent home or a temporary
       residence on her island soil. Little scrutiny was given to
       them and almost no restriction on their coming in. But some
       years before that date a growing criticism of such
       unconditioned hospitality was begun.
    {308}
       In 1888 it induced the appointment of a Select Committee of
       the House of Commons "to inquire into the laws existing in the
       United States and elsewhere on the subject of the immigration
       of destitute aliens, and the extent and effect of such
       immigration into the United Kingdom, and to report whether it
       is desirable to impose any, and if so, what, restrictions on
       such immigration." The Commission reported in 1889 that it
       thought "the alien population was not numerous enough to
       create alarm," and that it was "not prepared to recommend
       legislation at present," but saw "the possibility of such
       legislation becoming necessary in the future." Several
       proposals of restrictive measures were urged without success
       in the course of the next dozen years, and, in 1902, a Royal
       Commission was appointed, "to inquire into—

       (1) the character and extent of the evils which are attributed
       to the unrestricted immigration of aliens, especially in the
       Metropolis;

       (2) the measures which have been adopted for the restriction
       and control of alien immigration in foreign countries and in
       British colonies."

       The Commission produced an elaborate report in 1903
       (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1741). Reviewing the hospitality of
       the past, it found that the migrant aliens of former
       generations had made the English people "their debtors"; but
       they were of a different stamp from the immigrants of the
       present movement, which "may be said to have begun about 1880,
       and is drawn mainly from the Jewish inhabitants of Eastern
       Europe." The causes of this recent exodus have been partly
       economic and partly due to oppressive measures; and the result
       of the Commission’s investigation of it was the expressed
       opinion that "in respect of certain classes of immigrants,
       especially those arriving from Eastern Europe, it is necessary
       in the interests of the State generally, and of certain
       localities in particular, that the entrance of such immigrants
       into this country and their right of residence here should be
       placed under conditions and regulations coming within that
       right of interference which every country possesses to control
       the entrance of foreigners into it. Such regulations should,
       in our opinion," the report went on to say, "be made in order
       to prevent so far as possible this country being burdened with
       the presence of ‘undesirable aliens’ and to provide for their
       repatriation in certain cases.

       "But we think that the greatest evils produced by the presence
       of the alien immigrants here are the overcrowding caused by
       them in certain districts of London, and the consequent
       displacement of the native population. There seems little
       likelihood of being able to remedy these great evils by the
       enforcement of any law applicable to the native and alien
       population alike. We therefore think that special regulations
       should be made for the purpose of preventing aliens at their
       own will choosing their residence within districts already so
       overcrowded that any addition to dwellers within it must
       produce most injurious results. On this point the Commission
       recommended specifically that if it be found that the
       immigration of aliens into any area has substantially
       contributed to any overcrowding, and that it is expedient that
       no further newly-arrived aliens should become residents in
       such area, the same may be declared prohibited area.

       "We are also of opinion that efforts should be made to rid
       this country of the presence of alien criminals (and other
       objectionable characters)."

       An Act embodying substantially the recommendations of the
       Commission passed Parliament in 1905. Both the Act and the
       administration of it have been criticised since, as lacking
       stringency. Its working was reviewed at considerable length in
       The Times of February 9, 1909 which made the following
       statements, among others, on the subject:

       "The Act, as now administered, does not subject all alien
       immigrants, or even all steerage immigrants, to inspection. To
       begin with, the regulation of alien immigration is confined,
       practically, to the traffic between the United Kingdom and
       ports in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea."

       In fact, according to The Times, "the vast majority of
       aliens are not affected by the Act. A foreigner may enter this
       country unchallenged—If he comes from an ‘extra-European’
       port (with some exceptions); if he is a cabin passenger; if he
       is an exempted second-class passenger; if he is a
       transmigrant; if he is a passenger in a ship containing fewer
       than 21 ‘alien steerage passengers.’

       "Then also, though nominally a subject for inspection, he is
       not called upon to satisfy the full requirements of the Act,
       if he is proceeding to a destination outside the United
       Kingdom; if he holds a return ticket; if he is a seaman; if he
       is fleeing from religious or political persecution."

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Germany: A. D. 1904-1908.
       Remarkable decrease of Emigration.

       "German emigration has dwindled so steadily and rapidly that
       at present it would seem to have reached the low-water mark in
       its downward trend. A glance at the official statistics of
       emigration will indicate the remarkable extent of this
       retrogression. In 1852, Germans, to the number of 145,918, and
       in 1854, to the number of 215,009, went to the United States
       alone. In 1872, just after the unification of the Empire, the
       grand total of German emigration amounted to 128,152; in 1873,
       to 110,438; in 1881, to 220,902; in 1882, to 203,585 persons.
       During the years succeeding 1882 up to 1892, the figures, in
       the average, still surpassed 100,000, but since then they have
       shown a notable falling off. Thus only 22,309 in 1900; 22,073
       in 1901; 32,098 in 1902; 36,310 in 1903; 27,984 in 1904—were
       recorded as having gone from Germany to lands beyond the sea.

       "This retrogressive tendency appears the more surprising when
       it is remembered that Germany’s population, mainly as a result
       of the excess of births over deaths, but partly through its
       inland migration, has, since the foundation of the Empire,
       increased at an average annual rate of over half a million,
       during recent years at the still higher rate of 800,000 per
       annum. The cause for this seeming anomaly lies in the
       extraordinary economical development of Germany during the
       last decade, in the consequent steady improvement of the
       social status of its laboring classes, brought about by a
       progressive rise in wages, and in the elimination, thereby, of
       one of the strongest incentives to emigration in former days."

          Baron Speck von Sternburg,
          The Phantom Peril of German Emigration and
          South American Settlements
          (North American Review, May, 1906).

    {309}

       Of the emigrants from Germany in 1908, the United States
       Consul-General reported that they numbered only 19,880, being
       11,816 less than in 1907.

       "From 1897 to 1907 the yearly mean average was 27,526, or 0.47
       per cent. of the population. Altogether since 1871 the German
       Empire has lost only 2,750,000 people by emigration, or as
       many people as can be made good in four years by the excess of
       births over deaths."

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Italy: A. D. 1908.
       Great falling off in the Movement of Emigration.

       As reported in a Press despatch from Rome, in June, 1909, the
       statistics of 1908 showed a marked falling off in Italian
       emigration. "In 1907 the total number of emigrants was
       704,675; in 1908 it was only 486,674. The most notable
       reduction is in the number of emigrants to the United States,
       which has fallen from 298,124 in 1907 to 131,501 in 1908. This
       chiefly affects Southern Italy, the Abruzzi, Campania,
       Calabria, Basilicata, and Sicily; the northern emigration,
       which for the most part is directed towards European
       countries, is also diminished, but in a less proportion.
       Unfortunately, this change is not due to more favourable
       labour conditions in Italy, but to a smaller demand for labour
       in North America. The number of emigrants to Argentina has
       slightly increased from 78,493 to 80,699; but the great market
       for Italian labour, the United States, is, to judge from the
       figures of this year as well as last year, surely and
       irretrievably growing smaller."

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: Peru: A. D. 1906.
       Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.

       The following decree was promulgated by President Pardo the
       10th of August, 1906:

       "First.
       The State will provide third-class passages for the natives of
       Europe and America who may wish to introduce industrial or
       private enterprises, provided that they fulfill the following
       conditions:

       (a) That they are from 16 to 50 years of age, if they
       are males, and from 10 to 40 if they are females, fulfilling
       the conditions of morality and health laid down in the rules
       now in force.

       (b) That they come to engage in agriculture, in mining,
       or in other industries, or to devote themselves to these
       occupations for account of colonization, immigration, or
       irrigation enterprises.

       "Second.
       The payment of the passages will be made through the consuls
       of the Republic in the ports of shipment in view of the orders
       cabled by the ministry of fomento, to which office must be
       presented in writing the request of the interested parties for
       such payment, indicating at the same time the number of
       immigrants, the agricultural estate or industrial
       establishment to which they are destined, and declaring
       themselves obliged to provide lodging, board, and medical
       attendance for the immigrants from the port of landing to the
       place of destination.

       "Third.
       The consuls of the Republic, on receipt of the order from the
       minister of fomento, shall make the payment of the passages to
       the steamer companies direct, with previous personal and
       individual evidence that the immigrants fulfill the conditions
       set forth in Article 1 of this decree, and for this purpose
       they shall give a certificate to each immigrant, which shall
       be collected by the maritime authorities of the port of
       landing and afterwards forwarded to the ministry of fomento.

       "Fourth.
       A general register of immigrants shall be opened in the
       agricultural section of the ministry of fomento, in accordance
       with the models and instructions obtained from that
       department."

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1868-1908.
       Chinese Exclusion Laws vs. Treaties with China.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1868-1900, and 1905-1908.

    IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: A. D. 1905-1909.
       National Conference of 1905.
       The New Immigration Law.
       Excluded Classes.
       Congressional Commission to investigate Immigration.
       Its Preliminary Report.
       Information for Immigrants.
       Measures for distributing them.
       Backward turn of the tide in 1908.

       At a National Conference on the subject of Immigration, held
       at New York in December, 1905, under the auspices of the
       National Civic Federation, the Commissioner-General of
       Immigration, Mr. Frank P. Sargent, presented some facts of the
       immigration of the preceding statistical year which claimed
       very grave consideration. During the twelve months ending June
       30 there had been 1,026,499 arrivals in this country, and of
       this number seven hundred and seventy-seven thousand, or 76
       per cent., settled in six States—New York, Pennsylvania,
       Massachusetts, Illinois, New Jersey, and Ohio. New York
       received over three hundred and fifteen thousand, while the
       West received only forty three thousand; Pennsylvania received
       over two hundred and ten thousand, while the South received
       only forty-six thousand. Fifty-seven thousand came to New
       Jersey, while North Carolina’s share was one hundred and
       eighty-three. These figures gave point to Mr. Sargent’s
       statement that the immigrants go where their friends are.
       Their only sources of information concerning this country are
       the agents of the transportation companies and their friends
       who have come here before. The resulting lack of knowledge
       concerning those parts of the country in which they are most
       needed is the chief cause of the congestion in the large
       cities and the more densely populated States which is one of
       the most serious aspects of the immigration problem.

       Nearly twelve thousand immigrants were refused admission
       during the year, of whom eight thousand were paupers, two
       thousand diseased, and one thousand brought in violation of
       the contract labour law. "It is right," said Mr. Sargent,
       "that they should be denied admission, wrong that they ever
       should have been started from home."

       In the new Immigration Law enacted by Congress in February,
       1907, provision was made for giving information to immigrants,
       after their landing in the country, such as may guide them in
       the choice of their place of settlement. It authorized the
       Commissioner-General of Immigration to establish a Division of
       Information, the duty of which shall be "to promote a
       beneficial distribution of aliens admitted into the United
       States among the several States and Territories desiring
       immigration." To which end "correspondence shall be had with
       the proper officials of the States and Territories, and said
       division shall gather from all available sources useful
       information regarding the resources, products, and physical
       characteristics of each State and Territory, and shall publish
       such information in different languages and distribute the
       publications among all admitted aliens who may ask for such
       information at the immigrant stations of the United States and
       to such other persons as may desire the same." Agents
       appointed by any State or Territory to represent to arriving
       immigrants the inducements it can offer to them are to have
       perfect freedom and opportunity to do so.

    {310}

       For checking the immigration of prohibited classes of aliens
       at the foreign starting-points of their journey to America,
       instead of at the landing places on this side of the ocean,
       the new law only lays more rigid restrictions and heavier
       penalties on the transportation companies, to make them
       exercise a more careful discrimination in their acceptance of
       passengers. It adds several classes to the former list of
       aliens to be excluded from admission to the United States. The
       list now reads: "All idiots, imbeciles, feeble-minded persons,
       epileptics, insane persons, and persons who have been insane
       within five years previous; persons who have had two or more
       attacks of insanity at any time previously; paupers; persons
       likely to become a public charge; professional beggars;
       persons afflicted with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or
       dangerous contagious disease; persons not comprehended within
       any of the foregoing excluded classes who are found to be and
       are certified by the examining surgeon as being mentally or
       physically defective, such mental or physical defect being of
       a nature which may affect the ability of such alien to earn a
       living; persons who have been convicted of or admit having
       committed a felony or other crime or misdemeanor involving
       moral turpitude; polygamists, or persons who admit their
       belief in the practice of polygamy, anarchists, or persons who
       believe in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence of
       the Government of the United States, or of all government, or
       of all forms of law, or the assassination of public officials:
       prostitutes, or women or girls coming into the United States
       for the purpose of prostitution or for any other immoral
       purpose; persons who procure or attempt to bring in
       prostitutes or women or girls for the purpose of prostitution
       or for any other immoral purpose,"—together with contract
       laborers, so called, assisted immigrants, and children under
       sixteen years of age unaccompanied by one or both of their
       parents.

       The new law created a Commission to investigate the subject of
       immigration and to report its findings and recommendations to
       Congress. The Commission to be composed of three Senators,
       three Representatives, and three persons to be appointed by
       the President. A preliminary report from this Commission was
       presented to Congress on the 1st of March, 1909. This
       indicated no more than the progress that had been made in a
       most exhaustive investigation, which probably would require
       the greater part of another year to carry it to completion. It
       was covering every phase of the immigration question,
       including Oriental aliens and other excluded classes, peonage,
       charity among immigrants, white slave traffic, conditions of
       steerage, anthropology, congestion in large cities, alien
       criminality, competition of immigrants, school inquiries,
       administration of the immigration laws, distribution of
       immigrants, and other questions. In its work the Commission
       had employed 198 persons, of whom 82 were in Washington, 2 in
       New York, 2 in San Francisco, 92 in field work, and 20 in
       special lines of inquiry.

       The preliminary report of the Commission indicates that the
       present provisions of law for the exclusion of undesirable
       persons are stronger in theory than they are effective in
       practice, and that thousands of very undesirable immigrants
       enter the country every year. The Commission expresses a
       confident expectation of finding means of prevention that will
       be effective. It is conducting an inquiry of great importance
       into the subject of alien criminality. The higher criminal
       courts of New York city are keeping records, at its request,
       in detail, of each person convicted of crime, and it is
       intended that a study of foreign-born criminals, and criminals
       of the second generation, will be made in that city. The
       investigation, however, is not confined to the larger cities.

       The Division of Information in the Department of Commerce and
       Labor which the new Immigration Law provided for was organized
       with Mr. Terence V. Powderly, former Commissioner-General of
       Immigration, as its Chief. In July, 1909, there was an
       announcement of its undertaking to bring about coöperation
       with the Governors of States and Territories, in organized
       measures to accomplish a better distribution through the
       country of the foreigners that come to it.

       Dr. L. Pierce Clark has lately called attention to the fact
       that the increase of immigration into the United States has
       reached the point of making the influx of aliens the principal
       source of population, and that "its character has changed so
       fundamentally that it has assumed an entirely new relation to
       American social problems. Up to 1900 the average annual
       immigration had not exceeded one-half of one per cent of the
       population of the United States, and the races which had made
       the first settlement in the country were still contributing
       more than 75 per cent. of the whole number of arrivals. By
       1901 the new immigration had fairly started, the English,
       Irish, German, and Scandinavian had been supplanted by
       Hebrews, Slavs, and Italians, and the impetus had been
       received which, four years later, was to carry immigration
       past the million-a-year mark. More than one-fifth of all the
       immigrants who have come to this country have arrived since
       1900, and, with the changed source of immigration, a
       remarkable transformation in the composition of our
       foreign-born population is in progress."

       The industrial depression of 1907, however, produced evidence
       that much of this later immigration has not been for permanent
       settlement; that the facilitation and cheapening of travel
       have brought about extensive movements of people, from
       southern and southeastern Europe, especially, who come to
       America only to earn and save a little fund which suffices for
       a comfortable remainder of life in their own land. The check
       to such earning which occurred in 1907 turned the tide of
       migration instantly back from America to Europe. According to
       statistics prepared by Mr. Watchorn, the late
       Commissioner-General of Immigration, the excess of departures
       over arrivals at the port of New York, in the half year from
       January 1 to July 1, 1908, was 129,511. In the whole fiscal
       year that ended June 30, 1908, the departures from New York
       were 631,458; the arrivals 689,474; showing the gain of
       population to the country that year from incomers through the
       port of New York to have been only 58,016, even if all became
       permanent inhabitants.

          See, also (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS, AND CANADA.

       ----------IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: End--------

    {311}

    IMPERIAL CONFERENCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    IMPERIAL PRESS CONFERENCE, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

    INCOME TAX:
       Proposed amendment to the U. S. Constitution.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RISING:
       Remittance of part of it by the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    INDEPENDENCE LEAGUE.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905, and
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.

    INDEPENDENCE PARTY, or KOSSUTH PARTY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904.

    INDEPENDENT FILIPINO CHURCH.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

    INDEPENDENT LABOR PARTY, BRITISH.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also,
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

    INDEPENDENTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    INDEPENDISTAS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    INDETERMINATE SENTENCES.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

       ----------INDIA: Start--------

    INDIA: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Ravages of the Bubonic Plague.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.

    INDIA: A. D. 1902-1904.
       Forced opening of Tibet to trade.
       The mission and expedition of Colonel Younghusband.

          See (in this Volume)
          TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

    INDIA: A. D. 1903.
       The question of Indian Labor in South Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903.

    INDIA: A. D. 1903 (January).
       Great Durbar at Delhi.

       A great Durbar or reception was held at Delhi, on the
       first of January, 1903, by the Viceroy and by the Duke and
       Duchess of Connaught, specially deputed to represent their
       majesties the Emperor and Empress of India. About 100 ruling
       chiefs were in attendance, and the visitors drawn by the
       spectacle were estimated to number 173,000.

    INDIA: A. D. 1903-1908.
       Hostility in the Transvaal to British Indian Immigration.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1908.

    INDIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
       Coöperative Industrial Movement.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: INDIA.

    INDIA: A. D. 1905 (April).
       Terrific earthquake in the Punjab and United Provinces.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.

    INDIA: A. D. 1905 (August).
       Resignation of Lord Curzon.

       Announcement of the resignation of the Viceroyalty by Lord
       Curzon was made August 21. The immediate cause of his action
       was understood to be the refusal of the Home Government to
       approve his nomination of an officer, General Barrow, whom he
       wished to have placed on the Viceroy’s Council. But friction
       between Lord Curzon and the Commander-in-Chief in India, Lord
       Kitchener, over questions of military administration and the
       authority belonging to their respective offices had been
       troublesome for some time past, and the Viceroy had seemed to
       regard the attitude of the government at home as more
       favorable to Lord Kitchener than to himself.

    INDIA: A. D. 1905 (August).
       Agreement concerning India between Great Britain and Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          Japan: A. D. 1905 (August).

    INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.
       The Starving Poverty of the Mass of the People.

       "Suppose we divide the past century into quarters, or periods
       of twenty-five years each. In the first quarter there were
       five famines, with an estimated loss of life of 1,000,000.
       During the second quarter of the century were two famines,
       with an estimated mortality of 500,000. During the third
       quarter there there were six famines, with a recorded loss of
       life of 5,000,000. During the last quarter of the century,
       what? Eighteen famines, with an estimated mortality reaching
       the awful totals of from 15,000,000 to 26,000,000. And this
       does not include the many more millions (over 6,000,000 in a
       single year) barely kept alive by government doles.

       "What is the cause of these famines, and this appalling
       increase in their number and destructiveness. The common
       answer is, the failure of the rains. But there seems to be no
       evidence that the rains fail worse now than they did a hundred
       years ago. Moreover, why should failure of rains bring famine?
       The rains have never failed over areas so extensive as to
       prevent the raising of enough food in the land to supply the
       needs of the entire population. Why then have people starved?
       … Because they were so indescribably poor. All candid and
       thorough investigation into the causes of the famines of India
       has shown that the chief and fundamental cause has been and is
       the poverty of the people,—a poverty so severe and terrible
       that it keeps the majority of the entire population on the
       very verge of starvation even in years of greatest plenty. …

       "And the people are growing poorer and poorer. The late Mr.
       William Digby, of London, long an Indian resident, in his
       recent book entitled, Prosperous India, shows from
       official estimates and Parliamentary and Indian Blue Books,
       that, whereas the average daily income of the people of India
       in the year 1850 was estimated as four cents per person (a
       pittance on which one wonders that any human being can live),
       in 1882 it had fallen to three cents per person and in 1900
       actually to less than two cents per person. Is it any wonder
       that people reduced to such extremities as this can lay up
       nothing? …

    {312}

       "One cause of India’s impoverishment is heavy taxation.
       Taxation in England and Scotland is high, so high that
       Englishmen and Scotchmen complain bitterly. But the people of
       India are taxed more than twice as heavily as the people of
       England and three times as heavily as those of Scotland.
       According to the latest statistics at hand, those of 1905, the
       annual average income per person in India is about $6.00,
       and the annual tax per person about $2.00. …

       "Notice the single item of salt-taxation. Salt is an absolute
       necessity to the people, to the very poorest; they must have
       it or die. But the tax upon it which for many years they have
       been compelled to pay has been much greater than the cost
       value of the salt. Under this taxation the quantity of salt
       consumed has been reduced actually to one-half the quantity
       declared by medical authorities to be absolutely necessary for
       health. …

       "Another cause of India’s impoverishment is the destruction of
       her manufactures, as the result of British rule. … Great
       Britain wanted India’s markets. She could not find entrance
       for British manufactures so long as India was supplied with
       manufactures of her own. So those of India must be sacrificed.
       England had all power in her hands, and so she proceeded to
       pass tariff and excise laws that ruined the manufactures of
       India and secured the market for her own goods.

       "A third cause of India’s impoverishment is the enormous and
       wholly unnecessary cost of her government. …

       "Another burden upon the people of India which they ought not
       to be compelled to bear, and which does much to increase their
       poverty, is the enormously heavy military expenses of the
       government. …

       "Perhaps the greatest of all the causes of the impoverishment
       of the Indian people is the steady and enormous drain of
       wealth from India to England, which has been going on ever
       since the East India Company first set foot in the land, three
       hundred years ago, and is still going on with steadily
       increasing Volume. … Says Mr. R. C. Dutt, author of the
       Economic History of India (and there is no higher
       authority), ‘A sum reckoned at twenty millions of English
       money, or a hundred millions of American money [some other
       authorities put it much higher], which it should be borne in
       mind is equal to half the net revenues of India, is remitted
       annually from this country [India] to England, without a
       direct equivalent.’"

          J. T. Sunderland,
          The New Nationalist Movement in India
          (Atlantic Monthly, October, 1908).

    INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Partition of Bengal.
       Resentment and Disaffection of the Bengalese.
       The Swadeshi Movement.
       Reported improvement of conditions in the new province of
       Eastern Bengal and Assam.

       The partition of Bengal, in October, 1905, one of the latest
       measures of Lord Curzon’s administration of the Government of
       India, gave rise to much native agitation and disaffection,
       and is still under criticism in England, but not likely to be
       undone. In the view of the Anglo-Indian Government the
       partition was a necessity, because of the magnitude of the
       province, in territory and population, which made the task of
       provincial administration too difficult. It was far the
       largest of the administrative divisions of British India,
       containing nearly a third of the Indian subjects of the
       English King. Assam, formerly joined with it, had been
       separated from it administratively in 1874, under a Chief
       Commissioner. Fifteen of the eastern districts of Bengal,
       adjacent to Assam, were now united with the latter to form a
       new province, called Eastern Bengal and Assam, and this
       disruption of the old province was resented very passionately
       by a large part of the Bengalese. They refused to believe the
       reasons given for the partition, but gave it an offensive
       explanation, which one of the native journals in Calcutta put
       briefly as follows: "The objects of the scheme are, briefly,
       first, to destroy the collective power of the Bengali people;
       secondly, to overthrow the political ascendency of Calcutta;
       and, thirdly, to foster in East Bengal the growth of a
       Mohammedan power which it is supposed will have the effect of
       keeping in check the rapidly growing strength of the educated
       Hindu community." In the official British view, on the other
       hand, the whole stir of Bengalese feeling was artfully wrought
       up for mischievous ends; but it is easier to believe that
       something in the nature of a historic sentiment of nationality
       was really hurt and angered by the partition. Yet Bengal
       cannot be said to have had anything that resembled a distinct
       national history for many centuries before it came under the
       rule of the British East India Company, in 1765. Nor had its
       name been precisely and continuously attached to any
       well-defined territory.

       Whatever the source of excited feeling may have been, however,
       it was ardent and persistent, especially in the educated
       class, and it gave a start to what received the name of the
       Swadeshi or national movement of hostility to all things
       English, directed mainly to the boycotting of English
       merchandise, and to the organization of efforts for promoting
       home production in all industrial fields. The Swadeshi
       movement soon spread beyond Bengal; but its stimulations have
       been centered there. The intensity of the feeling in Bengal
       was such that on the 16th of October, 1905, when the partition
       took effect, the Hindus of Calcutta put on mourning garments,
       suspended business and work, and vowed that its anniversaries
       should be memorial mourning days. Pupils in native schools
       became so offensive in their anti-English demonstrations that
       the Lieutenant-Governor of the new province, Sir Bampfylde
       Fuller, in February, 1906, unwisely requested the Calcutta
       University to disaffiliate two schools in the Pabna district,
       taking away the pecuniary aid they received. The request was
       disapproved by Lord Curzon’s successor in the Viceroyalty,
       Lord Minto, and rather than withdraw it the
       Lieutenant-Governor resigned.

       In the winter of 1909 the London Times sent a special
       correspondent into Eastern Bengal to study the results of the
       partition, so far as developed in three years. His
       observations and conclusions were communicated in a long,
       interesting letter from Dacca, February 15th. He wrote:

       "No one can visit the new province, and endeavour to inquire
       impartially into its condition before the ‘partition,’ without
       realizing that some administrative division of Bengal had
       become imperative. Until five years ago, Eastern Bengal was
       the ‘Cinderella’ of the provinces of India. Good
       administration stopped short on the line of the Ganges. Beyond
       that line officers were few, and the interest of the central
       authorities in their work and in the welfare of the people in
       their charge was comparatively limited. …
    {313}
       Land revenue administration was persistently neglected in the
       temporary settled tracts. Calcutta and its immediate vicinity,
       and the more accessible districts of Old Bengal, absorbed the
       greater part of the time and attention of the Bengal
       Government. Money was poured out upon Calcutta and its
       environs, and Eastern Bengal was financially starved. Very
       little was spent upon education, and the whole riverain region
       was most inadequately policed. Crime was far more rife in the
       southern districts of the province than in any other part of
       India. The peasantry groaned beneath the exactions of the
       representatives of absentee landlords, and they were left
       unregarded and unprotected. The whole province suffered
       because its rulers were immersed in the preoccupations of
       Calcutta. The very railways were constructed, not to serve the
       needs of these 30 millions of people, but to meet the
       requirements of the city on the Hughli. …

       "It is remarkable to note how, in the short space of three
       years, the old deplorable conditions of Eastern Bengal have
       already undergone a satisfactory process of modification. The
       province is no longer content to be dragged at the tail of Old
       Bengal. A new and independent provincial spirit is springing
       up. Eastern Bengal is beginning to recognize all that a
       separate existence means to it. Its Civil servants, from the
       Lieutenant-Governor downwards, take a pride in the great work
       of regeneration which has been entrusted to them. Their task
       is enormous, and the workers are far too few. They are like
       men who have been set to create a new colony out of a land of
       chaos. They have before them almost as formidable an
       undertaking as the making of modern Egypt, but it is an Egypt
       of green rice-fields with half-a-dozen Niles. …

       "The demand for higher education in Eastern Bengal is perhaps
       greater than in any other part of India. The admirable
       Government College at Dacca has now been provided with
       splendid buildings, begun, however, before the 'partition.'
       The whole province is being supplied with a set of colleges
       adequate to its needs. The staffs of the colleges are being
       augmented and their administration overhauled. The principal
       private colleges are also being assisted with liberal grants
       and transformed into institutions which will give a sound
       education. The exceptionally large number of 'high' English
       schools in Eastern Bengal had also been greatly neglected,
       both those under the Government and those in private hands.
       All are now being improved, and are receiving liberal
       assistance. …

       "Another important task undertaken by the new Government is
       that of conducting an elaborate survey and framing a Record of
       Rights in the zemindari tracts which constitute the bulk of
       the province. The undertaking was devised before the
       ‘partition,’ but it has been expedited by the change. It is an
       extraordinary thing that in all these permanently settled
       areas there has been hitherto no record and no map. The
       consequence was that the cultivators were constantly bullied
       and harassed by the agents of the absentee zemindars, and were
       never able to feel any reasonable security of tenure of the
       land they tilled. Land disputes were incessant, and were
       constantly accompanied by loss of life. In the Backergunge
       district, the most turbulent area in India, there were
       frequent riots, of which murders were an almost invariable
       feature. Since the framing of the Record of Rights in
       Backergunge this class of crime has already decreased by 50
       per cent.

       "I have yet to meet anybody, English or Indian, who can tell
       me in what respect the ‘partition’ has injured a single living
       soul; while one has only to visit this province, invigorated
       with new life and inspired by new aspirations, to realize the
       benefits the severance has conferred upon millions of
       neglected people. To alter or to modify it now would be
       suicidal folly; it would be worse, for it would be a criminal
       blunder. It would not placate the wordy ‘patriots’ of
       Calcutta, who have used the ‘partition’ as a rallying cry for
       lack of a better grievance; and it would alienate the 18
       millions of backward Mahomedans in the province who have
       placed their alliance in British honour and British pledges.
       The Nawab of Dacca, with whom I had a long conversation on the
       subject, declared that any attempt to meddle with the
       ‘partition’—an attempt he still seemed to fear was
       possible—would produce the most deplorable results among his
       co-religionists. … Nor is there the slightest need for change
       or modification. The ‘partition’ is already thrice justified
       in the eyes of all men, save only a few malcontent members of
       Parliament who know nothing of present conditions in Bengal.
       Even in Calcutta the outcry, which was always less against the
       fact of the ‘partition’ than against the motive which the
       Bengalis erroneously believed to have prompted it, has long
       ago died away. Yet, justifiable and necessary though the
       ‘partition’ was, it remains to be added that, apart from its
       complex administrative problems, Eastern Bengal will never be
       a very easy province to control. The high-caste Hindus, the
       Brahmins, the Baidyas, and the Kayasths—the Brahmins and the
       lesser Brahmins,—rule the roast, and it will be long years
       before the teeming millions of Mahometan cultivators emerge
       from their depressed condition. The few Mahomedan families who
       can claim noble birth are decadent and disappearing. The
       Hindus have absorbed their lands, the clever lawyers have
       converted themselves into rich landowners. It is from the
       ranks of these high-caste Hindus that are drawn the members of
       the revolutionary societies to which I alluded in a
       telegraphic despatch sent from this city yesterday. These
       classes show a persistent and increasing spirit of hostility
       to the British Raj which no amount of conciliatory measures
       will overcome. It is impossible to move about the province and
       to converse with the men who know it best without feeling that
       the situation is full of dangerous possibilities. The men of
       Eastern Bengal are more courageous, more determined, more
       persistent than their compatriots in Old Bengal; and the
       better classes of Hindus have qualities which are not easily
       discernible in the Calcutta babu. They approach more
       nearly to the spirit of the Mahrattas of the Deccan than any
       other section of the people on this side of India. It is a
       significant fact that most of the prisoners now under trial at
       Alipur in connexion with the anarchist conspiracy came from
       Eastern Bengal. But even as one writes one realizes how
       difficult it is to generalize in this country of startling
       paradox.
    {314}
       Yesterday, in Dacca, 200 Hindu pundits assembled to present a
       Sanscrit address to the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Lancelot
       Hare. Many of them had come long distances. They were all old
       men with great nobility of countenance, some with long beards,
       others with the face of the Cæsars. And at the conclusion of
       the ceremony each kindly and venerable scholar advanced, and
       with great dignity presented the Lieutenant-Governor with a
       rose. From the bombs of last week to the roses of yesterday,
       what a gulf lies between the two!"

    INDIA: A. D. 1907.
       Hostility in Western Canada to Hindu Laborers.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

    INDIA: A. D. 1907 (December).
       Meeting and Resolution of the All-India Moslem League.
       Mahomedan loyalty to the British Government.
       A new factor in Indian politics.

       "On December 30th last a Mahomedan Conference, in session at
       Dacca, the capital of the newly-created Province of Eastern
       Bengal, departing absolutely from its traditions, openly
       discussed the question of the protection of Mahomedan
       interests from a political standpoint, and finally carried
       unanimously a motion for the formation of an ‘All-India Moslem
       League’ to promote among the Mahomedans of India feelings of
       loyalty to the British Government, and to remove any
       misconceptions that may arise as to the intentions of
       Government with regard to any of its measures; to protect and
       to advance the political rights and interests of the
       Mahomedans of India, and respectfully to represent their needs
       and aspirations to Government, and to prevent the rise among
       Mahomedans in India of any feelings of hostility towards other
       communities, without prejudice to the other objects of the
       League. A strong Provisional Committee was formed, with power
       to add to its number, and the joint secretaries appointed were
       the Nawabs Vicar-ul-mulk and Mohsin-ul-mulk, two of the most
       important members of the Mahomedan community in India and men
       of great intellectual capacity. The Committee was charged to
       frame a constitution within a period of four months, and
       further to convene a meeting of Indian Mahomedans at a
       suitable time and place to lay the constitution before such
       meeting for final approval and adoption. The Rubicon has been
       crossed; the Mahomedans of India have forsaken the shades of
       retirement for the political arena; henceforth a new factor in
       Indian politics has to be reckoned with."

          E. E. Lang,
          The All-India Moslem League
          (Contemporary Review, September, 1907).

    INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
       The Outbreak of Anarchism.
       Summary Measures of Suppression.

       The native disaffection in Bengal which became anarchistic in
       its violence in 1907, and which perpetrated a number of
       murders before it was suppressed, culminated on the 10th of
       February, 1909, in the assassination of a prominent native
       lawyer, Ashutosh Biswas, who had taken part in the prosecution
       of some of the anarchists. Writing of that crime, from
       Calcutta, a special correspondent of the London Times,
       who had been pursuing an investigation of the terrorist
       conspiracy from its beginning, gave an extended account of
       what he had learned, part of which is given in the following:

       "All that can be said with certainty is that the gospel of
       violence, the creed which advocates the use of any form of
       force against the British, is Mahratta in its origin; but so
       far it is the Bengalis alone who have put it into practice. It
       was conceived in Poona, which city has always continued to
       inspire and direct it; it was transferred to Baroda, where it
       flourished in secret among a limited circle; and it was
       transplanted to Calcutta, where it grew apace, somewhere
       between the years 1902 and 1904. Certain classes of Bengalis,
       who are all adepts at intrigue, took up the new idea with
       enthusiasm; but not all who knocked were admitted to the inner
       circle. The real conspirators were still probably few in
       number when the ‘partition’ of Bengal gave the politicians
       their opportunity. The anarchists were furious at the
       partition agitation. They were quite content that less
       militant persons should prepare the ground for them, by
       preaching to the people of the iniquities of the British Raj;
       but they were reluctant to see the popular mind actively
       diverted to such minor issues as swadeshi and the
       boycott. The extermination of the British was their one and
       only aim.

       "However, as the Congress politicians had succeeded in
       arousing intense excitement about the partition, the anarchist
       gang sought to turn the situation to their own advantage. …
       Recruits were, however, only gradually admitted into the inner
       ring; and there were many people who associated with the
       anarchists, and sometimes furnished them with funds, who never
       took part in their operations. Propaganda formed a prominent
       feature of the anarchists’ work. In this department the worst
       types of seditious journals, which have now disappeared,
       played a great part. Such newspapers as the Yugantar
       started ‘messes’ and ‘hostels,’ to which subscribers,
       particularly those residing up-country, were invited to come
       free of charge. They stayed for a day or two, heard the new
       gospel preached, and then made way for others. …

       "The existence of this considerable organization was not
       really suspected by the police until after the attempt to
       wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s train in December, 1907. Some of the
       anarchists were under suspicion, and were being watched as
       notoriously disaffected persons, but even the shooting of Mr.
       B. C. Allen, District Magistrate of Dacca, in the same month,
       did not reveal the conspiracy. The police were, however, on
       the right track; and a couple of days after two unfortunate
       ladies had been killed by a bomb at Muzaffarpur, on April 30,
       1908, they acted. At a house in Calcutta, and in a garden on
       the outskirts, large seizures of bombs, explosives, and
       revolvers were made and about 30 alleged anarchists were
       arrested. Other arrests followed. The famous Manicktollah
       garden was the principal scene of anarchist activity. It is so
       secluded that one wonders it was ever discovered. Far on the
       confines of Calcutta, through a network of mean huts beneath
       waving palms, a series of winding paths leads to a couple of
       mouldering gate-pillars innocent of any gate. Within, under
       shady trees, stands a small building in the last stage of
       disrepair. It is mean and dirty and squalid, the true squalor
       of anarchism. If it is only in such a spot that any movement
       can be hatched for the overthrow of the British Raj, then the
       British Raj is safe for a long time.

    {315}

       "The prisoners were taken to the Alipur Gaol, and their trial
       was commenced at the Alipur Police Court. I visited the Court
       one day—I think it was the seventieth day of the trial—and
       marvelled afresh. They were ranged in rows, about 50 men, all
       young, all huddled together and squatting on their haunches.
       The only man among them with an intellectual face was Arabindo
       Ghose, the alleged leader, who sat in a far corner. He has the
       face of a dreamer, as indeed he is, and with his long hair and
       short beard might very well pass for a certain type of
       artistic Frenchman. Whether he be guilty or not is no affair
       of mine, but his record excites pity. He went to England with
       brilliant gifts and high hopes, and he had a distinguished
       career at school and University. But men who profess to know
       say that he had more than the ordinary share of the rough and
       tumble of juvenile life amidst alien and often thoughtless
       comrades, and that those years were made thoroughly unhappy
       for him. When at last, after he had passed for the Civil
       Service, he was rejected because he could not pass the
       horsemanship test, one can perhaps understand that a man of
       his temperament returned to India with black rage and despair
       at his heart. But his associates seemed to be mere boys,
       haggard, wild looking youths of a peculiarly low physical
       type."

       The trial of the prisoners described above, at Alipur,
       resulted in the condemnation of two to death, six to
       transportation for life, one to imprisonment for life, and
       five to imprisonment for terms ranging from one to ten years.
       The remainder, including the alleged leader, Arabindo Ghose,
       were acquitted. With the sanction of Lord Morley, the
       Secretary for India, summary measures were taken to silence
       the seditious journalism and speech which took a terroristic
       tone and instigated crime. Loud protests against these
       measures were called out in England, and one hundred and
       forty-six Liberal, Labor, and Irish Members of Parliament
       addressed a note in May last to the Prime Minister, asking his
       attention to "the fact that ever since the 8th December last
       nine British subjects in India have been deported from their
       homes and detained in prison without having been charged with
       any offence or informed even of the grounds of suspicion
       entertained against them by the Government of India. Some of
       them are admitted to be men of high character. None are
       alleged to have been previously convicted of any crime. Under
       these circumstances," said the writers, "we may venture to
       make an urgent appeal to you that they may be either brought
       to trial or set at liberty."

       In his reply Mr. Asquith said: "Such an appeal is perfectly
       natural, and I am not surprised to find that it is widely and
       influentially supported. Deportation without trial as a method
       of dealing with political agitation must necessarily be
       repugnant to Englishmen, and to no one has the necessity of
       resorting to such a measure been more repugnant than to Lord
       Morley. When, however, I am appealed to on behalf of the
       persons so deported, I must ask you and those who are acting
       with you to bear in mind that deportation has been resorted to
       for the sole purpose of preserving the country from grave
       internal commotion. It is a preventive not a punitive measure,
       and the responsibility for fixing the period of detention
       must, therefore, rest with those who are charged with the
       arduous and anxious duty of maintaining order in India.

       "The Secretary of State and the Government of India are, I
       submit, the only possible judges of the circumstances which
       may warrant the release or the further detention of the
       persons deported, and the decision is one which, in my
       view—and I hope that you and your co-signatories may find
       yourselves in agreement with me—may be left with absolute
       confidence in their hands.

       "It is particularly necessary at a moment when a great
       extension of popular representative elements in Indian
       administration has just been sanctioned by Parliament that
       none of the various forms of anarchical violence should be
       tolerated, and that no lawful instrument for suppressing them
       should be discarded."

       One of the trials for seditious journalism which caused most
       excitement throughout India did not arise from publications in
       Bengal, but in Bombay. The accused was Bal Gangadhar Tilak, a
       Brahmin, professor of law and mathematics, who conducted a
       native paper called the Mahratta. The specific charge
       against him was that in his newspaper he had urged the people
       to demand the restoration of the old Shiwaji religious
       festivals and, if it was refused, to throw bombs until it was
       granted. The government contended that he had not incited the
       people to violence in overt words, but by subtle insinuations
       and unmistakable innuendo. At his trial in July, 1908, he
       spoke in his own defence, with great ability, for five days.
       He was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for six years.

    INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.
       Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
       The recent Movements of Discontent.
       Their Character, Causes, and Meaning.
       Hindu and Moslem feeling.
       English attitude.
       The Past of British Government and its Fruits.
       Neglect of Education and Political Training.
       Slight Organization of Local Self-Government.
       The Governed not taken into the confidence of the Government.
       Is Democracy forbidden to Asiatic peoples?

       The political disaffection in India which has been expressing
       itself violently within the last few years, not only in
       seditious speech and print, but in the manner of the Russian
       terrorists, with bombs and other instruments of anarchy and
       assassination, was not started by the Bengal Partition and the
       resentments which that measure gave rise to, but those gave a
       fresh and strong impulse to feelings that had been in
       fermentation for some time. Behind that immediate impulse was,
       undoubtedly, a much stronger one, which came from the
       startling revelation of the Russo-Japanese War, that one
       Asiatic people, at least, could outfight one, at least, of the
       proud and domineering Powers of Europe, and outdo them all in
       a practical handling of the boasted "Science of the West."
       Torpid energies and sleeping ambitions were pricked in India
       by the amazing triumph of the Japanese, as they were elsewhere
       throughout the East; and it is since 1905 that the demand of
       the Hindus for a political life of their own has taken a tone
       which commands the ear of all open-minded and generous
       Englishmen, like John Morley, and draws from them the response
       they are now trying to make.

    {316}

       So far as it is a demand for an Independent Indian Empire,
       with the whole fabric of British rule swept away, it comes
       manifestly from nothing that has weight or force in India
       itself. Probably no Hindu who could make intelligent use of
       political freedom ever dreams of the present possibility of a
       nationalized India, in which the 200,000,000 of his own race
       and creed and the 60,000,000 of Mohammedans (saying nothing of
       the added millions of other lineages and other faiths) would
       be peaceful fellow citizens, administering the institutions of
       self-government in harmony together. The Moslems, at least,
       are under no illusion as to what would happen if the
       incongruous elements of the enormous population of India were
       left politically to themselves, under the conditions that now
       exist. In 1908, when that idea seemed to be growing in Hindu
       thought, they organized an "All-India Moslem League,"
       avowedly, as declared by the Nawab of Dacca, "to save
       themselves from being submerged by an enormous and noisy
       majority of the other race." "The safety of the Mohammedans,"
       said the president of the conference, "lay in loyalty to the
       government; they must be prepared to fight for the government
       if necessary." Thus British rule in its present form has the
       Moslem dread of Hindu ascendency to give it a substantial
       support, even though the Hindus outnumber the Moslems by more
       than three to one. In thinking power, the Hindu is perhaps the
       higher type of man; but the blood of the Afghan and Mongol
       conquerors of Hindustan must have transmitted more of
       political as well as military energy to the Moslems of the
       present day. The Hindu mind is too mystically metaphysical for
       the politics of a world that is dominated by its least
       metaphysical minds.

       But the higher intelligence of the Hindus appears to agree
       with that of the Moslems in understanding that India is in no
       present condition for taking its political fortunes into its
       own hands. The really intelligent classes have been making it
       plain, however, that they do want a more effective
       participation in the management of their own affairs than has
       been allowed to them hitherto, and it is the claim of that
       class which Lord Morley and his colleagues in the British
       Government are acknowledging and aiming to satisfy. It seems
       to have been generally and fairly represented in the great
       conventions assembled annually for many years past, under the
       name of the "Indian National Congress," an unofficial
       Congress, possessing no authority, but exercising an influence
       that has increased. Its character was described a few years
       ago in one of the American reviews by a writer who said that
       he had watched it from its birth:

       "The Indian National Congress," he wrote, "is avowedly
       national in its name and scope. The Provincial Congresses
       which meet in every province for the discussion of provincial
       matters, unite together in a National Congress, which is
       annually held at a chosen centre, for the furtherance and
       discussion of national interests. A Congress consists of from
       five hundred to one thousand of the political leaders of all
       parts of India, comprising representatives of noble families,
       landowners, members of local Boards and municipalities,
       honorary magistrates, fellows of universities, and
       professional men, such as engineers, bankers, merchants,
       shopkeepers, journalists, lawyers, doctors, priests and
       college professors. The delegates are able to act in concert
       and to declare in no uncertain accents the common public
       opinion of the multitude of whom they are the mouthpiece. They
       are as representative in regard to religion as to rank and
       profession; Hindus, Parsis, Mohammedans and Christians have in
       turn presided.

       "The deliberations are marked by acumen and moderation. The
       principal items of their propaganda constitute a practical
       programme displaying insight and sagacity, and covering most
       of the political and economic problems of the Indian Empire. I
       take it upon myself to say, as a watchful eye-witness from its
       birth, that the Indian National Congress has discharged its
       duties with exemplary judgment and moderation."

          Sir Henry Cotton,
          The New Spirit in India
          (North American Review, November, 1906).

       The meeting of this Indian Congress in 1908 was held at Madras
       on the 27th of December, not long after Lord Morley had
       explained his plan for the enlargement of the Legislative
       Councils in India and for the election of a certain number of
       their members by popular vote. In the address of the President
       of the Congress, Dr. Rash Bihari Ghose, the proposed reforms
       were discussed at length, and welcomed with warmth, as going
       near, apparently, to satisfying the claims of the majority of
       those represented in the Congress. "We are now," said the
       speaker, "on the threshold of a new era. An important chapter
       has been opened in the history of the relations between Great
       Britain and India—a chapter of constitutional reform which
       promises to unite the two countries together in closer bonds
       than ever. A fair share in the Government of our own country
       has now been given to us. The problem of reconciling order
       with progress, efficient administration with the satisfaction
       of aspirations encouraged by our rulers themselves, which
       timid people thought was insoluble, has at last been solved.
       The people of India will now be associated with the Government
       in the daily and hourly administration of their affairs. A
       great step forward has thus been taken in the grant of
       representative government for which the Congress had been
       crying for years. … We do not know what the future destiny of
       India may be. We can see only as through a glass darkly. But
       of this I am assured, that on our genuine co-operation with
       the British Government depend our future progress and the
       development of a fuller social and political life. Of this
       also I am assured, that the future of the country is now in a
       large measure in our own hands."

       At about the same time the All-India Moslem League held its
       meeting at Amritsar, and gave an equally hearty welcome to the
       principle of the proposed reforms, but appealed against the
       mode of election contemplated, which might be to the
       disadvantage of the Moslem minority. In the address of the
       President, Mr. Ali Imam, he said: "It is impossible for
       thoughtful men to approach the subject without regard to the
       pathetic side of the present situation.
    {317}
       It is the liberalism of the great British nation that has
       taught Indians, through the medium of English education, to
       admire democratic institutions, to hold the rights of the
       people sacred above all rights and to claim for their voice
       first place in the government of the country. The mind of
       close upon three generations of the educated classes in the
       land has been fed on the ideas of John Stuart Mill, Milton,
       Burke, Sheridan and Shelley, has been filled with the great
       lessons obtainable from chapters of the constitutional history
       of England and has been influenced by inexpressible
       considerations arising out of the American War of
       Independence, the relation of Great Britain with her Colonies,
       and last, though not least, the grant of Autonomy to the Boers
       after their subjugation at an enormous sacrifice of men and
       money. The bitterest critic of the educated Indian will not
       hold him to blame for his present state of mind. It is the
       English who have carefully prepared the ground and sown the
       seed that has germinated into what some of them are now
       disposed to consider to be noxious weed. It will be a dwarfed
       imagination however that will condemn the educational policy
       of the large-hearted and liberal-minded Englishmen who laid
       its foundation in this country. Those who inaugurated it aimed
       at raising the people to the level where co-operation and good
       understanding between the rulers and the ruled are possible.
       Under the circumstances, the desire of the educated Indian to
       take a prominent part in the administration of his country is
       neither unnatural nor unexpected. …

       "The best sense of the country recognizes the fact that the
       progress of India rests on the maintenance of order and
       internal peace, and that order and internal peace in view of
       the conditions obtaining in our country at present and for a
       very long time to come, immeasurably long time to come, spell
       British occupation. British occupation not in the thin and
       diluted form in which Canada, Australia and South Africa stand
       in relation to England, but British occupation in the sense in
       which our country has enjoyed internal peace during the last
       50 years. Believe me that as long as we have not learnt to
       overcome sectarian aggressiveness, to rise above prejudices
       based on diversity of races, religions and languages, and to
       alter the alarming conditions of violent intellectual
       disparity among the peoples of India, so long British
       occupation is the principal element in the progress of the
       country. The need of India is to recognize that true
       patriotism lies in taking measure of the conditions existing
       in fact, and devoting one’s self to amelioration. … The creed
       of the All-India Muslim League is cooperation with the Rulers,
       coöperation with our non-Muslim countrymen and solidarity
       amongst ourselves. This is our idea of United India."

       These expressions from prominent leaders of the two principal
       races of India are quite in accord with the judgment of
       liberal-minded Englishmen, as to the present duty of their
       government to the people of this great Asiatic Dependency.
       They are quite in accord with the judgment that has dictated
       the measure undertaken by the present British Government. They
       recognize that the relation which England bears to India,
       however unjustifiable in its origin it may be, is one that
       cannot be suddenly changed without great danger and certain
       harm. As Goldwin Smith has said:

       "To attempt to strike the balance between the advantages and
       disadvantages of British rule in India would be to enter into
       a boundless controversy. Foreign rule in itself must always be
       an evil. India was rescued by Great Britain from murderous and
       devastating anarchy. Though at the time she was plundered by
       official corruption of a good deal of the wealth which, being
       poor though gorgeous, she could ill afford to lose, she has
       since enjoyed general peace and order; both, we may be sure,
       to a far greater extent than she otherwise would have done.
       The deadly enmity between her races and religions has been
       controlled and assuaged. …

       "It does not appear that there is any considerable migration
       from the provinces directly under British dominion to those
       which are under native rule. The people, no doubt, are
       generally fixed to their habitations by poverty and difficulty
       of movement; still, if they greatly preferred the native rule,
       a certain amount of migration to it there would probably be.
       That the masses of India in general are miserably poor cannot
       be denied. The question is, whether under the Mogul Emperors
       they were better off. … The population has vastly increased,
       and its increase may in some measure account for dearth. With
       regard to fiscal and commercial questions, it may safely be
       said that, at all events in late years, there has been no
       disposition on England’s part to do anything but justice to
       India.

       "India’s complaints, speaking generally, seem to be of things
       inseparable from foreign rule, the withdrawal of which would
       be the only remedy. But suppose British rule withdrawn from
       India, what would follow? Is there anything ready to take its
       place? would not the result be anarchy, such as prevailed when
       England came upon the scene, or a struggle for ascendency
       between the Mahometan and the Hindoo, with another battle of
       Paniput? Suppose the Mahometan, stronger in spirit though
       weaker in numbers, to prevail, would his ascendency be more
       beneficial and less galling to the Hindoo than is that of the
       English Sahib?"

          Goldwin Smith,
          British Empire in India
          (North American Review, September 7, 1906).

       Of the ultimate possibilities of a nationalized unification of
       the mighty masses of population in the vast peninsula, there
       can, perhaps, be as much or more said hopefully as against the
       hope. A writer who believes that there may be an independent
       India has put an outline of the argument, pro and con, in
       these few following words:

       "India, we are almost tired of hearing, is as large as Europe,
       putting aside Russia and Scandinavia, with as great a
       population, as many diverse and heterogeneous nationalities,
       differing from each other in language, in custom, in religion,
       and in everything that makes for individuality; and we might
       as well speak of the Indian nation as the European nation. …
       To this contention Young India opposes the most emphatic
       contradiction. India is a nation, a people, a country: its
       interests and aspirations are one and unique. Railways,
       telegraphs, post-office, the Press, education, knowledge of
       English, have welded into one harmonious whole all the
       manifold centrifugal forces of its vast area.
    {318}
       Young India will quote Switzerland as an example of a country
       with several languages and two conflicting religions, and yet
       undoubtedly constituting a nation. If the only tongue in which
       the Madrassi and the Bengali can communicate is English, so
       let it be. It is sufficient that a medium of communication
       exists. And it does exist. The educated Indian speaks and
       writes in English as easily as in his own mother-tongue. It is
       in English that the most vehement tirades against British
       rule, whether printed, spoken, or dealt with in private
       correspondence, are hurled across the land. Politically
       speaking, Lahore is a suburb of Calcutta. The fact cannot be
       gainsaid and must be reckoned with. India, as a whole, as a
       political unit, has found a voice. There is a national India,
       as there is not a national Europe."

          E. C. Cox,
          Banger in India
          (Nineteenth Century, December, 1908).

       This view recognizes, as was recognized in the address of the
       President of the All-India Moslem League, quoted above, that
       English rule and English influence have done much towards
       preparing both the country and the people for the
       self-government to which the latter are now beginning to
       aspire. It must be said, however, that most of this
       preparation has been casually consequent on policies that had
       no such deliberate intent. Until quite late years there is
       little sign to be seen in British Indian policy of a thought
       of developing opportunity and capability in the people to
       become more than valuable customers and docile wards. While
       India was in the hands of a commercial company it was managed,
       naturally, like an imperial estate, with strictly economic
       objects in view. Even then there was wisely economic
       consideration given to the general welfare of the people; but
       it was welfare as seen from the estate-owners' standpoint. The
       proprietary government did many things for its subjects and
       servants; bettered their conditions in many ways; added
       greatly to the equipment of their lives; but it did very
       little, if anything, toward putting them in the way of
       bettering things for themselves. It contemplated nothing for
       India but the perpetuity of its management as an imperial
       estate, entailed in the possession of a proprietary race.

       The taking of this imperial estate from company management
       into national management has not seemed hitherto to alter the
       business nature of its administration very much. Its many
       millions of inhabitants have been better governed and better
       cared for, without doubt; but the idea of benevolence to them
       has never been much enlarged beyond the idea of an honestly
       good overseeing care. Institutions have been provided or
       encouraged for the educating of a class among them which could
       be of useful assistance in the caretaking of the mass; but
       common education for the mass, to qualify them better for the
       care of themselves, received scant attention till 25 years
       ago. In the very explanation that is often given of the
       present discontent in India there is an impeachment of the
       past treatment of the country by its able and powerful
       masters. It is said that the educated Hindus find no
       satisfying career for themselves outside of the service of the
       government, and that an increasingly large class in excess of
       the openings which that service can afford has been educated
       in recent years; that, consequently, the swelling crowd of
       disappointed place-seekers, whose intelligence and ambition
       have been whetted in the higher schools and colleges of the
       Indian Empire, are the disturbers of public content. After a
       century and a half of supreme British influence and power in
       India, there ought to have been more and better openings of
       opportunity for educated young Hindus than through the doors
       of public office. There would have been if the development of
       country and people had been conducted with more reference to
       their benefit, and with less close attention to the interests
       of British trade.

       Since 1882-1883 there has been more endeavor to establish and
       assist native primary schools; but the percentage of
       population that they reach is small. The statistics given in
       an official "Statement exhibiting the Moral and Material
       Progress and Condition of India during the year 1905-1906"
       make the following showing:

       Provinces.                   Number of        Number of
                                    Institutions     Pupils
       Bengal                          43,996        1,232,278
       United Provinces                15,708          576,336
       Punjab                           3,762          211,464
       Burma                           20,996          385,214
       Central Provinces                3,090          209,680
       Eastern Bengal and Assam        21,790          722,371
       Coorg                              116            4,666
       North West Frontier Province     1,087           28,496
       Madras Presidency               28,258          918,880
       Bombay and Sind Presidency      13,865          736,209
       Total                          152,668        5,025,594

       Except in the Punjab and in Eastern Bengal and Assam these
       figures include both public and private institutions of
       education, of all grades, from primary schools to colleges.
       All institutions in which the course of instruction conforms
       to standards prescribed by the Department of Education or by
       the University, and which either undergo inspection by the
       Department or present pupils at public examinations, are
       classed as "public," but may be under either public or private
       management. While the schools and colleges seem numerous, it
       will be seen that they average but 33 pupils each, and give
       teaching to a slender fraction of the children of the
       294,000,000 of people under British rule. In the report from
       which we quote the proportion of pupils to the estimated
       population of school-going age is given as 28.4 per cent. of
       boys and 2.9 per cent. of girls in Bengal; 8.06 per cent. of
       boys and 0.96 per cent. of girls in the United Provinces; 21.8
       per cent. of boys and 1.8 of girls in the Central Provinces;
       28.2 per cent, of boys and 2.9 per cent. of girls in Eastern
       Bengal and Assam; 29 per cent. of boys and 5.4 per cent. of
       girls in Madras; 31.8 per cent. of boys and 6 per cent of
       girls in Bombay. The total expenditure on education, from all
       sources, including fees, was £735,043 in Bengal (increased to
       £830,415 in 1907-1908); £441,421 in the United Provinces
       (increased to £491,723 in 1907-1908); £331,038 in the Punjab;
       £218,445 in Burma; £145,389 in the Central Provinces; £318,788
       in Eastern Bengal and Assam; £624,602 in the Madras Presidency
       (increased to £712,740 in 1907-1908); £685,444 in the Presidency
       of Bombay (increased to £756,168 in 1907-1908). Total in 1905-1906,
       £3,500,170. Education in British India cannot be made wide or
       deep on expenditure of this scale.

    {319}

       Education in the literary meaning, then, was tardily
       undertaken and is very limited yet in its extent. Quite as
       tardy, and quite as scant in the measure until John Morley got
       the handling of it, has been the political training that
       England,—greatest of political teachers as she has been for
       the world at large,—has allowed her Indian subjects to
       receive. It must not be understood that nothing of
       self-government has been conceded hitherto to these people.
       The exact measure of their participation in the management of
       their own public affairs, and the period within which they
       have exercised it, are described in the official "Statement
       exhibiting the Moral and Material Progress and Condition of
       India" from which the above exhibit of educational
       institutions is taken. The following is quoted partly from the
       "Statement" of 1905-1906 and partly from the later one of 1907-1908:

       "Local self-government, municipal and rural, in its present
       form, is essentially a product of British rule. Beginning in
       the Presidency towns, the principle made little progress until
       1870, when it was expressly recognised by Lord Mayo’s
       Government that ‘local interest, supervision, and care are
       necessary to success in the management of funds devoted to
       education, sanitation, medical charity, and local public
       works.’ The result was a gradual advance in local
       self-government, leading up to the action taken by Lord
       Ripon’s Government in 1883-1884, and to various provincial Acts
       passed about that time, which form the basis of the provincial
       systems at present in force. Municipal committees now exist in
       most places having any pretension to importance, and have
       charge of municipal business generally, including the care and
       superintendence of streets, roads, fairs and markets, open
       spaces, water supply, drainage, education, hospitals, and the
       like. Local and district boards have charge of local roads,
       sanitary works, education, hospitals, and dispensaries in
       rural districts. A large proportion of their income is
       provided by provincial rates. Bodies of port trustees have
       charge of harbour works, port approaches, and pilotage. There
       is also a smaller number of non-elective local bodies
       discharging similar duties in towns other than constituted
       municipalities, and in cantonments.

       "The municipal bodies exist, raise funds, and exercise powers
       under enactments which provide separately for the special
       requirements of each province and of the three presidency
       capitals, Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras. In the municipalities
       as a whole about half of the members are elected by the
       townsfolk under legal rules; in every town some, and in a few
       minor towns all, of the members are appointed by the
       Government. In almost every municipal body one or more
       Government officials sit as members. The number of Indian and
       non-official members, however, in every province, largely
       exceeds the number of Europeans and officials. The municipal
       bodies are subject to Government control in so far that no new
       tax can be imposed, no loan can be raised, no work costing
       more than a prescribed sum can be undertaken, and no serious
       departure from the sanctioned budget for the year can be made,
       without the previous sanction of the Government; and no rules
       or bye-laws can be enforced without similar sanction and full
       publication.

       "There were 746 municipalities at the end of 1907-1908,
       containing within their limits over 16 million people or 7 per
       cent. of the total population. Generally speaking, the income
       of municipalities is small. In 1907-1908 their aggregate income
       amounted to £3,910,000, excluding loans, sales of securities,
       and other extraordinary receipts. About 40 per cent. of the
       total is provided by Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, and Rangoon. …

       "The interest in municipal elections, and in municipal affairs
       generally, is not usually keen, save in a few cities and large
       towns; but, as education and knowledge advance, interest in
       the management of local affairs gradually increases. In most
       provinces municipal work is fairly well done, and municipal
       responsibilities are, on the whole, faithfully discharged,
       though occasional shortcomings and failures occur. The
       tendency of local bodies, especially in the smaller towns, is
       to be slow in imposing additional taxes, in adopting sanitary
       reforms, and in incurring new expenditure. Many members of
       municipal bodies are diligent in their attendance, whether at
       meetings for business or on benches for the decision of petty
       criminal cases."

       The elected members of these municipal committees number less
       than five thousand. This, therefore, is the extent of the
       class in the whole of British India, which now receives an
       elementary political training. Nothing more is needed for
       proving that India cannot possibly be prepared for independent
       self-government.

       In a memorable speech made by Lord Macaulay in 1833 he
       predicted a time when England’s Indian subjects might demand
       English institutions, and exclaimed: "Whenever the day comes
       it will be the proudest in English history." The day has come,
       and it does not bring pride to England; because her wards in
       India have not been made ready for what they ask. It will need
       time to repair the long neglect; but there is no grander fact
       in recent history than the beginning of the labor of repair.
       It is to be a work of education, not for the people of India
       alone, but for Englishmen as well. They are to learn, and have
       begun to learn, the mistake of egotism and self-sufficiency in
       their government of these people. Some months ago there was
       published in The Times of India, at Bombay, a number of
       articles on the causes of the existing discontent, some by
       English writers, some by Hindus, some by Mohammedans, all
       seriously and frankly studying the situation, and most
       suggestive in their thought. The cause emphasized most by one
       of the English writers is that which always has worked and
       always will work when one self-complacent and self-confident
       people undertakes to be an overruling providence for another
       people, by making laws for it and managing its affairs. The
       more consciousness there is on the ruling side of just
       intention and superior knowledge, the less likely it is to
       satisfy the ruled; because the satisfying of its own judgment
       of what is good for the latter is assumed to be enough.

       During the last half century, at least, the British Government
       has endeavored, without a doubt, to do good to its Indian
       subjects, and it has done them great good; but everything has
       been done in its own way, from its own points of view and upon
       its own judgment of things needful and good and right. And
       this is why its Indian subjects not only feel wronged, but are
       wronged.

    {320}

       As the writer in The Times of India reminds his
       countrymen, "right is a relative term," and not, he says, "as
       we Islanders would have it, an absolute one. A thing that is
       right for us, with our past training and traditions, may not
       only seem, but really be, a grave wrong to those whose
       environment differs from our own." He cites instances of grave
       mistakes in well-intended legislation that would have been
       avoided, if the makers of the laws had counseled sufficiently
       with natives of experience in the matters concerned. One
       example is in a land alienation act, for the Punjab, which was
       framed with purely philanthropic motives, being intended to
       free the native peasantry—the ryots—from thraldom to money
       lenders, but which, by making the recovery of debts difficult,
       has trebled the rate of interest to the ryot, who borrows just
       as much, and mortgages himself instead of mortgaging his land.
       Alluding to this and to another act of excellent intention but
       irritating effect, the writer says: "When these worthy aims of
       government were debated in the Bombay and Punjab legislatures,
       who was there, among the officials, in touch with Indian
       feeling and sentiment? Who among the senators ever suggested
       the possibility that the evil of mortgage and borrowing was
       not intrinsically an evil in India, but that legislation—our
       own past legislation—had made it so? Was there no officer of
       government who could advise the authorities that every Hindoo,
       almost, is at heart a money lender; that it is second nature
       to him; that indebtedness in itself is neither reproach nor
       handicap in his eyes; and that if you take from him his
       freedom of barter you do take his life?"

       "We have failed," says this writer, "to avail ourselves of the
       material we ourselves have trained." That, undoubtedly, is the
       cardinal mistake that the English in India have made. Until
       now, they have not taken the best of India into their
       confidence and their counsels.

       Another of the writers referred to above gave another
       characterization of the British rule as the natives more
       generally feel it, in which a deeper working of more subtle
       irritations can be seen. He wrote:

       "Personal rule, the will of the king, God’s anointed and
       therefore invested with quasi-divine sanction, is the only
       rule to which the East has been used, which it can like and
       respect. The people can understand, even while they suffer
       under, the most extravagant individual caprices; and when the
       tyranny becomes too intolerable, they always had in the last
       resort an excellent chance of being able to overthrow it. But
       they cannot and probably never will understand, still less
       appreciate, the cold, implacable, inhuman impersonality of the
       English government. They might as well be governed by a
       dynamo, without human bowels or passions. It cannot be humanly
       approached; it has no human side; its very impeccability is
       exasperating; and the exactitude with which it metes out its
       machine-made justice, according to inflexible rules and
       formulae into which no human equation enters, chills and
       repels the Eastern mind, and its strength is commensurate with
       its remorselessness."

       "They might as well be governed by a dynamo!" That, in this
       connection, is a powerfully expressive phrase. The dynamo and
       everything of a dynamic nature—every mechanical motor-working
       of forces, whether material or political, are naturally
       congenial to the man of the Western world—understandable by
       him, serviceable to him—and they are not so to the man of the
       East. Somewhere in the process of their evolution the one got
       an aptitude for projecting work outwardly from the worker—
       action at some remove from the actor—shuttle throwing, for
       example, carried out from the weaver to the arms and fingers
       of a machine, and government from the personally governing
       will to an organic political system—while the other did not.
       In this, more than in anything else, perhaps, the radical
       difference of nature between the Occidental and the Oriental
       peoples is summed up. The one is endowed with a self-enhancing
       power to act through exterior agencies, of mechanism in his
       physical labors, of representative institutions in his
       government, of systems and organisms in all his doings, which
       the other lacks.

       This might have seemed a generation ago to set an
       insurmountable barrier against the passing of democracy and
       democratic institutions into Asia; but we have little right
       to-day to imagine that anything can stop their march.

    INDIA: A. D. 1908.
       American Mission Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: INDIA.

    INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Passage of the Indian Councils Bill by the British Parliament.
       Popular Representation in the Legislative Councils introduced.
       Lord Morley’s explanations of the Measure.
       Appointment of a native member of the
       Viceroy’s Executive Council.

       The great project of reform in the Government of India which
       Lord Morley, as Secretary for India in the British
       Administration, brought before Parliament in December, 1908,
       embodied fundamentally in what was known during the discussion
       of it as the Indian Councils Bill, had its origin more than
       two years before that time, not in the councils of the British
       Ministry, but in those of the Government of India. The facts
       of its inception and preliminary consideration were indicated
       in a British Blue Book of 1908 (Cd. 4426), which contained
       proposals on the subject from the Government of India, dated
       October 1, 1908, and the reply of Lord Morley to them,
       November 27. More recently the early history of the reform
       project was told briefly by the Viceroy of India, the Earl of
       Minto, in a speech in Council, on the 28th of March, 1909. He
       said:

       "The material from which the Councils Bill has been
       manufactured was supplied from the Secretariat at Simla, and
       emanated entirely from the bureaucracy of the Government of
       India. It was in August, 1906, that I drew attention in
       Council in a confidential minute to the change which was so
       rapidly affecting the political atmosphere, bringing with it
       questions we could not afford to ignore, which we must attempt
       to answer, pointing out that it was all-important that the
       initiative should emanate from us, that the Government of
       India should not be put in the position of appearance of
       having its hands forced by agitation in this country or by
       pressure from home, and that we should be the first to
       recognize the surrounding conditions and place before his
       Majesty’s Government the opinion which personal experience and
       close touch with the everyday life of India entitle us to
       hold.
    {321}
       I consequently appointed the Arundel Committee. That minute
       was the first seed of our reforms sown more than a year before
       the first anarchist outrage sent a thrill of shocked surprise
       throughout India—the attempt to wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s
       train in December, 1907. The policy of the Government of India
       in respect to reforms has emanated from mature consideration
       of political and social conditions, while the administrative
       changes they advocated, far from being concessions wrung from
       them, have been over and over again endangered by the
       commission of outrages which could not but encourage doubts as
       to the opportuneness of the introduction of political changes,
       but which I steadfastly refused to allow to injure the
       political welfare of the loyal masses in India."

       The Indian Councils Bill was printed on the 20th of February,
       1909, and its second reading in the House of Lords was moved
       by Lord Morley in an explanatory speech on the 23d. A
       prefatory memorandum accompanying the text of the Bill was as
       follows:

       "The object of this Bill is to amend and extend the Indian
       Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, in such a way as to provide:

       "(i.)For an enlargement of the Legislative Council of the
       Governor-General and of the existing Provincial Legislative
       Councils;

       "(ii.) For the election of a certain proportion of their
       members by popular vote; and

       "(iii.) For greater freedom to discuss matters of general
       public interest and to ask questions at their meetings, and
       more especially for the discussion of the annual financial
       statements.

       "The Executive Councils of the Governments of Madras and
       Bombay are enlarged, and powers are taken to create Executive
       Councils in the other Provinces of India, where they now do
       not exist. Provision is also made for the appointment of
       Vice-Presidents of the various Councils.

       "The details of the necessary arrangements, which must vary
       widely in the different Provinces, are left to be settled by
       means of regulations to be framed by the Government of India
       and approved by the Secretary of State."

       In his speech on moving the second reading of the Bill, Lord
       Morley said: "I invite the House to take to-day the first
       definite and operative step in carrying out the policy which I
       had the honour of stating to your lordships just before
       Christmas, and which has occupied the active consideration
       both of the Home Government and of the Government of India for
       very nearly, if not even more than, three years. The statement
       was awaited in India with an expectancy that with time became
       almost impatience, and it was received in India—and that,
       after all, is the point to which I looked with the most
       anxiety—with intense interest and attention and various
       degrees of approval, from warm enthusiasm to cool assent and
       acquiescence. So far as I know … there has been no sign in any
       quarter, save possibly in the irreconcilable camp, of
       organized hostile opinion among either Indians or
       Anglo-Indians. …

       "There are, I take it, three classes of people that we have to
       consider in dealing with a scheme of this kind. There are the
       extremists, who nurse fantastic dreams that some day they will
       drive us out of India. In this group there are academic
       extremists and physical force extremists, and I have seen it
       stated on a certain authority—it cannot be more than guessed—
       that they do not number, whether academic or physical force
       extremists, more than one-tenth, I think, or even 3 per cent.,
       of what are called the educated class in India. The second
       group nourish no hopes of this sort, but hope for autonomy or
       self-government of the colonial species and pattern. And then
       the third section of this classification ask for no more than
       to be admitted to co-operation in our administration, and to
       find a free and effective voice in expressing the interests
       and needs of their land. I believe the effect of the reforms
       has been, is being, and will be to draw the second class, who
       hope for colonial autonomy, into the third class, who will be
       content with being admitted to a fair and full co-operation."

       As to the objections raised by the Mahomedans of India, to the
       plans of the measure for their representation in the Councils,
       Lord Morley announced the readiness of the Government to yield
       to them. "We," he said, "suggested to the Government of India
       a certain plan. We did not prescribe it, we did not order it,
       but we suggested and recommended this plan for their
       consideration—no more than that. It was the plan of a mixed or
       composite electoral college, in which Mahomedans and Hindus
       should pool their votes, so to say. The wording of the
       recommendation in my dispatch was, as I soon discovered,
       ambiguous—a grievous defect, of which I make bold to hope I am
       not very often in public business guilty. But, to the best of
       my belief, under any construction the plan of Hindus and
       Mahomedans voting together in a mixed and composite electorate
       would have secured to the Mahomedan electors, wherever they
       were so minded, the chance of returning their own
       representative in their due proportion. The political idea at
       the bottom of that recommendation which has found so little
       favour was that such composite action would bring the two
       great communities more closely together, and this idea of
       promoting harmony was held by men of very high Indian
       authority and experience who were among my advisers at the
       India Office. But the Mahomedans protested that the Hindus
       would elect a pro-Hindu upon it, just as I suppose in a mixed
       college of say 75 Catholics and 25 Protestants voting together
       the Protestants might suspect that the Catholics voting for
       the Protestant would choose what is called a Romanizing
       Protestant and as little of a Protestant as possible. … At any
       rate, the Government of India doubted whether our plan would
       work, and we have abandoned it. I do not think it was a bad
       plan, but it is no use, if you are making an earnest attempt
       in good faith at a general pacification, out of parental
       fondness for a clause interrupting that good process by
       sitting too tight.

       "The Mahomedans demand three things. I had the pleasure of
       receiving a deputation from them and I know very well what is
       in their minds. They demand the election of their own
       representatives to these councils in all the stages, just as
       in Cyprus, where, I think, the Mahomedans vote by themselves.
       They have nine votes and the non-Mahomedans have three, or the
       other way about.
    {322}
       So in Bohemia, where the Germans vote alone and have their own
       register. Therefore we are not without a precedent and a
       parallel for the idea of a separate register. Secondly, they
       want a number of seats in excess of their numerical strength.
       Those two demands we are quite ready and intend to meet in
       full. There is a third demand that, if there is a Hindu on the
       Viceroy’s Executive Council—a subject on which I will venture
       to say a little to your lordships before I sit down—there
       should be two Indian members on the Viceroy’s Council and that
       one should be a Mahomedan. Well, as I told them and as I now
       tell your lordships, I see no chance whatever of meeting their
       views in that way to any extent at all."

       Turning to a much criticised feature of the projected
       remodelling of Indian Government—namely, the announced
       intention of the Government to name an Indian member of the
       Viceroy’s Executive Council—the Secretary reminded the House
       that this was not touched by the pending bill, for the reason
       that the appointment of that Council lies already within the
       province of the Crown. In meeting the objections raised to
       this part of the reform project, he amused the House greatly
       by remarking: "Lord MacDonnell said the other day: ‘I believe
       you cannot find any individual native gentleman who has
       enjoyed the general confidence who would be able to give
       advice and assistance to the Governor-General in Council.’ It
       has been my lot to be twice Chief Secretary for Ireland, and I
       do not believe I can truly say I ever met in Ireland a single
       individual native gentleman who ‘enjoyed general confidence.’
       And yet I received at Dublin Castle most excellent and
       competent advice. Therefore I will accept that statement from
       the noble lord. The question is whether there is no one of the
       300 millions of the population of India who is competent to be
       the officially-constituted adviser of the Governor-General in
       Council in the administration of Indian affairs. You make an
       Indian a Judge of the High Court, and Indians have even been
       acting-Chief Justices. As to capacity, who can deny that they
       have distinguished themselves as administrators of native
       States, where far more demand is made on their resources,
       intellectual and moral? It is said that the presence of an
       Indian member would cause restraint in the language of
       discussion. For a year and a half I have had two Indians at
       the Council of India, and I have never found the slightest
       restraint whatever."

       Debate on the Bill in the House of Lords was resumed on the
       4th of March, and it was amended by striking out a clause
       which gave power to constitute provincial executive councils
       in other provinces than Madras and Bombay, where they were
       already existing. It then passed through Committee, and on the
       11th of March it was read a third time and passed by the Upper
       House.

       A fortnight later, Lord Morley brought into exercise the
       authority possessed by the Crown, to appoint on its own
       judgment a native member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council.
       His choice fell on a distinguished Hindu lawyer, Mr. Satyendra
       Prasanna Sinha, of whom the London Times, on announcing
       the appointment, said: "Mr. Sinha now fills the office of
       Advocate-General of Bengal, to which he was not long ago
       promoted, and he will succeed Sir Henry Richards as Legal
       Member of Council. Of his fitness to discharge the
       departmental duties of his new position we make no question.
       Lord Morley has doubtless satisfied himself that the
       qualifications of his nominee in this respect will not
       discredit the experiment on which he has ventured. But,
       however high those qualifications, and however well they may
       stand the test of experience, gifts and attainments of another
       order are needed for the post to which Lord Morley has named
       him. A member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council is much more
       than a departmental chief. … For him there are no State
       secrets and no confidential documents. He has a right to know
       and to debate the imperii arcana. The most delicate
       mysteries of diplomacy, the most carefully guarded of military
       precautions, are trusted to his faith and to his discretion.
       Breadth of political knowledge and of judgment, insight into
       men and things, a sure sense and grasp of realities, coolness,
       courage, and rapid decision in emergencies, absolute
       impartiality between native races, creeds, and classes, and an
       instinctive devotion to England, to her traditions and to her
       ideals, are amongst the qualities which have been deemed the
       best recommendations for so immense a trust. Mr. Sinha may
       possess them all, but they are rare amongst the men of any
       race, and some of them are notoriously uncommon amongst
       Orientals."

       This expresses the English opinion that objects to the
       admission of Indians to the Executive Councils of Indian
       Government, even while assenting to their representation in
       the Legislative Councils of the dependency. It is to be hoped
       that Mr. Sinha will help to weaken that opinion. Reports from
       India on the appointment were to the effect that it had given
       great general satisfaction.

       On the return of the Councils Bill to the Commons the clause
       which the Lords had stricken out was restored, but in a
       modified form. Authority to extend the creation of provincial
       executive councils was given, but with the reservation to the
       House of Lords as well as to the House of Commons of a veto
       upon the establishment of such councils in any new provinces,
       except Bengal. As thus amended the clause was accepted by the
       Upper House and became law, May 25, 1909.

       The following are the essential provisions of the Act:

       "I.
       (1) The additional members of the councils for the purpose of
       making laws and regulations (hereinafter referred to as
       Legislative Councils) of the Governor-General and of the
       Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay, and the members of
       the Legislative Councils already constituted, or which may
       hereafter be constituted, of the several Lieutenant-Governors
       of Provinces, instead of being all nominated by the
       Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor in manner
       provided by the Indian Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, shall
       include members so nominated and also members elected in
       accordance with regulations made under this Act, and
       references in those Acts to the members so nominated and their
       nomination shall be construed as including references to the
       members so elected and their election.

    {323}

       "(2) The number of additional members or members so nominated
       and elected, the number of such members required to constitute
       a quorum, the term of office of such members and the manner of
       filling up casual vacancies occurring by reason of absence
       from India, inability to attend to duty, death, acceptance of
       office, or resignation duly accepted, or otherwise, shall, in
       the case of each such council, be such as may be prescribed by
       regulations made under this Act:

       "Provided that the aggregate number of members so nominated
       and elected shall not, in the case of any Legislative Council
       mentioned in the first column of the First Schedule to this
       Act, exceed the number specified in the second column of that
       schedule.

       " 2.
       (1) The number of ordinary members of the councils of the
       Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay shall be such number
       not exceeding four as the Secretary of State in Council may
       from time to time direct, of whom two at least shall be
       persons who at the time of their appointment have been in the
       service of the Crown in India for at least twelve years.

       "(2) If at any meeting of either of such councils there is an
       equality of votes on any question, the Governor or other
       person presiding shall have two votes or the casting vote.

       "3.
       (1) It shall be lawful for the Governor-General in Council,
       with the approval of the Secretary of State in Council, by
       proclamation, to create a council in the Bengal Division of
       the Presidency of Fort William for the purpose of assisting
       the Lieutenant-Governor in the executive government of the
       province, and by such proclamation—

          "(a) to make provision for determining what shall be
          the number (not exceeding four) and qualifications of the
          members of the council; and

          "(b) to make provision for the appointment of
          temporary or acting members of the council during the
          absence of any member from illness or otherwise, and for
          the procedure to be adopted in case of a difference of
          opinion between a Lieutenant-Governor and his council, and
          in the case of equality of votes, and in the case of a
          Lieutenant-Governor being obliged to absent himself from
          his council from indisposition or any other cause.

       "(2) It shall be lawful for the Governor-General in Council,
       with the like approval, by a like proclamation to create a
       council in any other province under a Lieutenant-Governor for
       the purpose of assisting the Lieutenant-Governor in the
       executive government of the province: Provided that before any
       such proclamation is made a draft thereof shall be laid before
       each House of Parliament for not less than sixty days during
       the session of Parliament, and, if before the expiration of
       that time an address is presented to His Majesty by either
       House of Parliament against the draft or any part thereof, no
       further proceedings shall be taken thereon, without prejudice
       to the making of any new draft.

       "(3) Where any such proclamation has been made with respect to
       any province the Lieutenant-Governor may, with the consent of
       the Governor-General in Council, from time to time make rules
       and orders for the more convenient transaction of business in
       his council, and any order made or act done in accordance with
       the rules and orders so made shall be deemed to be an act or
       order of the Lieutenant-Governor in Council.

       "(4) Every member of any such council shall be appointed by
       the Governor-General, with the approval of His Majesty, and
       shall, as such, be a member of the Legislative Council of the
       Lieutenant-Governor, in addition to the members nominated by
       the Lieutenant-Governor and elected under the provisions of
       this Act.

       "4. The Governor-General, and the Governors of Fort Saint
       George and Bombay, and the Lieutenant-Governor of every
       province respectively shall appoint a member of their
       respective councils to be Vice-President thereof, and, for the
       purpose of temporarily holding and executing the office of
       Governor-General or Governor of Fort Saint George or Bombay
       and of presiding at meetings of Council in the absence of the
       Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor, the
       Vice-President so appointed shall be deemed to be the senior
       member of Council and the member highest in rank, and the
       Indian Councils Act, 1861, and sections sixty-two and
       sixty-three of the Government of India Act, 1833, shall have
       effect accordingly.

       "5.
       (1) Notwithstanding anything in the Indian Councils Act, 1861,
       the Governor-General in Council, the Governors in Council of
       Fort Saint George and Bombay respectively, and the
       Lieutenant-Governor or Lieutenant-Governor in Council of every
       province, shall make rules authorising at any meeting of their
       respective legislative councils the discussion of the annual
       financial statement of the Governor-General in Council or of
       their respective local governments, as the case may be, and of
       any matter of general public interest, and the asking of
       questions, under such conditions and restrictions as may be
       prescribed in the rules applicable to the several councils.

       "(2) Such rules as aforesaid may provide for the appointment
       of a member of any such council to preside at any such
       discussion in the place of the Governor-General, Governor, or
       Lieutenant-Governor, as the case may be, and of any
       Vice-President.

       "(3) Rules under this section, where made by a Governor in
       Council, or by a Lieutenant-Governor, or a Lieutenant-Governor
       in Council, shall be subject to the sanction of the
       Governor-General in Council, and where made by the
       Governor-General in Council shall be subject to the sanction of
       the Secretary of State in Council, and shall not be subject to
       alteration or amendment by the Legislative Council of the
       Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor.

       "6. The Governor-General in Council shall, subject to the
       approval of the Secretary of State in Council, make
       regulations as to the conditions under which and manner in
       which persons resident in India may be nominated or elected as
       members of the Legislative Councils of the Governor-General,
       Governors, and Lieutenant-Governors, and as to the
       qualifications for being, and for being nominated or elected,
       a member of any such council, and as to any other matter for
       which regulations are authorised to be made under this Act,
       and also as to the manner in which those regulations are to be
       carried into effect. Regulations under this section shall not
       be subject to alteration or amendment by the Legislative
       Council of the Governor-General.

    {324}

       "7. All proclamations, regulations and rules made under this
       Act, other than rules made by a Lieutenant-Governor for the
       more convenient transaction of business in his council, shall
       be laid before both Houses of Parliament as soon as may be
       after they are made."

       FIRST SCHEDULE.

       MAXIMUM NUMBERS OF NOMINATED AND ELECTED
       MEMBERS OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS.

                                                          Maximum
       Legislative Council.                               Number.

       Legislative Council of the Governor-General           60

       Legislative Council of the Governor of Fort
       Saint George                                          50

       Legislative Council of the Governor of Bombay         50

       Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
       of the Bengal division of the Presidency of
       Fort William                                          50

       Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
       of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh              50

       Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
       of the Province of Eastern Bengal and Assam           50

       Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
       of the Province of the Punjab                         30

       Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
       of the Province of Burma                              30

       Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Governor
       of any Province which may hereafter be constituted    30

       As will be seen, the Act only conveys in outline to the
       Government of India the authority needed for introducing the
       intended reforms, leaving all constructive details to be
       filled out by the latter in regulations and rules. Six months
       were occupied in that task by the Indian Government, and the
       resulting prescriptions were published on November 15th, in a
       document filling 450 pages of print. The following is a
       summary of them, communicated to The Times by its
       Calcutta correspondent:

       "They comprise, first, a short notice bringing the new
       Councils Act into force; secondly, the rules and regulations
       for guiding the constitution of the enlarged Imperial and
       Provincial Councils, with election rules; thirdly, rules for
       the discussion of the annual financial statement and general
       resolutions and for the asking of questions; and, fourthly, a
       Government resolution explaining the reasons for the changes
       made and their main details.

       "The resolution shows that the Imperial Council will consist
       of 68 members, while the number of members in each of the
       Provincial Councils will be as follows:—Bengal, 51; Madras and
       Bombay, each 48; the United Provinces, 49; Eastern Bengal and
       Assam, 43; the Punjab, 27; and Burma, 18.

       "The Viceroy’s Council has an official majority of three,
       while all the Provincial Councils have non-official
       majorities, ranging from 14 in Bengal to three in Burma. In
       the Viceroy’s Council the Mahomedans will have in the first
       Council six members elected by purely Mahomedan electorates,
       and will also presumably get seats in Sind and the Punjab, as
       the resolution says that a representative of the Bombay
       landholders on the Imperial Council will be elected at the
       first, third, and subsequent alternate elections by the Sind
       landholders, the great majority of whom are Mahomedan, and at
       the other elections by the Sirdars of Gujarat and the Deccan,
       the majority of whom are Hindus.

       "Again, the Punjab landholders consist equally of Mahomedans
       and non-Mahomedans, and presumably a Mahomedan will be
       alternately chosen. Accordingly, it has been decided that at
       the second, fourth, and alternate elections, when these two
       seats shall not be held by Mahomedans, there shall be two
       special electorates consisting of Mahomedan landholders who
       are entitled to vote for the member representing them in the
       Imperial Council, and the landowners of the United Provinces
       and of Eastern Bengal and Assam respectively. The Bombay
       Mahomedan member of the Imperial Council will be elected by
       the non-official Mahomedan members of the Provincial Council.

       "The tea and jute industries get five members on the
       Provincial Councils of the Bengals and Madras.

       "All members are required to take the oath of allegiance to
       the Crown before sitting on any of the Councils, and no person
       is eligible for election if the Imperial or a Provincial
       Government is of opinion that his election would be contrary
       to public interest. This provision takes the place of the old
       power to reject members selected by the electorate.

       "The examination of the annual financial proposals is divided
       into three parts. The first allows a chance for discussing any
       alteration in taxation and any new loan or grant to a local
       Government. Under the second any head of revenue or
       expenditure will be explained by the member in charge of the
       Department concerned and any resolution may be moved, and at
       the third stage the Finance Minister presents his budget and
       explains why any resolutions will not be accepted, a general
       discussion following.

       "The resolution concludes as follows:

       "The new Provincial Councils will assemble early in January
       and the Imperial Council in the course of that month. …

       "‘The maximum strength of the Councils was 126; it is
       now 370. There are now 135 elected members against 39, while
       an elected member will sit as of right, needing no official
       confirmation. The functions of the Councils are greatly
       enlarged. Members can demand further information in reply to
       formal answers and discussion will be allowed on all matters
       of public interest. They will also in future be enabled to
       take a real and active part in shaping financial proposals.
       They will have liberal opportunity to criticize and to
       initiate and suggest definite resolutions.'"

       As operative at the center of discontent, in Bengal, an
       unfortunate defect in the regulations was soon discovered,
       which made trouble at once. It was reported to The
       Times as follows:

       "The regulations for the election of the new Councils have
       produced a political situation here which will be scarcely
       intelligible to those who are not acquainted with the
       peculiarities of the Bengali character. The educated classes
       in Calcutta were in despair when they discovered that the
       rules virtually excluded their leaders, and the more extreme
       men seized the opportunity of advocating a boycott of the
       reforms. Sir Edward Baker, however, promptly recognized that
       the regulations required modification. The rule which
       restricted the candidates for the representation of district
       boards and municipalities to present members of these bodies
       was at once altered so as to include those who had at any time
       served for three years on a local authority. The effect of
       this concession was to render eligible many previously
       excluded.
    {325}
       Further, when it was pointed out that Mr. Surendranath
       Banerjee was shut out by the rule disqualifying dismissed
       Government servants, Sir Edward Baker spontaneously intimated
       to the Bengali leader that he was exempted from the operation
       of this regulation. But, in spite of these conciliatory steps,
       pressure is being put on Mr. Banerjee to refuse to stand,
       apparently on the ground that, as many of the well-known
       Moderates are still ineligible, it is incumbent on Mr.
       Banerjee to refuse his services to his country rather than
       weaken the force of a united protest."—These persuasions had
       success. Mr. Banerjee refused to be a candidate.

       The following report from Dacca, December 29, indicates the
       result: "The Council elections for Eastern Bengal are not yet
       complete. They show, however, a marked preponderance of
       Mahomedan representation, due to the deliberate abstention of
       the Hindu electorate. This abstention has been worked from
       Calcutta in accordance with the manifesto issued by the
       Bengali leaders. It is very noticeable among the Zemindar
       voters, who are mainly Hindu. The idea is that the Government
       will nominate Hindu representatives and will thus defeat the
       object of the Reform Scheme."

    INDIA: A. D. 1909 (July).
       Assassination in London of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by
       an Indian Anarchist.

       The virulence of the hostility in India to British rule, as
       developed in schools of anarchism and terrorism, was shown
       startlingly to England on the 1st of July, 1909, when
       Lieutenant-Colonel Sir William Curzon-Wyllie and Dr.
       Cawas-Lalcaca, a Parsee, were shot dead by an Indian student,
       at the close of a reception held in the Imperial Institute at
       London. Sir Curzon-Wyllie, formerly of the Indian Staff Corps,
       had been serving since 1901 as political aide-de-camp to the
       Secretary of State for India, at London. The reception at
       which he was assassinated was one of the evenings "At Home" of
       the National Indian Association, held mainly for the purpose
       of giving the many young Indians residing temporarily in
       England an opportunity for social intercourse with friendly
       English people. The assassin, a student named Dhinagri, came
       as a guest. His brother, a doctor in Calcutta, hearing that he
       had been coming under anarchist influences, had asked Sir
       Curzon-Wyllie some time before to talk with him, and that
       gentleman had done so, with no effect apparently, but to rouse
       his resentment. The motive of the crime, however, appears to
       have been wholly in the desire to make a display of
       "patriotism" and to achieve distinction as a martyr to the
       cause of liberty for India. The victim might easily have been
       some other. Sir Curzon-Wyllie was leaving the place when he
       paused to speak to Dhinagri, and received two deadly bullets
       at close range, in the face. Dr. Lalcaca, who stood near,
       rushed forward to intervene, and the pistol was turned on him.
       Others seized the assassin before he could do more.

       When tried and convicted, on the 23d of July, and asked if he
       had anything to say, Dhinagri replied angrily: "I have told
       you over and over again that I do not acknowledge the
       authority of the Court. You can do whatever you like. I do not
       mind at all. You can pass sentence of death on me. I do not
       care, but remember that one day we shall be all powerful, and
       then we can do what we like. That is all I want to say." On
       being sentenced to death, the prisoner, making an Oriental
       salute to the Judge, said,—"Thank you, my Lord. I don’t care.
       I am proud to have the honour of laying down my life for the
       cause of my country."

       The family of Dhinagri, in India, employed counsel to attend
       his trial, who announced to the court that they viewed his
       crime with the greatest abhorrence.

       ----------INDIA: End--------

    INDIAN (EAST) IMMIGRATION:
       The resistance to it in South Africa, Australia, and elsewhere.

          (See in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS.

    INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    INDIAN TERRITORY.
       United with Oklahoma to form the State of Oklahoma.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES. A. D. 1906 (JUNE).

    INDIANS, The American:
       End of the Tribal Autonomy of the Five Civilized Tribes.

       The last of the proceedings for ending the autonomy of the
       Five Civilized Tribes making them citizens of the United
       States, and dividing their tribal lands among them
       individually, was finished in the summer of 1902, by the
       Cherokee Council, which ratified agreements already accepted
       by the other four tribes.

          See, Volume VI.,
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

       According to Mr. William Dudley Foulke, who investigated the
       circumstances, the Creek nation has suffered grievous frauds
       in the final settlement of their land affairs, by the
       operation of the Curtis Act, in the matter of the sale of town
       sites. Mr. Foulke’s account of the case is given in an article
       entitled "Despoiling a Nation," published in January 2, 1908.

    INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR.

    INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (capitalistic).

       See (in this Volume)
       COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL.

    INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (of the employed).

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR.

    INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (UNITED STATES), of 1898-1902:
       On the Sherman Anti-Trust Act, of 1898, applied to Railroads.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

    INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (UNITED STATES), of 1898-1902:
       On Hours of Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

    INDUSTRIAL TRAINING.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION.

    INHERITANCE TAX:
       Defeated Proposal in Germany.

          See (in this Volume)
          Germany: A. D. 1908-1909;
          also, DEATH DUTIES.

    INITIATIVE.

          See (in this Volume)
          REFERENDUM.

    INJUNCTIONS, in Labor Disputes.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

    INLAND WATERWAYS COMMISSION.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    INMEDIATISTAS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    INSURANCE, AGAINST UNEMPLOYMENT.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: UNEMPLOYMENT; GERMANY.

    {326}

    INSURANCE, Industrial.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION.

    INSURANCE, Life:
       The Legislative Investigation of Companies doing business in
       the State of New York, in 1905.
       Startling Disclosures of Vicious Management in the greater
       organizations, and of Perfunctory State Superintendence.
       Report and Recommendations of the Committee.
       Remedial Legislation.

       A conflict in the Board of Directors of the Equitable Life
       Assurance Society of New York, which came to public knowledge
       in February, 1905, afforded the beginning of exciting
       revelations, as to practices and conditions in the management
       of the stupendous organizations of life insurance that are
       centered in New York City.

       The Equitable Society was founded in 1859 by Henry B. Hyde as
       a stock company, with a capital of $100,000, in 1000 shares,
       and neither its legal constitution nor its capital had been
       changed; but its assets at the end of the year 1904, according
       to its statement, had grown to the enormous total of
       $412,438,380, and it held a surplus over liabilities of
       $80,394,861. This prodigious fund had come under the control
       of the holders of the small capital stock of the
       company—$100,000; and practically it was controlled by one
       stockholder, James Hazen Hyde, son of the deceased founder,
       who had inherited a majority of the shares. By the Charter of
       the Society, its stockholders were entitled to semi-annual
       dividends at a rate not exceeding 3½ per cent., and its
       business was to be conducted on the mutual plan: that is,
       earnings and receipts above dividends, losses and expenses
       were to be accumulated and policy holders were to be credited
       with equitable shares of the net surplus, after sufficient
       deduction to cover outstanding risks and other obligations.
       Nevertheless, the opportunities for personal enrichment,
       afforded by the controlling of the great floods of money
       poured into its coffers had been found to be immense.

       James Hazen Hyde, inheritor of the majority of stock, was Vice
       President of the company. Under the terms of his father’s will
       he had not yet come into personal possession of his
       inheritance, but would do so in a short time. The President of
       the company, James Alexander, appears to have become anxious
       as to the use the young man would make of the power of that
       possession when it came to him, and he entered on a movement
       toward changing the organization of the Equitable Society, to
       make it a mutual institution in reality, by securing to the
       policy holders a voice in the election of directors, leaving
       their board no longer a body to be chosen by a single man.
       This movement became necessarily public, and the situation in
       the company was exposed to public knowledge in a sudden and
       startling way. Flood-gates of discussion were opened and
       questions started which ran from the Equitable to other
       mammoths of life insurance organization that had grown up.
       Facts came to light which showed the magnitude of financial
       power they had drawn into small circles of men and families,
       and the extravagance of compensation appropriated to
       themselves by some of these self-appointed and
       self-perpetuated administrators of life insurance funds. Such
       disclosures became the sensation, not merely of a day, but of
       months.

       At the outset of the undertaking of President Alexander to
       reform the constitution of the Equitable, Vice-President Hyde
       was able easily to defeat his movement and make good his own
       mastery of the board of directors; but as the public became a
       party to the controversy, more and more, it bore down Mr.
       Hyde. In April the directors were constrained to appoint a
       committee to investigate and report on "the present management
       of the society." The committee, composed of H. C. Frick, E. H.
       Harriman, Brayton Ives, Cornelius N. Bliss, and M. E. Ingalls,
       made a report on the 2d of June which was a deadly indictment
       of the society, on many counts,—for "excessive salaries,
       excessive commissions, excessive expenses, superfluous
       offices," and a "general looseness in the administration of
       its affairs." Mr. Hyde and his board made a show of disputing
       the findings of the committee and rejecting its
       recommendations, but the atmospheric pressure from outside
       proved irresistible, and they gave way to it. Mr. Hyde sold
       his 502 shares of stock to Thomas F. Ryan for $2,500,000 cash,
       Mr. Ryan making it a condition of the purchase that the
       Honorable Paul Morton, formerly prominent in railway
       administration and lately Secretary of the Navy in President
       Roosevelt’s cabinet, should be chairman of the Equitable board
       of directors and should have a free hand in reorganizing its
       management. Mr. Ryan then, on the 15th of June, placed the
       shares in a voting trust, composed of ex-President Grover
       Cleveland, Justice Morgan J. O’Brien, and George Westinghouse.
       The deed of transfer to these trustees empowered them to carry
       out a plan of mutualization, to the end that the society’s
       policy holders should elect a majority of the directors in its
       board.

       The Equitable Life Assurance Society was now in a fair way to
       be placed on a footing that would justify its name; but the
       events which accomplished this had created an imperative
       demand for thorough proceedings of law, to reform and regulate
       the whole system under which the profoundly serious
       obligations and responsibilities of life insurance are
       fulfilled. The first step to that end was taken by the
       Legislature of the State of New York on the 20th of July,
       1905, when it appointed a joint committee of the Senate and
       Assembly and directed the committee "to investigate and
       examine into the business and affairs of life insurance
       companies doing business in the State of New York, with
       reference to the investments of said companies, the relation
       of the officers thereof to such investments, the relation of
       such companies to subsidiary corporations, the government and
       control of said companies, the contractual relations of said
       companies to their policy holders, the cost of life insurance,
       the expenses of said companies, and any other phase of the
       life insurance business deemed by the committee to be proper,
       for the purpose of drafting and reporting to the next session
       of the Legislature such a revision of the laws regulating and
       relating to life insurance in this State as said committee may
       deem proper."

    {327}

       This most notable investigating committee was composed of
       Senators William W. Armstrong, William J. Tully, D. J.
       Riordan, and Assemblymen James T. Rogers, W. W. Wemple, Ezra
       P. Prentice, John McKcown. It was organized on the 1st of
       August, with Senator Armstrong as its chairman, and opened
       public hearings on the 5th of September following, having
       engaged for its counsel Messrs. Charles E. Hughes and James
       McKeen. Mr. Hughes was little known to the public at large
       when he accepted the duty of conducting this investigation. It
       revealed him to the State and the Nation, and was the
       fortunate introduction to public life of a man of rare
       nobility in character and of remarkable powers.

       Eighteen insurance companies doing business in New York were
       subjected to investigation; but interest in the proceeding was
       centered with intensity on the probing of the affairs of a few
       of the greater institutions, such as the Equitable, the Mutual
       Life, the New York Life, the Prudential, and the Metropolitan.
       The disclosures were rich in sensation; a few only can be
       noted here. As to salaries, for example: in the Equitable, the
       late Henry B. Hyde and his successor, Mr. Alexander, as
       presidents, had received $75,000 per annum in the early years
       and $100,000 in the later years of their terms. James H. Hyde,
       graduated from college in 1898 and made vice-president the
       next year, on his father’s death, received in the first year
       $25,000, in the next two years $30,000, in his fourth year
       $75,000, and thereafter $100,000. Second vice-presidents were
       paid as high as $50,000 per annum; third vice-presidents as
       high as $40,000; fourth vice-presidents as high as $30,000.
       Salaries of secretaries and comptrollers had run up to $25,000
       and $30,000. Thirteen executive officers in the society whose
       salaries aggregated $297,600 in 1900, were drawing $448,500 in
       1905.

       Executive officers in the Mutual Life surpassed even this
       experience of bounty. The president’s salary had been $30,000
       from 1877 to 1885, $50,000 from 1886 to 1892, then raised to
       $75,000 in 1893, to $90,000 in 1895, to $100,000 in 1896, and
       to $150,000 in 1901. Richard A. McCurdy had been president for
       twenty years and vice-president for the preceding twenty. The
       vice-president’s salary had grown from $20,000 in 1877 to
       $50,000 in 1902; the treasurer’s had been $40,000 since 1896.

       In the New York Life the salary of the president, John A.
       McCall, had stopped its increment at $100,000, which it
       reached in 1901. The second vice-president’s salary went to
       $75,000 the same year. The total salaries of executive
       officers were raised from $149,000 in 1893 to $322,000 in
       1905.

       Agency commissions were sometimes richer sources of income
       than the fixed salaries of these generous companies. In the
       Mutual Life Company, the president’s son, Robert H. McCurdy,
       had an interest in the general agency of the company for New
       York City from which he drew $530,788 between 1889 and 1904;
       besides which, as superintendent of the foreign department of
       the company, he was paid commissions on its foreign business
       which yielded him $1,268,390 between 1886 and 1905; some part
       of which commissions, however (to an amount not ascertained),
       were shared by him with his partner in the New York City
       agency. The total net profits of that metropolitan agency,—in
       which the president’s son-in-law was likewise a partner,—were
       found by the investigating committee to have been $2,389,123
       in the twelve years 1893-1904.

       These, however, were not the worst, in their moral
       implications, of the disclosures that resulted from the search
       light brought to bear on the administration of certain life
       insurance companies by the Legislative Committee and Mr.
       Hughes. A startling share of the prodigal expenditures of some
       boards, from the excessive profits of their business, went
       secretly, with no accounting, to undiscoverable purposes,
       which were purposes, of course, that would not bear
       questioning. The following, from the report of the
       investigating Committee on the Mutual Life Company, is
       indicative of the glimpses given of foul uses to which the
       funds of that company were applied. "For a considerable
       period," says the report, "it has been the practice for the
       Committee on Expenditures to authorize the payment to its
       chairman of $25,000 every few months, or from $75,000 to
       $100,000 a year, upon the request of one of the executive
       officers. The persons to whom the moneys were to be paid by
       the company, or the services, if any, for which the payment
       was to be made, were not known to the committee, and the only
       voucher was the receipt of the chairman of the committee who
       received and paid over the money in cash. There was no reason
       for this practice save to conceal the purposes for which the
       moneys were used, and it obviously facilitated improper
       payments.

       "There were also a large number of payments charged to legal
       expenses which were made upon the recommendation of one Andrew
       C. Fields, who for many years was the head of the ‘Supply
       Department.’ He was in actual charge of and gave a large part
       of his time to matters of legislation. For many years the
       company maintained under his care a house at Albany, and
       through him and his agents a close watch was kept upon the
       proceedings of the Legislature. The rent of this house, the
       supplies there consumed, and the wages of the cook and other
       servants, were charged to ‘legal expenses.’ Fields left for
       parts unknown soon after the Committee began its hearings and
       it has not been able to procure his testimony. It appears,
       however, that he acted also for the Equitable, and from their
       records have been produced a series of memoranda of
       instructions sent Fields by Thomas D. Jordan, its comptroller,
       whose whereabouts the Committee has been unable to ascertain,
       although it has made diligent effort to do so."

       The Committee quotes extensively from these memoranda of "T.
       D. J.," who instructs his Albany lobbyist what bills the
       latter is to "kill," and what he is to support. There are
       depths of corruption suggested by this story of the hospitable
       Andrew Fields, the vigilant Thomas D. Jordan, their "legal
       expenses" for hospitable house-keeping at Albany, and the
       sudden vanishment of both when Mr. Hughes began to do his
       questioning; but the depths are left unfathomed, because the
       Committee found no sounding line.

       "The testimony taken by the committee," says their report,
       "makes it abundantly clear that the large insurance companies
       systematically attempted to control legislation in this and
       other States which could affect their interests, directly or
       indirectly, and that in this effort Fields, who concerned
       himself mainly with this State, played a most important role.
    {328}
       The three companies [Mutual, New York Life, and Equitable]
       divided the country, outside of New York and a few other
       States, so as to avoid a waste of effort, each looking after
       legislation in its chosen district and bearing its appropriate
       part of the total expense." The so-called "legal expenses" of
       the Mutual in seven years, 1898-1904, exceeded two millions of
       dollars. "In 1904 they amounted to $364,254.95, while those of
       the New York Life and Equitable for the same year were
       $172,698.42 and $204,019.25 respectively."

       The New York Life employed one Andrew Hamilton to give
       attention to matters of legislation throughout the country,
       and the company was found to have paid him no less than
       $1,167,697 for "legal expenses," between 1895 and 1905, no
       vouchers being filed beyond Hamilton’s receipt. And these
       "legal expenses were in addition to all the ordinary outlays
       in connection with suits or legal proceedings or the work of
       the legal department of the company."

       In the accounts of the Equitable, "among the disbursements
       charged to legal expenses appear annual retainers of $20,000
       paid Chauncey M. Depew [United States Senator from New York]
       and $5000 (for one year—1900—$7500) to David B. Hill. Mr.
       Depew testifies … that his services consisted of advising the
       late Mr. Hyde in regard to matters of investment, settlement
       of controversies and troublesome questions of various sorts. …
       During this time Mr. Depew was a director and member of the
       Executive Committee. The testimony as to the services is very
       general, and it does not appear," says the committee, "that
       outside of those which the society was fairly entitled to
       receive from him as a director, the services were such as to
       warrant the payments made. … The Equitable contributed to the
       Republican National Committee $50,000 in 1904; undoubtedly
       contributions were made in prior national campaigns, but their
       amount has not been stated. For many years the society has
       made an annual contribution of $10,000 to the Republican State
       Committee through Senator Platt." Senator Platt was a
       collector, also, of similar contributions from the Mutual
       Life, and that company gave $40,000 to the Republican National
       Committee in 1904, as well as smaller sums in previous years.

       Of the management in these great companies of the enormous
       surplus of profit, which even their inordinate
       self-appropriations left in their keeping, no clear account
       could be given here. It is set forth in the Committee’s report
       by examples of investments, in stocks, bonds, and real
       property, so conducted, through subsidiary organizations,
       etc., as to yield a personal profit to the skilful financiers
       within the life insurance circle. The details which make the
       matter plain cannot be abridged and require more space than
       can be afforded in this place.

       From the investigation of the life insurance companies the
       Committee and its counsel passed to the State Department which
       was instituted to scrutinize and supervise these
       organizations, for the detection and prevention of such abuses
       in their management as had now come to light. Their findings
       in this direction were stated partly as follows:

       "It would seem that the Superintendent [of Insurance] has had
       ample power, and has been charged with the correlative duty,
       to inquire into and to ascertain the transactions of insurance
       companies, to the end that abuses may be exposed and correct
       administration assured. The scheme by which the superintendent
       may require detailed written statements duly verified, as to
       any matter of corporate business and may supplement these
       statements by an examination of the company’s books and of the
       officers and agents under oath, would appear well calculated
       to prevent the secret growth of improper practices. Not only
       through the visitorial powers of the superintendent were a
       wholesale publicity and the consequent enforcement of the law
       to be assured, but the superintendent was also charged with
       the duty of recommending to the Legislature annually such
       amendments to the law as in his judgment were needed to
       correct evils found to be without the purview of existing
       statutes.

       "But the supervision by the department has not proved a
       sufficient protection against extravagance and
       maladministration. Annual statements from the corporations
       have been received, filed and published, but in many
       particulars without sufficient detail to exhibit the real
       efficiency of honesty of the management. Nor has there been
       suitable effort upon the facts actually reported to detect and
       expose evasions of departmental requirements and the resort to
       artifice and double dealing in order to avoid a true
       disclosure of the companies’ affairs. For the most part a
       critical examination of the reports so made seems to have been
       neglected, and the verification of the annual statements has
       been left to examinations conducted at irregular intervals. No
       rule seems to have been adopted with reference to the
       frequency of examinations. Thus the Security Mutual Insurance
       Company has been examined four times since its reincorporation
       in 1898, at its request and apparently with no other object
       than to enable it to use the department’s certificate in
       support of its annual statement, while the Provident Savings
       Life Assurance Society has been examined only once in the past
       ten years (1897) and it would seem that this was the only
       examination in its history. The Metropolitan Life Insurance
       Company has also been examined only once during ten years,
       that is, in 1900. The advisability of frequent examinations is
       sufficiently illustrated by the case of the Washington Life
       Insurance Company, where it appeared on the examination in
       1904 that during the interval of four years since the prior
       examination it had, in at least two annual statements,
       deceived the department by glaringly false returns of its
       existing liabilities, and that instead of having an alleged
       surplus of considerable amount its capital was seriously
       impaired. In connection with this company it may be noted that
       a more careful scrutiny of the reports to the department of
       lapsed and restored policies would have led at an earlier date
       to the investigation which appears finally to have been
       induced by outside criticism."

       As to remedial legislation, the main recommendations of the
       Committee were in substance these:

       (1) Investments in stocks of banks and trust companies, in the
       common stock of any corporation, in syndicate participations,
       and in speculative bonds, to be forbidden.

       (2) No political contributions or lobby expenditures to be
       permitted.

       (3) Full publicity regarding salaries and expenses.

       (4) New business of the "big three" companies restricted to
       $150,000,000 a year each, and the business of other companies
       limited.

    {329}

       (5) Agents’ commissions to be based on the amount of the
       policy and not on the amount of the premium.

       (6) Only four kinds of standard policies to be permitted—term,
       straight life, limited payment and endowment.

       (7) Investment policies to be discouraged and deferred
       dividends forbidden.

       (8) All dividends on participating policies to be apportioned
       annually.

       (9) No company to be permitted to sell both participating and
       non-participating policies.

       (10) The present trustees of mutual companies to be removed.
       New ones to be elected under a system whereby the
       policy-holders really elect.

       The Committee presented the elaborate report of its
       investigation to the Legislature on the 22d of February, 1906,
       and its recommendations were embodied for the most part in an
       enactment, the drafting of which, to a large extent, was the
       careful work of Mr. Hughes, the master mind of the whole
       proceeding of investigation.

       The statements made above are drawn entirely from the
       Committee’s Report, as published in Volume 10 of the printed
       testimony and report.

          Assembly Document Number 41,
          State of New York, 1906.

    "INTELLECTUALS."

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM: FRANCE: A. D. 1909.

    INTELLIGENZIA, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    INTEMPERANCE.

          See (in this Volume )
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    INTERFEROMETER, Professor Michelson’s.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

    INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE.

    INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST, AND ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL.

    INTERNATIONAL BARBARISM.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS:
       Resolution of the Third International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS, Second and Third.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF ARTS AND SCIENCES.

          See (in this Volume)
          ST. LOUIS. A. D. 1904.

    INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS ON ALCOHOLISM.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL.

    INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES, of Science.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

    INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF WOMEN.

          See (in this Volume)
          WOMEN.

    INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE, Central American.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

    INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES COMMISSION, United States and Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          FOOD FISHES.

    INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC CONGRESS.

          See (in this Volume)
          GEOGRAPHIC CONGRESS.

    INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER COMPANY:
       Profit-sharing with Employees.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.

    INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF AGRICULTURE.

          See (in this Volume)
          AGRICULTURE.

    INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES, Educational.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

    INTERNATIONAL LAW:
       Convention providing for a Commission of Jurists to draft a
       Code for Regulation of Relations between American Nations.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

    INTERNATIONAL MERCANTILE MARINE COMPANY, Formation of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (INTERNATIONAL).

    INTERNATIONAL PEACE CONGRESSES.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

    INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY CONGRESS.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905.

    INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The Institute of.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF PEACE.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

    INTERNATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE ALLIANCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    INTERNATIONALISM, SUPERSEDING NATIONALISM.

          See (in this Volume)
          WORLD MOVEMENTS: FICHTE’S PROPHECY.

    INTEROCEANIC CANAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL.

    INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

    INTERSTATE COMMERCE ACT, and Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES; also,
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES.

    INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.

       On the passage, in 1906, of the Hepburn Act, amendatory of the
       Interstate Commerce Law, the Commission was reconstructed by
       fresh appointments, in making which the President retained
       Messrs. Knapp, of New York, Prouty, of Vermont, Clements, of
       Georgia, and Cockrell, of Missouri. His new appointees were
       Franklin K. Lane, of California, Edgar Erastus Clark, of Iowa,
       and James S. Harlan, of Illinois.

    INTOXICANTS, PROBLEMS OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM, AND OPIUM PROBLEM.

    INTRANSIGENTES.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    INVENTORY OF CHURCH PROPERTY, THE FRENCH.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    {330}

       ----------IRELAND: Start--------

    IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903.
       The Working of the successive Land Laws.
       The Act of 1903.
       Text of its main provisions.

       The French writer, L. Paul-Dubois, whose work, L’Irlande
       Contemporaire, published in 1907, has appeared since in an
       English translation, seems to have made a very careful and
       intelligent study of the working of the successive land-laws
       for Ireland, intended to be beneficial to the tenants, which
       began with that of Gladstone in 1870.

          See in Volumes III and VI
          IRELAND.

       Mr. Gladstone, himself, in the Act of 1881, endeavored to
       remedy the defects of the Act of 1870; but M. Paul-Dubois
       finds that, while the later Act "brought and continues to
       bring immense good to the country," yet "the system
       established by it is, as a matter of fact, no longer bearable
       for any one,"—for the reason that "the first great
       characteristic of the Gladstonian legislation is duality of
       ownership." It is, as he explains, an unhealthy system,
       unsound both economically and socially,—this dual ownership,
       which turns the landlord and tenant into co-proprietors of the
       soil. It paralyses agriculture by preventing the investment of
       capital on either side, and by destroying all interest of
       either landlord or tenant in the good farming of the land. The
       landlord feels himself no longer called upon to do anything
       for his property, and has no care left but that of collecting
       his rents. The tenant, on the other hand, refrains from making
       any improvement or advances that might cause his rent to be
       raised at the next quindecennial revision; the land is thus
       starved of both labor and capital. We may add, also, that the
       new regime gives rise to an infinity of ruinous lawsuits
       between the co-owners. … For a quarter of a century there has
       been only one class of men whose affairs have prospered,
       namely, the solicitors. Their number has increased by 30 per
       cent." In his view of the results, M. Paul-Dubois is
       sympathetic with both landlords and tenants. But in his
       judgment the tenants were not fairly dealt with under the
       Gladstonian laws by the Land Commission or by the courts. The
       courts, especially, in interpreting the Act of 1881, which
       left "fair rent" undefined, established rulings which
       practically nullified the intentions of the law, until, as
       this writer expresses it, "the Act of 1896 brought the Irish
       judges to reason."

       Eleven years before that time, however, a little experiment
       was begun on the line of a true solution of the Irish land
       question, namely, toward the buying of the soil of the island
       from its landlords and making its cultivators the owners of
       it. This was in the Ashbourne Land Purchase Act of 1885, which
       provided a fund of £5,000,000 for advances to be made to
       tenant purchasers, with provision for the repayment of the
       loan in forty-nine annuities. In 1889 this fund was increased
       to £10,000,000. By 1891 the fund had been exhausted, and
       "25,367 tenants had been turned into owners of their farms.
       Its success even alarmed some of the landlords, who began to
       fear that the farmers would combine and force them to sell
       their land. However this may be," says the French writer, "in
       1891 the Conservative Government passed a new Act which, under
       the pretence of regulating the progress of the operation,
       complicated it to such an extent that the machine almost
       stopped working. In 1896, by another Act, the existing evils
       were slightly remedied, but only to an insufficient extent. …
       Finally, in 1903, it was found that under the new system
       established in 1891 and 1896, only 38,251 tenants had been
       turned into proprietors; and at that same date the total
       number of peasant owners created from first to last had
       reached no higher figure than 73,917. As Land Purchase was
       progressing more and more slowly, it was felt that some new
       impulse must be given to the machine. This was the aim of the
       great Land Act of 1903."

          L. Paul-Dubois,
          Contemporary Ireland, part 2, chapters 1-2
          (Maunsel & Co., Dublin, 1908).

       "The Irish Land Purchase Act of 1903 was in every respect
       epoch-making. It was preceded by, and founded upon, the report
       of a conference held between the representatives of landlord
       and tenant in Dublin. The Landlords’ Convention, the official
       representative of the landlord party, held aloof and refused
       to join in the conference. Typical landlords, such as the Duke
       of Abercorn, Lord Barrymore, and Colonel Saunderson, refused
       to serve, ridiculing the project as absurd and quixotic. Lord
       Dunraven led a saner section of landlords, with the result
       that, after a session of five days, the conference agreed to a
       report, upon which the government acted. The official
       landlords, seeing the reasonableness of the findings and
       recognizing their own folly, succumbed at once, and fell in
       with the general tendency for settlement. Substantially, the
       Act of 1903 accepted the principle of universal sale of the
       landlord’s interest to the occupier. It ignored legal
       compulsion. But it accepted what was finely called the
       principle of compulsion by inducement. It placed the sum of
       £100,000,000 ($500,000,000) at the disposal of landlord and
       tenant for the purposes of the act. It went further,—for it
       enacted that out of a fund called the Land Purchase Aid Fund
       each landlord who sold should receive a bonus (Latin for gift)
       of 12 per cent. on the purchase money. It appointed a new
       tribunal to administer the Act. And to this tribunal were
       given powers of re-settling congested districts by the
       purchase of grass lands, the enlargement of uneconomic
       holdings, and the restoration of certain evicted tenants where
       possible."

          Thomas W. Russell, M. P.,
          The Workings of the Irish Land Law
          (American Review of Reviews, November, 1905).

       The following are among the important provisions of the Land
       Act of 1903:

       "1.
       (4) Notwithstanding any provisions to the contrary contained
       in the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Amendment Act, 1888, an
       advance may be sanctioned under the provisions of the Land
       Purchase Acts not exceeding the sum of seven thousand pounds
       to one purchaser where, in the opinion of the Land Commission,
       it is expedient to make any such advance for the purpose of
       carrying out the sale of a holding to which the Land Law Acts
       apply. …

    {331}

       "2.
       (1) In the case of the sale of an estate advances under the
       Land Purchase Acts may be made for the purchase of parcels
       thereof by the following persons:

          (a) A person being the tenant of a holding on the
          estate;

          (b) A person being the son of a tenant of a holding
          on the estate;

          (c) A person being the tenant or proprietor of a
          holding not exceeding five pounds in rateable value,
          situate in the neighbourhood of the estate; and

          (d) A person who within twenty-five years before the
          passing of this Act was the tenant of a holding to which
          the Land Law Acts apply, and who is not at the date of the
          purchase the tenant or proprietor of that holding. Provided
          that in the case of the death of a person to whom an
          advance under this paragraph might otherwise have been
          made, the advance may be made, to a person nominated by the
          Land Commission as the personal representative of the
          deceased person.

       "(2) Advances under this section shall not, together with the
       amount (if any) of any previous advance under the Land
       Purchase Acts then unrepaid by the purchaser, exceed one
       thousand pounds:

       "Provided that the limitation in this subsection may, subject
       to the other limitations in the Land Purchase Acts, be
       exceeded where the Land Commission consider that a larger
       advance may be sanctioned to any purchaser without prejudice
       to the wants and circumstances of other persons residing in
       the neighbourhood.

       "(3) The Land Purchase Acts shall, subject to the provisions
       of this section, apply to the sale of a parcel of land in
       pursuance of this section, in like manner as if the same was a
       holding, and the purchaser was the tenant thereof at the time
       of his making the purchase, and the expression "holding" in
       those Acts shall include a parcel of land in respect of the
       purchase of which an advance has been made in pursuance of
       this section. …

       "6.
       (4) In the case of a congested estate as defined by this
       section, if the Land Commission, with the consent of the
       owner, certify to the Lord Lieutenant that the purchase and
       resale of the estate are desirable in view of the wants and
       circumstances of the tenants thereon, then the Land Commission
       may purchase the estate for a price to be agreed upon, and in
       such case the condition in this section as to resale without
       prospect of loss may be relaxed to such extent as the Lord
       Lieutenant may determine.

       "(5) The expression "congested estate" means an estate not
       less than half of the area of which consists of holdings not
       exceeding five pounds in rateable value, or of mountain or bog
       land, or not less than a quarter of the area of which is held
       in rundale or intermixed plots. …

       "8.
       The Land Commission may purchase any untenanted land which
       they consider necessary for the purchase of facilitating the
       resale, or redistribution, of estates purchased, or proposed
       to be purchased, by them, and the foregoing provisions of this
       Act, with respect to advances for the purchase of parcels of
       land comprised in estates, shall apply in the case of the sale
       by the Commission of any parcel of such untenanted land.

       "9.
       (1) There shall not be at any time vested in the Land
       Commission lands exceeding in the aggregate, according to the
       estimate of the Commission, as approved by the Treasury, the
       capital value of five million pounds in respect of which
       undertakings to purchase have not been received by the
       Commission. …

       "12.
       (1) The Land Commission may take such steps and execute, or
       cause to be executed, such works as may appear expedient for
       the benefit or improvement of estates, or untenanted land,
       purchased or proposed to be purchased under this Act, or for
       the use or enjoyment thereof or generally for the purposes of
       this Act. …

       "19.
       Where an estate is purchased by the Land Commission and
       tenants on the estate to the extent of three-fourths in number
       and rateable value have agreed to purchase their holdings, the
       Estates Commissioners may, if, having regard to the
       circumstances of the case, they think it expedient, order that
       the remaining tenants, or any of them, shall be deemed to have
       accepted the offers made to them, and the Land Purchase Acts
       shall apply accordingly, where the tenant could have obtained
       an advance of the entire purchase money, and the Land
       Commission have offered in the prescribed manner to make the
       advance."

    IRELAND: A. D. 1893-1907.
       The Gaelic League.

       "At the eve of the great famine, the mass of the people,
       outside the large towns, still spoke Irish; to-day partly
       owing to emigration, Irish is only spoken by 600,000 persons,
       out of four and a half millions, and that concurrently with
       English. Twenty thousand persons speak Irish only; these are
       mainly of the West. … An glicisation had begun its work, when
       the old language had been lost. Therefore, must not the Irish
       renaissance begin with the readoption of that language? So
       thought a small and elite group of Irish patriots, men of
       talent and enthusiasm, imbued with the national gospel
       preached by Thomas Davis forty years earlier—a gospel which
       Ireland had to some extent forgotten amidst the sufferings of
       the Great Famine, Fenianism and the Land Wars. Prominent in
       this group was the descendant of an old Protestant family of
       Roscommon, a Celtic scholar and folklorist, a poet of merit in
       English, a poet in Irish also, so say the connoisseurs, Dr.
       Douglas Hyde. He had the genius for propaganda, and when the
       country was ripe for it, gave body to his ideas by founding
       the Gaelic League, with the aid of his early friends, in 1893.
       The Gaelic League—though to limit the Irish renaissance by
       placing it under this title would be to limit its actual
       scope—may be said to be a faithful representative of the
       general ideas underlying the new Irish movement. It has
       declared its objects to be, the preservation of Irish as the
       national language, the study of ancient Irish literature, and
       the cultivation of a modern literature in the Irish language.
       But we must be careful not to judge it by its name. The Gaelic
       League is not a society of scholars, and leaves to others all
       that concerns literature and philology, pure and simple. It is
       occupied with propaganda, the application of its doctrine of a
       national renaissance on the basis of a national language. It
       intends to confer anew upon the country a psychological
       education, and, by means of the national language, by the
       revival of national art and literature, and the reconstitution
       of a national social system, to regenerate its soul from
       within and teach Ireland how she may again be a nation. …
       Though still growing, it has already in Ireland 964 branches,
       local and popular centres of activity, whose work it is to
       spread the national idea and the national language by every
       means, and to make them active factors in the every-day life
       of the family and social circle. Their primary duty is to
       organise Irish language classes for the benefit of their
       members.
    {332}
       These classes are practical above all in their scope, and are
       conducted sometimes by paid teachers and sometimes by generous
       volunteers whose work is almost always good. … Such a teacher
       in the country manages, on his rounds, to hold a dozen classes
       or so regularly every week. There are special classes for
       workmen, for students, for ladies; special classes for
       beginners, for veterans, Irish history classes, singing and
       even dancing classes, where the old national airs are taught
       and the national reel and jig. … In the summer, during holiday
       time, the enthusiasts of Irish speech come together in the
       western villages for the Sgoil Saoire (Summer school).
       There their teachers are the old peasants, from whom they
       learn not only the correct accent, the music of the language,
       but the spirit and tradition of ancient Irish culture, of
       which these peasants, who, from generation to generation, have
       gathered up the songs and legends of former times, are the
       most faithful guardians. In the summer also the Seilge
       are organised, that is to say, excursions to places of
       historical interest, with national sports and recreations. A
       seilg in Galway in 1901 was attended by no less than
       2,000 pilgrims. In the winter evenings each branch holds
       reunions from time to time, lectures (seanchus),
       followed by discussions on Irish subjects, concerts
       (sgoruidheacht), with choirs, Irish dances and songs,
       and ceilidhe, informal meetings on the lines of ancient
       village gatherings, where serious conversation—in
       Irish—alternates with music or a ‘recital,’ that is to say, a
       story or a piece of news, told, according to popular custom,
       by the author or a raconteur. Every year the Gaelic and
       National Festival, that of St. Patrick, is celebrated
       throughout Ireland, but notably in Dublin. … A start—the first
       and greatest difficulty—has been made, and now the League is a
       power in Ireland. It sells annually 20,000 Gaelic books and
       pamphlets, in which are included editiones principes of
       the poets of the eighteenth century, and new Irish
       publications, tales, and novels. Its financial resources are
       moderate. They represent, however, the spontaneous obol of the
       poor; and a large part of the annual subscription to the
       Language Fund, during St. Patrick’s week, is made up of pence
       and of half-pence. From the start the League has had the good
       sense officially to declare that it was both necessary and
       desirable that it should stand apart from all political and
       religious struggles; such has been its line of conduct, and
       now within it are found representatives of every party, from
       the strongest Orangemen to the fiercest separatists."

          L. Paul-Dubois,
          Contemporary Ireland,
          part 3, chapter 2
          (Maunsel & Co. Dublin, 1908).

       Public meetings have been held in Ireland during the past year
       (1909) to support the demand of the Gaelic League "that the
       Irish language, both oral and written, and Irish history be
       made essential subjects for matriculation in the new national
       University, and that proper provision be made for the teaching
       of Irish in all its colleges."

    IRELAND: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Census

       "4,456,546 Persons (2,197,739 Males and 2,258,807 Females)
       were returned in the Enumerators’ Summaries as constituting
       the population of Ireland on the night of Sunday, the 31st of
       last March—thus showing a decrease since 1891 of 248,204
       persons, or 5.3 per cent.—the decrease in the number of males
       was equal to 5.2 per cent., and in the number of females to
       5.3 per cent.

       "There was during the decade a decrease of 41,297 persons, or
       3.5 per cent. in the Province of Leinster; 98,568, or 8.4 per
       cent. in the Province of Munster; 38,463, or 2.4 per cent. in
       the Province of Ulster; and 69,876, or 9.7 percent, in the
       Province of Connaught."

       In 1841 the population enumerated in Ireland as a whole had
       been 8,196,597; in 1851 it had been 6,574,278; in 1861,
       5,798,967; in 1871, 5,412,377; in 1881, 5,174,836; in 1891,
       4,704,750. Excepting in 1861 the showing is a steady decrease,
       and this latest census finds the island almost half
       depopulated.

       "According to the Summaries furnished by the Enumerators,
       3,310,028 persons returned themselves as Roman Catholics, this
       number being 237,279 or 6.7 per cent under the number so
       returned in 1891; 579,385 were returned under the head of
       ‘Protestant Episcopalians,’ being a decrease of 20,718, or 3.5
       percent., compared with the number tabulated under that head
       in 1891; 443,494 were returned as Presbyterians, being a
       decrease of 1,480 or 0.3 per cent. compared with 1891; the
       number of Methodists returned on the present occasion amounts
       to 61,255, being an increase of 5,745 or 10.4 per cent, on the
       number returned on the Census Forms in 1891."

       In Dublin City, as extended under the Dublin Corporation Act
       of 1900, the population enumerated in 1901 was 289,108, being
       a gain of 20,521 since 1891. With the Urban Districts of
       Rathmines and Rathcar, Pembroke, Blackrock and Kingstown
       added, the total population of Dublin and suburbs was
       373,179,—an increase in the decade of 27,220.

       The following table shows the population of the 14 towns in
       which more than 10,000 inhabitants were found: compared with
       the enumeration of 1891.

          Towns.      1891.    1901.

       Belfast       273,079  348,965
       Cork           75,345   75,978
       Limerick       37,155   38,085
       Londonderry    33,200   39,873
       Waterford      26,203   26,743
       Galway         13,800   13,414
       Drogheda       13,708   12,765
       Newry          12,961   12,587
       Dundalk        12,449   13,067
       Lisburn        12,250   11,459
       Wexford        11,545   11,154
       Lurgan         11,429   11,777
       Kilkenny       11,048   10,493
       Sligo          10,862   10,862

       Total         554,446  637,222

    IRELAND: A. D. 1902 (February).
       Lord Rosebery and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman at issue on
       the Home Rule question.

       In a speech delivered at Liverpool in February Lord Rosebery
       pronounced a most positive funeral oration on what he assumed
       to be the death and burial of the Irish Home Rule question in
       British politics. A few days later Sir Henry
       Campbell-Bannerman, speaking at the annual meeting of the
       General Committee of the National Liberal Federation, took
       occasion to resurrect the supposedly buried issue and take it
       under his protection, as one of the responsibilities of the
       Liberal Party.
    {333}
       Home Rule, he said, was often spoken of as if it were "a
       strange, fantastic, almost whimsical and mad-cap policy,
       rashly adopted in a random way, to secure the Irish vote. It
       is to be easily and lightly dropped at any moment when an
       equal amount of support can be obtained from any other
       quarter! Not a very noble view of the case! Not, in truth, a
       very creditable or even a decent view of the case, but
       intelligible enough if there were in the way no principles and
       no facts." One such fact he found in the "fixed constitutional
       demand of the Irish people"; and Sir Henry concluded that the
       "old policy" remains "the sole remedy for the condition of
       Ireland, which is the most serious weakness in the whole
       British Empire and the most grave blot upon its fame."

       By these two sharply opposed utterances the Liberals of the
       United Kingdom were called to decide which leading they would
       follow—that of Lord Rosebery or that of Sir Henry. Not being
       in power, however, nor measurably within reach of it, decision
       of the party did not need to be made in haste.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1902-1908.
       Conditions in the matter of Disorder and Crime.

       In the course of a debate in the British Parliament on
       conditions in Ireland, which took place on the 24th of
       February, 1909, Lord Percy, charging the Liberal Government
       with responsibility for an increase of disorder and crime
       since it came into power, brought statistics in evidence as
       follows: "Take the indictable offences against property and
       firing into houses. In 1906 the total number of these offences
       was 20; in 1907, 29; in 1908, 80. Outrages on the person by
       the use of firearms, agrarian and non-agrarian, were:—In the
       first 11 months of 1906, 20 agrarian and 36 non-agrarian; in
       1907, 56 agrarian and 53 non-agrarian; in 1908, 128 agrarian
       and 65 non-agrarian. In addition to these open outrages there
       was the system of boycotting and intimidation. In
       cattle-driving—a new offence unheard of before the days of the
       Chief Secretary—there were 390 cases in 1907 and 681 in 1908.
       The number of persons under police protection on January 31,
       1907, was 196; in 1908, 270; and in 1909, 335. The cases of
       boycotting had risen from 162 on November 30, 1905, to 874 on
       January 31, 1908. An impression prevailed that the cases of
       boycotting were ‘minor cases,’ and of no great importance; but
       the Lord Chief Justice, at the Clare Spring Assizes on one
       occasion, referring to these so-called minor cases, pointed
       out that no one dealt with or spoke to the boycotted person,
       and that he had to go 20 miles to Limerick for the necessaries
       of life. People also had to go to mass and to weddings
       protected by police; and he asserted that the Government could
       not point to a civilized country in Europe in which the
       Government would tolerate a large section of its population
       living daily and hourly under the shadow of a terror like
       this."

       The Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, retorted with
       the following: "For the purpose of making a comparison between
       the condition of Ireland to-day and as it was when the
       Government was led by the right honourable gentleman the
       leader of the Opposition, when they introduced and made
       permanent their Crimes Act, we must consider what was the
       state of things in 1886 as compared with what it is now. I
       will give the House the figures. Murders in 1886, seven; in
       1908, one; manslaughter in 1886, three; now, none; firing at
       the person, 16; now, 15; firing into dwellings—and here is a
       most formidable addition, I admit—43; now, 66; incendiary
       fires and arson, 103; now, 54; killing, cutting, and maiming
       cattle—a horrible and brutal crime—73; now, 22—far too many;
       riots and affrays, nine; now, 13; threatening letters or
       notices, 434; now, 233; intimidation, 92; now, 57; injury to
       property, 150; now, 89; other offences, 136; now, 26; showing
       in 1886 a total of 1,056, and now a total of 576. On January
       1, 1886, there were 175 persons wholly boycotted, and 716
       partially boycotted—a total of 891. In those days, I admit,
       the police made no distinction between partial and minor
       boycotting. In 1887 there were 145 persons wholly boycotted,
       and 763 partially boycotted, making a total of 908. On January
       1, 1909, there were 15 wholly boycotted, 10 partially
       boycotted, and 172 cases of minor boycotting, making in all
       197. Persons under constant police protection on December 31,
       1887, numbered 252, and those under protection by patrol,
       704—a total of 956. On December 31, 1908, there were 74
       persons under constant protection, 270 under protection by
       patrol, a total of 344 against the total of 956. I leave the
       House to draw their own inference from those figures."

       An official return to Parliament, from the Royal Irish
       Constabulary Office, Dublin Castle, of the number of cases of
       boycotting and of persons boycotted throughout Ireland on the
       31st day of January, 1908, and on various days in several
       preceding years, showed 5 cases of entire boycotting,
       affecting 26 persons, and 9 cases of partial boycotting,
       affecting 39 people, on the date mentioned in 1908; 4 cases of
       entire boycotting, affecting 20, with seven cases of the
       partial boycott, affecting 35, on the 31st of July, 1907. On
       the 31st of July, 1903, there had been 4 cases of entire and
       21 cases of partial boycotting affecting 25 and 131 persons
       respectively; while the cases on the 31st of March, 1902, of
       entire boycotting had numbered 5, the partial cases 46, and
       they were directed in the first instance against 26 people,
       and against 275 in the second.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1905.
       Defective working of the Land Purchase Act of 1903.
       Inadequacy of its financial provisions.
       Baffled in the Western Counties by cupidity of landlords.

       The first two years of the working of the Irish Land Purchase
       Act of 1903 sufficed to show that the splendid promise of that
       measure could not be realized satisfactorily without
       fundamental changes in its plan. By that time the agreements
       effected between landlords and tenants for transfers of land
       from the former to the latter called for purchase payments far
       in excess of the sums which the Act had provided for supplying
       at so early a stage of the operation. The process of transfer
       was checked and the feelings that helped it on were chilled by
       increasing delays in the completion of transactions when
       begun.

       But this was not the worst disappointment in the working of
       the Act. Another more serious is charged to the cupidity of
       landlords in the poorer counties of the west. In the article
       by Mr. Thomas W. Russell from which a quotation is given above
       he explains it as follows:

    {334}

       "It was quite impossible to apply the same rule to Connaught
       and to other similar areas as to Ulster, Leinster, and
       Munster. In the west the holdings are small and hopelessly
       uneconomic in their character. Parliament felt, and rightly
       so, that to make the occupier of a five-acre bog holding an
       owner was to do him no good. Such a feat in statesmanship
       merely freed the western landlord from a risky security and
       transferred the risk to the state. It was, therefore, enacted
       that the large grass holdings which abound in that region,—and
       which are held by graziers on a tenure of eleven months, the
       object of the term being to avoid the creation of a tenancy,
       —should be bought and wherever possible should be distributed
       among the small holders, thus rendering a decent living
       possible. And in several cases this has been successfully done
       by the congested districts board, with the very best results.
       … The landlords as a whole professed at the land conference
       and in Parliament their entire willingness to sell, provided
       they received a price equivalent when securely invested to
       their second-term net income. To enable this to be done the
       bonus of £12,000,000 was sanctioned by Parliament. The whole
       thing was a bargain—a clear case of contract. And what the
       western landlords have been guilty of is a simple breach of
       faith. They are quite ready to sell the bog holdings, the
       barren mountain tracts out of which a decent living cannot be
       had, demanding for this wretched land in many cases more than
       is being asked in Antrim and Down for the best land in these
       counties. But the grass ranches they refuse to part with. And
       so the whole plan of the act,—the whole scheme for the
       re-settling of the land, and raising the station of the small
       holder,—has been brought to naught.

       "In this connection another difficulty has arisen. When the
       western sections of the act were being passed, Mr.
       Wyndham,—who was in grim earnest about these poor
       people,—provided for the sale of congested estates to the
       estates commissioners or to the congested districts board.
       Special inducements were given to sales under these sections.
       The cost of sale was borne almost entirely by the state, and
       the commissioners were authorized in such cases to spend money
       upon the improvement of the holdings. The policy was
       excellent. But the landlords have ruined it. They quickly
       discovered that if they sold to the estates commissioners the
       land would be inspected by an expert valuer, and its price
       would depend upon its value. This was not their idea of how
       things should be done. They preferred to sell to the tenant
       direct, against whom they could use the screw of arrears of
       rent, and from whom they could exact a higher price. Hardly a
       case of sale to the estates commissioners has taken place
       under these well-meant sections. And for the reasons stated. …
       The fact is, compulsory powers of purchase in all such cases
       ought to have been frankly given. But to mention the word
       compulsion to the then chief secretary was to send him into a
       fury. He would not hear of it."

          T. W. Russell,
          Workings of the Irish Land Purchase Act
          (American Review of Reviews, November, 1905).

    IRELAND: A. D. 1905.
       Formation of the Sinn Fein Party.

       "While the outside world was looking to the Irish
       Parliamentary Party as the guardian of the national conscience
       of Ireland, a Young Ireland Party, determined, virile,
       thoughtful, idealistic and, strange though it may seem,
       practical, was gradually forming, becoming a power, sweeping
       away outworn ideas, preaching new and putting them into
       practice, and working wonders in the revival of a genuine
       national spirit throughout the country. … Naturally, and very
       gradually, the various units gravitated toward one another;
       and, less than two years ago, under the guidance of a Dublin
       boy named Arthur Griffith, they elected a National Council,
       and formed themselves into a party known as the ‘Sinn Fein
       Party,’ which included probably three-fourths of the national
       thinkers in Ireland. Since its inception, the Sinn Fein Party
       has been rapidly gaining power, raising itself upon the ruins
       of a fast crumbling Parliamentary agitation, and eventually
       leaping into greater popular prestige when, recently, the
       ludicrous Irish Councils Bill was submitted to the nation as
       the fruits of a generation of Parliamentary agitation.

       "'Sinn Fein' is Gaelic for 'Ourselves.' The doctrine of
       the Sinn Fein Party is that the salvation of a nation is to be
       wrought out by the people and upon the soil of that nation,
       and it holds that ‘God helps those who help themselves.’ It
       asks Ireland to cultivate, what for a long time it neglected,
       self-reliance, and aims at regenerating the Irish nation, not
       merely politically, but also linguistically, industrially,
       educationally, morally and socially. Almost all preceding
       national movements made the grave mistake of considering
       politics coincident with patriotism; the Sinn Fein policy
       provides for all-round upbuilding of the nation, and is
       successfully working along many lines on which no political
       movement touched before."

          Seumas MacManus,
          Sinn Fein
          (North American Review, August, 1907).

    IRELAND: A. D. 1905 (December).
       Change of Government.

       On the change of government which took place in the United
       Kingdom in December, Mr. Balfour resigning the Premiership and
       Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman forming a Liberal Ministry, the
       Earl of Aberdeen was appointed Lord Lieutenant and Mr. James
       Bryce Chief Secretary for Ireland.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
       Effects of the Land Purchase Act as seen by
       a revisiting Irishman.

       Notwithstanding the defects in the working of the Land
       Purchase Act, as described above, Mr. T. P. O’Connor, the
       well-known Irish journalist in London, on returning from a
       visit to Ireland in the spring of 1907 after a somewhat
       protracted absence, wrote enthusiastically to the New York
       Tribune of the happy wakening he had found in the country to a
       new life. "You are seeing in Ireland," said a lady to him,
       "not merely a revolution but a renaissance," and he found her
       characterization to be true. He concludes, too, that there was
       no exaggeration in her further remark, that "so much is going
       on in Ireland now that you dare n’t leave it even for a
       month." "Everybody," writes Mr. O’Connor, "seemed to be doing
       something and something new for Ireland"; with Catholics and
       Protestants working together, as they have never worked
       before. And the main cause of this "renaissance" is traceable
       to the working of the Land Purchase Act of 1903. Already, says
       Mr. O’Connor, under the working of this splendid measure,
       nearly half the soil of Ireland has changed hands, and "the
       second half will be transferred at a much accelerated speed."

    {335}

       "For seven centuries there has been a continual, a bloody, a
       desperate war in Ireland between two races, and the prize for
       which they fought—was the land. … And now, at last, before our
       own eyes, in this generation of men to which we belong, this
       secular struggle is at an end; the battle has been fought and
       has been won; the land belongs again to the ancient Celtic
       race from which it was stolen centuries ago. … If you want to
       realize further what all this means, do not forget that these
       people who are now brought into full liberty are able to
       appreciate it the more from the fact that the greater part of
       them were born into slavery, and know all that slavery means.
       I myself, though no septuagenarian, can remember the time when
       the Irish farmers were driven to the polls to vote for their
       landlords like so many cattle. I remember the poor, wretched,
       cringing slaves which they had to be in those not very far off
       days; how they bowed and cried, ‘Yer Honor,’ at every second
       word; and how, in fact, they revealed by their outward bearing
       the knowledge that when they stood in the presence of the
       landlord they were confronted by the master of their life or
       death.

       "The despair of the impossible situation in the Ireland of 40
       or 50 years ago was worse almost than the servitude. There was
       no room left for hope in a system which permitted the landlord
       to rob the tenant of every addition the latter made to the
       wealth of the soil; and there could be no hope or prospect in
       a system which kept the tenant liable to eviction from his
       holding whenever the landlord wished to do so. And now realize
       that on half the soil of Ireland the people never see a
       landlord or a landlord’s representative; that every year
       brings them nearer to the time when they will be the absolute
       owners of their holdings; but they know that their children
       will secure full possession and complete ownership if they do
       not, and you can understand what a new strong tide of hope and
       exultation there must be in the breasts of these people."

    IRELAND: A. D. 1907.
       The Evicted Tenants Act.
       The healing of an Irish Sore of Twenty Years.

       "The passing of the Evicted Tenants Act in the recent session,
       defective though it may be in one respect, is an admission on
       the part of all parties in Parliament that a long pending
       Irish controversy must be closed, and that the demand
       persistently and pertinaciously made by the great majority of
       the Irish members and people for over twenty years for the
       reinstatement of a large body of evicted tenants must be
       conceded. …

       "The wholesale evictions of tenants, whom it is now decided to
       reinstate, were primarily due to the agricultural crisis of
       1885, when the great fall of price of Irish farm produce
       commenced. This averaged not less than 20 to 30 per cent. in
       respect of cattle and dairy produce, the main sources of
       income to Irish farmers. Tenants for the most part paid their
       rents in that year, hoping for better times, but many who
       lived from hand to mouth, with little or no margin, fell into
       arrears. The position was far worse in the following year,
       when it became clear that the fall of prices was a permanent
       one. The Land Court recognised this by fixing judicial rents
       at 18 to 20 per cent. less than those fixed between 1881 and
       1885. An universal demand consequently arose on the part of
       all other tenants for a reduction of rent in proportion to the
       new range of prices. They claimed this not only in the case of
       yearly tenancies, but of holdings where judicial rents had
       been adjudicated before 1885, and of holdings under leases.
       The majority of Irish land-owners in 1886 recognised the
       justice of the claim, and allowed rebatements of rent,
       averaging between 20 and 30 per cent. in respect of all
       classes of holdings. The claim of the tenants was not for the
       forbearance of the land-owners, but was founded on right, on
       the traditional claim to a property in their holdings—a claim
       to which the Land Act of 1881 had given Parliamentary and
       legal sanction. That great agrarian Act had in fact
       established Dual Ownerships of land in Ireland. It secured to
       the occupiers a property in their holdings by enabling them to
       appeal to a Land Court for the settlement of rent, and by
       giving them fixity of tenure and the right of bequeathing or
       assigning their interests. Beneficent and generous as the Act
       was, it had serious defects. …

       "As a result of these defects the Land Act of 1881, great as
       it was in principle, did not afford a sufficient remedy in the
       crisis caused by the great fall of prices in 1885-1886. A
       minority of Irish landowners refused to follow the example of
       the larger and better class of owners, and to make rebatements
       of rent in 1886. They justified their refusal on the ground
       that since the Act of 1881 the tenants had no longer a claim
       for forbearance in respect of rent. They insisted, therefore,
       on full payment, and began to evict on a large scale those in
       default. …

       "Numerous combinations of tenants were formed to refuse full
       payment of rent and to resist evictions to the utmost. With
       the object of assisting and strengthening resistance of the
       tenants, a new form of combination was devised by Mr. T.
       Harrington, M. P., known as the ‘Plan of Campaign.’ The
       essential feature of it was the payment by the tenants of an
       estate adopting it of 50 per cent. of the rent due into a
       common fund, to be administered by a committee of tenants for
       the purpose of resisting eviction, and supporting the evicted
       families. The fund thus created was beyond the reach of the
       landowners and of the individual members of the combination.
       It afforded, therefore, great security for the maintenance of
       the combination.

       "The tenants, before adopting the plan, were advised to offer
       arbitration of their rents to their landlords. If evictions
       took place the tenants were to stand by one another, and not
       to come to agreement with their landlords, except upon terms
       that the evicted men were to be reinstated in their holdings.
       Those taking farms from which tenants were evicted were to be
       rigidly boycotted.

       "The plan thus devised was commended to the tenants of
       Ireland, where landowners refused reasonable abatements of
       rents, by many of the Irish members, such as Mr. Dillon, Mr.
       W. O’Brien, and others. … Mr. Parnell held aloof from it, not
       so much from disapproval of its method, as from fear that it
       might injure the Home Rule cause with English constituencies.
       Many of the Catholic Bishops expressed their disapproval. It
       was denounced by the Government as a fraudulent and dishonest
       attempt to break contracts. They prosecuted Mr. Dillon and
       other leaders for conspiracy under the ordinary law. The Irish
       judges pronounced the scheme of combination to be a criminal
       conspiracy on the ground that it subjected landlords to
       unlawful pressure. …

    {336}

       "By the commencement of the session of 1887 the Royal
       Commission appointed by the Government to report on
       agricultural prices and the claim for a revision of judicial
       rents, presided over by Lord Cowper, an ex-Lord Lieutenant,
       reported in favour of all that had been contended for by Mr.
       Parnell in his Bill of the previous year. They emphatically
       affirmed that a great and permanent fall of prices had taken
       place. They advised that judicial rents, fixed before the year
       1885, should be revised and reduced, and that leaseholders
       should be admitted to the privileges of judicial rents. The
       Government, at the instance, as it is believed, of Mr.
       Chamberlain and the Liberal Unionists, were compelled to
       legislate in accordance with this report. …

       "This measure, which so greatly extended the Act of 1881, was
       accompanied by a new Coercion Act dispensing with trial by
       jury in agrarian cases, and enabling resident magistrates—mere
       nominees of the Government—to try and convict in such cases.
       …

       "The Act of 1887, by providing a legal alternative, put an end
       to further combinations of tenants. The Plan of Campaign was
       not adopted in any fresh cases. It had been put in force on
       111 estates where the owners refused general abatements of
       rent. In 94 of these it had the effect of inducing the owners
       to come to terms with their tenants for reductions of rent of
       a reasonable character and sufficient to avoid further
       trouble. In seventeen estates only the owners were obdurate,
       and declared war against their tenants. …

       "After the passing of the Coercion Act wholesale evictions
       were resumed on the Campaign estates, and were supported by
       all the forces at the disposal of the Government. … In 1891, a
       great step was taken by the late Government in the direction
       of a more conciliatory attitude to the evicted tenants. In the
       Land Purchase Act of that year a clause was inserted enabling
       the Land Commissioners to admit the evicted tenants as
       purchasers of holdings, where their former landlords agreed to
       their reinstatement. The clause was to have effect for one
       year only, and very few transactions took place under it. …

       "Nothing more was done till 1903. Meanwhile this Irish sore
       remained unhealed. The evicted men continued to live in
       temporary dwellings near to their former homes, patiently
       expecting reinstatement at some future time. Nor have they
       been mistaken in this respect, though many of them had to wait
       nine more years, and the remainder still longer.

       "In 1903 it became advisable for the Tory Government to bid
       for the support of the Irish Nationalists for Mr. Wyndham’s
       measure aiming at an universal scheme of land purchase in
       Ireland—a scheme offering very great inducements to landlords
       to sell to their tenants. It was again provided in this Act
       that the evicted tenants might be reinstated, not as tenants,
       but as owners by purchase of their former holdings, Provision
       was made for the advance of money from an Irish fund for
       buying out the Planters, for rebuilding the houses of the
       evicted men, for restocking their farms, and for buying
       untenanted land on which to replace the evicted men, where it
       was not possible to reinstate them in their former farms. … As
       a result, however, all the remaining Campaign estates except
       two were dealt with under this Act, and nearly all the men
       evicted from them were reinstated on the most favourable
       terms. …

       "The Act of 1903, however generous and successful so far as it
       went, failed to deal with the whole case. It is wanting in
       backbone—in coercive power as against a residuum of
       landowners. Two Campaign estates—the Clanricarde and the Lewis
       estates—remained undealt with, and about 2000 tenants evicted
       from other, not Campaign, estates were left out in the cold.
       It was to supply coercive power for dealing with these
       remaining cases that the recent Act was passed."

          Eversley,
          The Evicted Tenants (Ireland) Act
          (Fortnightly Review, December, 1907).

    IRELAND: A. D. 1907 (May).
       Proposed Bill for the creation of a Representative Council.
       Rejected by the National Party.
       Abandoned by the Government.

       A Bill proposing half-way progress toward Home Rule for
       Ireland was introduced in the British Parliament by the Chief
       Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Augustine Birrell, in May, 1907.
       Its main feature was the creation of a Representative Council,
       not to be legislative in function, but having large
       administrative powers. This Council was to consist of 107
       members, eighty-two elected by the Irish householders
       (including peers and women), and twenty-five nominated by the
       crown. Eight of the existing Irish departments, including
       agriculture, public works, congested districts, and the
       registrar’s office were placed under its control and a new
       one, the education department, created. In addition to the
       $10,000,000 of annual expenditure controlled by these
       departments, the bill provided for an increase of $3,250,000
       to be spent on public works and "general improvement." The
       provisions of the Bill did not extend to the constabulary, the
       courts, the prisons, or the Land Commission. The Lord
       Lieutenant was to have general supervisory control.

       Apparently the Liberal Ministry had been led to expect that
       Mr. John Redmond and other leaders of the Irish National Party
       would accept this measure, as an installment of the
       self-government they claimed for Ireland. If so, then the
       leaders who encouraged that expectation were overborne by
       their followers, for the Bill was denounced and rejected, on
       motion of Mr. Redmond, at a convention of the National Party,
       in Dublin, on the 21st of May, and was therefore withdrawn.

       In offering this plan of government the English Liberals had
       turned back to what was the original Gladstone project of
       Irish home rule, contemplated and discussed, without result,
       by the Liberal cabinet in 1885. As Mr. Morley relates in his
       Life of Gladstone, there were two main opinions in the cabinet
       at that time: "One favored the erection of a system of
       representative county government in Ireland. The other view
       was, that besides the county boards, there should be in
       addition a central board for all Ireland, essentially
       municipal and not political; in the main executive and
       administrative, but also with a power to make bye-laws, raise
       funds, and pledge public credit in such modes as parliament
       should provide.
    {337}
       The central board would take over education, primary, in part
       intermediate, and perhaps even higher; poor law and sanitary
       administration; and public works. The whole charge of justice,
       police, and prisons would remain with the executive."

       This defines, practically, a measure of home rule within the
       same limits that Mr. Birrell proposed. It appears to have been
       suggested to Mr. Gladstone by Mr. Chamberlain and to have been
       accepted by the premier, with the understanding that it would
       satisfy Mr. Parnell, for the time being, at least. It was not
       acceptable, however, to a majority of the Cabinet, and, when
       rejected, Gladstone remarked bitterly to one of his
       colleagues: "Within six years, if it please God to spare their
       lives, they will be repenting in sackcloth and ashes." The
       wearing of the sackcloth was not postponed so long.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1909.
       Amended Land Purchase Act.

       The defects which have been noted above in the very promising
       Land Purchase Act of 1903 raised increasing difficulties in
       the operation of it, until the pressing need of amendatory
       legislation was acknowledged by all parties. Wide differences
       of view, however, between different interests involved made
       the attainment of such legislation no easy task. A Bill for
       the purpose, brought forward in the autumn of 1908, by the
       Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, was pushed over into
       the next session, and reintroduced in March, 1909. Mr. Birrell
       then reviewed the circumstances which had rendered amendments
       of the Act necessary, stating that "28 millions had now been
       advanced for land purchase, and that there were pending
       agreements involving the advance of 56 millions. The total
       acreage of the land sold and agreed to be sold exceeded
       7,000,000 acres. The country was now in the very middle of
       this great agrarian revolution. Mr. Wyndham, the author of the
       Act of 1903, thought that £100,000,000 would suffice to carry
       this revolution through, but already £84,000,000 had been
       accounted for and there was every reason for supposing that
       Mr. Wyndham’s estimate should have been £183,000,000. With
       regard to the loss on the flotation of land stock, he
       expressed the opinion that for a decade, at any rate, it would
       be unsafe to assume that a higher issue price would be
       obtained than £85, and he calculated that if nothing were done
       a charge of £855,000 annually would eventually have to be made
       good by the ratepayers. It was impossible to expect them to
       bear this enormous burden, and if the law were not amended the
       scheme of land purchase must break down. His proposal in
       regard to the bonus was that, instead of fixing it at 3 per
       cent., it should be paid according to a scale under which the
       lower the price given for the land the higher would be the
       bonus. For this at least £3,000,000 would be required over and
       above the original £12,000,000. By this Bill the Exchequer was
       assuming, everything considered, a total capital liability of
       about £30,000,000. Calling attention to the principal
       provisions of the Bill, he reminded the House that landlords
       were empowered to take payment partly in cash and partly in
       stock at 92. He then mentioned the steps that were being taken
       to accelerate the work of the Estates Commissioners and stated
       that advances to the amount of £10,000,000 were never likely
       to be exceeded in one year; they now had reached £8,000,000."

       On a question arising as to one part, called a "bonus,"
       provided for in the transaction of purchase, Mr. Wyndham, who
       had been Chief Secretary in 1903, and author of the original
       Act, said. "Some honourable members sitting for English
       constituencies might think that the bonus was not necessary.
       They might think that if the State lent its credit, landlord
       and tenant could come to terms, and that the bonus was
       something thrown in as a sop to the landlords. If the transfer
       of land in Ireland were sporadic, he agreed that landlords
       might sell without the assistance of a direct bonus from the
       State. The question to be solved in Ireland, however, was that
       of the general transfer of ownership of land throughout the
       country, and that, broadly speaking, could not be effected
       unless the present owners received an equivalent to the income
       which they now enjoyed. In the past nearly all the cases of
       the sporadic transfer of ownership of land had been got rid
       of, and there were now left those cases which could not be
       dealt with unless a bonus were given. It had been generally
       recognized by all parties that a bonus should be given rather
       than that the land difficulties in Ireland should continue,
       and six years ago the decision arrived at was supported by the
       unanimous opinion of all parties in the House. Now it was
       proposed that the method of giving a substantial bonus at a
       uniform rate should be set aside in such a way as to increase
       the discrepancy between pending and future agreements. Already
       by altering the rate of instalments in future agreements, and
       by giving stock instead of cash, they had created a wide
       difference between the two classes. On the top of that they
       were now going to do away with the bonuses and apply a method
       which he thought he would be able to show would prove most
       injurious; and if it did prove injurious, it would touch the
       cardinal point in the whole matter."

       Mr. Wyndham opposed the new Bill on this point, apparently
       without success. Strong opposition to a grant of the power of
       compulsory purchase which the Bill embodied was raised, in the
       House of Commons, as well as ultimately in the House of Lords.
       Its contemplated changes in dealing with what are called
       "congested estates" and "congested districts," being those in
       which the holdings of tenants are too small to yield a decent
       living, were also a subject of criticism and opposition.

       The Bill received some amendment in the House of Commons,
       before having its third reading and passage on the 18th of
       September. In the House of Lords it met with harder treatment,
       and was returned to the Commons with amendments which the
       latter rejected in toto. Informal conferences brought
       about an accommodation of the differences between the two
       Houses and placed the Act on the statute book. The peers
       yielded on the question of compulsory purchase, as well as
       with regard to the tribunal which should have a deciding
       authority in the matter, these being the two points most in
       dispute.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1909 (January).
       Disclosures of Poverty by the Old Age Pensions Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Organization of the two new Irish Universities.

          See (in this Volume)
          Education: Ireland.

    {338}

    IROQUOIS THEATER, Burning of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHICAGO: A. D. 1903.

    IRRIGATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    ISLE OF PINES:
       United States Supreme Court Decision concerning.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

    ISTHMIAN CANAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL.

    ISVOLSKY, Alexander: Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.
       His Aide Memoire on Macedonian Affairs.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    ISVOLSKY, Alexander:
       Convention with Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

    ITAGAKI, Count.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

       ----------ITALY: Start--------

    ITALY: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    ITALY: A. D. 1901.
       The First Year of the Reign of King Victor Emmanuel III.
       Greatly improved conditions.
       Restored Liberty of Speech and Meeting.
       Neutrality of Government in Labor Disputes.
       Zanardelli and Giolitti in the Ministry.

       In the early months of 1901, when Volume VI. of this work went
       to press, Italy was in an uncertain and anxious state. It had
       not recovered from the shock of the assassination of King
       Humbert, and could not foresee what length the sobering
       effects of that tragedy would have. It had hope that the new
       reign just beginning would quiet the dreadful disorders that
       had become rife in Parliament and in the country at large, but
       fear to the contrary was more than equal, perhaps, to the
       hope. Happily it was the hope that found justification within
       the passing year, as will be learned from the following report
       of conditions, published in the last month of 1901:

       "Those who expected that King Victor Emmanuel III’s reign
       would be coincident with a marked improvement in Italy, have
       so far been amply justified. Few ventured to hope that his
       Liberal Ministry under Signors Zanardelli and Giolitti would
       weather a Parliamentary session. As it is, despite some
       weakness and a few mistakes, it has come out triumphant.
       Compared with eighteen months ago, Italian politics have
       undergone what is little less than a revolution. The closing
       months of the last reign saw the most dangerous constitutional
       crisis that United Italy has known. A reactionary Government
       was threatening Parliamentary liberty; the Liberals and
       Socialists were making a desperate stand, which at all events
       preserved the Constitution, and perhaps saved Italy from
       revolution. Now the signs of danger have almost passed. The
       Crown is fast getting back its popularity. Parliament is
       asserting itself as it has not done for many years, and is
       able to give its time to quiet, useful work. The Extreme Left,
       stubbornly obstructionist last year, is giving an independent
       but fairly cordial support to the Ministry. Outside Parliament
       Italians have for once a government ‘which allows them to
       breathe and move and speak.’ For the first time since Crispi
       introduced coercion, seven years ago, there is liberty of
       speech and public meeting. Still, occasionally, the
       unteachable censorship suppresses an issue of some democratic
       paper. But there is no prosecution for political speeches, no
       arbitrary political imprisonment, no harrying of cooperative
       or benefit societies from empty fear of political designs or
       at the bidding of shopkeepers.

       "But this is of small account beside the altered attitude of
       the Government towards labour questions. Hitherto its
       influence had been always more or less on the side of the
       employers. Trade Unions were dissolved and sometimes their
       members arrested; their organisers were imprisoned for
       ‘exciting to class-hatred,’ and under the military courts of
       1898 it was an offence to plead, however moderately, in
       defence of the claims of labour. When the agricultural
       labourers of the lower Po valley struck for a living wage, the
       Government sent soldiers to reap the crops. Suddenly and
       radically all this has changed. At last the law is observed,
       and Trade Unions are allowed the legal sanction which
       nominally they have had for years. The Government has
       announced its neutrality in labour disputes, so long as there
       is no violence or interference with individual liberty. The
       result has been an epidemic of strikes. The Italian working
       man, long cowed by his powerlessness before the alliance of
       employer and Government, is using his new freedom to raise his
       miserable wage. Signor Giolitti estimated in the middle of
       last June that since the beginning of the year there had been
       511 strikes, affecting 600,000 workmen (a number almost
       unparalleled even in England) and resulting in an increase of
       wages by nearly £2,000,000, a huge sum in poverty-stricken
       Italy. Probably by now the total of strikers has reached a
       figure which has never been equalled within a year in any
       European country. … Thanks to the vigorous advocacy of
       arbitration by the Chambers of Labour, the urban strikes have
       generally been short, and, so far as I know, except for some
       not very serious trouble at Naples, there has been no case of
       disorder in them."

          Bolton King,
          The New Reign in Italy
          (Contemporary Review, December, 1901).

    ITALY: A. D. 1902 (June).
       Renewal of the Triple Alliance.

          See (in this Volume)
          TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

    ITALY: A. D. 1902-1904.
       Coercive Proceedings against Venezuela concerted with
       Great Britain and Germany.
       Settlement of claims secured.
       Reference to The Hague.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    ITALY: A. D. 1903 (March).
       General Strike in Rome.
       See (in this Volume)
       LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

    ITALY: A. D. 1903 (October).
       Change of Ministry.

       Signor Giuseppe Zanardelli, President of the Council, or
       Premier, since February, 1901, gave his resignation to the
       King in October, 1903, on account of ill-health, and a new
       Ministry was formed by Signor Giolitti, who had been Minister
       of the interior in the administration of Zanardelli, and who
       still retained that portfolio after assuming the presidency of
       the Council.

    ITALY: A. D. 1903-1905.
       Initiation of the International Institute of Agriculture
       by the King.

          See (in this Volume)
          AGRICULTURE.

    ITALY: A. D. 1904.
       Tokens of a Disposition to bring the Church and the
       State into better Accord.

       Several marked tokens of a conciliatory disposition on both
       sides of the long break in relations between the Papacy and
       the Government of the Kingdom of Italy appeared in the course
       of the year 1904. The Government brought in a bill for
       increasing the public salaries of curés. Its diplomatic agents
       in South America were instructed to give attention to a Papal
       nuncio who travelled thither on a mission from the Vatican as
       though he represented the King. The King conveyed a piece of
       ground to the Pope which enlarged his domain. A Cardinal took
       part in a reception to the King at Bologna and sat at table
       with them. These were such amenities between the royal and
       pontifical courts as had not been seen for a generation, and
       they seemed to bear much significance; but little came from
       them in the end.

    {339}

    ITALY: A. D. 1904 (October-December).
       Dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies.
       The Government sustained in the Elections.
       Increased Participation by the Catholics.

       The Chamber of Deputies was dissolved by royal decree on the
       17th of October, and elections appointed to be held on the 6th
       and 13th of November. The canvass was more animated than
       usual, Catholics taking part in it, and in the subsequent
       voting, more numerously than hitherto. The Ministry of Premier
       Giolitti, representing the Liberals and Moderates in politics,
       between groups of the extreme Right and Left, secured a strong
       majority. Those of the Left lost a number of seats, though the
       Socialists claimed to have made large gains in the popular
       vote.

    ITALY: A. D. 1905.
       Effect of the Russo-Japanese War on the Triple Alliance.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

    ITALY: A. D. 1905.
       Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
       in Macedonia on Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    ITALY: A. D. 1905 (September).
       Earthquake in Calabria.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES.

    ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Illness and Retirement of Premier Giolitti.
       The Fortis and Sonnino Ministries.
       The Demoralized Railway Service.
       Catholic Abstention from Politics relaxed.
       Return of Giolitti to Power.

       The Italian Premier, Signor Giolitti, was forced by illness to
       withdraw from office early in the year, and Signor Fortis was
       commissioned by the King to form a new Ministry. He did not
       succeed, and Signor Tittoni was then required by the King to
       take the lead in Government with the late colleagues of Signor
       Giolitti. Tittoni soon resigned, however, and Fortis was again
       called, late in March, to form a Cabinet, which he now found
       himself able to do. In the following December, however, a
       reconstruction of the Fortis Ministry occurred, the King
       requiring the Premier to retain his place, while his
       colleagues were partly changed.

       Throughout the year the Government and the country were
       greatly troubled by a general demoralization in the management
       and service of the railways. Travel and freight transportation
       were exasperatingly delayed; accidents were of constant
       occurrence, and strikes, having no result but the public
       affliction, were repeated again and again.

       Early in the summer an encyclical on the attitude to be taken
       by the faithful in political controversies was addressed to
       the Italian bishops by the Pope. Not distinctly, but by
       inference, it was taken to be a relaxation of the policy of
       abstention from politics, and to prompt political action by
       Catholics, but always under clerical guidance and advice.

       The Fortis Ministry held its ground in the Government, against
       much attack, until February, 1906, when it lost the support of
       a majority in the Chamber, and gave place to a coalition
       Cabinet formed by Signor Sonnino, which conducted the
       administration till the following May, when, on a question of
       the purchase of the Southern railways, it suffered defeat.
       Whereupon Signor Giolitti returned to power, in the face of a
       threat from the employees of the railways that they would
       proclaim a general strike if he took up the reins again. The
       strike did not occur, and a notable access of vigor and
       activity of Government appeared.

    ITALY: A. D. 1906.
       At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ITALY: A. D. 1906 (April).
       Violent eruption of Mount Vesuvius.

          See (in this Volume)
          VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

    ITALY: A. D. 1906-1909.
       The Giolitti Administration.
       Its recent resignation.

       The Giolitti Ministry was maintained in the direction of the
       Government for nearly four years, by virtue of the energetic
       and efficient administration it conducted. Its capabilities
       were demonstrated somewhat notably before the close of 1906,
       by the conversion of the Italian rentes (Government bonds)
       from 4 to 3 per cent.,—a financial operation which had been
       discussed and fumbled over, apparently, for a long time.
       Premier Giolitti brought the question to a determination in
       the Chamber after less than one day of debate; and the
       conversion of 8,000,000,000fr. of national debt was so readily
       accepted by the rente-holders that only 1,700,000fr. needed to
       be paid off.

       Relations between the Government and the Papacy were improved
       by the breach of the latter with France, which led to the
       substitution of Italy for France as the protector of Catholics
       and Catholic interests in the Empire of the Turks. This was
       not, however, agreeable to Austria, and began a coolness
       between these two of the parties to the Triple Alliance which
       all the disturbing occurrences in the Near East have tended
       since to increase. The Alliance with Austria and Germany had
       been renewed in 1902; but there have been several occasions
       within the past three years on which Italian ill-feeling
       toward the former has flamed out quite threateningly in Press
       and Parliament, and sometimes in popular demonstrations.

       A disturbing agitation of the question of religious
       instruction in the schools occurred in 1908, bringing demands
       from anti-clerical parties for its prohibition; but the
       Government was upheld in refusing such action. A disturbing
       excitement in Sicily was produced that year by the conviction,
       after a much prolonged and sensational trial, of Signor Nasi,
       ex Minister of Public Instruction, on charges of embezzlement
       of public moneys. The convicted Minister was a Sicilian, and
       his fellow-countrymen resented the prosecution of him as an
       indignity to themselves. To pacify them, Signor Nasi, after a
       short detention in his own house, had the remainder of his
       sentence of imprisonment remitted.

       The Giolitti Ministry came to its end somewhat unexpectedly on
       the 2d of December, 1909. It had brought forward, not long
       before, a Bill embodying proposals for the reform of taxation,
       avowedly to transfer some larger proportion of its burden from
       the poor to the rich, especially by death duties and income
       taxes. When the election of a committee to deal with the Bill
       occurred December 2, the opponents of the Government secured a
       majority, whereupon Premier Giolitti and his Cabinet resigned.
       A new Ministry was formed, under Baron Sonnino, the leader of
       the Opposition. The parliamentary support it must depend on is
       said to be made up of extremely contradictory elements.

    {340}

    ITALY: A. D. 1908.
       Falling off in Emigration.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: ITALY.

    ITALY: A. D. 1908 (December).
       The Awful Destruction of Messina and Reggio by Earthquake.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

    ITALY: A. D. 1908.
       Election of a Jewish Mayor of Rome.

       Whether specially significant or not, the election in Rome, in
       1908, of Ernesto Nathan, a Jew and an ex-Grand Master of the
       Order of Free Masons, to be Mayor of the City, was an event
       which excited wide interest and remark. Mr. Nathan’s birth,
       and his education partly, were in England, but he acquired
       citizenship in Italy, and rose in reputation and influence at
       Rome, until he had become the leading figure in the hard
       fought municipal election of the winter of 1908, which
       defeated the Church party and elected sixty Radical members
       out of eighty composing the City Council. The Mayor is elected
       by the Council, and it gave the office to Nathan.

    ITALY: A. D. 1909.
       Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

    ITALY: A. D. 1909.
       Tardy Construction of "Dreadnoughts."

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    ITALY: A. D. 1909 (March).
       Parliamentary Elections.
       Socialist, Republican, Radical, and Catholic Gains.
       Conservative Losses.
       Large, but Reduced Majority for the Government.

       Extensive changes in the representation of the numerous
       parties in Italian politics resulted from the Parliamentary
       elections held in March, 1909. As finally reported, after
       seventy four second ballots had been taken, the outcome was as
       follows:

       From seven Deputies the Catholics rose to 24. The Socialists
       went up from 26 to 42, the extreme Radicals from 32 to 42, and
       the Republicans from 19 to 24. The parties of the Extreme Left
       had thus risen from 77 to 108. The Moderate Liberals, or
       Constitutional Opposition, as they call themselves, declined
       the most, numbering between 60 and 70. But the gains made by
       the parties of the extreme Left had only recovered for them
       the ground they had lost in the election of 1904.

       "An interesting feature of the elections is that the Pope’s
       supporters are said to have taken a more active part than they
       have done since the beginning of united Italy. The Papal
       inhibition against going to the polls was removed in
       seventy-two constituencies, or one-seventh of the whole number
       voting. The result has been no gain in Rome, where the
       Anti-Clerical bloc repeated its victories of the preceding
       year, and a fairly slight gain in the rural districts. In
       general, it may be questioned whether the Papal non
       expedit has really kept Catholics out of politics to a
       very considerable extent. If we take the enrolled electors in
       Germany, we find that they constitute 20 per cent. of the
       entire population; in France the ratio is nearly 24 per cent.;
       in Italy it is less than 8 per cent. At first sight that would
       indicate that an enormous number of Italians boycott the
       polls. We find, however, that the Italian franchise demands
       not only the ability to read and write, but a certain degree
       of additional elementary education. At the same time we find
       that in 1901 nearly 44 per cent, of all males over twenty
       years of age were illiterate. This at once nearly doubles the
       electoral ratio. Add the fact that there are very considerable
       property qualifications for the franchise, and we get for
       Italy a ratio not far removed from Germany’s 20 percent. It
       would follow that the number of Italians who refrain from
       availing themselves of their electoral rights is not very
       large."

          New York Evening Post,
          March 8, 1909.

    ITALY: A. D. 1909 (May).
       Proposed Payment of Members of Parliament.

       A Press despatch from Rome, May 9, 1909, reported:

       "Leave was asked yesterday to introduce in the Chamber of
       Deputies two Bills for the payment of members of Parliament.
       According to the first Bill, proposed by Signor Galli, all
       Deputies and Senators would receive £240 a year; the second
       Bill, proposed by Signor Chimienti, would make a payment of
       24s. for every sitting attended. Signor Giolitti said that the
       idea of the payment of members of Parliament was evidently
       gaining ground, and that the Government would not oppose the
       introduction of the Bills. On the other hand, he deprecated
       the contention which had been advanced, that the non-payment
       of Deputies was in any way responsible for a scanty
       attendance, and earnestly recommended the Chamber to give the
       question its very careful consideration before committing
       itself either way."

    ITALY: A. D. 1909 (November).
       Naval strength.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

       ----------ITALY: End--------

    ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
       Visit to the United States.
       Mission to St. Petersburg.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
       President of the Japanese Council.
       His Party.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (June).

    ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
       Resident-General in Korea.

          See (in this Volume)
          KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ITO, Prince Hirobumi:
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

    J.

    JAMAICA: A. D. 1906.
       Harmony of relations between the White minority and the
       Colored majority of inhabitants.
       How explained.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: JAMAICA.

    JAMAICA: A. D. 1907.
       Destructive Earthquake.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: JAMAICA.

    JAMES, Professor William:
       Plan for ending War.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.

    JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
       Premier of Cape Colony.
       His Continuance of the Policy of Cecil Rhodes.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
       At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    {341}

    JAMESON, Dr. L. S.:
       In Movement for South African Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    JAMESTOWN TERCENTENIAL EXPOSITION.

       The three hundredth anniversary of the first permanent English
       settlement in America was celebrated on the site of the
       settlement, at Jamestown, Virginia, by an Exposition which was
       opened by President Roosevelt on the 26th of April, 1907. The
       advantages of the place for naval display tempted Congress to
       give that character, in the main, to so much of the
       celebration as was organized under national auspices that
       other features were quite eclipsed. As an illustration of
       three centuries of progress from the beginnings of civilized
       life in the United States it cannot be said to have had much
       success. But the show, from many nations, of battle ships and
       the paraphernalia of naval war was superb.

    JANNARIS, Professor, Imprisonment of.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

       ----------JAPAN: Start--------

    JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (July).
       Unveiling of a Monument to commemorate the Advent
       of Commodore Perry.

       A monument to commemorate the arrival of Commodore Perry in
       Japan, in 1853, was unveiled with imposing ceremonies, at
       Kurihama, on the 14th of July, 1901, that being the
       forty-eighth anniversary of the event. Commodore Rodgers, with
       three vessels of the Asiatic Squadron of the United States,
       attended to represent the United States officially in the
       ceremonies of the day. The monument was erected by the
       Japanese "America Association of Japan."

    JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.
       Persistent occupation of Manchuria by the Russians.
       Japanese negotiations and demands, without satisfaction.

       "In spite of repeated promises to evacuate the points seized
       and held by Russian forces when, after the relief of the
       Legations, these forces were withdrawn from Peking and Chili,
       to be concentrated in Manchuria [see Manchuria, in Volume
       VI.], and in disregard of the interests of the other allies,
       the policy of keeping all that she had gained, and of gaining
       more as far as possible, was steadily pursued by Russia. … It
       was the probable effect of a continued occupation of Manchuria
       by Russia upon their business interests which led Great
       Britain and America to wish that the repeated Russian
       assurances of good faith toward China and toward all foreign
       nations should manifest themselves in works. The case could
       not be wholly the same with Japan. Her interests of trade
       were, indeed, if not at the time so large, more close and
       vital than those of any other nation outside of China. But her
       other interests were incomparable. So that when Russia failed
       to carry out her engagements, even under a convention which
       was so much in her favor [see, in this Volume, China. A. D.
       1901-1902], there was a revival of suspicion and apprehension
       on the part of the Japanese Government and the Japanese
       people. Manchuria and Korea both pointed an index finger of
       warning directed toward Russia.

       "It was to further a peaceful adjustment of all the disturbed
       conditions of the interests of Russia and Japan in the Far
       East that Marquis Ito went, on his way home from his visit to
       the United States, at the end of 1901, on an unofficial
       mission to St. Petersburg. The failure of the overtures which
       he bore discouraged those of the leading Japanese statesmen
       who were hoping for some reconciliation which might take the
       shape of allowing Russian ascendency in Manchuria and Japanese
       ascendency in Korea. It also strengthened the conviction which
       prevailed among the younger statesmen that the St. Petersburg
       Government regarded Manchuria as not only its fortress in the
       Far East, but also as its path to the peninsula lying within
       sight of Japan’s shores. ‘The Japanese Government,’ says Mr.
       D. W. Stevens, ‘at last felt that the vital interests of Japan
       might be irrevocably jeopardized in Korea as well as in
       Manchuria, if it continued to remain a mere passive spectator
       of Russian encroachments; and in August, 1903, it resolved to
       take a decisive step. In the most courteous form and through
       the usual diplomatic channels Japan intimated at St.
       Petersburg that her voice must be heard, and listened to, in
       connection with Far Eastern questions in which her interests
       were vitally concerned.’ The answer of Russia was the
       appointment of Admiral Alexeieff as Viceroy over the Czar’s
       possessions in the Far East, with executive and administrative
       powers of a semi-autocratic character. … Negotiations having
       in view the peaceful adjustment of the conflicting interests
       of Russia and Japan in the Far East, which were begun by the
       latter country in the summer of 1903, were further continued.
       Mr. Kurino, the Japanese Minister at St. Petersburg, was
       informed by Baron Komura, who was then Japanese Minister of
       Foreign Affairs, that the recent conduct of Russia at Peking,
       in Manchuria, and in Korea, was the cause of grave concern to
       the Government at Tokyo. ‘The unconditional and permanent
       occupation of Manchuria by Russia would,’ said Baron Komura,
       ‘create a state of things prejudicial to the security and
       interests of Japan. The principle of equal opportunity would
       thereby be annulled, and the territorial integrity of China be
       impaired. There is, however, a still more serious
       consideration for the Japanese Government; that is to say, if
       Russia was established on the flank of Korea it would be a
       constant menace to the separate existence of that empire, or
       at least would make Russia the dominant power in Korea. But
       Korea is an important outpost in Japan’s line of defence, and
       Japan consequently considers its independence absolutely
       essential to her own repose and safety. Moreover, the
       political as well as the commercial and industrial interests
       and influence which Japan possesses in Korea are paramount
       over those of other Powers. These interests and this influence
       Japan, having regard to her own security, cannot consent to
       surrender to, or share with, another Power.’

    {342}

       "In view of these reasons, Mr. Kurino was instructed to
       present the following note to Count Lamsdorff, the Russian
       Minister of Foreign Affairs:

       ‘The Japanese Government desires to remove from the relations
       of the two empires every cause of future misunderstanding, and
       believes that the Russian Government shares the same desire.
       The Japanese Government would therefore be glad to enter with
       the Russian Imperial Government upon an examination of the
       condition of affairs in the regions of the extreme East, where
       their interests meet, with a view of defining their respective
       especial interests in those regions. If this suggestion
       fortunately meets with the approval, in principle, of the
       Russian Government, the Japanese Government will be prepared
       to present to the Russian Government their views as to the
       nature and scope of the proposed understanding.’

       "The consent of Count Lamsdorff and the Czar having been
       obtained, on August 12th articles were prepared and submitted
       by the Japanese Government which it wished to have serve as a
       basis of understanding between the two countries. The
       essential agreements to be secured by these articles were:

       (1) A mutual engagement to respect the independence and
       territorial integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires, and
       to maintain the ‘ open door’ in these countries; and

       (2) a reciprocal recognition of Japan’s preponderating
       interests in Korea and of Russia’s special interests in
       Manchuria.

       These demands were not altered in any very important way by
       Japan during all the subsequent negotiations. It was their
       persistent rejection by Russia, together with her long delays
       in replying while she was meantime making obvious preparations
       of a warlike character, which precipitated the tremendous
       conflict that followed some months later."

          George T. Ladd,
          In Korea with Marquis Ito, chapter 10
          (copyright, 1908, C. Scribner’s Sons).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1902.
       Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.

       An agreement of great importance, in the nature of a defensive
       alliance, between Great Britain and Japan, was concluded at
       London on the 30th of January, 1902. On the publication of the
       Treaty, a few days later, it was accompanied by a
       communication from the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
       the Marquis of Lansdowne, to Sir C. MacDonald, the British
       Minister at Tokyo, in which the actuating motives of the
       Agreement were set forth, as follows:

       "Sir: I have signed to-day, with the Japanese minister, an
       agreement between Great Britain and Japan, of which a copy is
       inclosed in this dispatch.

       "This agreement may be regarded as the outcome of the events
       which have taken place during the last two years in the Far
       East, and of the part taken by Great Britain and Japan in
       dealing with them. Throughout the troubles and complications
       which arose in China consequent upon the Boxer outbreak and
       attack upon the Pekin legations, the two powers have been in
       close and uninterrupted communication, and have been actuated
       by similar views. We have each of us desired that the
       integrity and independence of the Chinese Empire should be
       preserved, that there should be no disturbance of the
       territorial status quo either in China or in the adjoining
       regions, that all nations should, within those regions, as
       well as within the limits of the Chinese Empire, be afforded
       equal opportunities for the development of their commerce and
       industry, and that peace should not only be restored, but
       should, for the future, be maintained.

       "From the frequent exchanges of views which have taken place
       between the two Governments, and from the discovery that their
       Far Eastern policy was identical, it has resulted that each
       side has expressed the desire that their common policy should
       find expression in an international contract of binding
       validity. …

       "His Majesty’s Government have been largely influenced in
       their decision to enter into this important contract by the
       conviction that it contains no provisions which can be
       regarded as an indication of aggressive or self-seeking
       tendencies in the regions to which it applies. It has been
       concluded purely as a measure of precaution, to be invoked,
       should occasion arise, in the defense of important British
       interests. It in no way threatens the present position or the
       legitimate interests of other powers. On the contrary, that
       part of it which renders either of the high contracting
       parties liable to be called upon by the other for assistance
       can operate only when one of the allies has found himself
       obliged to go to war in defense of interests which are common
       to both, when the circumstances in which he has taken this
       step are such as to establish that the quarrel has not been of
       his own seeking, and when, being engaged in his own defense,
       he finds himself threatened, not by a single power, but by a
       hostile coalition."

    JAPAN:
       Agreement between Great Britain and
       Japan, signed at London, January 30, 1902.

       "The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated solely
       by a desire to maintain the status quo and general
       peace in the extreme East, being moreover specially interested
       in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of
       the Empire of China and the Empire of Corea, and in securing
       equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and
       industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows:

       "Article I.
       The High Contracting Parties having mutually recognized the
       independence of China and of Corea, declare themselves to be
       entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tendencies in either
       country. Having in view, however, their special interests, of
       which those of Great Britain relate principally to China,
       while Japan, in addition to the interests which she possesses
       in China, is interested in a peculiar degree politically, as
       well as commercially and industrially, in Corea, the High
       Contracting Parties recognize that it will be admissible for
       either of them to take such measures as may be indispensable
       in order to safeguard those interests if threatened either by
       the aggressive action of any other Power, or by disturbances
       arising in China or Corea, and necessitating the intervention
       of either of the High Contracting Parties for the protection
       of the lives and property of its subjects.

       "Article II.
       If either Great Britain or Japan, in the defence of their
       respective interests as above described, should become
       involved in war with another Power, the other High Contracting
       Party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use its efforts
       to prevent other Powers from joining in hostilities against
       its ally.

       "Article III.
       If in the above event any other Power or Powers should join in
       hostilities against that ally, the other high contracting
       party will come to its assistance and will conduct the war in
       common, and make peace in mutual agreement with it.

    {343}

       "Article IV.
       The High Contracting Parties agree that neither of them will,
       without consulting the other, enter into separate arrangements
       with another Power to the prejudice of the interests above
       described.

       "Article V.
       Whenever, in the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan, the
       above-mentioned interests are in jeopardy, the two Governments
       will communicate with one another fully and frankly.

       "Article VI.
       The present agreement shall come into effect immediately after
       the date of its signature, and remain in force for five years
       from that date. In case neither of the High Contracting
       Parties should have notified twelve months before the
       expiration of the said five years the intention of terminating
       it, it shall remain binding until the expiration of one year
       from the day on which either of the High Contracting Parties
       shall have denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its
       expiration arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war,
       the alliance shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is
       concluded. In faith whereof the undersigned, duly authorized
       by their respective Governments, have signed this agreement,
       and have affixed thereto their seals."

       In August, 1905, the above Treaty was replaced by a fresh
       Agreement of similar tenor.

          See, below,
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (August).
       Success of Prince Ito’s Party in the Parliamentary Election.

       "Thus far parties, so called, have been magnetized around men.
       They have not crystallized along the axes of principles.
       Marquis Ito, ultra-conservative in politics but radical and
       reformer in things social, is at one pole. Count Okuma,
       radical in politics, sternly conservative of social life and
       the traditionary ethics, is at the other.

       "The August elections of 1902 show apparently at least that
       the day of party government has dawned, for now and for the
       first time Marquis Ito leads in the Lower House a host of the
       friends of the Constitution (Rikken Seiyu Kai) that has
       an overwhelming majority of seats and in time of a ‘division’
       nearly if not wholly a plurality of votes. The returns are
       just in and the table stands about thus:

       Seiyu Kai (Constitution Friends)  193
       Progressists                      106
       Independents                       56
       Imperialists and others            21

       "It was a smart stroke of policy for Ito, two years ago, to
       unite in one organization [see in Volume VI. of this work,
       Japan: A. D. 1900 (August-October)] the Radicals under Hoshi
       Toru and his own following of ‘clansmen, capacities and young
       statesmen.’ It was the union of the strong and the subtle,
       taking the name not of a party but of an ‘Association,’ with a
       purpose of upholding the constitution (in the Prussian sense),
       in order to control both the educational and the economic
       policy of the country, to complete the radical transformation
       of the Japanese into a modern man, and ‘to screen Japan’s
       Western evolution against all possibility of reaction.’"

          W. E. Griffis,
          in The Independent.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (June).
       The Marquis Ito accepts Presidency of the Council
       to strengthen the Government.

       To strengthen the Ministry of Count Katsura in the Diet, the
       Marquis Ito, powerful head of the Rikken Seiyu-kai
       (Association of the Friends of the Constitution, foreseeing
       trouble to come from the proceedings of Russia in Manchuria,
       consented in June to accept the post of President of the
       Council, and was joined in the Council by Marquis Yamagata and
       Count Matsukata. The Government was thus greatly reinforced
       for dealing with the difficulties that now approached very
       fast. A section of the Seiyu-kai seceded from it, however, and
       formed the Doshishukai (Assembly of Fellow-thinkers), under
       Count Itagaki.

          See (in Volume VI.)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1900, AUGUST-OCTOBER.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July).
       War with Russia.
       Sudden opening of Hostilities.
       Occupation of Korea.
       Battles at the Yalu.
       The Armies in Manchuria.
       Movement of General Nogi on Manchuria.

       Simultaneously with the rupture of diplomatic relations with
       Russia, on the 6th of February, 1904, the Japanese Government
       dispatched from Sasebo a fleet of 7 battle-ships, 18 cruisers,
       and flotillas of torpedo boats and destroyers, under
       Vice-Admiral Togo, with transports conveying troops, to open
       operations of war. The transports were convoyed to Chemulpho,
       the port of Seoul, Korea, by 4 cruisers and a number of
       torpedo boats, under Rear-Admiral Uryu; while Admiral Togo
       proceeded with the remainder of his fleet to Port Arthur. The
       troops sent to Chemulpho were landed on the 8th, and Admiral
       Uryu, the next day, attacked a Russian cruiser and gunboat in
       Chemulpho harbor with such effect that they were destroyed by
       their commanders. On the night of the 8th Togo’s torpedo boats
       were sent against the Russian fleet at Port Arthur and
       crippled it to a serious extent. A second body of 14,000
       troops was landed at Chemulpho on the 15th.

       The Japanese had now a strong footing in Korea, with Seoul
       securely in hand, and the First Japanese Army, under General
       Kuroki, was ready to begin its northward advance. Phyangyang
       was occupied on the 20th, after which further troops could be
       landed at Chinampho, saving a long march. By the end of March
       there were about 45,000 men in the force moving toward the
       Yalu. The first encounter with the Russians was near Chengju,
       where 600 of the latter’s cavalry were driven back. On the 4th
       of April the Japanese advance guard reached the Yalu, which
       forms the boundary between Korea and Manchuria, and occupied
       Wiju, near its mouth, the opposing cavalry having been
       withdrawn to the opposite bank of the river on the preceding
       day. The main body arrived at Wiju April 20. The Russians, on
       the other side of the Yalu, were then concentrating a force of
       about 25,000 men, with Liaoyang and Fenghuangcheng for its
       first and secondary bases.

       For ten ensuing days both armies were busy in preparations and
       manoeuvres, the one for attempting to force a crossing of the
       Yalu, the other to resist it. How their preparations compared
       in effectiveness is described by an experienced correspondent,
       David Fraser, who accompanied the Japanese and wrote the story
       of the campaign, publishing it subsequently in a book entitled
       "A Modern Campaign." The difference that Mr. Fraser saw
       between the painstaking, the thoughtfulness and the carefully
       acquired knowledge which went into the Japanese preparation
       for their attack,—the concealment of their forces, the masking
       of their batteries, the obscuring of all that they did,—and
       the contrasting carelessness of the Russians in the same
       particulars, was the difference that gave success to the one
       and brought defeat on the other.
    {344}
       Before the Japanese moved they knew everything they needed to
       know,—the fordable places on the streams they had to cross,
       the points of advantage on every mile of the ground to be
       traversed, the positions of the enemy,—and the Russians did
       not. And the Japanese were able to repeat much of the same
       feinting and maneuvering by means of which they had forced the
       passage of the Yalu at the same place, against the Chinese, in
       1894.

       On the 25th of April the Japanese were ready to bring their
       preparations into use, and on that and the next two days they
       drove the Russian outposts from the islands they needed to
       occupy, and began building bridges at night. In the end, ten
       bridges were built, some of them invisible to the enemy. Many
       signs of Japanese movement down the river were then exhibited
       to the Russians. A Japanese battery became busy at a point
       some distance below Wiju; gunboats and other vessels were
       collected in that direction; troops were in motion in the same
       direction; but quiet reigned at and around Wiju, the batteries
       behind which had not yet betokened their existence. That quiet
       in this part of the Japanese line was broken suddenly at
       midday on the 29th, when a pontoon train, with accompanying
       troops, was hurried to the river, the pontoons launched,
       manned and paddled to the opposite bank. A Russian outpost
       which fired on these invaders drew the first revelation of a
       hitherto hidden and silent Japanese battery, and fled from its
       shells. Possession of the further shore was thus secured for
       sufficient time to enable the construction of the pontoon
       bridge, which the strong current in the river made a difficult
       task. It was ready, however, for the crossing of the river
       that night by the infantry of the entire 12th division of the
       Japanese Army.

       The thrilling episode of the battle of the next two days was
       the opening of fire from the hitherto hidden and unsuspected
       batteries of Japanese heavy guns. Mr. Fraser tells us that the
       Russians had believed it impossible to bring heavy artillery
       over the Korean roads, and were in consternation when the
       howitzers belched forth their shells in a fairly overpowering
       way. "The trees," he says, "screened the flashing of the
       Japanese guns from the Russian eyes. There was no smoke to
       indicate their whereabouts. The indirect fire of the howitzers
       was as deadly as if it had been aimed point-blank. The
       Russians, on the other hand, fired at random into the belt of
       trees; they had been able to locate only two of the Japanese
       guns. Their fire had little or no effect upon the
       well-protected Japanese gunners. In ten minutes the Russian
       shooting grew wild. … After twenty-five minutes both batteries
       were silenced."

       It is the testimony of all witnesses of the fighting on both
       days of the battle, especially on the 1st of May, that the
       Russians showed desperate courage; but every advantage, of
       position, of equipment, of numbers, and, above all, of
       generalship, was in favor of the Japanese. They drove the
       enemy from all his entrenchments, and entered Manchuria, to
       pursue there an equally successful campaign, for the same
       reasons, of superior ability and more thorough preparation.

       The reported loss of the Japanese in the conflicts on the Yalu
       was 5 officers and 218 men killed, 33 officers and 780 men
       wounded. They captured 22 field guns, 8 machine guns, a
       quantity of rifles and ammunition, and took 628 prisoners,
       including 18 officers. General Zasulich, the Russian
       commander, reported 70 officers and 2324 men killed, wounded
       and taken prisoners. Another Russian report of losses gave 28
       officers and 564 men killed, 38 officers and 1081 men wounded,
       and 6 officers and 679 men missing.

       The Russians retreated on Fenghuangcheng, but made no stand
       there, and the Japanese, who followed, occupied the place on
       the 6th of May. The advance of the latter was halted at that
       point until late in June, waiting for operations in other
       parts of the field.

       Meantime, between the 4th and the 22d of May, the Second
       Japanese Army, General Oku commanding, had been landed near
       Pitsewo, on the western coast of the Liao-tung peninsula, and
       this began a general advance on the 25th. It fought a severe
       battle on the following day, at Nanshan, or Kinchou, from
       which the Russians fell back. The victory of the Japanese cost
       them heavily, their reported loss being 739 killed and 5455
       wounded; while General Stössel, the Russian commander,
       reported a loss of 30 officers and 800 men killed and wounded.

       On June 6th this Second Army was divided into two, one of
       which, passing to the command of General Nogi, became the
       Third Japanese Army, and was marched presently toward Port
       Arthur, to open the famous siege of that stronghold. General
       Oku, retaining about 50,000 men in the Second Army, and
       starting northward on the 15th, was opposed by Russian forces
       under General Stackelberg. The first important conflict was on
       June 15 at or near Telissu station, which gave the battle its
       name. Again the Russians were forced back, with a loss of 103
       officers and about 2600 men, killed and wounded, besides a
       missing list of 764. The Japanese loss was 50 officers and
       1113 men killed and wounded. Hard fighting occurred again
       between the 6th and 9th of July, on the approach of the
       Japanese to Kaiping and the Kaiping River, beyond which their
       opponents were driven. "The occupation of Kaiping and the
       country immediately to the north placed General Oku’s army on
       the edge of the Liao Valley, opened the way to the Yingkon and
       Newchwang, and facilitated his further advance to the north by
       allowing supplies to be received from the sea, thus shortening
       his line of communications."

       A Fourth Japanese Army, under General Nodzu, had now been
       landed at Takushan, on the eastern coast of the Liao-tung
       peninsula, and was reconnoitering toward Oku’s forces, as well
       as toward the First Japanese Army, which had remained in the
       vicinity of Fenghuangcheng until the 24th of June, waiting for
       these cooperative masses of troops to be got into place. It
       was now being moved in three columns, one of which was soon in
       touch with the Fourth Army (Nodzu’s), and the two began
       working to the west and northwest. The Russians gave up
       Fenshuiling, and by the 9th of July, when Oku, with the Second
       Army, occupied Kaiping, the three Japanese armies in the
       northern part of the Liao-tung peninsula—the First, Second,
       and Fourth—"were united on a front from Kaiping east to
       Fenshuiling, thence northeast through Motienling, with
       covering detachments of Kobi troops eastward at Saimachi,
       Hsienchang and Huaijen.
    {345}
       The Russians were concentrated in the Liao Valley at
       Tashihchiao, Haicheng, Anping and Liaoyang." On the 6th of
       July Field Marshal Oyama had left Tokyo to take active command
       of this united army, and the great operations of the
       Manchurian campaign were about to begin.

          Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
          United States War Department,
          Second [Military Information] Division,
          General Staff, Number 11.

       At this time General Nogi, with the Third Japanese Army, was
       fighting his way slowly toward Port Arthur, against obstinate
       resistance, not arriving at the front of the land defences
       proper until the 14th of August.

       The Russians had evacuated Dalny (formerly called Talienwan),
       with its fine harbor, on Talienwan Bay, thirty miles distant
       from Port Arthur, and the Japanese had occupied it on the 30th
       of May. This was an acquisition of great importance to them.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).
       The War with Russia: Siege of Port Arthur.
       The Naval Surprise.
       Unreadiness of the Defence.
       Naval operations of the six months.
       Fate of the Russian fleets in the East.

       Mr. E. K. Nojine, "accredited Russian War Correspondent," who
       went through the whole experience at Port Arthur, from first
       to last of the war, and who wrote what he entitles "The Truth
       about Port Arthur," opens his severely critical narrative with
       the following statement:

       "When, one hour before midnight on February 8, 1904, our
       warships began to belch fire from their many steel mouths, and
       the seaward batteries suddenly thundered forth their angry
       death-dealing tidings, no one dreamed that the noise was War,
       for no one had taken the constant rumors of the rupture of
       diplomatic relations and of approaching hostilities at all
       seriously. … Although the sky in the East had for weeks been
       blood-red with the menace of immediate war, yet when it came
       the surprise was absolute, its horror intensified by our
       complete unreadiness."

       What this writer tells of the unreadiness, and of the slowness
       with which the serious need of more readiness was comprehended
       by the controlling authority at Port Arthur, during the weeks
       that passed before the stronghold was fully invested, goes
       almost beyond belief. He writes bitterly and contemptuously of
       General Stössel, who held command of the district, and
       admiringly of General Smirnoff, Commandant of the fortress,
       whom Stössel could overrule. He seems to have been sustained
       in his judgment by the court-martial which subsequently
       condemned Stössel to death.

       The sound of midnight battle on its sea-front (February 8-9)
       which announced a beginning of war to the surprised garrison
       of Port Arthur came from the attack of Admiral Togo’s torpedo
       boats on the Russian fleet in the harbor. Three of the Russian
       ships were crippled, but not seriously. The next day Togo made
       a general attack with his whole fleet of fifteen vessels,
       including five battle-ships, and did some damage to four more
       of his enemies’ vessels; but a fortnight is said to have
       repaired them all. The general result of the two operations
       was "to insure the at least temporary immobility of the Port
       Arthur fleet," so that "the transport of the army from Japan
       to Korea might go on without fear of molestation." A squadron
       was then detached to look after four cruisers at Vladivostock,
       and that harbor was cannonaded for the same purpose on the 6th
       of March. Meantime, on the 9th of February, a Russian cruiser
       and a gunboat, attempting to leave Chemulpho harbor, were
       driven back, and were then destroyed by their Russian
       commander.

       The main Japanese fleet hovered constantly near Port Arthur,
       not only maintaining a strict blockade, but making frequent
       close approaches, to sink vessels and plant mines in the
       entrance channels of the harbor; to harass the Russian fleet
       with torpedo attacks, or to come boldly within range of its
       shore defenses and give battle to them, as well as to bombard
       the fortress and town. There were heavy bombardments on the
       10th and the 22d of May. The Russian fleet, commanded by
       Vice-Admiral Makaroff, made retaliatory sorties, in returning
       from one of which, on the 13th of April, the admiral’s
       flag-ship, the Petropalovsk, struck and exploded a line of
       floating mines. The huge battle-ship was so shattered by the
       explosion that she sank in two minutes, carrying down the
       admiral, the famous painter, Verestchagin, who was his guest,
       and 550 other officers and men. Of all on board only 85 were
       saved.

       In the course of the next month the Japanese suffered several
       of the same disasters, two of their battle-ships, the Hatsuse
       and the Yashima, and two other vessels of less importance,
       being blown up by the explosion of mines. Of the crew of the
       Hatsuse nearly 500 perished, while all on board the Yashima
       were said to have been saved. By collision in a fog one of the
       Japanese cruisers was sunk, with all but 90 of her crew. And
       the three most calamitous of these happenings, to the two
       battle-ships and the cruiser, occurred on the same day—the
       15th of May. Admiral Togo’s fleet was weakened very seriously
       by these losses. Somewhat later the same fate befell a number
       of Russian ships, but the loss in them was less.

       Though watched by a Japanese squadron under Vice-Admiral
       Kamimura, the Russian war-ships at Vladivostock were able to
       slip out for occasional cruises, in which they captured or
       destroyed Japanese transports and merchant ships. In more than
       one instance—notably that of the Kinshu-Maru—the soldiery on
       captured transports refused to surrender and committed
       "hara-kiri" in a body, or were engulfed by the sea. "It is
       quite true that the work done by the Vladivostock squadron was
       not great in amount, but they must have caused some
       inconvenience to the military forces of Japan engaged in the
       campaign."

       On the 23d of June Rear-Admiral Vithöft, who had succeeded the
       late Admiral Makaroff in the naval command at Port Arthur,
       sailed out of the harbor with six battle ships, five cruisers
       and ten torpedo boats, apparently intending to offer battle to
       the Japanese. The Russians had repaired their damaged vessels
       and now seemed to have a fleet that was equal to Togo’s in
       strength, since he opposed only four battle-ships to their
       six. Nevertheless when the Japanese approached them they
       withdrew, returning to Port Arthur, pursued by torpedo-boats,
       and nearly losing the battle ship Sevastopol, which struck a
       mine and was disabled for six weeks.

    {346}

       Little occurred during that period on the naval side of the
       Port Arthur campaign. Then, on the 10th of August, it was
       reopened startlingly, to be ended with practical completeness
       within the next few days. On that morning the Port Arthur
       fleet and the Vladivostock squadron put to sea from their
       respective harbors, evidently attempting a junction. The Port
       Arthur fleet was the first to encounter its enemy, which it
       did the same day, when no more than 25 or 30 miles out from
       the port. Admiral Vithöft now had with him only five battle
       ships, having left one, probably disabled, behind. With these
       were the four cruisers, two gunboats and a number of torpedo
       craft. Admiral Togo brought against this force four
       battle-ships and four armored cruisers in the battle that
       ensued. It "took the form of a long-range engagement between
       the fleets, steering nearly the same course towards the east.
       … At a time which is variously reported, but probably about
       6.15 p. m., a 12-inch shell … burst near the conning tower of
       the Cesarevitch [the flagship], killing Admiral Vithöft and
       wounding the captain of the ship. At the same time the
       Cesarevitch’s steering gear was damaged, the helm jammed, and
       she made a sudden sheer to port. This threw the Russian line
       into confusion. … The Russian formation was now broken up, and
       the ships fell into a confused group at which the Japanese
       directed a hot fire at the comparatively short range of 3500
       yards. At times the Russian ships were hidden by the smoke of
       exploding shells, and about 7 p. m. their fire slackened
       perceptibly. One report states that a second-class battle-ship
       and two coast-defence vessels had joined the Japanese, besides
       another ship of a class not certainly known. The whole twelve
       Japanese ships concentrated their fire on the six Russian
       battle-ships and four unarmored cruisers till 8 p. m. Prince
       Ukhtomsk, who had succeeded to the Russian command on Admiral
       Vithöft’s death, then signalled to the fleet to follow him,
       and turned toward Port Arthur. All could not follow, and some
       made for shelter in other ports, harassed by torpedo attacks,
       but not otherwise pursued.

       The result of the Russian sally from Vladivostock was much the
       same. The three armored cruisers from that port were not
       intercepted by the Japanese until the morning of the 14th,
       three days after the defeat of the Port Arthur fleet which
       they had hoped to join. They were then attacked by four
       armored and two unarmored cruisers. They fought obstinately
       and suffered frightful losses in officers and men,—415 wounded
       and 251 killed. One of the ships, reduced to helplessness, was
       sunk by its own surviving crew, most of whom were picked up by
       the Japanese. The other two escaped to Vladivostock in a
       wrecked state.

       These engagements "really ended the naval campaign of 1904. Of
       the ships [from Port Arthur] that got through the Japanese
       fleet, one battle ship, the Cesarevitch, and three destroyers
       were disarmed and interned at Kiachow (Tsingtau); one cruiser,
       the Askold, and one destroyer had the same fate at Shanghai,
       and another cruiser, the Novik, was destroyed … at Korsakovsk.
       A third cruiser, the Diana, was disarmed and interned at the
       neutral French port of Saigon. One destroyer had been seized
       at Chefoo by the Japanese for disregard of Chinese neutrality,
       and one was wrecked on the coast of Shantung. The rest of the
       fleet which got back to Port Arthur remained there only to be
       destroyed in nearly every case by their own crews, to save
       them from the fate of being surrendered to their enemy on the
       fall of the fortress. … The grand total of the Russian loss
       [of officers and men] in the six battle-ships and four
       cruisers amounted to 81 killed and 420 wounded. … The total
       Japanese loss, as reported at the time, was 61 killed and 124
       wounded." Later statements brought the total loss up to 225.

          Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge,
          The Naval Annual, 1905, chapter 7.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (July-September).
       The War with Russia: Campaign in Manchuria.
       Japanese advances; Russian retreats.
       The great battle and Japanese victory at Liao-Yang.

       On the 4th of July the Russians, who had given up Motienling
       to the Japanese five days before, made an attempt to recover
       it, but failed. They repeated the attempt on the 17th, and
       again without success. On the 10th a force from the Fourth
       Japanese Army (Nodzu’s), advancing from Fenshuiling toward
       Tomucheng, met with a repulse. The right column of Kuroki’s
       army (the First) fought a considerable engagement with the
       Russians at Hsihoyen on the 19th. Oku’s army (the Second),
       advancing from Kaiping, fought them at Tashinchiao on the
       24th. Nodzu was engaged with them again on the 31st at
       Tomucheng, and Kuroki’s right column at Yushulingtzu on the
       same day; while the left column, simultaneously, expelled them
       from Yangtzuling. On the 2d of August the Russians retired
       from Haicheng and the Japanese occupied it the following day.
       The Russians had been steadily forced back to the vicinity of
       Liao-Yang, where they had prepared themselves for a determined
       stand.

       "The front of the Russian forces at and in the vicinity of
       Liao-Yang extended from Anshantien through Lantzushan and the
       mountain range east of Anping to the Taitzu River. The
       Japanese front extended from Haicheng through Tomucheng and
       Yantzuling to Yushulingtzu."

          Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
          United States War Department,
          Second [Military Information] Division.
          General Staff, Number 11.

       Both sides were now making ready for the first of the two most
       terrific battles of the war; but the month of August was near
       its close before the Japanese began their assault on the
       formidable works behind which the Russians awaited their
       attack. In the "Epitome" cited above the effective Russian
       force taking part in this struggle is estimated at about
       140,000, commanded by General Kuropatkin.

       Lord Brooke, Reuter’s special correspondent in Manchuria, in
       his book entitled "An Eye-witness in Manchuria," describes the
       battle of Liao-Yang as "the biggest artillery battle of which
       history has record." The Russians occupied a line of rocky
       hills south and east of Liao-Yang. Oku opposed their right and
       center; Nodzu the center and left; Kuroki was farther east,
       intending to force the passage of the Tai-tze-ho and reach the
       rear of their main body. Artillery on both sides opened the
       battle at dawn, August 30, and a terrible duel was fought for
       five hours.
    {347}
       Then, at half-past eleven, General Oku delivered the first
       infantry assault, which cost a fearful loss of life, and
       failed. Late in the afternoon a resolute turning movement on
       the Russian right was attempted by the Japanese and pressed
       until darkness came, with success only to the extent of
       driving the enemy from one village. Then a night attack on the
       Russian center was made, and that, too, was repelled.

       The morning of the 31st brought a renewal of the artillery
       duel, followed by assault after assault from Oku’s indomitable
       troops on the Russian right flank, with the result of driving
       it back to the cover of the railway embankment. Meantime
       General Kuroki, whose army was on the extreme right of the
       Japanese line, had forced the passage of the Tai-tze-ho River,
       at a ford 26 miles east of Liao-Yang. This compelled
       Kuropatkin to withdraw some of his troops from the outer
       fortifications south and east of Liao-Yang and send them
       against Kuroki. The crisis of the struggle was now in the
       battles fought on the next two days with Kuroki, in vain
       attempts to cut him off from the river ford and crush his not
       large army. At the same time the Japanese were making a direct
       attack on Liao-Yang and endeavoring to cut Kuropatkin’s
       communications with Mukden. Neither Russians nor Japanese had
       success in these attempts, but the former were brought to a
       situation which compelled retreat. On the fourth of September
       they evacuated Liao-Yang and withdrew from the surrounding
       works. "As soon as the evacuation began," wrote Lord Brooke,
       "the Japanese guns opened fire on the Russians, who had for
       line of retreat only the railway bridge and the two pontoons
       across the Tai-tze-ho. Nevertheless the retirement was carried
       on with great coolness, and the loss sustained in crossing the
       river was comparatively small in view of the difficult
       position from which the Russians had to extricate themselves.
       All the artillery was got away. But if the evacuation of
       Liao-Yang was cleverly effected, the army of Kuropatkin was
       still in great danger, and the Commander-in-chief seemed
       really afraid that a large part of his force would be cut off.
       It was a reasonable apprehension, for General Kuroki’s army
       began the day with renewed vigor. … In a melancholy frame of
       mind the whole army marched northward, with Kuroki continually
       pressing its flank and the fear that Oku would ere long be on
       his heels."

       Pursuit by the Japanese was given up on the morning of
       September 6th.

       In the "Epitome" of the war, prepared and published by the
       American Army Staff, the total Russian loss in the Liao-Yang
       battles is given as reported to have been 54 officers and 1810
       men killed; 252 officers and 10,811 men wounded; 5 officers
       and 1211 men missing. The Japanese reported a total loss of
       17,539 officers and men, without details.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (October).
       War with Russia: Quiet Aspect of Life during the War.
       Spartan Discipline of Japanese Feeling and Conduct.

       "For all industrial civilization the contest is one of vast
       moment;—for Japan it is probably the supreme crisis in her
       national life. As to what her fleets and her armies have been
       doing, the world is fully informed; but as to what her people
       are doing at home, little has been written.

       "To inexperienced observation they would appear to be doing
       nothing unusual; and this strange calm is worthy of record. At
       the beginning of hostilities an Imperial mandate was issued,
       bidding all non-combatants to pursue their avocations as
       usual, and to trouble themselves as little as possible about
       exterior events;—and this command has been obeyed to the
       letter. It would be natural to suppose that all the
       sacrifices, tragedies, and uncertainties of the contest had
       thrown their gloom over the life of the capital in especial;
       but there is really nothing whatever to indicate a condition
       of anxiety or depression. On the contrary, one is astonished
       by the joyous tone of public confidence, and the admirably
       restrained pride of the nation in its victories. Western tides
       have strewn the coast with Japanese corpses; regiments have
       been blown out of existence in the storming of positions
       defended by wire-entanglements; battle-ships have been lost;
       yet at no moment has there been the least public excitement.
       The people are following their daily occupations just as they
       did before the war; the cheery aspect of things is just the
       same; the theatres and flower displays are not less well
       patronized. The life of Tokyo has been, to outward seeming,
       hardly more affected by the events of the war than the life of
       nature beyond it, where the flowers are blooming and the
       butterflies hovering as in other summers. Except after the
       news of some great victory,—celebrated with fireworks and
       lantern processions,—there are no signs of public emotion; and
       but for the frequent distribution of newspaper-extras, by
       runners ringing bells, you could almost persuade yourself that
       the whole story of the war is an evil dream.

       "Yet there has been, of necessity, a vast amount of
       suffering—viewless and voiceless suffering—repressed by that
       sense of social and patriotic duty which is Japanese religion.
       … The great quiet and the smiling tearlessness testify to the
       more than Spartan discipline of the race. Anciently the people
       were trained, not only to conceal their emotions, but to speak
       in a cheerful voice and to show a pleasant face under any
       stress of moral suffering; and they are obedient to that
       teaching to-day. It would still be thought a shame to betray
       personal sorrow for the loss of those who die for Emperor and
       fatherland."

          Lafcadio Hearn,
          A Letter from Japan
          (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1904).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).
       War with Russia: Operations against Port Arthur.
       Preliminary battles.
       Investment and Siege.
       The Defences.
       Desperate assaults in August.
       Story of Lieutenant Sakurai.
       The assault on 203 Metre Hill and its capture.
       Surrender of the Fortress.
       Trial and condemnation of General Stössel.

       As stated heretofore, the Japanese began landing their Second
       Army, under General Oku, at Petsiwo, for operations against
       Port Arthur, on the 4th of May. Very quickly thereafter the
       railway was cut and Port Arthur was blockaded by land as well
       as by sea. On the 8th the last train from the north was
       brought in. By the 25th Oku was ready to advance, and on the
       following day he attacked the Russians at Kinchou (the battle
       bearing sometimes the name of Nan-shan), and expelled them
       from that position, the loss of which, according to the
       correspondent Nojine, sealed the fate of Port Arthur.
    {348}
       He accuses General Stössel of having boastfully assumed that
       the Japanese could never take Kinchou, denouncing as traitors
       all who questioned the sufficiency of its fortification and
       urged the strengthening of the works. The expulsion from
       Kinchou necessitated the abandonment of the important port of
       Dalny, which was done with great haste on the night of the
       26th. "In Dalny," says Nojine, "there were numerous buildings,
       docks, and the most splendid breakwaters running out into
       the sea for a distance of one and a half miles. … Owing to
       want of time nothing except a few of the railway bridges was
       blown up. … Besides the numerous town, harbor and railway
       buildings, there was an immense amount of private house
       property, as well as large warehouses, stocked with food and
       stores of all sorts, both public and private. The enemy got
       possession of them all undamaged, just as they were. After the
       capture of Arthur the Japanese confessed that by not
       destroying Dalny we had assisted them enormously in their
       difficult task of disembarking their siege-train, and that the
       railway had enabled them easily to get it into position in the
       investing lines. …

       "The enemy having now taken complete possession of Dalny, at
       once used it as their base. There, quietly and comfortably,
       without any interference from us, they carried out the landing
       of troops for the investment. Ten transports would arrive
       daily, bringing everything necessary for the concentrating
       army. The railway from Dalny and all the rolling stock was in
       perfect order; … our fleet did not hinder them in any way;
       they had command of both land and sea."

       On the 6th of June Oku’s army was divided, that general
       leading part of it (still called the Second Army) northward,
       leaving the remainder, as a Third Japanese Army, under General
       Nogi, to conduct the investment and siege of Port Arthur.

       At about this time, according to Nojine, Stössel was persuaded
       by Smirnoff to permit the latter to fortify some of the outer
       hills of the peninsula, which had been neglected hitherto;
       these were Kuen-san Hill, the Green Hills, Angle Hill, Wolf’s
       Hill, Ta-ku-shan and Sia-gu-shan hills. "The latter," says
       Nojine, "were of immense importance, as they were quite
       inaccessible, and protected the whole of the western front of
       the Fortress, but only so long as Wolf’s Hills were in our
       possession." On the 26th and 27th of June the Japanese
       attacked and captured Kuen-san and Green Hills. The latter
       were recovered by the Russians on the 4th of July, but they
       failed to retake Kuen-san. The loss of the latter was very
       serious; for the Japanese from its summit could look into the
       works on the Green Hills and, by telephone, direct the fire of
       their batteries on them.

       Until the 26th of July not much occurred, as the assailants
       were busy strengthening the positions they had acquired. Then
       they began a determined attack on Green Hill, and continued it
       through two days. On the morning of the 28th the Russians gave
       up the position and drew back towards Port Arthur, to what is
       called the Wolf’s Hills line. They were driven from this on
       the 30th, and the close investment of Port Arthur began then.

          E. K. Nojine,
          The Truth about Port Arthur,
          chapters 11-22.

       As described in the "Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War"
       prepared for the United States of America General Staff, the
       immediate "defences of Port Arthur, divided into eastern and
       western sectors by the valley through which the railway enters
       the town, consisted of permanent masonry forts whose gorges
       were connected by the old Chinese Wall, temporary works
       constructed just prior to and during the siege, and connecting
       and advance trenches. The west sector followed an irregular
       crest, with an elevation of about 500 feet, around the new
       town, and terminated on Laotiehshan, the highest point in the
       vicinity, with an elevation of about 1000 feet. The east
       sector encircled the old town at a distance of from two to two
       and a half miles, running along an irregular crest, about 350
       feet in elevation, within which was an elevation (Wangtai or
       Signal Hill) of about 800 feet. The permanent forts were
       polygonal in trace and had ditches with caponieres and
       galleries. The gap between the two sectors was covered by the
       fort on Paiyushan (Quail Hill).

       "Of the works most intimately connected with the siege the
       Sungshushan, Ehrlungshan, North and East Tungchikuanshan,
       Itzushan, and Antzushan forts were strong permanent
       fortifications. The two Panglungshan forts, East and West,
       were semi-permanent redoubt-shaped fortifications; 203 Meter
       Hill and Aksakayama were semi-permanent works with two lines
       of advance trenches. Kuropatkin Fort was a strong field-work
       with deep ditch; the Shuishihyung lunettes were also provided
       with ditches, but not so deep. P. H., Kobu and Hachimakiyama
       were more in the nature of semi-permanent trenches with
       bomb-proofs."

          Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War,
          United States War Department,
          Second [Military Information] Division,
          General Staff, Number 11, pages. 28-29.

       "In this fortress, for the first time, were utilised all those
       terrible agencies of war which the rapid advance of science in
       the past quarter of a century has rendered available. Among
       these we may mention rapid-fire guns, machine-guns, smokeless
       powder, artillery of high velocity and great range, high
       explosive shells, the magazine rifle, the telescopic sight,
       giving marvellous accuracy of fire, the range-finder, giving
       instantaneously the exact distance of the enemy, the
       search-light, the telegraph and the telephone, starlight
       bombs, barbed-wire entanglements, and a dozen other
       inventions, all of which were deemed sufficient, when applied
       to such stupendous fortifications as those of Port Arthur, to
       render them absolutely impregnable.

       "The Russians believed them to be so—certainly the indomitable
       Stössel did. And well he might, for there was no record in
       history of any race of fighters, at least in modern times,
       that could face such death-dealing weapons and not melt away
       so swiftly before their fury as to be swept away in defeat.
       But a new type of fighter has arisen, as the sequel was to
       tell."

          Richard Barry,
          How Port Arthur Fell
          (Fortnightly Review, March, 1905).

       "The first bombardment from the land side began suddenly on
       August 7. … The bombardment continued all day, though doing
       little material damage. Next morning, from 2 to 5 A. M., we
       heard heavy musketry fire from the direction of Ta-ku-shan:
       the enemy leaving the town and the main defences in peace,
       were turning their attention to it.
    {349}
       This hill corresponded in the east to 203 Metre Hill in the
       west, and was equally important and equally unfortified. It
       and Sia-gu-shan, the natural forts of Arthur on the eastern
       front, had a bad time. In the first place they had not been
       made the most of, for in the original plan of defence of Port
       Arthur they had been thought to be important points and so had
       been neither fortified nor armed as their position with regard
       to the Fortress warranted, and Smirnoff had only recently
       succeeded in arming them to a small extent. In the second
       place they became, after the abandonment of Wolf’s Hills, open
       to flanking fire, and therefore untenable. The companies of
       the 13th East Siberian Rifle Regiment sent there went
       literally to their death, but, together with the gunners, they
       held on as long as possible."

       Both of the hills were taken by the Japanese that night. The
       Russians immediately concentrated a heavy artillery fire on
       the new occupants, and the next day they attempted to retake
       Ta-ku shan by assault, but failed. On the 11th they repeated
       the attempt, with no better success. On the 16th General Nogi
       sent in a flag of truce, bearing the proposal of "a discussion
       of negotiations for the surrender of the Fortress," saying:
       "The Russians have given signal proofs of their gallantry, but
       Arthur will be taken all the same." The invitation was
       declined. On the 20th the Japanese gained Angle Hill and
       Pan-lun-shan redoubt; but the Russians recaptured the latter
       on the following night.

       The Japanese now hoped to be able to take the Fortress by a
       general assault, and made the attempt with extraordinary
       determination on the 21st, 22d, and 23d. "On the night of the
       23d," writes Nojine, "the Japanese made the most desperate of
       all their attacks so far. They made three separate and most
       determined assaults on Zaredoubt Battery, on the line between
       it and Big Eagle’s Nest, and on Ruchevsky Battery. Though
       temporarily successful at one or two points, they were finally
       driven back out of all with shocking slaughter." It is of this
       assault that Lieutenant Tadayoshi Sakurai tells the terrible
       story in one of the chapters of his book, entitled "Human
       Bullets: A Soldier’s Story of Port Arthur," from which the
       following is quoted:

       "I gathered my men around me and said: ‘I now bid you all
       farewell. Fight with all your might. This battle will decide
       whether Port Arthur is to fall or not. This water you drink,
       please drink as if at your death moment.’

       "I filled a cup with water that was fetched by one or two
       soldiers at the risk of their lives, and we all drank farewell
       from the same cup. Soon we received orders to advance to a
       point half-way up the side of Panlung. … This fortress of
       Panlung had been captured with the flesh and blood of the
       Ninth Division of the Seventh and Eighth Regiments of the
       Second Reserve, and was now an important base from which a
       general assault on the northern forts of East Kikuan and
       Wantai was to be made. This critical spot was finally taken
       after a terrible struggle and a valiant action by the men of
       General Oshima’s command. The sad story was eloquently told by
       the horrible sights of the ravine. While running through the
       opening in the wire-entanglement beyond, I noticed many
       engineers and infantry men dead, piled one upon another caught
       in the wire, or taking hold with both arms of a post, or
       grasping the iron shears.

       "When we reached the middle of the side of Panlung, I saw the
       regimental flag that I used to carry, flying above our heads
       in the dark. My heart leaped at the sight of the dear flag. …
       As soon as we were gathered together the Colonel rose and gave
       us a final word of exhortation, saying: ‘This battle is our
       great chance of saving our country. To-night we must strike at
       the vitals of Port Arthur. Our brave assaulting column must be
       not simply a forlorn-hope ("resolved-to-die"), but a
       "sure-death" detachment. I as your father am more grateful
       than I can express for your gallant fighting. Do your best,
       all of you.’

       "Yes, we were all ready for death when leaving Japan. Men
       going to battle of course cannot expect to come back alive.
       But in this particular battle to be ready for death was not
       enough; what was required of us was a determination not to
       fail to die. Indeed we were ‘sure death’ men, and this new
       appellation gave us a great stimulus. Also a telegram that had
       come from the Minister of War in Tokyo was read by the
       aide-de-camp, which said, ‘I pray for your success.’ This
       increased the exaltation of our spirits.

       "Let me now recount the sublimity and horror of this general
       assault. I was a mere lieutenant and everything passed through
       my mind as in a dream, so my story must be something like
       picking out things from the dark. I can’t give you any
       systematic account, but must limit myself to fragmentary
       recollections. If this story sounds like a vain-glorious
       account of my own achievements, it is not because I am
       conscious of my merit when I have so little to boast of, but
       because the things concerning me and near me are what I can
       tell you with authority. If this partial account prove a clue
       from which the whole story of this terrible assault may be
       inferred, my work will not have been in vain.

       "The men of the ‘sure-death’ detachment rose to their part.
       Fearlessly they stepped forth to the place of death. They went
       over Panlung-shan and made their way through the piled-up
       bodies of the dead, groups of five or six soldiers reaching
       the barricaded slope one after another. I said to the colonel,
       ‘Good-by, then!’ With this farewell I started, and my first
       step was on the head of a corpse. Our objective points were
       the Northern Fortress and Wang-tai Hill.

       "There was a fight with bombs at the enemy’s
       skirmish-trenches. The bombs sent from our side exploded
       finely, and the place became at once a conflagration, boards
       were flung about, sand bags burst, heads flew around, legs
       were torn off. The flames mingled with the smoke, lighted up
       our faces weirdly, with a red glare, and all at once the
       battle-line became confused. Then the enemy, thinking it
       hopeless, left the place and began to flee. ‘Forward! forward!
       now is the time to go forward! Forward! Pursue! Capture it
       with one bound!’ and, proud of our victory, we went forward
       courageously. Captain Kawakami, raising his sword, cried,
       ‘Forward!’ and then I, standing close by him, cried,
       ‘Sakurai’s company, forward!’ Thus shouting I left the
       captain’s side, and, in order to see the road we were to
       follow, went behind the rampart. What is that black object
       which obstructs our view? It is the ramparts of the Northern
       Fortress. Looking back, I did not see a soldier. Alack, had
       the line been cut? In trepidation, keeping my body to the left
       for safety, I called the Twelfth Company.

    {350}

       "‘Lieutenant Sakurai!’ A voice called out repeatedly in
       answer. Returning to the direction of the sound, I found
       Corporal Ito weeping loudly. ‘What are you crying for? What
       has happened?’ The corporal, weeping bitterly, gripped my arm
       tightly. ‘Lieutenant Sakurai, you have become an important
       person.’ ‘ What is there to weep about?’ I say, ‘what is the
       matter?’ He whispered in my ear, ‘Our captain is dead.’
       Hearing this, I too wept. Was it not only a moment ago that he
       had given the order ‘Forward’? Was it not even now that I had
       separated from him? And yet our captain was one of the dead.
       In a moment our tender, pitying Captain Kawakami and I had
       become beings of two separate worlds. Was it a dream or a
       reality, I wondered?

       "Corporal Ito pointed out the captain’s body, which had fallen
       inside the rampart only a few rods away. I hastened hither and
       raised him in my arms. ‘Captain!’ I could not say a word more.
       But as matters could not remain thus, I took the secret map
       which the captain had, and, rising up boldly, called out,
       ‘From henceforward I command the Twelfth Company.’ And I
       ordered that someone of the wounded should carry back the
       captain’s corpse. A wounded soldier was just about to raise it
       up when he was struck on a vital spot and died leaning on the
       captain. One after another of the soldiers who took his place
       was struck and fell.

       "I called Sub-Lieutenant Ninomiya and asked him if the
       sections were together. He answered in the affirmative. I
       ordered Corporal Ito not to let the line be cut, and told him
       that I would be in the center of the skirmishers. In the
       darkness of the night we could not distinguish the features of
       the country, nor in which direction we were to march. Standing
       up abruptly against the dark sky were the Northern Fortress
       and Wang-tai Hill. In front of us lay a natural stronghold,
       and we were in a caldron-shaped hollow. But still we marched
       on side by side.

       ‘The Twelfth Company forward!’ I turned to the right and went
       forward as in a dream. I remember nothing clearly of the time.
       ‘Keep the line together!’ This was my one command. Presently I
       ceased to hear the voice of Corporal Ito, who had been at my
       right hand. The bayonets gleaming in the darkness became
       fewer. The black masses of soldiers who had pushed their way
       on now became a handful. All at once, as if struck by a club,
       I fell down sprawling on the ground. I was wounded, struck in
       my right hand. The splendid magnesium light of the enemy
       flashed out, showing the piled-up bodies of the dead, and I
       raised my wounded hand and looked at it. It was broken at the
       wrist; the hand hung down and was bleeding profusely. I took
       out the already loosened bundle of bandages, tied up my wound
       with the triangular piece, and then wrapping a handkerchief
       over it, I slung it from my neck with the sunrise flag, which
       I had sworn to plant on the enemy’s fortress.

       "Looking up, I saw that only a valley lay between me and
       Wang-tai Hill, which almost touched the sky. I wished to drink
       and sought at my waist, but the canteen was gone; its leather
       strap alone was entangled in my feet. The voices of the
       soldiers were lessening one by one. In contrast, the glare of
       the rockets of the hated enemy and the frightful noise of the
       cannonading increased. I slowly rubbed my legs, and, seeing
       that they were unhurt, I again rose. Throwing aside the sheath
       of my sword, I carried the bare blade in my left hand as a
       staff, went down the slope as in a dream, and climbed Wang-tai
       Hill.

       "The long and enormously heavy guns were towering before me,
       and how few of my men were left alive now! I shouted and told
       the survivors to follow me, but few answered my call. When I
       thought that the other detachments must also have been reduced
       to a similar condition, my heart began to fail me. No
       reinforcement was to be hoped for, so I ordered a soldier to
       climb the rampart and plant the sun flag overhead, but alas!
       he was shot and killed, without even a sound or cry.

       "All of a sudden a stupendous sound as from another world rose
       around about me. ‘Counter-assault!’ A detachment of the enemy
       appeared on the rampart, looking like a dark wooden barricade.
       They surrounded us in the twinkling of an eye and raised a cry
       of triumph. Our disadvantageous position would not allow us to
       offer any resistance, and our party was too small to fight
       them. We had to fall back down the steep hill. Looking back, I
       saw the Russians shooting at us as they pursued. When we
       reached the earthworks before mentioned, we made a stand and
       faced the enemy. Great confusion and infernal butchery
       followed. Bayonets clashed against bayonets; the enemy brought
       out machine-guns and poured shot upon us pell-mell; the men on
       both sides fell like grass. But I cannot give you a detailed
       account of the scene, because I was then in a dazed condition.
       I only remember that I was brandishing my sword in fury. I
       also felt myself occasionally cutting down the enemy. I
       remember a confused fight of white blade against white blade,
       the rain and hail of shell, a desperate fight here and a
       confused scuffle there. At last I grew so hoarse that I could
       not shout any more. Suddenly my sword broke with a clash, my
       left arm was pierced. I fell, and before I could rise a shell
       came and shattered my right leg. I gathered all my strength
       and tried to stand up, but I felt as if I were crumbling and
       fell to the ground perfectly powerless. A soldier who saw me
       fall cried, ‘Lieutenant Sakurai, let us die together.’"

          Tadayoshi Sakurai,
          Human Bullets, chapter 26
          (Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston).
          https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/47548

       The soldier who offered to die with him stayed with the
       Lieutenant till morning, binding his wounds, and finally
       creeping away to find and bring help if he could. He, too, had
       been wounded, and Sakurai found him later in a hospital. At
       the end of many hours of constantly imminent death, the
       helpless and suffering Lieutenant was saved by two soldiers
       who bore him, stealthily and with infinite difficulty out of
       the range of the Russian rifles and to a field hospital, where
       he found himself among intimate friends.

    {351}

       Of the scene on the morning following the terrific assaults of
       August 23d, the correspondent Nojine writes:

       "The rising sun showed up sheaves of corpses on the ground
       that was still ours. Death had indeed triumphed, and had
       claimed 22,000 lives. From this time forward the enemy
       remained content with the slower advance of regular siege
       operations. … The enemy had got close up to our positions, and
       the salient angle of the north-east was almost in their hands.
       I say ‘almost,’ because the ruins of these works remained the
       greater part of the time untenanted, neutralized by the
       gun-fire of both sides." A month passed before another serious
       assault was undertaken by the Japanese. Then, on the 21st of
       September, they attacked what was called "203 Metre Hill."
       "Column after column rushed forward on to 203 Metre Hill,
       covering all its fore hills and slopes with heaps of dead; but
       at 8.45 a. m. they were repulsed. This assault was
       distinguished by particular obstinacy. … Having got
       three-quarters of [the hill] they meant to get possession of
       the rest at all costs: they slowly crawled upwards, fell dead,
       rolled back, and others dashed forward; they lay concealed and
       waited for reinforcements; nothing would drive them back. All
       their thoughts, all their endeavors were to get possession of
       this hill. Our men began rolling down great boulders from the
       top. These bounded down, flattened out the dead and sought out
       the living, who, in trying to dodge, exposed themselves and
       were shot by our men on the lookout. … During the night of the
       21st about 900 corpses were collected under 203 Metre Hill."
       Nevertheless the assault was repeated on the following day.
       "From the moment this assault was beaten back, the trenches in
       front of 203 Metre Hill were gradually evacuated and the enemy
       went to earth only on Angle Hill. All their sapping was
       confined to the north-east. On the western front of the
       Fortress there now remained in our possession only 203 Metre,
       Flat and Divisional Hills. … October 1 was an epoch in the
       history of the defence of Port Arthur, for it was on this day
       that the first of the 11-inch shells fell into the Fortress,
       and so changed the aspect of affairs. … Nowhere could we find
       real safety from them. … The concrete of the forts, the armor
       on the battle ships, were penetrated clean through." Mining
       and counter-mining, by the besiegers and the besieged, were
       now in progress, and the explosion of such mines was begun
       near the end of October. On the 30th of that month the
       Japanese made another general assault, after a "cruel
       bombardment" of four days. "The October attacks were short,
       but most determined and bloody. As regards their success, it
       was but slight. The enemy had gained some dozens of yards—no
       more. … The Japanese had fired over 150,000 shells." The
       "November assault season" began on the 20th. Its climax was on
       the 26th, "when time after time, the enemy threw themselves
       with extraordinary gallantry and persistence on forts
       Ehr-lung-shan, Chi-kuan-shan and B Battery. Thousands were
       mown down, but the living surged onwards. But it could not go
       on forever, and at 3.30 the infantry attacks slackened and
       ceased. … All next day and night an incessant stream of
       wounded poured into Arthur, our losses being more than 1500
       men. … The slopes below and beyond Tumulus Hill were thickly
       spread with dead Japanese. A thick, unbroken mass of corpses
       covered the cold earth like a coverlet. On the day of the
       assault the following order had been issued by Major-General
       Nakamura, who commanded the Japanese force told off for that
       forlorn hope: … ‘Our objective is to sever the Fortress on two
       parts. Not a man must hope to return alive. If I fall, Colonel
       Watanabe will take over the command; if he also falls, Colonel
       Okuno will take his place. Every officer, whatever his rank,
       must consider himself his senior’s successor. The attack will
       be delivered mainly with the bayonet. No matter how fierce the
       Russian fire, our men will not reply by a single shot until we
       have established ourselves. Officers will shoot any men who
       fall out or retire without orders.’ … This is the kind of foe
       we had to fight. …

       "We now come to the culmination of the tragedy, and perhaps
       the bloodiest scene of carnage of the whole war—the fight for
       and capture of 203 Metre Hill." The attack began November 27
       and was continuous for eight days, excepting that an hour’s
       truce was obtained by the Japanese, December 2, for the burial
       of their dead. The next day "the fight on the hill was, if
       possible, more exasperated. In the Fortress the feeling of
       alarm was intensified, and all unemployed men had been got
       under arms, … and the other points denuded, in order to feed
       the maw of 203 Metre Hill. Even the hospitals gave their
       contribution. December 4—bright and frosty—ushered in a fresh
       hell. It was now hardly a fight between men that was taking
       place on this accursed spot; it was a struggle of human flesh
       against iron and steel, against blazing petroleum, lyddite,
       pyroxiline and mélinite, and the stench of rotting corpses. It
       was the last day but one of the long-drawn agony." At noon on
       the 5th the Japanese gained the top of the hill, and held it
       against an attempt that evening to drive them off. "203 Metre
       Hill was lost, and with it more than 5000 Russians."

       The end was now near. On the 15th four generals, and other
       officers, including General Kondratenko, the most valued
       assistant of General Smirnoff, were holding a consultation in
       one of the casemates, and were killed by a 11-inch shell,
       which penetrated even that shelter. On the 18th Chi-kuan-shan
       Fort was captured; on the 28th Ehr-lung-shan was lost; on the
       31st the Japanese took fortification Number 3, and on New
       Year’s Day they won the Eagle’s Nest. That day General Stössel
       sent a flag of truce to open negotiations for surrender. The
       capitulation was signed the next day. "Of 18,000 sick and
       wounded reported on the day the garrison marched out, 6000
       only were wounded; the balance were cases of scurvy."

          E. K. Nojine,
          The Truth about Port Arthur
          (Dutton & Co., New York).
          https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/59972

       General Stössel was subsequently ordered for trial before a
       military commission, on a number of charges, including
       disobedience of orders from the General Commanding in
       Manchuria, false reports to headquarters, improper
       interference with the commandant of the Fortress, and personal
       absence from most of the engagements that had taken place in
       and around Port Arthur. He was condemned to death, but the
       Tzar commuted the sentence to imprisonment for ten years. He
       began serving the sentence in March 1908, and was pardoned and
       released on the 19th of May, 1909.

    {352}

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (September-March).
       War with Russia: The Campaign in Manchuria.
       From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end of
       the Battle of Mukden.

       Early in October, a month after the escape of the Russian army
       from its defeat at Liao-Yang, General Kuropatkin attacked the
       Japanese at the Sha-ho river and fought a desperate battle
       with no substantial success. Extensive movements were then
       interrupted by the approach of winter, and the campaign was
       practically suspended for the next four months. "The three
       Japanese armies had maintained the same relative positions in
       which they had fought their way from Hai-Cheng northward.
       Kuroki’s was the right, Oku’s the left, and Nodzu’s the
       center. By the middle of February, Marshal Oyama had been
       reënforced by Nogi’s one hundred thousand veterans of Port
       Arthur, hereafter to be known as the fourth Japanese army,
       operating to the west of Oku. A somewhat mysterious fifth
       army, under command of General Kawamura, had been operating
       somewhere between Kuroki and Vladivostok, and, while its
       movements had not been known definitely, it had been expected
       to threaten General Kuropatkin’s left. Both Russians and
       Japanese were within a few miles of Mukden, the sacred city of
       the Manchus. This city of half a million people lies in a
       plain,—really the valley of the Hun River,—with the Hun and
       the Liao rivers twenty to thirty miles west and southwest.
       Eastward are the Mao-Tien Mountains, extending along the line
       of the Port Arthur & Harbin Railway. The Russian and Japanese
       lines formed a huge bow or crescent, the Japanese to the
       southward, extending over a hundred miles of plains and hill
       from Chang-Tan eastward across the railway to Lone Tree
       (Putiloff) Hill, almost all the strong positions being held by
       the Russians." In this position of the two stupendous armies
       the long series of engagements known collectively as the
       Battle of Mukden was opened by the Japanese on the 20th of
       February, 1905. The center of the Russian army rested on the
       Sha-ho; its right wing, commanded by General Kaulbars, was
       distant from its left wing, commanded by General Linevitch,
       more than one hundred and twenty miles. The Japanese attack
       was begun by Kuroki, commanding their right. Crossing the
       Sha-ho, he "swung around the Russian left, driving it from the
       mountains in the vicinity of Tie Pass to Fushun, an important
       fortified post (and the Russian coal depot) on the Hun River;
       Nogi’s force had attacked General Kuropatkin from the west.
       Nogi had marched through the neutral zone south of the Liao
       River, to Sin-Min-Tun, a violation of neutrality against which
       the Russians and Chinese had protested. This neutral zone,
       however, had already been used by the Russians as a base to
       forward coal and supplies to their army, so the Japanese
       Government claimed that the neutrality had become null and
       void. On March 3, Nogi rolled up the Russians in flight, and
       his advance was not checked until his right wing had come into
       touch with Oku’s left, only about eight miles south of Mukden.
       While the armies of Oku and Nodzu continued to pound the
       Russian center, with tremendous losses to themselves and to
       the enemy, Nogi’s left, after a forced march of forty miles,
       fell upon the Russian center. Through this Oku and Nodzu drove
       a wedge, and, although Generals Linevitch and Kaulbars had
       made a desperate defense and General Rennenkampf’s Cossacks
       had performed prodigies of valor, the Russians had found
       themselves (by the end of the first week in March) attacked in
       so many places on the north of their flanks that it had become
       a question with Kuropatkin, not only of retreat, but of saving
       large bodies of troops from being surrounded and annihilated.

       "Early on the morning of March 10, the Japanese occupied
       Mukden, and the Russian retreat had become a rout. The next
       day the important fortified town of Fushun was seized by the
       Japanese, and thereafter the Russians, disorganized and
       suffering from hunger and the weather, poured northward to Tie
       Pass, forty miles from Mukden,—outmarched, outgeneraled, and
       outfought."

          American Review of Reviews,
          April and May, 1905.

       "The sufferings caused by the retreat cannot be exaggerated.
       It must be remembered that the weather remained intensely cold
       and that the arrangements for collecting the wounded were all
       disorganised. … Defeat, it may be added, was wholly unexpected
       by the Manchurian Army, and that view was shared by the
       foreign attaches and the war correspondents. Whatever their
       opinions might be as to the possibility of General Kuropatkin
       marching on Liao-Yang, they felt confident that the Japanese
       would be unable to turn the Russians out of the positions so
       long and so carefully prepared. The Japanese accomplished this
       seemingly impossible task. …

       "Following on the disaster of Mukden, General Kuropatkin was
       relieved of his command, exchanging places with General
       Linevitch. The new Commander-in-Chief fixed his headquarters
       at Guntzuling, where the shattered army was re-formed."

          Lord Brooke,
          An Eye Witness in Manchuria,
          chapter 37.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (October-May).
       War with Russia: The expedition of the Baltic Fleet
       to relieve Port Arthur.
       The Dogger Bank incident.
       The Seven Months Voyage.
       Battle of Tsushima.
       Destruction of the Fleet.

       After the sea-fights of August 10-14, between Port Arthur and
       Vladivostok (see above, A. D. 1904, February-August) Russia
       had no naval force of any importance in the Pacific, and
       hastened preparations for sending out a fleet from the Baltic
       Sea.

       See above,
       JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).

       Under the command of Admiral Rozhdestvensky, this intended
       reinforcement of the defence of Port Arthur was despatched
       from Reval and Libau, sailing from the latter port on October
       15. At the outset of its voyage, while traversing the North
       Sea, the Russian fleet experienced a misadventure which
       occasioned much excitement for a time and threatened to raise
       a serious question between the Russian and British
       governments. Briefly stated, the main facts of the case,
       according to evidence accepted subsequently by an
       International Commission of Inquiry, were these:

       Before sailing from Reval, and, further, while anchored at the
       Skagen, making ready to pass to the North Sea, Admiral
       Rozhdestvensky had been warned by agents of his government
       that suspicious vessels were on the coast of Norway, and that
       he must beware of hostile undertakings, which were likely to
       have the form of torpedo attacks. Accordingly he sailed from
       the Skagen, October 20, twenty-four hours earlier than he had
       planned, sending off the fleet in six divisions, that which he
       accompanied being the last, and starting at 10 p. m.
    {353}
       In one of the preceding divisions a transport, by reason of
       defects in her engine, fell behind the cruisers which escorted
       her, and at 8 p. m. on October 21 was some fifty miles astern
       of the remainder of the fleet. She then met several Swedish
       vessels which she imagined to be torpedo craft, and fired on
       them, sending a wireless message to the Admiral that she was
       attacked by torpedo boats on all sides. This message led the
       Admiral to signal to his captains that they might expect
       attacks and must keep a doubly vigilant watch. At an early
       hour in the following morning his own immediate squadron
       arrived at the Dogger Bank, where, as usual, many fishing
       craft, mostly English, were "shooting their trawls," and doing
       so in a regulated way, under the direction of a fishing master
       or captain, who signalled with rockets to his fleet. One of
       the preceding divisions of the Russian armada had passed these
       without alarm, recognizing what they were; but Admiral
       Rozhdestvensky and the officers of his flagship were so
       expectant of enemies that the sight of a green rocket shot
       into the air, and a distant glimpse of some kind of a ship
       which seemed to be headed straight for them, at a great rate
       of speed, convinced them instantly that they were in the midst
       of swarming foes, and they opened fire.

       According to testimony, their fire was kept up for about half
       an hour, as they passed through the fishing fleet, one of the
       vessels in which was sunk, her skipper and one other man
       killed, while all but one of the remaining crew received
       wounds. Two others of the fishing craft were struck, and the
       hospital ship of the National Mission which attended the fleet
       received some damage. Ultimately it was learned that the
       Russians, in their wild firing, did harm to one another, so
       seriously that the chaplain of one of their ships received a
       wound from which he died.

       Wild excitement was created in England by the news of this
       strange performance. Hurried naval preparations were made for
       vigorous action, if found necessary, and formal demands for
       apology, inquiry and compensation were presented at St.
       Petersburg. Nothing, however, was done rashly, and the two
       governments concerned agreed sensibly and quickly to an
       investigation of the affair by an International Commission,
       which gave hearings in Paris soon afterwards. The Commission
       found precedents in recent naval experience—even in the
       manoeuvres of the British navy—of a similar mistaking of
       fishing boats and other vessels for torpedo craft, and was
       able to deal gently and pacifically with the facts brought
       before it. It decided that the fishing fleet had committed no
       hostile act, and that no torpedo boat was either among them or
       near them, and that, consequently, the Russian Admiral was not
       justified in opening fire. As for his not stopping to
       ascertain the damage he had done, the conclusion was that
       enough uncertainty on the subject of danger had been raised in
       his mind to warrant that neglect; but a majority of the
       commissioners expressed regret that he had not given notice of
       what had happened when he passed through the Straits. Then, as
       The Naval Annual remarked, in reviewing the incident,
       "diplomacy steps in and seeks to soothe military and national
       susceptibilities by declaring that Admiral Rozhdestvensky’s
       ‘valeur militaire’ is unimpaired, and his ‘sentiments
       d’humanité’ unimpeachable."

          Naval Annual, 1905,
          chapter vi.

       Between the English and Russian governments the affair was
       settled amicably by an indemnity of £65,000 from the latter to
       the fishermen who suffered.

       The first halt in Rozhdestvensky’s voyage was off Tangier,
       where he divided his fleet, sending one division, under
       Admiral Folkersahm, by the Suez Canal route, and leading the
       other in person down the Atlantic and round the Cape. They met
       off Madagascar on the 3d of January, and got news there of the
       fall of Port Arthur and, later, of the defeat of the Russian
       army at Mukden. The stay of the reunited fleet at Nossi Bé
       island, off the west coast of Madagascar, near its northern
       extremity, was prolonged, awaiting orders, till the 17th of
       March. Nothing was known of its next movements until it was
       seen off Singapore, April 8. Thence it proceeded to Kam-ranh
       Bay, in French Indo-China, where it stayed for some weeks,
       waiting to be joined by another squadron from the Baltic,
       which came under the command of Admiral Nebogatoff. This use
       of the waters of a neutral Power was bitterly complained of in
       Japan and sharply criticised elsewhere. The whole fleet
       resumed its northward voyage on the 14th of May, and on the
       27th, in the Korean Straits, off the island of Tsushima, it
       was intercepted by Admiral Togo’s fleet. An account of the
       circumstances of the interception, and of the wonderfully
       decisive battle which ensued, derived by Mr. George Kennan
       from both Russian and Japanese participants in the engagement,
       was published in The Outlook of July 29, 1905. Mr.
       Kennan, who had been with the Japanese forces during the siege
       of Port Arthur, and had described it for The Outlook,
       obtained permission to visit some of the wounded and captured
       officers of Rozhdestvensky’s fleet in hospital at one of the
       naval stations in Japan. As he spoke their language they
       talked with him freely, and information from both victors and
       vanquished is thus combined in the account from which we quote
       a few passages, as follows:

       "When the Baltic fleet left the coast of Annam, on its way to
       Vladivostok, Admiral Rojesvensky [so Mr. Kennan writes the
       name] had no accurate information with regard to the
       whereabouts of the Japanese squadrons. They might all be
       concentrated in the Tsushima Strait, between Japan and Korea,
       or they might be watching, in three separate detachments, the
       three channels that give access to the Sea of Japan, viz,
       Tsushima, Tsuguru, and La Perouse. Thinking that Togo would
       not dare to leave wholly unguarded the two northern passages,
       which are nearest to Vladivostok, Rojesvensky assumed that the
       Japanese fleet had been divided into three sections, and that,
       on any route which he might select, he would probably have to
       deal with only one of them. …

       "Admiral Togo, however, did not divide his fleet.
       Anticipating, with acute prescience, the reasoning and the
       decision of the Russian commander, he concentrated his whole
       force in the Tsushima Strait, and concealed it so perfectly in
       unfrequented harbors at the southern end of Korea that nobody
       ever saw it or discovered its location. … It seems to have had
       its main base near Masampho, Korea. The arrangements made for
       discovering the approach and reporting the movements of the
       Russian fleet were as comprehensive and perfect as possible.
    {354}
       All along the southwestern coast of Japan signal stations had
       been established on prominent islands and on the tops of high
       mountains, and every one of these ‘watch-towers,’ as they were
       called, was connected by telephone, either with Sasebo or with
       Maizuru. Fast scouting ships, equipped with wireless telegraph
       instruments, patrolled the entrance to the strait, and on the
       charts carried by them, as well as by all other vessels of the
       Japanese fleet, the whole stretch of water between Japan and
       Korea had been divided into small numbered squares, so that
       the exact location of the enemy at any moment might be
       designated by a number. There was no possibility of
       Rojesvensky’s getting through the strait unobserved unless he
       should be favored by dense fog.

       "At five o’clock on the morning of Saturday, May 27, the
       scouting ship Shinano-maru reported by wireless telegraphy
       from the vicinity of Quelpart Island, ‘Enemy's fleet sighted
       in square 203. He seems to be steering for the East Channel’
       (the passage between Tsushima Island and the Japanese
       mainland, which is called on English charts Krusenstern
       Strait). The Japanese fleet, which was all ready for sea, left
       its Korean base at once. Admiral Togo himself, with four
       battle-ships and eight armoured cruisers, took a northerly
       course in order to get ahead of the enemy and stop his
       progress at or near Oki Island (Okinoshima), while Admirals
       Kamimura, Uriu, Dewa, and Kataoka sailed in a southeasterly
       direction for the purpose of enveloping his rear. The officers
       last named came into touch with the Russian fleet between Iki
       Island and Tsushima soon after ten o’clock; but as the
       Japanese plan of action did not contemplate an attack at that
       point, they merely kept the enemy in sight and reported to
       Admiral Togo by wireless telegraphy the number and disposition
       of his ships. Rojesvensky had in all thirty-eight vessels, and
       they entered the strait in two parallel columns.

       "The Russians, of course, saw on their left flank and in their
       rear the squadrons of Admirals Kamimura, Kataoka, Uriu, and
       Dewa, but, as these ships showed no disposition to attack,
       they (the Russians) were confirmed in their belief that only a
       part of the Japanese fleet was there, and that they should get
       through the strait without a serious fight. They remained
       under this delusion until half past one o’clock in the
       afternoon, when, to their great surprise, Admiral Togo, with
       four battle-ships and eight armored cruisers, appeared
       directly ahead. … At 1.55 p. m., when the flag-ships of the
       two fleets were a little more than four miles apart, Togo
       hoisted the following signal: ‘The fate of the Empire depends
       upon this battle. Let every man do his best.’ At two o’clock
       the Japanese squadrons on the flank and rear of the Russians
       closed in a little, and eight minutes later the fight began,
       Admiral Togo opening fire at a distance of about four miles.
       It became evident at once to the officers of the Orel that in
       the matter of marksmanship they were wholly outclassed. The
       fire of the Japanese was a little wild at first, but in a few
       minutes they got the range with surprising accuracy, and
       struck the leading battle-ships of the two Russian columns
       with almost every shot. Ten minutes after the fight began, a
       twelve-inch shell entered the forward turret of the Kniaz
       Suvaroff, burst there with terrific violence, exploded three
       or four rounds of ammunition that had just been brought up
       from the magazine, wrecked both guns, and blew the top of the
       turret completely off. In less than an hour the Russian
       flag-ship had lost one mast and both funnels, and had taken
       fire fore and aft; the Oslabya and the Alexander III. were
       also in flames; the Orel, the Sissoi Veliki, and the Borodino
       had been severely if not fatally injured; the Russian columns
       had been broken up and thrown into disorder; and the issue of
       the battle had been fully determined. In other words, the
       Baltic fleet had been overwhelmed and defeated, by gun-fire
       alone, in less than forty-five minutes. Most of the
       second-class Russian vessels were still in fighting condition,
       but the battle-ship section had lost more than half of its
       original efficiency, and there was no longer any doubt as to
       the outcome of the engagement. … Admiral Togo says, in his
       detailed official report, that ‘at 2.45 p. m. the result of
       the battle had been decided.’ And in this judgment the
       officers of the Orel virtually coincide. They frankly admit
       that they were overwhelmed from the very first by the accuracy
       and destructiveness of Admiral Togo’s long-range gun-fire."

       Though the result of the battle was made certain within its
       first hour, the destruction of Russian ships went on to the
       end of the day and through most of the night, with pursuit of
       those in flight continued until the 26th. Twenty-two of the
       Russian vessels of all classes were sunk, 6 were captured, 6
       were afterwards interned in neutral ports, and two only made
       their way to Valdivostok. The Japanese lost 3 torpedo boats;
       116 of their officers and men were killed, and 538 received
       wounds. The prisoners they captured numbered about 6000.

       Admiral Rozhdestvensky, accused of cowardice in the battle,
       was tried by court-martial and acquitted by a verdict rendered
       in July, 1906.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904: A. D. 1904-1905.
       War with Russia: Japan’s greatest achievement.
       Sanitation of the Army.

       "Without minimizing for a moment the splendor of Japanese
       victories on land and sea, at Mukden, Port Arthur, Liao-Yang,
       or with Togo off Tsushima, in the Korean Straits (and two of
       these battles are among the bloodiest in history), I yet
       unhesitatingly assert that Japan’s greatest conquests have
       been in the humanities of war, in the stopping of the needless
       sacrifice of life by preventable diseases. This dreadful and
       unnecessary waste of life, especially in conflicts between
       so-called civilized and Anglo-Saxon races, is one of the most
       ghastly propositions of the age. The Japanese have gone a long
       way toward eliminating it. …

       "Longmore’s tables, which are accepted as the most reliable
       statistics of war, and which are based on the records of
       battles for the past two hundred years, show that there has
       rarely been a conflict of any great duration in which at least
       four men have not perished from disease for every one from
       bullets. In the Russo-Turkish War, 80,000 men died from
       disease and 20,000 from wounds. In the Crimean campaign, it is
       asserted on eminent French authority that in six months the
       allied forces lost 50,000 soldiers from disease and only 2,000
       from casualties.
    {355}
       In the French campaign in Madagascar, in 1894, of the 14,000
       men sent to the front 29 were killed in action and 7,000 from
       disease, most of which was preventable. In our Spanish
       American War, in 1898, in a campaign the actual hostilities of
       which lasted six weeks, the deaths from casualties, as given
       me by the surgeon-general of the United States army, last
       week, were 293, while those from disease amounted to 3,681, or
       nearly 14 to 1.

       "Compare these frightful figures with the record of killed,
       wounded, and sick in the Japanese army from February, 1904, to
       May, 1905, as furnished me by Minister of War General
       Terauchi, in Tokio, in August last. There were killed on the
       field 43,892, or 7.32 per cent. of the entire army in the
       field; there were wounded 145,527, or 24.27 percent.; there
       died of wounds 9,054, or 1.51 percent.; there died from
       sickness and disease, including contagious cases, 11,992, or
       about 2 per cent. of the army. In other words, the total
       number of deaths from casualties and wounds amounted to
       52,946, or nearly 9 per cent, of the army, while the total
       deaths from sickness amounted to 11,992, or 2 per cent. of the
       army. This record is unparalleled and unapproached in the
       history of warfare. How did the Japanese accomplish it? In
       three preeminently fundamental ways. First, thorough
       preparation and organization for war, such as was never before
       made in history; second, through the simple, non-irritating,
       easily digested ration furnished the troops; and third,
       because of the brilliant part played by the members of the
       medical profession in the application of practical sanitation
       and the stamping out of preventable disease in the army,
       thereby saving its great hosts for the legitimate purpose of
       war, the defeating of the enemy in the field. …

       "She organized her medical department on broad, generous
       lines, and gave its representatives the rank and power their
       great responsibilities merited, recognizing that they had to
       deal with a foe which history has shown has killed 80 percent.
       of the total mortality in other wars. She even had the
       temerity (strange as it may seem to an American or an English
       army official) to grade her medical men as high as the
       officers of the line, who combat the enemy who kills only 20
       per cent., and to accord them equal authority, except, of
       course, in the emergency of battle, when all authority
       devolves, as it should, on the officers of the line. In her
       home land she organized the most splendid system of hospitals
       that has ever been devised for the treatment of sick and
       wounded, and with her army at the front she put into execution
       the most elaborate and effective system of sanitation that has
       ever been practised in war. Upon the declaration of war, she
       was prepared to house, scientifically treat, and tenderly care
       for 25,000 wounded in Japan alone, and as the war progressed
       the hospital capacity was rapidly increased, so that one and
       one-half years after its commencement, or on the sixth day of
       July, 1905, the twelve military home hospitals possessed a
       normal capacity of 58,261."

          Major Louis L. Seaman, M. D.,
          Lessons for America in the Japanese Medical Service
          (American Review of Reviews November, 1905).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905. War with Russia:
       Casualties of the entire war on the Japanese side.

       The following is an official Japanese statement of the
       casualties of the entire war on the Japanese side:

       "Killed in battle.         47,387
       Died of wounds             11,500
       Wounded, but recovered    161,925

       Total killed and wounded           220,812

       Died of sickness           27,158
       Sick, but recovered       209,065

       Total sick                         236,223

       Total of killed,
       wounded, and sick                  457,035

       Total of fatal casualties           86,045

       "These figures relate to the field only, not including cases
       among the troops in Japan or Formosa, and they may be slightly
       altered when all the reports of hospitals are compiled. Of
       those who succumbed to disease nearly three-fourths died in
       the field and one-fourth after reaching home.

       "To find the total number of killed in battle and patients
       treated the following additions must be made:

       Total of killed, wounded,
       and sick in the field       457,035

       Patients treated at home     97,850

       Russian prisoner patients    77,803

       Grand total                 632,688

       "The above figures do not include slight cases remaining with
       the Japanese regiments. In April, 1906, when these figures
       were published, the Japanese missing had been reduced to
       3,000.

       "Comparative statement of the result of treatment, by wars:

                        Sick and wounded        Wounded treated
                        treated in Hospital.    in Hospital.

                        Recovered     Died.     Recovered    Died.
                        completely.             completely.
                        Per cent.    Per cent.  Per cent.  Per cent.

    Chinese-Japanese war   50.94      14.24      63.23       7.49

    Russo-Japanese war     54.81       7.65      71.58       8.83

       "The difference between each of the totals and 100 represents
       men incapacitated for active service.

       "Comparative statement of cases and deaths from sickness and
       wounds, by wars:

                         Wounded.   Sick.  Died of  Died of
                                           Wounds.  Disease.

       Chinese-Japanese     1       6.93      1     12.09

       North China          1       4.37      1      1.97

       Russo-Japanese       1       1.07      1      0.46

       "Comparative statement of percentage of sickness in total
       number of troops in field, by war:

                      Percentage of      Percentage of deaths
                      sickness for all   from sickness for
                      troops engaged.    all troops engaged.

       Chinese-Japanese    59.20                 9.29

       North China war     34.88                 4.33

       Russo-Japanese      36.04                 2.99

       "The average monthly percentage of sickness during the
       twenty-one months of the Russo-Japanese war was 8.69, while
       the average monthly percentage for 1902, which is said to have
       had an exceptionally good medical record, was 10.21."

          Charles Lynch,
          Report (United States War Department,
          Reports of Military Observers …
          during the Russo-Japanese War, part 4).

    {356}

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
       General Consequences in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Conventions with Korea, establishing a Protectorate over
       that Empire, with Control of its Finances and its
       Foreign Relations.

          See (in this Volume)
          KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905.
       The Red Cross Society.

          See (in this Volume)
          RED CROSS SOCIETY.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1905.
       Report on treatment of the Opium Problem in Formosa.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
       Ending of the war with Russia.
       Mediation offered by the President of the United States
       and accepted.
       Negotiation and Conclusion of the Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

       In the third article of the Convention for the Pacific
       Settlement of International Disputes agreed to and signed at
       the First International Peace Conference, at The Hague, in
       1898, it was recommended, "in case of serious disagreement or
       conflict," "that one or more Powers, strangers to the dispute,
       should on their own initiative, and as far as circumstances
       may allow, offer their good offices or mediation to the States
       at variance." To this recommendation was added the declaration
       that "Powers, strangers to the dispute, have the right to
       offer good offices or mediation, even during the course of
       hostilities"; and "that the exercise of this right can never
       be regarded by one or the other of the parties in conflict as
       an unfriendly act."

       The first important action on this recommendation was taken by
       the President of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt, on the 8th
       of June, 1905, when he directed a communication from the then
       acting Secretary of State, Mr. Loomis, to be dispatched by
       telegraph to the Ambassadors of the United States at Tokyo and
       St. Petersburg, identically the same to each, and to be
       presented by the latter to the Governments of Russia and
       Japan. The communication was in the following words:

       "The President feels that the time has come when, in the
       interest of all mankind, he must endeavor to see if it is not
       possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable
       conflict now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the
       United States has inherited ties of friendship and good will.
       It hopes for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels
       that the progress of the world is set back by the war between
       these two great nations. The President accordingly urges the
       Russian and Japanese Governments, not only for their own
       sakes, but in the interest of the whole civilized world, to
       open direct negotiations for peace with one another. The
       President suggests that these peace negotiations be conducted
       directly and exclusively between the belligerents—in other
       words, that there may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese
       plenipotentiaries or delegates without any intermediary, in
       order to see if it is not possible for these representatives
       of the two powers to agree to terms of peace. The President
       earnestly asks that the Russian Government do now agree to
       such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Government likewise
       to agree. While the President does not feel that any
       intermediary should be called in in respect to the peace
       negotiations themselves, he is entirely willing to do what he
       properly can if the two powers concerned feel that his
       services will be of aid in arranging the preliminaries as to
       the time and place of meeting; but if even these preliminaries
       can be arranged directly between the two powers, or in any
       other way, the President will be glad, as his sole purpose is
       to bring about a meeting which the whole civilized world will
       pray may result in peace."

       The despatch to Tokyo was delayed in transmission and did not
       reach Minister Griscom until the evening of the 9th, but was
       delivered to the officials of the foreign office the same
       night, and the following reply from Baron Komura was handed to
       Mr. Griscom at 1 o’clock on the morning of the 10th:

       "The Imperial Government have given to the suggestion of the
       President of the United States, embodied in the note handed to
       the minister for foreign affairs by the American minister on
       the 9th instant, the very serious consideration to which,
       because of its source and its import, it is justly entitled.
       Desiring in the interest of the world as well as in the
       interest of Japan the reestablishment of peace with Russia, on
       terms and conditions that will fully guarantee its stability,
       the Imperial Government will, in response to the suggestion of
       the President, appoint plenipotentiaries of Japan to meet
       plenipotentiaries of Russia at such time and place as may be
       found to be mutually agreeable and convenient, for the purpose
       of negotiating and concluding terms of peace directly and
       exclusively between the two belligerent powers."

       At St. Petersburg, the reply from Count Lamsdorff, Minister
       for Foreign Affairs, was given to Ambassador Meyer on the 12th
       as follows:

       "I have not failed to place before my august master the
       telegraphic communication which your excellency has been
       pleased to transmit to me under instructions of your
       government. His Majesty, much moved by the sentiments
       expressed by the President, is glad to find in it a new proof
       of the traditional friendship which unites Russia to the
       United States of America, as well as an evidence of the high
       value which Mr. Roosevelt attaches, even as His Imperial
       Majesty does, to that universal peace so essential to the
       welfare and progress of all humanity. With regard to the
       eventual meeting of Russian and Japanese plenipotentiaries,
       ‘in order to see if it is not possible for the two powers to
       agree to terms of peace,’ the Imperial Government has no
       objection in principle to this endeavor if the Japanese
       Government expresses a like desire."

       This Russian response seemed somewhat equivocal to the
       Japanese Government, and Foreign Minister Komura asked for an
       assurance as to the powers to be conferred on the peace
       plenipotentiaries from St. Petersburg. How the assurance was
       obtained has not been made known to the public; but Japan
       received it soon through President Roosevelt, and Baron Komura
       requested Mr. Griscom to "assure the President that the
       attitude taken by the Japanese Government regarding the nature
       of the powers to be conferred on the peace plenipotentiaries
       was not in any degree inspired by a desire to raise
       difficulties or delay negotiations.
    {357}
       Experience has taught the necessity of caution, and the
       Japanese Government thought that by securing at the outset a
       common understanding upon this subject they would preclude
       possibility of any difficulty arising in the initial stage of
       negotiations and would smooth the way for the real work of the
       negotiators; but having entire confidence in the wisdom of the
       President, the Japanese Government accepts his interpretation
       of the intention of Russia and will without further question
       appoint plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate and
       conclude terms of peace."

       In consultations as to the place of meeting, Russia suggested
       Paris and Japan proposed Chefu, but objections were raised to
       both, as well as to The Hague and Geneva, recommended by
       President Roosevelt. Japan wanted it nowhere in Europe and
       Russia would have it nowhere in the East; so Washington became
       the chosen point. But, when one of the first ten days of
       August became the appointed time of assembly for the
       negotiation, the probable heat of Washington was forbidding,
       and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where the Government of the
       United States possesses an island domain of its own, for
       navy-yard uses, was finally fixed on for the most important
       peace-parley that has taken place in the world within a
       century, at the least.

       The plenipotentiaries commissioned by Japan were Baron Komura
       Iutaro and Mr. Takahira Kogoro, then Japanese Minister at
       Washington. Mr. Nelidoff, Russian Ambassador at Paris, was
       named in the first instance for chief plenipotentiary by the
       Tzar, but illness prevented his serving. Mr. Nicholas
       Mouravieff, Ambassador at Rome, was then appointed, but became
       equally disabled in health, and M. Sergius Witte took his
       place, with Baron Roman Rosen, Russian Ambassador at
       Washington, associated in the mission. On Saturday, the 5th of
       August, on board the Government yacht Mayflower, at
       Oyster Bay, the summer residence of President Roosevelt, the
       four plenipotentiaries, attended by members of their
       respective suites, were received by the President, introduced
       to each other, and entertained at a lunch. Thence they were
       conveyed, by separate vessels, first to Newport, where Sunday
       was spent, and afterwards to Portsmouth. Their conference was
       opened on Wednesday, the 9th, and the resulting Treaty of
       Peace was signed by the negotiators, September 5th.

       At the outset of their communications with each other the
       differences of mind seemed insurmountable. How they were
       brought to agreement has been told by two writers who had
       better opportunities, perhaps, for knowing the inner
       circumstances of the negotiation than any other persons
       outside of the plenipotentiaries themselves. One of these was
       Dr. Frederick de Martens, the eminent Russian Professor of
       International Law, who came as a special consulting delegate
       with M. Witte. In an article on "The Portsmouth Peace
       Conference," published in The North American Review of
       November, 1905, he wrote:

       "During three long weeks the pourparlers between the
       representatives of the two Powers seemed to show the absolute
       impossibility of attaining the desired object, that is, peace.
       There were especially two obstacles in the way—the Japanese
       demands that Russia should cede Saghalin and that Russia
       should pay Japan a war indemnity. These two conditions Russia
       categorically rejected, and the failure of the Conference
       seemed inevitable. Then it was that the President of the
       United States, again basing his action on the principles of
       the Hague Convention, considered himself once more justified
       in intervening between the two disputing nations. At first,
       Mr. Roosevelt proposed that a Commission composed of neutrals,
       whose decision however, would not be binding on the contending
       parties, should fix the amount of the sum that Russia should
       pay to Japan. But this proposal was immediately abandoned
       because of its evidently impracticable nature. The second
       intervention of the President was more effective and happy.
       Japan was now to be asked to withdraw her demand for an
       indemnity, and the Tsar, who desired sincerely to see the
       unfortunate war ended, was to consent to the cession of the
       southern portion of the island of Saghalin. It was at the
       sitting of August 29th that an accord, based on these mutual
       concessions, was brought about; and, during the six days that
       followed, the stipulations of the definitive treaty of peace
       were drawn up by a commission named for that purpose. At last,
       on September 5th, the treaty was concluded, and a battery of
       artillery, in front of the building where the sittings had
       been held, fired a salute of nineteen guns in honor of the
       great event."

          F. de Martens,
          The Portsmouth Peace Conference
          (North American Review, November, 1905).

       To the same effect Dr. E. J. Dillon, the well known publicist,
       who had been an intermediary in some of the preliminary
       unofficial diplomacy, wrote in The Contemporary Review
       of October as follows:

       "The Peace of Portsmouth is the outcome of rare moral courage
       meeting, assailing and worsting a combination of forces, the
       classification and labelling of which had best be left to the
       future historian and biographer who can appreciate, without
       bias and blame, without apprehension. The first man to display
       that unwonted moral courage was Theodore Roosevelt, whose
       influence for good on the living and working of nations is a
       beneficent force to which the world is beginning to look as to
       some permanent institution. It is not too much to say that if
       Japan and Russia are at peace today, if countless human beings
       doomed seemingly until a few weeks ago to a terrible death on
       the battlefield are now about to return to their homes and
       families and set about building up instead of pulling down,
       the credit for this welcome change in international relations
       is due in the first place to the President of the United
       States. …

       "There was hardly a man in Russia acquainted with the elements
       of the problem who considered Mr. Roosevelt’s invitation to a
       peace conference as other than a voice crying in the
       wilderness. He had felt his way some months before and
       convinced himself that it then led nowhither. Soon afterwards
       I was myself authorised to put forth a feeler and inquire
       whether a war indemnity formed part of Japan’s irreducible
       minimum. And the result of that inquiry was that hostilities
       were allowed to take their course.

    {358}

       "After the Battle of Mukden Mr. Roosevelt again returned to
       the attack, moving slowly and very cautiously, but creating
       his opportunity as well as utilising it, advising as well as
       questioning, exhorting almost as much as he argued. With
       Japan, whose statesmen he knew well, and with the mainsprings
       of whose action he was perfectly familiar, he experienced no
       difficulty. What Nippon said, she really meant; what she
       promised—but not one iota more—she religiously fulfilled; and
       both her declarations and her promises apparently flowed from
       a desire to do what every man in the forum of his own
       conscience would term the right thing. Probably never before
       in human history has the world’s cultivated sense of what is
       fair and just been taken by any nation, Christian or
       non-Christian, as its own standard of ethics, its own rule of
       action regardless of immediate consequences. …

       "And Japan’s capacity and readiness to sacrifice the less to
       the greater, the material to the moral, was, so to say, the
       fulcrum on which Mr. Roosevelt rested his lever. All the force
       of his endeavours was concentrated here, all his fund of
       optimism was derived from this source.

       "But it takes two to make peace as well as to make war. And
       the President’s great and greatest difficulty was to persuade
       Russia, not indeed to imitate Japan’s example, but to consult
       what to outsiders appeared to be her own national interest and
       to make peace on acceptable terms."

          E. J. Dillon,
          The Story of the Peace Negotiations
          (Contemporary Review, October, 1905).

       The Treaty of Peace thus happily agreed upon at Portsmouth was
       duly ratified by the Emperors of Russia and Japan, at St.
       Petersburg and at Tokyo simultaneously, on the 14th of
       October, 1905. The following is the text of the Treaty in
       full:

    JAPAN:
       The treaty of peace signed at Portsmouth.

       By the helping grace of God, we, Nicholas II, Emperor and
       Autocrat of all the Russias, etc., hereby declare that, in
       consequence of a mutual agreement between us and His Majesty,
       the Emperor of Japan, our plenipotentiaries concluded and
       signed at Portsmouth, August 23, 1905, a treaty of peace
       which, word for word, reads as follows:

       His Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, on the one hand,
       and His Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, on the other baud,
       being animated by the desire to restore the benefits of peace
       for their countries and their peoples, have decided to
       conclude a treaty of peace and have appointed for this purpose
       their plenipotentiaries, to wit:

       His Majesty the Emperor of Russia—

       His Excellency, Mr. Sergius Witte, his secretary of state and
       president of the committee of ministers of the Empire of
       Russia, and

       His Excellency, Baron Roman Rosen, master of the Imperial
       Court of Russia and his ambassador extraordinary and
       plenipotentiary to the United States of America:

       And his Majesty, the Emperor of Japan—

       His Excellency, Baron Komura Iutaro, Iusammi, knight of the
       Imperial Order of the Rising Sun, his minister of foreign
       affairs, and His Excellency, Mr. Takahira Kogoro, Iusammi,
       knight of the Imperial Order of the Sacred Treasure, his envoy
       extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United
       States of America;

       Who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good
       and due form, concluded the following articles:

       Article I.
       There shall be in the future peace and friendship between
       Their Majesties the Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor
       of Japan, as well as between their respective nations and
       subjects.

       Article II.
       The Imperial Government of Russia, recognizing that Japan has
       predominant political, military, and economic interests in
       Korea, agrees not to interfere or place obstacles in the way
       of any measure of direction, protection, and supervision which
       the Imperial Government of Japan may deem necessary to adopt
       in Korea.

       It is agreed that Russian subjects in Korea shall be treated
       in exactly the same manner as the citizens of other foreign
       countries; that is, that they shall be placed on the same
       footing as the citizens of the most-favored nation.

       It is likewise agreed that, in order to avoid any cause of
       misunderstanding, the two high contracting parties shall
       refrain from adopting, on the Russo-Korean frontier, any
       military measures which might menace the security of the
       Russian or Korean territory.

       Article III.
       Russia and Japan mutually engage:

       1. To completely and simultaneously evacuate Manchuria, with
       the exception of the territory over which the lease of the
       peninsula of Liao tung extends, in accordance with the
       provisions of additional Article I annexed to this treaty, and

       2. To entirely and completely restore to the exclusive
       administration of China all parts of Manchuria now occupied by
       Russian and Japanese troops, or which are under their control,
       with the exception of the above-mentioned territory.

       The Imperial Government of Russia declares that it has no
       territorial advantages or preferential or exclusive
       concessions in Manchuria of such a nature as to impair the
       sovereignty of China or which are incompatible with the
       principle of equal opportunity.

       Article IV.
       Russia and Japan mutually pledge themselves not to place any
       obstacle in the way of general measures which apply equally to
       all nations and which China might adopt for the development of
       commerce and industry in Manchuria.

       Article V.
       The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial
       Government of Japan, with the consent of the Government of
       China, the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the
       adjacent territories and territorial waters, as well as the
       rights, privileges, and concessions connected with this lease
       or forming part thereof, and it likewise cedes to the Imperial
       Government of Japan all the public works and property within
       the territory over which the above-mentioned lease extends.

       The high contracting parties mutually engage to obtain from
       the Government of China the consent mentioned in the foregoing
       clause.

       The Imperial Government of Japan gives on its part the
       assurance that the property rights of Russian subjects within
       the above-mentioned territory shall be absolutely respected.

    {359}

       Article VI.
       The Imperial Government of Russia obligates itself to yield to
       the Imperial Government of Japan, without compensation and
       with the consent of the Chinese Government, the Chan-chun
       (Kwan-Chen-Tsi) and Port Arthur Railroad and all its branches,
       with all the rights, privileges, and property thereunto
       belonging within this region, as well as all the coal mines in
       said region belonging to this railroad or being operated for
       its benefit.

       The two high contracting parties mutually pledge themselves to
       obtain from the Chinese Government the consent mentioned in
       the foregoing clause.

       Article VII.
       Russia and Japan agree to operate their respective railroads
       in Manchuria for commercial and industrial purposes
       exclusively, but by no means for strategic purposes. It is
       agreed that this restriction does not apply to the railroads
       within the territory covered by the lease of the Liao tung
       peninsula.

       Article VIII.
       The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan, with a view to
       favoring and facilitating relations and traffic, shall
       conclude, as soon as possible, a separate convention to govern
       their operations of repair on the railroads in Manchuria.

       Article IX.
       The Imperial Government of Russia cedes to the Imperial
       Government of Japan, in perpetuity and full sovereignty, the
       southern part of the island of Saghalin, and all the islands
       adjacent thereto, as well as all the public works and property
       there situated. The fiftieth parallel of north latitude is
       adopted as the limit of the ceded territory. The exact
       boundary line of this territory shall be determined in
       accordance with the provisions of additional Article II
       annexed to this treaty.

       Japan and Russia mutually agree not to construct within their
       respective possessions on the island of Saghalin, and the
       islands adjacent thereto, any fortification or similar
       military work. They likewise mutually agree not to adopt any
       military measures which might hinder the free navigation of
       the Straits of La Perouse and Tartary.

       Article X.
       The right is reserved to Russian subjects inhabiting the
       territory ceded to Japan to sell their real property and
       return to their country; however, if they prefer to remain in
       the ceded territory, they shall be guarded and protected in
       the full enjoyment of their property rights and the exercise
       of their industries, provided they submit to the laws and
       jurisdiction of Japan. Japan shall have perfect liberty to
       withdraw the right of residence in this territory from all
       inhabitants laboring under political or administrative
       incapacity, or to deport them from this territory. It pledges
       itself, however, to fully respect the property rights of these
       inhabitants.

       Article XI.
       Russia obligates itself to reach an understanding with Japan
       in order to grant to Japanese subjects fishing rights along
       the coast of the Russian possessions in the Seas of Japan,
       Okhotsk, and Bering. It is agreed that the above-mentioned
       obligation shall not impair the rights already belonging to
       Russian or foreign subjects in these regions.

       Article XII.
       The treaty of commerce and navigation between Russia and Japan
       having been annulled by the war, the Imperial Governments of
       Russia and Japan agree to adopt as a basis for their
       commercial relations, until the conclusion of a new treaty of
       commerce and navigation on the basis of the treaty in force
       before the present war, the system of reciprocity on the
       principle of the most favored nation, including import and
       export tariffs, custom-house formalities, transit and tonnage
       dues, and the admission and treatment of the agents, subjects,
       and vessels of one country in the territory of the other.

       Article XIII.
       As soon as possible, after the present treaty takes effect,
       all prisoners of war shall be mutually returned. The Imperial
       Governments of Russia and Japan shall each appoint a special
       commissioner to take charge of the prisoners. All prisoners in
       the custody of one of the governments shall be delivered to
       the commissioner of the other government or to his duly
       authorized representative, who shall receive them in such
       number and in such suitable ports of the surrendering nation
       as the latter shall notify in advance to the commissioner of
       the receiving nation.

       The Governments of Russia and Japan shall present to each
       other, as soon as possible after the delivery of the prisoners
       has been completed, a verified account of the direct
       expenditures made by them respectively for the care and
       maintenance of the prisoners from the date of capture or
       surrender until the date of their death or return. Russia
       agrees to refund to Japan, as soon as possible after the
       exchange of these accounts, as above stipulated, the
       difference between the actual amount thus spent by Japan and
       the actual amount likewise expended by Russia.

       Article XIV.
       The present treaty shall be ratified by Their Majesties the
       Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor of Japan. This
       ratification shall, within the shortest possible time and at
       all events not later than fifty days from the date of the
       signature of the treaty, be notified to the Imperial
       Governments of Russia and Japan, respectively, through the
       ambassador of the United States of America at St. Petersburg
       and the minister of France at Tokyo, and from and after the
       date of the last of these notifications this treaty shall
       enter into full force in all its parts. The formal exchange of
       the ratifications shall take place at Washington as soon as
       possible.

       Article XV.
       The present treaty shall be signed in duplicate, in the French
       and English languages. The two texts are absolutely alike;
       however, in case of difference of interpretation the French
       text shall prevail.

       In witness whereof the respective plenipotentiaries have
       signed the present treaty of peace and affixed thereto their
       seals.

       Done at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the twenty-third day of
       August (fifth of September) of the year one thousand nine
       hundred and five, corresponding to the fifth day of the ninth
       month of the thirty-eighth year of Meiji.

       IUTARO KOMURA. [L. S.]
       K. TAKAHIRA.   [L. S.]
       SERGIUS WITTE. [L. S.]
       ROSEN.         [L. S.]

       In conformity with the provisions of Articles II and IX of the
       treaty of peace between Russia and Japan under this date, the
       undersigned plenipotentiaries have concluded the following
       additional articles:

    {360}

       I. To Article III:

       The Imperial Governments of Russia and Japan mutually agree to
       begin the withdrawal of their military forces from the
       territory of Manchuria simultaneously and immediately after
       the entrance into force of the treaty of peace; and within a
       period of eighteen months from this date the armies of the two
       powers shall be entirely withdrawn from Manchuria, with the
       exception of the leased territory of the peninsula of
       Liao-tung.

       The forces of the two powers occupying advanced positions
       shall be withdrawn first.

       The high contracting parties reserve the right to maintain
       guards for the protection of their respective railroad lines
       in Manchuria.

       The number of these guards shall not exceed 15 men per
       kilometer, and within the limit of this maximum number the
       commanders of the Russian and Japanese armies shall, by mutual
       agreement, fix the number of guards who are to be employed,
       this number being as low as possible and in accordance with
       actual requirements. The commanders of the Russian and
       Japanese forces in Manchuria shall reach an understanding
       regarding all the details connected with the evacuation, in
       conformity with the principles herein above set forth, and
       shall, by mutual agreement, adopt the measures necessary to
       carry out the evacuation as soon as possible and at all events
       within a period not exceeding eighteen months.

       II. To Article IX:

       As soon as possible after the present treaty takes effect, a
       boundary commission composed of an equal number of members
       appointed respectively by the two high contracting parties
       shall mark on the spot and in a permanent manner the exact
       line between the Russian and Japanese possessions on the
       island of Saghalin. The commission shall be obliged, as far as
       topographical conditions permit, to follow the 50th parallel
       of north latitude for the line of demarcation, and in case any
       deviations from this line are found necessary at certain
       points compensation shall be made therefor by making
       corresponding deviations at other points. It shall also be the
       duty of said commission to prepare a list and description of
       the adjacent islands which are comprised within the cession,
       and finally the commission shall prepare and sign maps showing
       the boundaries of the ceded territory. The labors of the
       commission shall be submitted to the approval of the high
       contracting parties.

       The additional articles mentioned hereinabove shall be
       considered as being ratified by the ratification of the treaty
       of peace, to which they are annexed.

       Portsmouth, August 23 (September 5), 1905, corresponding to
       the 5th day, 9th month and 28th year of Meiji.

          IUTARO KOMURA.
          K. TAKAHIRA.
          SERGIUS WITTE.
          ROSEN.

       The ratification by the Tsar was in the following terms:

       Therefore, after mature consideration of this treaty and the
       two additional articles, we approved, confirmed, and ratified
       them, and do hereby approve, confirm, and ratify them in their
       full purport, pledging our imperial word for ourselves, our
       successors, and our heirs, that everything set forth in the
       above-mentioned acts shall be inviolably observed. In witness
       whereof we, having signed this, our imperial ratification,
       with our own hand, have ordered affixed thereto our imperial
       seal.

       Given at Peterhoff, the first day of October, in the year of
       our Lord one thousand nine hundred and five and of our reign
       the eleventh.

       On the original is written in His Imperial Majesty’s own hand:

          L. S. "NICHOLAS."

       countersigned

          COUNT LAMSDORFF,
          Secretary of State, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (August).
       New Defensive Agreement between Great Britain and Japan.

       On the 12th of August, 1905, three days after the
       plenipotentiaries of Japan and Russia had held their first
       meeting at Portsmouth and opened the negotiations which
       resulted in a Treaty of Peace, a new Agreement of defensive
       alliance between Japan and Great Britain, replacing that of
       three years before, was signed at London, but not made public
       until the 6th of September, the day following the conclusion
       of the Russo-Japanese Treaty of Peace.

          See, above,
          JAPAN: A. D. 1902.

       It was then communicated to the Governments of Russia and
       France, through the medium of the British Ambassadors at St.
       Petersburg and Paris, with an accompanying explanatory
       despatch from Lord Lansdowne, as follows:

       "Sir, I inclose, for your Excellency's information, a copy of
       a new Agreement concluded between His Majesty’s Government and
       that of Japan in substitution for that of the 30th January,
       1902. You will take an early opportunity of communicating the
       new Agreement to the Russian Government. It was signed on the
       12th August, and you will explain that it would have been
       immediately made public but for the fact that negotiations had
       at that time already commenced between Russia and Japan, and
       that the publication of such a document whilst those
       negotiations were still in progress would obviously have been
       improper and inopportune.

       "The Russian Government will, I trust, recognize that the new
       Agreement is an international instrument to which no exception
       can be taken by any of the Powers interested in the affairs of
       the Far East. You should call special attention to the objects
       mentioned in the preamble as those by which the policy of the
       Contracting Parties is inspired. His Majesty’s Government
       believe that they may count upon the good-will and support of
       all the Powers in endeavouring to maintain peace in Eastern
       Asia, and in seeking to uphold the integrity and independence
       of the Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities
       for the commerce and industry of all nations in that country.

       "On the other hand, the special interests of the Contracting
       Parties are of a kind upon which they are fully entitled to
       insist, and the announcement that those interests must be
       safeguarded is one which can create no surprise, and need give
       rise to no misgivings.

       "I call your especial attention to the wording of Article II,
       which lays down distinctly that it is only in the case of an
       unprovoked attack made on one of the Contracting Parties by
       another Power or Powers, and when that Party is defending its
       territorial rights and special interests from aggressive
       action, that the other Party is bound to come to its
       assistance.

    {361}

       "Article III,
       dealing with the question of Corea, is deserving of especial
       attention. It recognizes in the clearest terms the paramount
       position which Japan at this moment occupies and must
       henceforth occupy in Corea, and her right to take any measures
       which she may find necessary for the protection of her
       political, military, and economic interests in that country.
       It is, however, expressly provided that such measures must not
       be contrary to the principle of equal opportunities for the
       commerce and industry of other nations. The new Treaty no
       doubt differs at this point conspicuously from that of 1902.
       It has, however, become evident that Corea, owing to its close
       proximity to the Japanese Empire and its inability to stand
       alone, must fall under the control and tutelage of Japan.

       "His Majesty’s Government observe with satisfaction that this
       point was readily conceded by Russia in the Treaty of Peace
       recently concluded with Japan, and they have every reason to
       believe that similar views are held by other Powers with
       regard to the relations which should subsist between Japan and
       Corea.

       "His Majesty’s Government venture to anticipate that the
       alliance thus concluded, designed as it is with objects which
       are purely peaceful and for the protection of rights and
       interests the validity of which cannot be contested, will be
       regarded with approval by the Government to which you are
       accredited. They are justified in believing that its
       conclusion may not have been without effect in facilitating
       the settlement by which the war has been so happily brought to
       an end, and they earnestly trust that it may, for many years
       to come, be instrumental in securing the peace of the world in
       those regions which come within its scope.

    JAPAN:
       Agreement between the United Kingdom and Japan.

       "PREAMBLE.
       The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, being desirous of
       replacing the agreement concluded between them on the 30th of
       January, 1902, by fresh stipulations, have agreed upon the
       following articles, which have for their object—

       (a) The consolidation and maintenance of the general peace in
       the regions of Eastern Asia and of India.

       (b) The preservation of the common interests of all powers in
       China, by insuring the independence and integrity of the
       Chinese Empire and the principle of equal opportunities for
       the commerce and industry of all nations in China.

       (c) The maintenance of the territorial rights of the high
       contracting parties in the regions of eastern Asia and of
       India, and the defense of their special interests in the said
       regions.

       "ARTICLE I.
       It is agreed that whenever in the opinion of either Great
       Britain or Japan any of the rights and interests referred to
       in the preamble of this agreement are in jeopardy, the two
       governments will communicate with one another fully and
       frankly and will consider in common the measures which should
       be taken to safeguard those menaced rights or interests.

       "ARTICLE II.
       If by reason of unprovoked attack or aggressive action,
       wherever arising, on the part of any other power or powers
       either contracting party should be involved in war in defense
       of its territorial rights or special interests mentioned in
       the preamble of this agreement, the other contracting party
       will at once come to the assistance of its ally and will
       conduct the war in common and make peace in mutual agreement
       with it.

       "ARTICLE III.
       Japan possessing paramount political, military, and economic
       interests in Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of
       Japan to take such measures of guidance, control, and
       protection in Korea as she may deem proper and necessary to
       safeguard and advance those interests, provided always that
       such measures are not contrary to the principle of equal
       opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations.

       "ARTICLE IV.
       Great Britain having a special interest in all that concerns
       the security of the Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her
       right to take such measures in the proximity of that frontier
       as she may find necessary for safeguarding her Indian
       possessions.

       "ARTICLE V.
       The high contracting parties agree that neither of them will
       without consulting the other enter into separate arrangements
       with another power to the prejudice of the objects described
       in the preamble of this agreement.

       "ARTICLE VI.
       As regards the present war between Japan and Russia, Great
       Britain will continue to maintain strict neutrality unless
       some other power or powers should join in hostilities against
       Japan, in which case Great Britain will come to the assistance
       of Japan and will conduct the war in common and make peace in
       mutual agreement with Japan.

       "ARTICLE VII.
       The conditions under which armed assistance shall be afforded
       by either power to the other in the circumstances mentioned in
       the present agreement, and the means by which such assistance
       is to be made available, will be arranged by the naval and
       military authorities of the contracting parties, who will from
       time to time consult one another fully and freely upon all
       questions of mutual interest.

       "ARTICLE VIII.
       The present agreement shall, subject to the provisions of
       Article VI., come into effect immediately after the date of
       its signature and remain in force for ten years from that
       date. In case neither of the high contracting parties should
       have notified twelve months before the expiration of the said
       ten years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain
       binding until the expiration of one year from the day on which
       either of the high contracting parties shall have denounced
       it. But if when the date fixed for its expiration arrives
       either ally is actually engaged in war the alliance shall
       ipso facto continue until peace is concluded."

    JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (December).
       Treaty with China relative to Manchuria.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Korea under Japanese Control.
       The rule of Prince Ito.
       Insurrection and its suppression.
       Constructive and Reformative Work.

          See (in this Volume)
          KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Disputes with China.
       The Fa-ku-menn Railway and
       the Antung-Mukden Railway Questions.
       Settlement of the latter by Japanese Ultimatum.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1906.
       Chinese Students in the Country.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CHINA: A. D. 1906.

    {362}

    JAPAN: A. D. 1906.
       Resentment at Segregation of Oriental Children in
       San Francisco Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1907.
       Riotous attacks on Japanese laborers in British Columbia
       and the State of Washington.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: CANADA.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1907 (June).
       Treaty with France concerning affairs in the East.

       A treaty between the governments of Japan and France was
       signed on the 10th of June, 1907, according to which France
       recognizes the rights of Japan in Korea and her special
       interests in Manchuria, and Japan, on her side, promises not
       to interfere with French possessions in Siam and Indo-China.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (May).
       Slender victory of the Saionji Ministry in
       the Parliamentary Elections.

       Parliamentary elections in May, 1908, gave the Ministry a bare
       probability of support by combinations of the party of Prince
       Ito—the Rikken Seiyu-kai—with some of the other partly
       sympathetic groups. The maintenance of the prudent policy of
       Government since the close of the great war, against the Jingo
       element, was left somewhat precarious.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (November).
       Exchange of Notes with the United States, embodying an
       important Declaration of Common Policy in the East.

       On the 30th of November, 1908, distinct form was given to a
       common understanding between Japan and the United States, as
       to their agreement in purposes and policy touching affairs in
       the East. The form was not that of a treaty, but of a simple
       Declaration, identical in notes exchanged at Washington
       between Secretary Root and Ambassador Takahira. The following
       is the text of the Declaration:

       "I.
       It is the wish of the two Governments to encourage the free
       and peaceful development of their commerce on the Pacific
       Ocean.

       "II.
       The policy of both Governments, uninfluenced by any aggressive
       tendencies, is directed to the maintenance of the existing
       status quo in the region above mentioned, and to the
       defense of the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and
       industry in China.

       "III.
       They are accordingly firmly resolved reciprocally to respect
       the territorial possessions belonging to each other in said
       region.

       "IV.
       They are also determined to preserve the common interests of
       all Powers in China by supporting, by all pacific means at
       their disposal, the independence and integrity of China and
       the principle of equal opportunity for commerce and industry
       of all nations in that Empire.

       "V.
       Should any event occur threatening the status quo as
       above described, or the principle of equal opportunity as
       above defined, it remains for the two Governments to
       communicate with each other, in order to arrive at an
       understanding as to what measures they may consider it useful
       to take.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Suppression of Race-track Gambling.

          See (in this Volume)
          GAMBLING.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
       Material Development of the Country.

       "The mileage of Japanese railways, now over 5,000 miles, has
       been quadrupled within 20 years—without counting the Korean
       and South Manchurian railways, which are owned by Japanese
       companies. The development of posts, telegraphs, and
       telephones has proceeded on an even greater scale, and the
       revenues of the department, which only amounted in 1899 to
       £1,740,000, exceeded £3,850,000 in 1909, whilst the amount
       invested in postal savings banks rose during the same decade
       from under £2,200,000 to £10,698,409. The Japanese merchant
       flag, represented by a steam tonnage of nearly one and a
       quarter million tons, is known in every sea, and the Nippon
       Yusen Kaisha, on one of whose excellent steamers I crossed the
       Pacific a few weeks ago, has alone a well-equipped fleet of
       265,000 tons in the aggregate, running not only to the United
       States and to Europe, but to South America and Australia,
       besides local services in Japanese, Chinese, and Korean
       waters. …

       "Powerful firms like the Mitsui, the Mitsubishi, Messrs.
       Okura, Messrs. Takata, &c., take a leading part in every
       branch of a national import and export trade which has risen
       within 30 years from under £6,000,000 to nearly £100,000,000
       in 1907. Great industrial cities have grown up like Osaka, the
       centre of the cotton-spinning industry, whose population, less
       than 400,000 a quarter of a century ago, now exceeds
       1,200,000. The aggregate capital of Japanese industrial
       companies, which in 1882 was estimated at £10,000,000, rose
       within the same period to more than £126,000,000, and in the
       cotton industry alone the number of spindles increased from
       65,000 to over one and a half million. According to statistics
       collected by Mr. Takahashi and Mr. Igarashi, the national
       wealth of Japan was assessed at the beginning of 1905 at close
       upon £2,500,000,000, to which must now be added, over and
       above any normal increment, the economic value of the position
       she has acquired in Southern Manchuria and Korea."

          Correspondent of The Times, London.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
       Parties in Domestic Politics.

       The present parties in the lower house of the Japanese
       Parliament were thus described by the Tokio correspondent of
       the London Times, in January, 1909:

       "The Lower House consists of 379 members. These are divided
       into five sections—namely,
       the Seiyu-kai (192 members),
       the Progressists (67),
       the Boshin Club (42),
       the Yushin-kai (44) and
       the Daido Club (34).
       If any man were required to indicate clearly the lines of
       division between these sections, he would be much perplexed to
       do so. On the broad bases of Liberalism and Conservatism the
       first four occupy the same Liberal platform, while the last
       stands as the sole exponent of Conservative views. Yet the
       four Liberal sections are not more hostile to each other than
       the fifth is to all. They are held asunder by traditions and
       by prejudices.

       "The Seiyu-kai has fought its way to an overwhelmingly strong
       position in the face of perennial opposition from the
       Progressists. Once only did the two join hands, but their
       union lasted no more than a few weeks, and they separated with
       a strong access of mutual rancour. Yet both had entered the
       arena originally as champions of the same cause,
       constitutional government, and nothing held them apart save
       personal rivalries. In the course of their 28 years of
       strenuous evolution, they gradually sloughed off their
       extremists, and these constitute the present
       Yushin-kai, a coterie of brilliant Radical free-lances,
       whose hand may be said to be against every one.
    {363}
       The Daido Club are frank Conservatives. They are the
       only unequivocal supporters of the Cabinet now in office. …
       There remain the Boshin Club. They are an association
       of business men—the first political association of that
       complexion in Japan. The early Diets were all conspicuously
       deficient in representatives of the commercial and
       manufacturing classes; mainly because politics had become a
       more or less discredited pursuit before ever a general
       election was held, and partly because the urban population did
       not return a due proportion of members. The latter defect
       having been remedied by the new election law of 1901, there
       was thereafter found in the Lower House a group of men calling
       themselves ‘Independents,’ but always seen in the Government
       lobby. In fact their sense of business interests prompted them
       to lend their support to the principle of stable Cabinets
       above everything."

    JAPAN: A. D. 1909.
       Present Status of Christianity.

          See (in this Volume)
          MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (July-September).
       The State of the War Debt and its Payment.

       The following is a Press despatch from Tokyo to London, July
       17, 1909:

       "At the close of 1906, when Japan came to make out the
       accounts of her war with Russia, she found that she had
       incurred a total expenditure of about 1,700 million yen
       (£170,000,000). By that amount her national debt was
       increased. She then determined to lay aside every year a sum
       of at least 110 million yen (£11,000,000) for the service of
       the debt. That did not mean, of course, that redemptions
       aggregating 110 millions were to be made annually. These 110
       millions were for the service of the debt; in other words,
       they were for the purpose of paying interest as well as
       principal. The portion applicable to redemption would be from
       30 to 37 millions yearly, and the loan would thus be
       completely paid off in about 30 years. That was the programme
       when the Marquis Katsura came into office. But very soon he
       announced the Treasury’s intention of increasing the
       redemption fund to 50 millions. That is to say, he added some
       16 millions to the money available for paying off the debt;
       and evidently, if the increase were permanent, the whole
       indebtedness would be wiped off in about 20 years instead of
       30, as originally planned. Still better things, however, are
       said to be contemplated. The sum actually devoted to the
       sinking fund during the last fiscal year was 50,800,000 yen,
       and since the interest on that amount will go to augment the
       redemption fund during the current year, the amount paid off
       from that source will be 53,340,000 yen. To this it is
       proposed to add another 10 millions obtained from the national
       growth of the State’s income, for the experience of the last
       year encourages the belief that such growth may be confidently
       expected, the actual development of the ordinary revenue
       having reached a sum of over 30 millions. It is further
       expected that from 1912 onwards the yield from the Customs
       duties will advance from 38 to 53 millions, unless Japan
       manages her negotiations for tariff revision clumsily."

       Speaking to the Bankers’ Club at Tokyo in September, 1909,
       Premier Katsura expressed the belief that the financial
       condition of the country was encouraging, and while
       maintaining that the present system of finances was excellent,
       he expressed the hope to improve it steadily until perfection
       is reached. The premier said that the government’s policy
       would begin this year, and the development of resources and
       the avoidance of unproductive expenditure would be
       consistently followed. He announced the following measures as
       forming part of the financial programme for the ensuing year:—

       1. Reduction and modification of the war taxes in order to
       relieve the pressure on the people.

       2. Increase of the sinking fund. By the allocation of a
       considerable amount out of the surplus of previous years the
       sum of 53,000,000 yen (£5,300,000) previously fixed for this
       service will be greatly exceeded.

       3. The raising of the salaries of all Government officials by
       30 per cent. This reform had been delayed by the outbreak of
       the Russo-Japanese war.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (August).
       The Burning of Osaka.

          See (in this Volume)
          OSAKA.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Visit of a Commercial Commission to the United States.

       A large party of prominent Japanese business men, headed by
       Baron Shibusawa, and coming as a Commercial Commission to seek
       more intimate commercial relations between Japan and the
       United States, landed at Seattle on the 1st of September,
       1909, and toured the country for a number of weeks. The party
       received much attention and were entertained most hospitably
       everywhere, nowhere with more warmth than on the Pacific
       Coast, where ill-feeling toward Japan had been manifested in
       some circles a few years before. In a statement to the Press
       at Seattle Baron Shibusawa said: "It is interesting to note
       that while different European nations are talking about the
       increase of armament, and when especially great rulers are
       exchanging visits accompanied by warships, the Japanese people
       are perfectly satisfied in sending us plain business men on a
       peaceful mission to this great commercial country. I have been
       told that Japan is spoken of as a warlike nation, but this is
       altogether absurd. We are all deeply interested in the
       development of the Japanese-American commercial relations,
       which, of all reasons, prompts us to pay a visit to your
       country. Let us therefore work for the extension of commercial
       relations to our mutual interests. We must go hand in hand
       with you to develop the vast field in the East."

    JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Assassination of Prince Ito.

       Prince Hirobumi Ito, the man of most light and leading, as he
       appears to have been, in the transformation of Japan within
       the past half century, was foully assassinated on the 26th of
       October, 1909, at Kharbin, or Harbin, Manchuria. He had gone
       to Kharbin to meet M. Kokovsoff, Russian Minister of Finance,
       for a conference on the Manchurian questions that had arisen
       between Russia and Japan. As he stepped from the railway train
       which brought him to the city, and was approaching the
       Minister, who came to welcome him, he was fired upon from the
       surrounding crowd. Three revolver shots struck the Prince, two
       of which inflicted wounds that caused his death within twenty
       minutes. Three of his attendants were wounded, not fatally, by
       other shots. All were found to have been fired by one
       bystander, who proved to be a Korean. The assassin made no
       attempt to escape, but exclaimed when seized: "I came to
       Kharbin for the sole purpose of assassinating Prince Ito, to
       avenge my country." He had two companions who boasted of being
       parties to the crime. He was subsequently identified as Indian
       Angan, formerly editor of a newspaper at Seoul.

    {364}

       Since retiring from his responsible post in Korea, as
       Resident-General, Prince Ito had resumed the presidency of the
       Privy Council, in the Japanese Government, which Prince
       Aritomo Yamagata had filled during his absence. Prince
       Yamagata was now reappointed to that office. He and Prince Ito
       had been intimate friends, and yet political opponents,
       differing in opinions and heading rival parties, but always
       acting together on the vital questions of national policy.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (December).
       Naval Armament, Present and Prospective.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: JAPAN.

       ----------JAPAN: End--------

    JAPANESE IMMIGRATION:
       The Resistance to it in America, Australia, and South Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS.

    JEANES, Miss Anna T.:
       Great Gift to Schools for Southern Negroes.

       See (in this Volume)
       EDUCATION: UNITED STATES. A. D. 1907.

    JEROME, William Travers:
       Reelection as District Attorney of the County of New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.

    JEWS, THE: In Roumania.
       Oppressions.
       Remonstrance of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

    JEWS, THE:
       Persecution and Massacre in Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1903 (APRIL).

    JIMENEZ, President: His overthrow.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

    JOAN OF ARC, Beatification of.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

    JOINT STATEHOOD ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

    JOLO, Sultan of.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

    JONES, John Paul:
       Recovery and removal of his remains from Paris.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

    JOUBERT-PIENAAR, General F.:
       On Slavery in Portuguese Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.

    JUAREZ, BENITO:
       Celebration of his centenary.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

    JUDSON, Harry Pratt:
       President of the University of Chicago.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: A. D. 1901-1909.

    JUNIOR REPUBLIC, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    JUSTH, M. de.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    JUVENILE COURTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    JUVENILE REFORM.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS OFFENDERS.

    K.

    KAFFIR, The Problem of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: IN SOUTH AFRICA.

    KAIPING.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    KAJAR TRIBE, The:
       The Tribe of the Persian Imperial Dynasty.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    KAMIMURA, Admiral.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    KANO:
       British capture.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

    KANSAS: A. D. 1904.
       Legislation and action against the Standard Oil Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    KARAGEORGEVICH.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

    KATANGA, Railway Lines to.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CENTRAL AFRICA.

    KATSURA, Count:
       His Ministry strengthened by Marquis Ito.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

    KAULBARS, General.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

    KAWAMURA, General.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

    KELANTAN:
       Cession of Suzerainty to Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1909.

    KELLY, Charles F.:
       Confessions as a "Boodler."

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    KENNEDY, John Stewart, the Bequests of.

          See (in this Volume)
          GIFTS AND BEQUESTS.

    KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Tobacco Farmers’ Union and its Night Riders.

       "Kentucky has been having an experience unique, costly,
       tragic, and probably to some extent valuable, with the farmers
       engaged in the chief agricultural industry of the state—
       growing tobacco. Some 80,000 of them, representing probably
       400,000 of the population of the state, have been engaged in a
       union demonstration for the purpose of securing higher pay.
       The result has been in some sections anarchy, in all great
       distress. …

       "A trust having arisen in New York which was able to control
       the output, and therefore to make prices to suit itself, the
       farmers have answered this trust by forming under the equity
       society a union of their own, and going on a strike for higher
       prices. … The union to which I refer is the Burley Tobacco
       Society, in Kentucky. It is organized to oppose the exactions
       of the American Tobacco Company of New Jersey. Tobacco is
       grown in several distinct districts in Kentucky, and there, as
       elsewhere, each district has, by reason of soil or climate, a
       virtual monopoly of its own type. Down in the southwestern
       corner, in the so-called Black Patch, embracing several
       counties of Tennessee, a dark and heavy leaf is grown and
       fire-cured for the foreign trade. This is bought by
       government, or so-styled ‘regie’ buyers. North of this is a
       heavy leaf stemmed for the British trade. North and east of
       this is the region in which a dark air-cured leaf is grown for
       domestic uses. East of this, embracing all Blue Grass and
       extending to Maysville, is the Burley district, in which is
       grown the famous red and white Burley tobacco. …

    {365}

       "Pooling tobacco in Kentucky started down in the Black Patch,
       or received its greatest impetus there. The regie buyers
       combined, or were formed into a combination by their
       superiors, and the Patch was districted, each man being given
       an exclusive territory, and no farmer being allowed to sell to
       any one but his own buyer. In this way a set price as low as
       four cents was made, and the farmer had no option but to take
       it; no option, at least, that was open to the farmer not rich
       enough to ship his crop to Bremen and seek European
       competition. In this situation a group of canny planters
       formed a tight little corporation of $200 capital, for the
       avowed purpose of holding, handling, buying, and selling
       tobacco. They induced about a thousand of their
       neighbors—there are forty thousand dark-tobacco growers in the
       Patch—to pledge their crops with them, and they planned to
       hold this much off the market and compel the regie buyers to
       pay a higher price for it. This proving popular, they soon had
       five thousand pledges. Then they—or interests closely allied
       with them—organized a band of Ku-Klux, called Night Riders,
       who, first by so-called ‘peace armies,’ and then by raiding at
       night all who resisted, frightened or forced—during the next
       three years—all the forty thousand to sign.

       "The tight little corporation thus had a monopoly of the dark
       tobacco. It forced the regie buyers to pay a price raised by
       slow degrees to 11 cents round, exacted large commissions and
       profits,—as much as 1500 per cent a year on the capital,—and
       now controls the Black Patch absolutely. All its pledges
       expire in January, 1909, and the situation will then become
       anarchistic. The success of this Black Patch plan was entirely
       due to the employment of Night Riders, who correspond to the
       professional ‘sluggers’ of a labor union, or the hired
       assassins of a Black-Hand league."

          J. L. Mathews,
          The Farmers’ Union and the Tobacco Pool
          (Atlantic Monthly, October, 1908).

    KHARBIN, OR HARBIN, RUSSIAN CONTROL AT.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

    KHARBIN: A. D. 1909.
       Assassination of Prince Ito.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

    KHARKOFF, DISTURBANCES IN.

       See (in this Volume)
       RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    KHARTUM, THE NEW.

          See (in this Volume)
          SUDAN, THE: A. D. 1907.

    KHARTUM, THE NEW:
       Gordon Memorial College.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: EGYPT.

    KIAMIL PASHA: GRAND VIZIER.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    KIEFF, DISTURBANCES IN.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    KINCHOU, BATTLE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July), and
          1904-1905 (May-January).

    KINGSTON, Jamaica: A. D. 1907.
       Destruction of Kingston.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: JAMAICA.

    KINSHU-MARU, THE INCIDENT OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    KIPLING, RUDYARD.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    KIRDORF, HERR:
       Head of the Coal and Steel Syndicates in Germany.
       His attitude towards the Workingmen.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: GERMANY: A. D. 1905-1907.

    KISHINEFF, JEWISH MASSACRE AT.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (APRIL).

    KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, GENERAL LORD:
       In South Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, GENERAL LORD:
       In India.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

    KLERKSDORP CONFERENCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    KNIAZ POTEMKIN, MUTINY ON THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    KNIGHTS OF LABOR.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

    KNOX, PHILANDER C.:
       Attorney-General.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    KNOX, PHILANDER C.:
       Secretary of State.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    KOCH, Robert.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    KOCHER, E. T.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    KOMURA, BARON IUTARO,
       Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    KOMURA, BARON IUTARO,
       Japanese Plenipotentiary for negotiating
       Treaty of Peace with Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

    KONDRATENKO, General.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    KOREA: A. D. 1901-1904.
       Japanese distrust of Russian designs.
       Negotiations and demands.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    KOREA: A. D. 1902.
       Agreement respecting Korea between Great Britain and Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          Japan: A. D. 1902.

    KOREA: A. D. 1904 (February).
       Occupation by the Japanese.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Conventions with Japan, creating Protectorate Relations
       with that Empire and submitting Financial and
       Diplomatic Affairs to Japanese control.

       On the 25th of February, 1904, the text of a protocol,
       concluded on the 23d, between the Governments of Japan and
       Korea, was communicated to the Government of the United States
       (and, of course to others), by the Government of Japan, with
       an accompanying explanation, as follows:

       "In the prosecution of the present war the use of some of the
       ports and some portions of the territory of Korea is found
       inevitable, and therefore, with a view to facilitate military
       operations and to show that such use of ports and territory is
       made with the full knowledge and consent of Korea, and not in
       disregard or violation of her independence or territorial
       integrity, and also in order to prevent future complications,
       the Japanese Government concluded with the Korean Government
       on the 23d instant the following protocol. …

       "ARTICLE I.
       For the purpose of maintaining permanent and solid friendship
       between Japan and Korea and firmly establishing peace in the
       Far East, the Imperial Government of Korea shall place full
       confidence in the Imperial Government of Japan and adopt the
       advice of the latter with regard to improvements in
       administration.

       "ARTICLE II.
       The Imperial Government of Japan shall, in a spirit of firm
       friendship, insure the safety and repose of the Imperial House
       of Korea.

    {366}

       "ARTICLE III.
       The Imperial Government of Japan definitively guarantee the
       independence and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire.

       "ARTICLE IV.
       In case the welfare of the Imperial House of Korea or the
       territorial integrity of Korea is endangered by the aggression
       of a third power or internal disturbances, the Imperial
       Government of Japan shall immediately take such necessary
       measures as circumstances require, and in such case the
       Imperial Government of Korea shall give full facilities to
       promote the action of the Imperial Japanese Government. The
       Imperial Government of Japan may, for the attainment of the
       above-mentioned object, occupy, when circumstances require it,
       such places as may be necessary from strategic points of view.

       "ARTICLE V.
       The Government of the two countries shall not in future,
       without mutual consent, conclude with a third power such an
       arrangement as may be contrary to the principles of the
       present protocol.

       "ARTICLE VI.
       Details in connection with the present protocol shall be
       arranged as the circumstances may require between the
       representative of Japan and the minister of state for foreign
       affairs of Korea."

       On the 30th of August, 1904, an additional Agreement between
       the Governments of Japan and Korea, signed in part on the 19th
       and in part on the 22d of that month, was communicated by the
       Japanese Ambassador to the United States to the State
       Department at Washington, with a note saying: "In
       communicating this agreement to the Government of the United
       States I am instructed to say that it is nothing more than the
       natural consequence or development of the protocol concluded
       between the Japanese and Korean Governments on the 23rd of
       last February, which I had the honor to communicate at that
       time for the information of the Government of the United
       States. I am further directed to say that the agreement does
       not in anywise interfere with the full operation or validity
       of Korea’s existing treaties; and that Article II thereof is
       not intended to place any impediment in the way of legitimate
       enterprise in Korea, but merely to check, as far as possible,
       the future conclusion of unwise and improvident engagements,
       which in the past have been fruitful sources of trouble and
       complication."

       The Agreement thus announced was in the following terms:

       "ARTICLE I.
       The Korean Government shall engage a Japanese subject
       recommended by the Japanese Government as financial adviser to
       the Korean Government, and all matters concerning finance
       shall be dealt with after his counsel shall have been taken.

       "ARTICLE II.
       The Korean Government shall engage a foreigner recommended by
       the Japanese Government as diplomatic adviser to the foreign
       office, and all important matters concerning foreign relations
       shall be dealt with after his counsel shall have been taken.

       "ARTICLE III.
       The Korean Government shall consult the Japanese Government
       before concluding treaties and conventions with foreign
       powers, and also in dealing with other important diplomatic
       affairs, such as grants of concessions to or contracts with
       foreigners."

       Writing of this Agreement a few days later to the State
       Department at Washington, the American Minister to Japan, Mr.
       Lloyd Griscom, remarked:

       "It is interesting to note that Mr. Megata, selected to be
       financial adviser to the Korean Government, was educated in
       America and is a graduate of Harvard University, and Mr.
       Stevens, who has been chosen as adviser to the foreign office,
       is an American gentleman about whom it would be superfluous to
       inform you."

       Under a third Agreement, signed April 1, 1905, Japan took over
       the control and operation of the post, telegraph, and
       telephone services of Korea, in order to "rearrange the system
       of communications in that country, and, by amalgamating it
       with that of Japan, to unite the two systems into one."

       Finally, on the 17th of November, 1905, a fourth Agreement was
       signed, which definitely surrendered to Japan the "control and
       direction of the external relations and affairs of Korea," in
       the following stipulations:

       "ARTICLE I.
       The Government of Japan, through the department of foreign
       affairs in Tokyo, will hereafter have control and direction of
       the external relations and affairs of Korea and the diplomatic
       and consular representatives of Japan will have the charge of
       the subjects and interests of Korea in foreign countries.

       "ARTICLE II.
       The Government of Japan undertake to see to the execution of
       the treaties actually existing between Korea and other powers,
       and the Government of Korea engage not to conclude hereafter
       any act or engagement having an international character,
       except through the medium of the Government of Japan.

       "ARTICLE III.
       The Government of Japan shall be represented at the court of
       His Majesty the Emperor of Korea by a resident general, who
       shall reside at Seoul primarily for the purpose of taking
       charge of and directing the matters relating to diplomatic
       affairs. He shall have the right of private and personal
       audience of His Majesty the Emperor of Korea. The Japanese
       Government shall have the right to station residents at the
       several open ports and such other places in Korea as they may
       deem necessary.

       "Such residents shall, under the direction of the resident
       general, exercise the powers and functions hitherto
       appertaining to Japanese consuls in Korea, and shall perform
       such duties as may be necessary in order to carry into full
       effect the provisions of this agreement.

       "ARTICLE IV.
       The stipulations of all treaties and agreements existing
       between Japan and Korea not inconsistent with the provisions
       of this agreement shall continue in force.

       "ARTICLE V.
       The Government of Japan undertake to maintain the welfare and
       dignity of the Imperial House of Korea."

       With the communication of this Agreement to foreign Powers
       there went a declaration by the Japanese Government, in part
       as follows:

       "The relations of propinquity have made it necessary for Japan
       to take and exercise, for reasons closely connected with her
       own safety and repose, a paramount interest and influence in
       the political and military affairs of Korea. The measures
       hitherto taken have been purely advisory, but the experience
       of recent years has demonstrated the insufficiency of measures
       of guidance alone.
    {367}
       The unwise and improvident action of Korea, more especially in
       the domain of her international concerns, has in the past been
       the most fruitful source of complications. To permit the
       present unsatisfactory condition of things to continue
       unrestrained and unregulated would be to invite fresh
       difficulties, and Japan believes that she owes it to herself
       and to her desire for the general pacification of the extreme
       East to take the steps necessary to put an end once for all to
       this dangerous situation."

    KOREA: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Status of the Korean Empire under Japanese Control.
       The Japanese View.

       "After her quick entry into Seoul at the outbreak of the war,
       Japan found herself precisely in the position which she had
       long desired to establish. The plan of joint non-intervention
       in Korean affairs as agreed upon between Japan and Russia in
       1896 and 1898 [see, in Volume VI. of this work, Korea], which
       had again and again resulted in competitive intervention, had
       proved disastrous to the interest of Japan and of general
       reform; but now Russia had abruptly withdrawn from Seoul, and
       Japan found herself free to move alone. Thereupon she hastened
       to impose upon the Korean Foreign Minister a treaty of
       alliance [as above], on February 23, 1904, which laid the
       foundation for all Japan’s subsequent conduct in the
       peninsula. …

       "An analysis and interpretation of the forces which the war
       has set loose and which are bringing their inevitable
       consequences would be highly instructive. Let us, however,
       content ourselves here by pointing to the Korean clauses in
       the three important documents concluded within the last two
       years, in which the rapid development of the Korean problem is
       easily traceable,—namely, the Korean-Japanese treaty of
       alliance of February 23, 1904, the Russo-Japanese treaty of
       peace signed on September 5, 1905 [see, in this Volume, JAPAN;
       A. D. 1905 (June-October)], and the Anglo Japanese agreement
       of alliance concluded on August 12 [see JAPAN: A. D. 1905
       (August)], and published with Lord Lansdowne’s dispatch to the
       British Ambassador at St. Petersburg on September 26, 1905. It
       will be remembered that the first instrument at once placed
       Korea under Japan’s military protection and administrative
       guidance, and bound Japan to uphold Korea’s independence and
       territorial integrity, including the safety of her Imperial
       house. One will readily observe that two distinct points are
       here involved. These two points the further progress of
       events, some of which have already been described, seems to
       have put so far apart, that in the treaty of Portsmouth
       Japan’s preponderance over Korea was recognized by Russia,
       while little was said of the independence of the peninsular
       empire. It was even said that M. Witte insisted during the
       discussion of the clause that Baron Komura should declare in
       his proposed terms that Japan intended to make of Korea a
       province of the Japanese Empire. This the Baron is reported to
       have emphatically declined, presumably because he would not
       consider the protection by Japan and the territorial integrity
       of Korea incompatible with each other. The difference between
       the theoretical and practical situation is, however, reflected
       unmistakably in the Anglo-Japanese agreement, the third
       article of which reads: ‘Japan possessing paramount political,
       military, and economic interests in Korea, Great Britain
       recognizes Japan’s right to take such measures for the
       guidance, control and protection of Korea as she may deem
       proper and necessary to safeguard and advance those interests,
       providing the measures so taken are not contrary to the
       principle of equal opportunities for the commerce and industry
       of all nations.’ In other words, Japan is left free to control
       Korea and then prevail upon the latter to open her door
       equally wide to all nations, including Japan herself. After
       specially dwelling on the substance of this article, Lord
       Lansdowne says in his dispatch: ‘The treaty at this point
       differs conspicuously from that of 1902. It has, however,
       become evident that Korea, owing to its close proximity to the
       Japanese Empire, and to its inability to stand alone, must
       fall under the control and tutelage of Japan. His Majesty’s
       Government observes with satisfaction that this point has been
       readily conceded by Russia in the treaty of peace, and there
       is every reason to believe that similar views are held by the
       other Powers with regard to the relations which should subsist
       between Japan and Korea.’ Thus are Korea’s alleged incapacity
       of self-government and Japan’s need of control over the
       peninsular affairs openly recognized by a third Power, and it
       is taken for granted that no other Power will deny these
       points. Such a declaration could not be made, it is admitted,
       in 1902, when the first treaty of alliance was concluded, nor
       perhaps even at the time when the Korean-Japanese protocol was
       signed in February, 1904. Yet the doctrine of Korea’s
       independence is still not theoretically contradictory with
       this situation now recognized by the Russian and British
       governments, nor has it become less effective than in the last
       year, for, while the control by Japan has since been
       tightened, Korea remains a separate empire with all the
       sovereign rights of an independent State. Japan, speaking
       technically, exercises a supervisory control and discharges
       administrative functions entrusted to her care. The future
       trend of affairs—whether the Korean independence will vanish
       into a mere fiction as the Japanese control advances, or
       whether under the latter the peninsular people will be trained
       to an effective self-government—must largely be determined by
       the mutual interaction of the complex factors, both Korean and
       Japanese, public and private, conscious and unconscious, which
       are steadily working out the destiny of the peninsula."

          K. Asakawa,
          Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty
          (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1905).

    KOREA: A. D. 1905 (August).
       New Agreement concerning Korea between Great Britain and Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (AUGUST).

    KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Japanese Control of Korean Affairs.
       Under Prince Ito.
       Attempted appeal of Korea to the Hague Conference of 1907.
       Enforced abdication of the Emperor.
       Elevation of his Son to the Throne.
       Extensive and fierce Revolt rigorously fought down.
       Retirement of Prince Ito.
       Recent Measures.

       As to the use made by the Japanese of the entireness of their
       domination in Korea, as conceded to them in the treaties
       referred to above, by the Government of Korea, primarily, and
       by Great Britain and Russia, secondarily, in their recognition
       and endorsement of the status thus established, there has been
       much controversy since.
    {368}
       The Koreans themselves have been loud complainants of harsh
       and oppressive exercises of Japanese power in their country,
       and have found many sympathizers among the western peoples to
       denounce their alleged wrongs. On the other hand, many foreign
       visitors to Korea, after careful observation of conditions in
       the country, have borne strong testimony in favor of the
       Japanese conduct of Korean affairs. Professor George T. Ladd,
       for example, of Yale University, is one of these witnesses
       whose judgment has great weight. Having gone to Japan to give
       a course of lectures there, Professor Ladd was asked by Prince
       Ito, the Japanese Resident-General in Korea, to visit the
       latter country as an observer, and lend counsel to the Prince
       relative specially to some matters that touched American
       missions. His subsequent book, entitled "In Korea with Prince
       Ito," represents, beyond question, a careful and candid study
       of conditions which he had the best of opportunities for
       becoming rightly acquainted with. It does not approve or
       justify everything that the Japanese dictators of Korean
       administration were doing, but it represents the general
       motive and intent of their undertakings to have been for the
       improvement of the people and country whose affairs they had
       taken into their hands. The same may be said of what has been
       written of Korea since the Russo-Japanese war by Mr. George
       Kennan, the experienced traveller in the East and student of
       its peoples and their life.

       The truth appears to be that the Japanese are using their
       power in Korea as justly, as honestly, as rightly as the
       English are using similar power in Egypt, as the Americans are
       using it in the Philippine Islands, or as any people has ever
       used the power to dictate government to another people. The
       question of right and wrong in all such cases goes back of the
       mode of using the overlordship, and is a question of the right
       to hold it for any mode of use. That there was compulsion in
       the procurement of the convention by which the Emperor of
       Korea and his decadent Government surrendered themselves to
       the dictatorial protection of Japan goes without saying. That
       there is not a strong nation in the world to-day that would
       not, in the same circumstances, have exercised the same
       compulsion and wrung the same surrender, is just as
       indisputable; but the political morality of the world is still
       too undeveloped for that fact to be exonerating. It only
       "sights" the political ethics of Japan along the level of our
       Christendom, and finds her to be, at least, not below it.

       Soon after the Convention of November 17, 1905 had been
       signed, Marquis Ito, the Japanese Resident-General in Korea,
       invited the newspaper editors in Seoul to a luncheon, at which
       he addressed them, as reported at the time, partly in these
       words:

       "If the state of affairs in Korea be examined, it is found
       that the relations between sovereign and subject, government
       and governed, are of a very distant nature, and are by no
       means so close as those in Japan. Hence it becomes inevitable
       to adopt toward the Government measures of a more or less
       compulsory nature. The people, however, are eminently peaceful
       and quiet, and toward them, therefore, the policy pursued must
       be one of gentle persuasion. Those are points which have to be
       kept in view not merely by our officials, but also by all
       Japanese subjects residing in Korea. Such Japanese subjects
       must carefully refrain from all acts of violence to which
       their country’s victories may prompt them, and must be guided
       by a spirit of kindness in their dealings with the Koreans.
       Already the United States representative in Seoul has received
       instructions from his Government for the removal of the legation,
       and it may be assumed that the other powers will similarly
       recognize Japan’s convention. It will then be for Japan not to
       forget the duties that heaven has delegated to her, but to
       lead Korea gently and helpfully along the path of progress,
       for assuredly anything like arbitrary or coercive conduct will
       earn for Korea the sympathy of the nations, and will defeat
       the true and abiding policy of Japan."

       Discontent, complaint, resistance in Korea were inevitable,
       whatever treatment the country in so helpless and humbled a
       situation might receive. By a dexterous movement in 1907 it
       compelled the world to take notice of its plight. The Emperor,
       or his immediate entourage, succeeded by some means in fairly
       smuggling out of the country a delegation commissioned to
       claim a hearing before the Peace Conference at The Hague.
       Their claim was effectually extinguished by the agreement of
       1904, which turned over to Japan the whole management of the
       foreign affairs of Korea; but the Korean situation was
       discussed widely for a time. Nothing of benefit to the native
       Korean Government, however, came from the event. The iron hand
       of Japanese control was laid in heavier pressure on the feeble
       court, at once. The nominal Korean Ministry was made to demand
       and compel the abdication of the Emperor, on the ground that
       he had endangered the national welfare by violation of the
       treaty of August, 1904. His young son was crowned in his
       stead, and Korea was required to submit to a new Agreement,
       signed on the 24th of July, 1907, by which the
       Resident-General "acquired initiative as well as consultatory
       competence to enact and enforce laws and ordinances, to
       appoint and remove Korean officials, and to place capable
       Japanese subjects in the ranks of Korean officialdom." Special
       provision was made for the separation of the Judiciary and the
       Executive, so as to put an end, wrote an English
       correspondent, "to the grievous corruption practised under a
       system which invested provincial governors and district
       magistrates with judicial functions, reducing the
       administration of justice to a mere matter of favour or
       interest." Under this new agreement the Resident-General
       acquired authority sufficient to overcome obstruction, for it
       pledged the Government of Korea to act under his guidance in
       matters of administrative reform; not to enact any laws or
       take any important measures without his previous assent; and
       not to appoint or dismiss high officials without his
       concurrence.

       The attempt to carry an appeal to the Hague Conference was not
       fortunate for Korea in the result. As a coup it was skilfully
       executed, but can hardly be regarded as shrewd in the
       planning. It was attributed, in both plan and execution, to an
       American, Mr. Homer B. Hurlbert, who went to Korea as an
       educator some years before, under an appointment by the
       Government of the United States, on an official request from
       Korea; who had acquired much influence there and was
       strenuously a partisan of the Koreans, as against the
       Japanese.
    {369}
       Publishing a small periodical, the Korean Review, Mr.
       Hurlburt became an effective champion of their cause, publicly
       as well as privately in the native counsels of the overlorded
       empire. In the latter capacity he was pitted against another
       American, Mr. Durham White Stevens, whose appointment by
       Japanese selection, in 1904, to be adviser to the Korean
       Foreign Office, is mentioned above. Originally in the service
       of his own country, Mr. Stevens had then become official
       adviser to the Japanese Legation at Washington, and passed
       from that to the service in Korea. His fidelity to Japanese
       interests centered on him the animosity of the rebellious
       element in Korea, and he fell a victim to their hate.

       The forcing of the old Emperor from the throne and the
       exaction of a more direct and complete submission of Korea to
       Japanese rule had provoked an extensive revolt. This was made
       more serious by an acknowledged mistake committed by Prince
       Ito, in disbanding the Korean army. A correspondent of the New
       York Evening Post, who wrote from Tokyo on the 14th of
       December, 1908, gave this account of the effect, and of the
       dreadful suffering of the country from the conflict that
       followed, in 1907-1908:

       "The discharged soldiers, stung by the disgrace of dismissal
       and the dishonor of forced submission to hated intruders,
       quickly spread all over the country, stirring up their
       compatriots to a fearless and often a fatal zeal against the
       alien administration. The Japanese authorities forthwith set
       about a vigorous suppression of the malcontents, even to the
       extent of a merciless annihilation of life and a wholesale
       destruction of property. … The rebel forces only waxed more
       formidable, until by the approach of spring the insurgent
       bands were so widely distributed and menacing that no Japanese
       could safely venture beyond the confines of well-guarded towns
       and cities.

       "Accordingly the imperial authorities were driven to replace
       their new policy of remaining on the defensive by the former
       one of extermination, and no quarter. Last summer, therefore,
       a well-organized campaign for completely wiping out the
       insurrectionary forces was resolved upon and put into
       execution. … A proclamation had previously been issued to the
       effect that all Koreans affording food or shelter to the
       insurgents, or in any way rendering assistance liable to
       involve a charge of complicity, would be summarily dealt with;
       while those who surrendered to the proper authorities would be
       pardoned. The message placed the people between the devil and
       the deep sea. If the natives refused assistance to the
       insurgents, obedience would be required of them at the point
       of the bayonet by their insulted fellow-patriots; while if
       they were suspected of thus acquiescing, they perished at the
       hands of the Japanese soldiery. Under the circumstances the
       Koreans naturally chose rather to die serving their own people
       than to suffer the same fate by resisting them."

       A tragical incident of this fierce struggle was the
       assassination of Mr. Durham White Stevens, while visiting the
       United States. He had been marked for death by the Korean
       insurgents, and was slain by their emissaries, in March, 1908,
       soon after his landing in California.

       The correspondent above quoted regarded the insurrection as
       having spent its force at the time of his writing, December,
       1908. Against the enormous destruction of life and property
       which the suppression of it had cost, he proceeded to set a
       brief summary of the simultaneous constructive and reformative
       work which the Japanese had been carrying on. This was
       described more broadly, however, a little later, by a writer
       in the London Times, from whom we quote;

       "The coasts have been lighted and buoyed; posts, telegraphs,
       and, telephones have been provided; roads and railways have
       been built; public buildings have been erected; various
       industrial enterprises have been started, as printing,
       brick-making, forestry, and coal-mining; model farms have been
       laid out; the cultivation of cotton has been commenced and
       promises to become a great industry; an industrial training
       school has been built and equipped; an exposition has been
       held in Seoul; sanitary works have been inaugurated; fine
       hospitals and medical schools have been opened; an excellent
       educational system modelled on that of Japan has been
       organized; waterworks have been constructed in several towns;
       and, last though not least, complete freedom of conscience has
       replaced the old anti-Christian bigotry."

       In June, 1909, the veteran statesman, Prince Ito, was relieved
       of the trying office of Resident-General in Korea, and
       succeeded by Viscount Sone, who had previously served with him
       as Vice Resident-General. A Tokyo correspondent wrote of the
       change:

       "It was first planned to appoint Viscount Terauchi, minister
       of war in the Japanese Cabinet, to the residency in Korea, but
       Prince Ito objected, pointing out to the ministers that the
       selection of Viscount Terauchi, a lieutenant-general, would be
       considered as a triumph for the military regime and an
       abandonment and disavowal of Prince Ito’s policy for the
       peaceful development of Korea. As usual, Prince Ito’s advice
       was accepted by his fellow statesmen, and Viscount Sone, who
       received his training in Korea under the administration of
       Prince Ito, was named to the post.

       "A high officer said to-day that when the Korea residency was
       created it was incumbent upon Japan to send her most able
       statesman, Prince Ito, to fill the important post. He
       formulated his policy of administration without interference,
       and while some of the leading men of Japan were inclined to
       doubt the wisdom of that policy they are now virtually
       converted to his ideas, and it is generally believed that the
       feeling of confidence and friendship for Japan can be created
       among the Koreans and make the country doubly valuable."

       Further changes in the administration of Korean affairs
       attended this official change. They were reported to the
       London Times by its Tokyo correspondent, July 18, as
       follows:

        "Japan has just taken some important steps in Korea, the
        occasion chosen being the simultaneous presence of the
        outgoing and the incoming Residents-General in Seoul. She has
        made arrangements for the establishment of a central bank
        under official auspices, and she has negotiated for the
        abolition of the two Departments of War and Justice. … The
        capital will be one million sterling in £10 shares, 30,000 of
        which shares will be allotted to the Korean Government, the
        remainder being offered for subscription in Korea and Japan.
        … An important feature is that all the bank’s officers will
        be nominated by the Japanese Government, though they may
        include Korean subjects.

    {370}

       "This being a purely financial measure which falls naturally
       into its place in the sequence of Japan’s protectorate
       programme has not attracted any special attention. Not so,
       however, the abolition of the Korean Department of Justice,
       and its replacement by a bureau in the Residency-General. The
       immediate effect of that change is to convert the Korean
       Courts of law into branches of the Japanese tribunals of
       justice. Korean laws will, of course, be administered—and
       their revision and codification cannot be accomplished in a
       moment—but all the occupants of the bench will be selected
       and appointed by Japan, and if competent Koreans cannot be
       found, or until they are educated, Japanese alone will be
       nominated. Japan is to bear the charges of this arrangement—
       namely, £50,000 annually. The innovation is not so radical as
       it appears at first sight. Already the assistant Judges in the
       principal Courts were Japanese subjects, so that what is now
       done is to extend the system rather than to alter it. …

       "These things may be regarded as a definite step towards the
       reality of Japan’s control in Korea. There have been three
       distinct stages in her attitude towards her neighbour: first,
       the advisory stage; then the stage of subordinate
       administration; and finally the stage of well-nigh effective
       direction. The first stage was antecedent to the Convention of
       November, 1906. During that period Japan limited herself to
       tendering counsels which Korea adopted or rejected at will.
       The second stage was marked by assumption of entire authority
       in the realm of foreign affairs; entire authority in the
       domain of communications; practically entire authority in
       military and police affairs, and vicarious authority in the
       Departments of State by means of Vice-Ministers, in the field
       of justice by the agency of assistant judges, and in
       provincial administration by means of secretaries who ranked
       as assistant-governors. The third stage has just been
       inaugurated; military control has been made complete; judicial
       control has been made complete, and financial control has been
       made well-nigh complete. Very little remains to be done."

       ----------KOREA: End--------

    KOSSUTH, Ferencz:
       Leader of the Independence Party in Hungary.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1904;
          1905-1906; 1908-1909.

    KRATZ, Charles:
       Municipal "Boodler" of St. Louis.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    KRONSTADT:
       Revolutionary Disturbances.
       The treachery that defeated the Rising of 1906.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER), and
          1906 (AUGUST).

    KUANG-HSU: Emperor of China.
       His death.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    KUENSAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    KULTURKAMPF, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: PRUSSIA; A. D. 1904.

    KURINO: JAPANESE MINISTER AT ST. PETERSBURG.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    KUROKI, General.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

    KUROPATKIN, General:
       In the Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

    KUYPER, REVEREND DR. ABRAHAM.

          See (in this Volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

    L.

    LABOR EXCHANGES ACT, British.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: ENGLAND.

       ----------LABOR ORGANIZATION: Start--------

       Trade Unions
       Labor Parties
       Strikes
       Lockouts
       Mediations
       Arbitrations
       Industrial Agreements

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Australia: A. D. 1886-1906.
       The Rise of the Labor Party.
       Its rigorous organization.

       Some account of the part played in Australian politics by the
       Labor Party is given elsewhere.

          See, in this Volume,
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after.

       The circumstances of the rise and growth of the party are
       related briefly and the rigorousness of its organization is
       described in the following:

       "To trace the origin of the movement we must go back to the
       fall of prices which began about 1886, to the succeeding lean
       years 1886-1892, and the miseries of the consequent period of
       unsuccessful strikes. The strikers and their working-class
       sympathizers were taunted with appealing to brute force, and
       recommended to depend rather upon constitutional political
       methods for the redress of grievances. The workingmen took the
       advice and bettered it. The trades unions devoted a portion of
       their funds and much of their energy to political propaganda.
       First in New South Wales, later in all the colonies and in
       many widely separated districts, labor leagues were organized
       which sketched out a policy and laid down a pledge which all
       candidates supported by the leagues must sign. These formed
       the nucleus of a new and independent political party which
       gave their votes to either Liberal or Conservative
       indifferently, regardless of which was in office, in return
       for legislative concessions from either. The new party
       springing thus almost simultaneously to life all over the
       continent was at first regarded as a pathetic joke. They were
       few in numbers, uneducated, inexperienced in affairs of state,
       and had opposed to them all the wealth and the legal
       astuteness in every chamber where they held seats. But they
       were determined, united, and, with rare exceptions,
       self-sacrificing. They were mutually bound not to take office
       except with the consent of their fellow-laborites, so that
       they were labeled from the first as ‘Not for sale.’ And from
       their point of view the plan has succeeded.

    {371}

       "Friend and foe alike pay tribute to the magnificent
       organization and discipline of the movement, and to the
       personal disinterestedness of the leaders. A great economy of
       effort is assured by having a platform and organization
       practically identical for the Federal, State and municipal
       elections, and for general propaganda work, and consequently
       being able to utilize the same bodies—the local political
       labor leagues—and the same workers for what seems to them
       social righteousness, whether in national, State, or municipal
       concerns. The Labor party was born of trades-unionism, and its
       whole administration has been based on trades union methods.
       The political labor leagues were at first composed of
       trades-unionists, and are still closely in touch with trades
       unions. These are the bodies who vote for the selection of
       candidates for all elections and for delegates to the annual
       and triennial State and Federal conferences of the party. The
       Labor party in Parliament may be the controlling force, but no
       other party in Australia has to carry out the behests of its
       constituents as does this.

       "We now come to the pledge and the caucus. The pledge, which
       was first drafted by the New South Wales Labor Conference in
       1895, reads as follows: ‘I hereby pledge myself not to oppose
       the candidate selected by the recognized political Labour
       organisation, and, if elected, to do my utmost to carry out
       the principles—embodied in the Federal Labour Platform, and on
       all questions affecting the Platform to vote as a majority of
       the Parliamentary Party may decide at a duly constituted
       caucus meeting.’

       "As the pledge binds all members to carry out the general
       principles of a platform decided for him by the united labor
       vote of Australia, so each man has his vote in the legislature
       decided for him beforehand on all details of that policy by
       the caucus vote of his party in the legislature, before or
       during the course of debate. The advocates of the system say
       that this is the only way in which any consistent policy can
       be carried out to a successful end. Opponents assert that in
       it we have the germs of machine politics, and that labor may
       by and by pay dearly for its present victory. The large amount
       of direct representation in Australia, and the increasing
       probabilities of the initiative and referendum being more
       largely used, may check this tendency."

          Alice Henry,
          The Australian Labor Movement
          (The Outlook, November 3, 1906).

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Failures of the Compulsory Arbitration Law.

       In this Volume, under the heading—AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906,—
       an instance of failure in the operation of the compulsory
       Arbitration Law to arrest a strike of coal miners in New South
       Wales is recorded. The failure was repeated in the same field
       in the fall of 1909, when 12,000 miners of the Newcastle and
       Maitland collieries of New South Wales stopped work. "The
       men," it was reported, "demand an open conference to deal with
       the principal grievances, with resort, in the event of
       failure, to the Federal Arbitration Court or a special
       commission. The owners, on the other hand, insist on a
       conference with closed doors and the settlement of undecided
       questions under the State Industrial Act. They further want
       work to be resumed simultaneously with the opening of the
       conference. The men, however, refuse to hew coal until their
       grievances have been settled, but offer to carry on during the
       conference all work necessary to keep the mines in working
       order."

       The correspondent who reported this went on to say:

       "The public seems to be without a remedy against the strikers,
       since it is impossible to imprison the whole mass, and the
       imprisonment of the leaders would mean a general strike. In
       addition the only available labour for colliery purposes is
       controlled by the trade unions."

       Evidently, however, the law was vindicated in the end, since a
       report from Sydney on the 29th of December, made known that 13
       officials of the miners’ union had been fined £100 each, with
       two months hard labor in default.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Austria: A. D. 1902.

       During a strike of about 6500 men in various employments at
       Trieste, in February, 1902, there were conflicts with the
       military in which about 40 were killed and wounded. The demand
       was for an eight hours day, and it was conceded in the end,
       after an arbitration which decided in their favor. In the
       following August serious labor disturbances occurred in
       Galicia, where the peasants claimed better wages, and troops
       had to be sent to the region to restore order.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Belgium: A. D. 1902.
       General Strike of Workmen as Protest against
       the Plural Suffrage.

          See (in this Volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1902.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1903.
       Compensation for Injuries to Workmen.

       After months of debate an Act prescribing compensation for
       accidents injurious to workmen was passed, attempts to attach
       to it the principle of compulsory insurance having failed.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Canada: A. D. 1907-1908.
       The Act known as "The Industrial Disputes
       Investigation Act."
       Its main provisions.
       Its object, not Compulsory Arbitration, but the
       Compulsory Attempting of Arbitration.
       General success of the Act.
       Failure to prevent Canadian Pacific Railway Strike.

       In the judgment of many who give thought and study to labor
       questions, the most promising experiment yet made in
       legislation for dealing with disputes between employers and
       workmen is the Canadian Act of March, 1907, entitled "An Act
       to aid in the Prevention and Settlement of Strikes and
       Lockouts in Mines and Industries connected with Public
       Utilities." The essence of the Act is in its 56th to 61st
       sections, which read as follows:

       "56.
       It shall be unlawful for any employer to declare or cause a
       lockout, or for any employee to go on strike, on account of
       any dispute prior to or during a reference of such dispute to
       a Board of Conciliation and Investigation under the provisions
       of this Act, or prior to or during a reference under the
       provisions concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and
       Labour Act: Provided that nothing in this Act shall prohibit
       the suspension or discontinuance of any industry or of the
       working of any persons therein for any cause not constituting
       a lockout or strike: Provided also that, except where the
       parties have entered into an agreement under section 62 of
       this Act, nothing in this Act shall be held to restrain any
       employer from declaring a lockout, or any employee from going
       on strike in respect of any dispute which has been duly
       referred to a Board and which has been dealt with under
       section 24 or 25 of this Act, or in respect of any dispute
       which has been the subject of a reference under the provisions
       concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and Labour
       Act.

    {372}

       "57.
       Employers and employees shall give at least thirty days’
       notice of an intended change affecting conditions of
       employment with respect to wages or hours; and in every case
       where a dispute has been referred to a Board, until the
       dispute has been finally dealt with by the Board, neither of
       the parties nor the employees affected shall alter the
       conditions of employment with respect to wages or hours, or on
       account of the dispute do or be concerned in doing, directly
       or indirectly, anything in the nature of a lockout or strike,
       or a suspension or discontinuance of employment or work, but
       the relationship of employer and employee shall continue
       uninterrupted by the dispute, or anything arising out of the
       dispute; but if, in the opinion of the Board, either party
       uses this or any other provision of this Act for the purpose
       of unjustly maintaining a given condition of affairs through
       delay, and the Board so reports to the Minister, such party
       shall be guilty of an offence, and liable to the same
       penalties as are imposed for a violation of the next preceding
       section.

       "58.
       Any employer declaring or causing a lockout contrary to the
       provisions of this Act, shall be liable to a fine of not less
       than one hundred dollars, nor more than one thousand dollars,
       for each day or part of a day that such lockout exists.

       "59.
       Any employee who goes on strike contrary to the provisions of
       this Act shall be liable to a fine of not less than ten
       dollars, nor more than fifty dollars, for each day or part of
       a day that such employee is on strike.

       "60.
       Any person who incites, encourages or aids in any manner any
       employer to declare or continue a lockout, or any employee to
       go or continue on strike contrary to the provisions of this
       Act, shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a fine of not
       less than fifty dollars nor more than one thousand dollars.

       "61.
       The procedure for enforcing penalties imposed or authorized to
       be imposed by this Act shall be that prescribed by Part XV. of
       the Criminal Code relating to summary convictions."

       A sufficient understanding of the practical operation of the
       Act may be derived from the following prescriptive sections:

       "5.
       Wherever any dispute exists between an employer and any of his
       employees, and the parties thereto are unable to adjust it,
       either of the parties to the dispute may make application to
       the Minister for the appointment of a Board of Conciliation and
       Investigation, to which Board the dispute maybe referred under
       the provisions of this Act: Provided, however, that, in the
       case of a dispute between a railway company and its employees,
       such dispute may be referred, for the purpose of conciliation
       and investigation, under the provisions concerning railway
       disputes in the Conciliation and Labour Act.

       "6.
       Whenever, under this Act, an application is made in due form
       for the appointment of a Board of Conciliation and
       Investigation, and such application does not relate to a
       dispute which is the subject of a reference under the
       provisions concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation and
       Labour Act, the Minister, whose decision for such purpose
       shall be final, shall, within fifteen days from the date at
       which the application is received, establish such Board under
       his hand and seal of office, if satisfied that the provisions
       of this Act apply.

       "7.
       Every Board shall consist of three members who shall be
       appointed by the Minister. Of the three members of the Board
       one shall be appointed on the recommendation of the employer
       and one on the recommendation of the employees (the parties to
       the dispute), and the third on the recommendation of the
       members so chosen."

       "11.
       No person shall act as a member of the Board who has any
       direct pecuniary interest in the issue of a dispute referred
       to such Board."

       "23.
       In every case where a dispute is duly referred to a Board it
       shall be the duty of the Board to endeavour to bring about a
       settlement of the dispute, and to this end the Board shall, in
       such manner as it thinks fit, expeditiously and carefully
       inquire into the dispute and all matters affecting the merits
       thereof and the right settlement thereof. In the course of
       such inquiry the Board may make all such suggestions and do
       all such things as it deems right and proper for inducing the
       parties to come to a fair and amicable settlement of the
       dispute, and may adjourn the proceedings for any period the
       Board thinks reasonable to allow the parties to agree upon
       terms of settlement.

       "24.
       If a settlement of the dispute is arrived at by the parties
       during the course of its reference to the Board, a memorandum
       of the settlement shall be drawn up by the Board and signed by
       the parties, and shall, if the parties so agree, be binding as
       if made a recommendation by the Board under section 62 of this
       Act, and a copy thereof with a report upon the proceedings
       shall be forwarded to the Minister.

       "25.
       If a settlement of the dispute is not arrived at during the
       course of its reference to the Board, the Board shall make a
       full report, thereon to the Minister, which report shall set
       forth the various proceedings and steps taken by the Board for
       the purpose of fully and carefully ascertaining all the facts
       and circumstances, and shall also set forth such facts and
       circumstances, and its findings therefrom, including the cause
       of the dispute and the Board’s recommendation for the
       settlement of the dispute according to the merits and
       substantial justice of the case.

       "26.
       The Board’s recommendation shall deal with each item of the
       dispute and shall state in plain terms, and avoiding as far as
       possible all technicalities, what in the Board’s opinion ought
       or ought not to be done by the respective parties concerned.
       Wherever it appears to the Board expedient so to do, its
       recommendation shall also state the period during which the
       proposed settlement should continue in force, and the date
       from which it should commence."

       "28.
       Upon receipt of the Board’s report the Minister shall
       forthwith cause the report to be filed in the office of the
       Registrar and a copy thereof to be sent free of charge to the
       parties to the dispute and to the representative of any
       newspaper published in Canada who applies therefor, and the
       Minister may distribute copies of the report, and of any
       minority report, in such manner as to him seems most desirable
       as a means of securing compliance with the Board’s
       recommendation."

    {373}

       The fundamental object of the law, as will be seen, is not to
       compel arbitration, but to compel an attempt at arbitration,
       before any strike or lockout is permitted, and to give
       authentic and full publicity to all the circumstances which
       can justify or condemn a strike or lockout, if one occurs. So
       far in the experience of Canada with this wise enactment it
       has generally been successful in bringing about a peaceful
       settlement of labor disputes. It failed in the case of a
       disagreement between the Canadian Pacific Railway Company and
       its mechanical employés, which arose in April, 1908, when the
       Company served notice of a reduction of wages to one class of
       boiler-makers, and of an increase in the proportion of
       apprentices to be employed in its shops, together with some
       changes of rules concerning machine tools, etc. The men
       applied for the appointment of a Conciliation Board, in
       accordance with the law, but were not satisfied with the
       conclusions reported by a majority of the Board, and struck,
       as the law then permitted them to do. The strike was weakened
       by the unfavorable public opinion which the investigation
       produced.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: England: A. D. 1892-1901.
       A Statistical Study of Ten Years of Trade Disputes.

       The following is the concluding summary of an elaborate
       statistical study of Strikes and Lockouts in England during
       the ten years from 1892 to 1901, made by an eminent
       statistician, Mr. J. H. Schooling:

       "To sum up the chief practical points that seem to have come
       out of this examination of trade disputes during 1892-1901,
       these are:

       "(a)
       An improvement during 1897-1901 as compared with 1892-1896.

       "(b)
       An altogether undue predominance of the Mining and Quarrying
       Trades in trade disputes, not only actually, but also
       relatively to the industrial population of each group of
       trades compared. This is a most unsatisfactory feature, for
       the reason that so many other trades depend upon
       non-interruption of coal mining for their successful working.
       Therefore, efforts to prevent disputes should be specially
       directed to the Mining and Quarrying Trades.

       "(c)
       Nearly two-thirds of all trade disputes are caused by disputes
       about wages, and nearly one-half of all trade disputes are
       caused by a demand by workpeople for ‘an increase of wages.’
       Only 6 per cent. of all disputes are caused by resistance
       ‘against decrease of wages.’ …

       "(d)
       Trade Unionism is not so productive of strikes as it is
       commonly supposed to be.

       "(e)
       Conciliation Boards, etc., do not cause the settlement of many
       disputes after the dispute has commenced. Their work is in the
       direction of preventing strikes and lock-outs. That this work
       is effective and that it should be zealously promoted is
       evidenced by the fact that in 1901, 75 per cent. of all
       changes in wages and in hours of labour were arranged by
       sliding scales, wages boards, or by other peaceful methods,
       while only 2 per cent. of these changes followed upon strikes
       or lock-outs.

       "(f)
       The respective chances of success by workpeople or by
       employers when a trade dispute is entered upon are, in round
       numbers:
       150 chances for the employers; and
       100 chances for the workpeople.

       "In addition to this relatively small chance of success by
       workpeople when they strike, the cost to them and to their
       trade organisations is relatively greater than the cost to
       employers."

          J. H. Schooling,
          Strikes and Lock-outs, 1892-1901
          (Fortnightly Review, May, 1904).

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1900-1906.
       The Taff Vale Decision.
       Trades Unions made liable for Damages.
       Resulting amendment of the English Law.

       In the summer of 1900 a strike of employés of the Taff Vale
       Railway Company occurred, which lasted only a fortnight or
       thereabouts, but had large and important consequences. During
       the strike the Company applied for an injunction to restrain
       two officers of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants
       from interfering as such with the affairs of the road. The
       Society opposed the application, on the ground that it was not
       a corporation or an individual and could not be sued. Justice
       Farwell, before whom the case came, held that a trade union
       was a corporate body, responsible for illegal acts committed
       by its officers. This decision was a serious menace to the
       unions generally, and they cooperated extensively with the
       Amalgamated Society in carrying an appeal to the higher
       courts. The case was argued in the Court of Appeals in
       November, 1900, and the justices of that court reversed the
       decision of Justice Farwell. The plaintiff in the suit, the
       Railway Company, then carried it to the tribunal of last
       resort, the House of Lords, and there, in July, 1902, the
       judgment of the Court of Appeals was set aside and that of
       Justice Farwell was sustained, making it the law of Great
       Britain, that a trade union is a legal entity, capable of
       suing and being sued. On this decision the Taff Vale Railway
       Company brought suit against the Amalgamated Society for
       damages, and obtained a verdict on the 20th of December which
       awarded the Company £28,000.

       A strenuous endeavor to overcome the effect of the decision
       rendered by the House of Lords, through amendatory
       legislation, was begun by the Labor Party, with strong
       sympathy among the Liberals, and it had success. An Act (which
       became law on the 21st of December, 1906) "to provide for the
       regulation of Trades Unions and Trade Disputes," added the
       following "as a new paragraph after the first paragraph of
       section three of the Conspiracy and Protection of Property
       Act, 1875":

       "An act done in pursuance of an agreement or combination by
       two or more persons shall, if done in contemplation or
       furtherance of a trade dispute, not be actionable unless the
       act, if done without any such agreement or combination, would
       be actionable."

       Further provisions of the new Act were as follows:

       "2.
       It shall be lawful for one or more persons, acting on their
       own behalf or on behalf of a trade union or of an individual
       employer or firm in contemplation or furtherance of a trade
       dispute, to attend at or near a house or place where a person
       resides or works or carries on business or happens to be, if
       they so attend merely for the purpose of peacefully obtaining
       or communicating information, or of peacefully persuading any
       person to work or abstain from working. …

    {374}

       "3.
       An act done by a person in contemplation or furtherance of a
       trade dispute shall not be actionable on the ground only that
       it induces some other person to break a contract of employment
       or that it is an interference with the trade, business, or
       employment of some other person, or with the right of some
       other person to dispose of his capital or his labour as he
       wills.

       "4.
       (1) An action against a trade union, whether of workmen or
       masters, or against any members or officials thereof on behalf
       of themselves and all other members of the trade union in
       respect of any tortious act alleged to have been committed by
       or on behalf of the trade union, shall not be entertained by
       any court.

       (2) Nothing in this section shall affect the liability of the
       trustees of a trade union to be sued in the events provided
       for by the Trades Union Act, 1871, section nine, except in
       respect of any tortious act committed by or on behalf of the
       union in contemplation or in furtherance of a trade dispute.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1903.
       Political effect of the Taff Vale Decision of the
       House of Lords, stimulating the growth of the Labor Party.

       The Taff Vale Decision rendered by the House of Lords gave an
       immediate great impetus to the growth and the independence of
       the Labor Party, pledged by a resolution adopted at a "Labor
       Representation Conference" held in February, 1903, to insist
       that Labor candidates and Labor Members of Parliament when
       elected should "strictly abstain from identifying themselves
       with the interests of any section of the Liberal or
       Conservative parties," holding themselves free to act solely
       for the purpose of "securing the social and economic
       requirements of the industrial classes." The same conference
       took action for the creation of a fund for the payment of
       Labor Members of Parliament and for assisting in the payment
       of election expenses. The effects of the movement were soon
       felt in Parliamentary elections.

          See (in this Volume),
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1906 (March).
       Report of Royal Commission on Labor Disputes.

       A Royal Commission on Labor Disputes, appointed in England in
       1903, submitted its report in March, 1906. The trades unions
       had declined to take part in its investigations, though their
       interests were represented on the Commission by one of the
       ablest and staunchest champions of the rights of labor, Sidney
       Webb. Coal mine owners were represented by one member; the
       remaining three members were Lord Dunedin, President of the
       Court of Session, Sir Godfrey Lushington, formerly of the Home
       Office, and an eminent lawyer of Liberal politics, Arthur
       Cohen. The most important recommendation of the Commission was
       that "an agreement or combination by two or more persons to do
       or procure to be done any act in contemplation or furtherance
       of a trade dispute shall not be the ground of a civil action,
       unless the agreement or combination is indictable as a
       conspiracy, notwithstanding the terms of the ‘Conspiracy and
       Protection of Property Act of 1875.’" The Act of 1875 had so
       modified the old conspiracy law that no combination to do what
       would not be punishable by imprisonment if done by a single
       person could be made the subject of a criminal proceeding. The
       Commission now advised an extension of the same rule to civil
       actions. But, by unanimous agreement the Commission approved
       the decision rendered by the House of Lords in the Taff Vale
       case (see above), which took away from trades unions in Great
       Britain the immunity from being sued which they had formerly
       enjoyed. As to the right of "picketing," in the prosecution of
       a labor strike, the Commission would have it limited only to
       prevent coercion by menace or intimidation in the performance.
       It recommended punishment for a workman who "acts in such a
       manner as to cause a reasonable apprehension in the mind of
       any person that violence will be used to him or to his wife or
       family, or damage be done to his property."

       In the judgment of the Commission the incorporation of trades
       unions is much to be desired. These are the main conclusions
       to which it was led by its long study of the subject of
       industrial disputes.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Excellent Settlement of a threatened Railway Strike.
       Adopted System of Conciliation and Arbitration Boards.

       A general railway strike in Great Britain was threatened very
       seriously in the autumn of 1907, when the Amalgamated Society
       of Railway Servants, ably led by its Secretary, Mr. Richard
       Bell, who is a Member of Parliament, presented demands to the
       companies which the latter would not yield to. Mr. David
       Lloyd-George, the then President of the Board of Trade—which
       is a department of the National Government—undertook to
       negotiate a peaceable settlement of the dispute, and
       accomplished it with remarkable success. The outcome of his
       skilful diplomacy was the acceptance, November 6, 1907, by
       both companies and men of a comprehensive scheme for
       conciliation and arbitration, which provided for the formation
       of boards for each railway, consisting of representatives of
       the company and of the men, to consider thereafter any
       question relating to rates of wages and hours of duty. The
       scheme further provided that questions which these boards were
       unable to settle were to be referred to a single arbitrator.

       The London and North-Western was the first railway company to
       complete its arrangements in connection with the scheme, and
       demands from most of the grades concerned in the working of
       traffic, numbering about 39,000 men, were considered by the
       newly-formed conciliation boards. The principal grades
       concerned were: Engine drivers, firemen and cleaners;
       signalmen; brakesmen and shunters; passenger guards and
       platform porters; carriage cleaners, wagon examiners and
       greasers; permanent way men; goods staff; cartage staff.

       As agreement in the London and North-Western case was found
       impossible, reference was made to arbitration, and Sir Edward
       Fry was chosen to be arbitrator. He gave hearings on the
       questions in controversy in December, 1908, and his award was
       announced in the February following. He decided that the
       railway company had made good its contention that it could not
       pay an "all round advance" in wages of two shillings per week,
       which had been the demand for all grades in the service.
    {375}
       He allowed, in fact, few increases in wages; but awarded, on
       the contrary, some reductions in wage which the company
       claimed. On other points, concerning the pay for overtime,
       etc., his award was to the satisfaction of the railway
       employés. On the whole, it seems to have ended the dispute
       with considerable satisfaction all round. On this first
       decision under the new arrangement for settling disputes, Mr.
       Bell expressed himself as "very pleased to find that a great
       many of the concessions asked for have been embodied by the
       arbitrator in his award. We have got," said he, "rate and a
       quarter for overtime for all classes uniformly. We have got
       rate and a quarter for Sunday duty for signal men, as well as
       other grades who have hitherto not been paid extra rates. We
       have got payment for Sunday labour for the passenger staff
       —men who were formerly not paid for Sunday duty; we have
       established the principle that men doing the work of a higher
       grade for more than one day shall be paid at the rate of the
       higher grade. That is the principle we have been fighting for
       for several years, and it will mean many shillings per week to
       thousands of men. A very important item of the award is the
       decision that no alteration shall be made in the shape of
       increased hours or reduced wages in regard to men whose claims
       were submitted to the arbitrator, but whose conditions have
       not been altered by the award. We have always, hitherto, had
       to complain about companies ‘cutting,’ but the London and
       North-Western cannot do it here."

       Mr. Bell mentioned that several other similar claims against
       other companies were going to arbitration, but while he
       thought that Sir Edward Fry’s decisions might have some
       influence upon future conferences, he pointed out that other
       arbitrators will possibly refuse to accept any lead, but
       decide matters entirely upon their own views after dealing
       with the particular cases.

       A general report to the Board of Trade, on the working of the
       Railway Conciliation Boards, under the agreement of November
       6, 1907, was published in March, 1909, as a Blue Book, from
       which the following is taken:

       "The agreement was signed initially on behalf of 11 of the
       principal railway companies, but adhesion to its terms was
       afterwards signified, subject in the case of the Scottish
       companies to modifications of certain clauses upon matters of
       detail, by 35 other companies, making a total of 46 railway
       companies that have adopted the arrangements proposed by the
       Department for avoiding the serious results that would attend
       a cessation of labour on railways. The assenting companies
       include nearly all those having as many as 200 employés
       in their service, and in fact the only companies that have not
       adopted the scheme are small companies for which the formation
       of conciliation boards was not thought to be required, and a
       few of the larger companies to whose lines the provisions of
       the agreement were for special reasons unsuitable. …

       "For the 46 railways dealt with under the scheme, the number
       of boards to be formed, apart from the central conciliation
       boards, was 169, and the total number of representatives to be
       elected on such boards was 877. On 44 of the railways there
       was provision for a central board in addition to the sectional
       boards, thus making a total of 213 conciliation boards to be
       formed altogether under the scheme. … Eight hundred and fifty
       representatives of employés were to be elected in these
       416 elections, and for these places the total number of
       candidates nominated was 1,608.

       "The total number of employés eligible to vote upon the
       various railways coming within the scheme is estimated at a
       little over 270,000. After allowing for cases where the
       representatives were returned unopposed, it is found that
       where voting papers have actually been issued, over 77 per
       cent. of the employés eligible have availed themselves
       of the franchise."

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1908.
       "A Notable Labor Treaty."
       The Shipbuilding Agreement between Employers and
       Trade Unions to avert Strikes and Lockouts.

       In the early part of 1908 the woodworkers in the shipbuilding
       yards of the north of England went on strike against a
       reduction in wages, which was equivalent to one that the
       ironworkers in all the British shipyards and the woodworkers
       in the Scotch yards had accepted. The Federation of
       Shipbuilding Employers then notified a national lockout unless
       the strikers resumed work pending the adjustment of the
       dispute by conference. For some time past there had been
       negotiations on foot between the federated employers and
       certain of the other shipbuilding labor unions, aiming at the
       conclusion of a permanent working agreement for the prevention
       of strikes. The woodworkers were now brought into this
       negotiation, and after a long threshing out of disputes, in a
       joint committee of representatives from twenty-six trade
       unions and from the employers’ federation a "Memorandum of
       Agreement" was produced which all signed on the 16th of
       December, 1908, and which the London Times, making it
       public on the 11th of January, characterised rightly as "A
       Notable Labor Treaty." The provisions of this industrial
       agreement seem to be of so much historical importance that we
       give the important sections entire:

       "I.—GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES.

       "(1) Changes in wages due to the general conditions of the
       shipbuilding industry shall be termed general fluctuations.
       Such general fluctuations in wages shall apply to all the
       trades comprised in this agreement and in every federated firm
       at the same time and to the same extent. Differences in rates
       of wages in any trade in different districts can be dealt with
       as heretofore under clause II., section 3.

       "(2) In the case of all such general fluctuations the
       following provisions and procedure shall apply, viz.:

          (a) No step toward an alteration in wages can be
          taken until after the lapse of six calendar months from the
          date of the previous general fluctuation.

          (b) Before an application for an alteration can be
          made, there shall be a preliminary conference between the
          federation and the unions, in order to discuss the position
          generally. Such conference shall be held within 14 days of
          the request for the same,

          (c) No application for an alteration shall be
          competent until the foregoing preliminary conference has
          been held, and no alteration shall take effect within six
          weeks of the date of the applications.

          (d) The application fora proposed alteration shall
          be made as follows: The federation to the unions parties to
          this agreement; or the said unions to the federations,

          (e) Within 14 days after the receipt of an
          application the parties shall meet in conference.

          (f) The conference may be adjourned by mutual
          agreement, such adjourned conference to be held within 14
          days thereafter.

          (g) Any general fluctuation in trademen’s rates
          shall be of the following fixed amount, viz.:—Piecework
          rates, 5%; and Time rates 1 /- per week [sic], or ¼d. per
          hour where payment is made by the hour.

    {376}

       "II.
       QUESTIONS OTHER THAN GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES.

       "(1) When any question is raised by or on behalf of either an
       employer or employers, or of a workman or workmen, the
       following procedure shall be observed, viz.:—

          (a) A workman or deputation of workmen shall be
          received by their employers in the yard or at the place
          where a question has arisen, by appointment, for the mutual
          discussion of any question in the settlement of which both
          parties are directly concerned; and failing arrangement, a
          further endeavour may, if desired, be then made to
          negotiate a settlement by a meeting between the employer,
          with or without an official of the local association, on
          the one hand, and the official delegate, or other official
          of the workmen concerned, with or without the workman or
          workmen directly concerned, as deemed necessary.

          ( b ) Failing settlement the question shall be
          referred to a joint committee consisting of three employers
          and three representatives of the union or of each of the
          unions directly concerned, none of whom shall be connected
          with the yard or dock where the dispute has arisen,

          (c) Failing settlement under subsection (b),
          the question shall be brought before the employers’ local
          association and the responsible local representatives of
          the union or unions directly concerned in local conference.

          (d) Failing settlement at local conference, it shall
          be competent for either party to refer the question to a
          central conference to be held between the executive board
          of the federation and representatives of the union or
          unions directly concerned, such representatives to have
          executive power.

       "(2) If the question is in its nature a general one affecting
       more than yard or dock, it shall be competent to raise it
       direct in local conference, or if it is general and affecting
       the federated firms or workmen in more than one district, it
       shall be competent to raise it direct in central conference
       without in either case going through the prior procedure above
       provided for.

       "(3) The questions hereby covered shall extend to all
       questions relating to wages, including district alterations in
       wages and other matters in the shipbuilding and ship repairing
       trade, which may give rise to disputes.

       "III.—GRAND CONFERENCE.

       "In the event of failure to settle any question in central
       conference under clause II., section 1, subsection (d),
       either party desirous to have such question further considered
       shall prior to any stoppage of work refer same for final
       settlement to a grand conference to be held between the
       federation and all the unions parties to this agreement. A
       conference may by mutual agreement be adjourned. On any
       occasion when a settlement has not been reached, the
       conference must be adjourned to a date not earlier than 14
       days nor later than one month from the date of such
       conference. …

       "VI.—GENERAL PROVISIONS.

       "At all meetings and conferences the representatives of both
       sides shall have full powers to settle, but it shall be in
       their discretion whether or not they conclude a settlement.

       "In the event of any stoppage of work occurring in any
       federated yard or federated district either in contravention
       of the foregoing or after the procedure laid down has been
       exhausted, entire freedom of action is hereby reserved to the
       federation, and any federated association, and to the unions
       concerned, notwithstanding the provisions of this agreement.
       The suspension of the agreement shall be limited to such
       particular stoppage, and the agreement in all other respects
       shall continue in force.

       "Pending settlement of any question other than questions of
       wages, hours, and piece prices (the last-named of which is
       provided for above), two or three employers not connected with
       the yard where the question has arisen shall give a temporary
       decision, but such decision shall be without prejudice to
       either party, and shall not be adduced in evidence in the
       ultimate settlement of the question.

       "The expression ‘employer’ throughout this agreement shall
       include an employer’s accredited representative.

       "Until the whole procedure of this agreement applying to the
       question at issue has been carried through there shall be no
       stoppage or interruption of work either of a partial or of a
       general character.

       "VII.—DURATION OF AGREEMENT.

       "This agreement shall continue in force for three years, and
       shall thereafter be subject to six months’ notice in writing
       on either side, said notice not to be competent until the
       three years have elapsed."

       Signed by the President of the Shipbuilding Employers
       Federation and by seven representatives of the Trades Unions.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909.
       Educational Demands of the Trade Unions.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909.
       Trade Unions forbidden to pay Members of Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: France: A. D. 1884-1909.
       Organized Labor in the French Republic.
       The Syndicats and Syndicalism.
       A Trade Union version of Socialism.
       The Confédération Générale du Travail,
       and the idea of a general strike.
       Its revolutionary implication.

       The strike of government employés in the French telegraph and
       postal service, begun in March, 1909, and which was recognized
       instantly as a most alarmingly revolutionary movement, roused
       inquiry everywhere concerning the form and character that
       labor organization in France has taken on. The London
       Times gave elaborate satisfaction to this inquiry by a
       series of five articles, published in April, by a writer whose
       evident knowledge of the subject was complete. The statements
       here following are condensed from that source:

    {377}

       The organization of labor in France differs in important
       respects from that in Great Britain and the United States.
       "The French term for trade unions is syndicats, or, more
       correctly, syndicats professionnels; but the two terms
       are not equivalent or synonymous. For, whereas the word 'trade
       union’ is applied only to combinations of persons employed,
       the syndicats include also combinations of employers and of
       both together." The employers’ associations are called
       syndicats patronaux. "A trade union is a combination of
       persons engaged in the same trade without any reference to
       locality; they may be and generally are widely distributed in
       many places; the bond is the trade, not the locality; hence
       the use of the singular number. There is another kind of
       combination formed by several trades in the same locality and
       called a trades council; the bond is the locality, not the
       trade. Both forms of organization exist in France; the trade
       union is called syndicat ouvrier, and the trades
       council bourse du travail. … Both play a part in the
       movement, and, though in the aggregate they are composed of
       the same individuals, their policy and interests are not
       always or necessarily identical. Both are further combined
       into federations.

       "The effective development of trade unionism in France only
       dates from 1884, when the law authorizing the formation of
       syndicats professionels was passed." Unions had existed
       before, but under difficulties, without sanction of law. "The
       peculiarity of the struggle for the right of combination in
       France was that the necessity remained under numerous changes
       and diverse forms of government … and that the democratic
       State was not less but rather more oppressive than the others.
       … It was the National Assembly, travailing with the
       Revolution, which, in the sacred name of liberty and the
       rights of man, forbade the citizens to form trade
       organizations by the law of 1791; and for nearly 100 years
       this ban remained through all the subsequent changes,
       sometimes fortified, sometimes relaxed, but never removed."
       The law of 1791 was relaxed under Napoleon III., but the
       severity of it was renewed by the Government of the Third
       Republic, down to 1884. In that year, according to official
       returns, there existed but 68 regularly constituted unions in
       France. By 1890 the number had increased to 1006, with a
       membership of 139,692. In 1908 the reported number of unions
       was 5524, and their membership 957,102. "The aggregate is as
       yet comparatively small, and, numerically, trade unionism is
       still relatively weak in France; but the example of Germany
       shows how rapidly this movement may increase in strength.
       According to the occupational census of 1901 the number of
       persons in France who might be enrolled in trade unions was
       approximately 9,000,000; and the numbers would not be
       substantially higher now, so that the official returns show
       roughly about 10 per cent. organized. … With regard to
       organization by industries the largest number of trade
       unionists belonged in 1907 to the following groups:

       Transport,                 260,869;
       metal industries,          103,835;
       textiles,                   78,854;
       building trades,            66,678;
       miners,                     64,194;
       agriculture and forestry,   51,407;
       food and drink,             48,353.

       But trade union strength depends, for economic purposes, more
       upon the proportion of workers organized in a given trade than
       upon the actual number. From this point of view the strongest
       groups are, with the percentage of workers organized, as
       follows:

       Miners,               35 per cent;
       chemical industries,  31.2;
       transport,            23.4;
       paper and printing,   20.9;
       leather,              20.0;
       metal workers,        18.7.

       These figures have an important bearing on the situation,
       because of the division, which will be discussed in a
       subsequent article, of the unions into revolutionary and
       moderate groups. As for geographical distribution, Paris is
       the great centre, and the north of France is much stronger
       than the south."

       "The term bourse du travail means literally 'labour
       exchange,' and that was the original function of these
       organizations; it still is one of them, but is overshadowed by
       the all-devouring political aims which in France seem to seize
       hold of all things, one after another, and swallow them up.
       The bourses were started in 1886, two years after trade
       unionism received its charter. … But instead of being used for
       their original purpose, strictly as labour exchanges, they
       soon became a form of labour organization corresponding as
       nearly as possible to our trade councils, though supported by
       municipal or departmental subventions. … According to M.
       Mermeix, to whose brilliant work on ‘Le Syndicalisme contre le
       Socialisme’ I am indebted for much information, the syndicats
       were promptly seized upon by the Guesdist or Social Democratic
       party as soon as they began to develop freely after 1884, and
       the other Socialist bodies, who were then in violent
       antagonism, responded by cultivating the bourses du
       travail. The inevitable result was a strong political turn
       given to both sets of organizations; but it was not the turn
       intended by the Socialists. For presently the syndicats
       and the bourses, which really represent ‘Labour’ turned
       against the politicians called Socialists, who do not
       represent ‘Labour,’ and made common cause against them."

       "The most obvious feature of the movement in recent years has
       been a great increase of industrial restlessness. We need not
       put it all down to the trade unions, but they have had a good
       deal to do with it, and have undoubtedly been devoting their
       energies in an increasing measure to strikes." This "began in
       1899 and has continued, with fluctuations, ever since. It
       reached its high-water mark in 1906, and then somewhat
       subsided, but recent events show that the same spirit is still
       active. And besides increasing in number, extent, and
       duration, the strikes have frequently been marked by acts of
       violence and attended in several cases by loss of life. All
       this, in spite of a system of conciliation and arbitration and
       strong organization on the part of employers. What is the
       cause? There has been nothing in the economic situation to
       account for industrial disorder continued over a series of
       years. …

       "Syndicalisme is the distinctive mark of the present
       labour movement in France. … Perhaps the essential character
       of Syndicalisme is best expressed by saying that it is
       a purely trade union version of Socialism, definitely and even
       violently opposed to Collectivism and more nearly allied to
       anarchism, yet distinct from it. … The object of Syndicalisme
       is revolution, sudden and complete, in which the State, with
       all the apparatus of government, is to disappear, and the
       possession and control of material means—which alone count—is
       to pass from the hands of its present owners, whether private
       or public, into those of organized labour. This original idea
       is Socialistic or Collectivist in so far as it is directed
       against capitalism; it is anarchistic in so far as it
       contemplates the disappearance of the State; but, above all,
       it is trade unionist, for the syndicat is posited as
       the unit or cell of the future social organism. …
    {378}
       To complete this brief outline of the idea of
       Syndicalisme it is only necessary to add that the means
       whereby the revolution is to be accomplished is the general
       strike, and that, pending that consummation, ordinary strikes
       are systematically encouraged as good practice, in which, as
       by skirmishes or manoeuvres, the labour forces are trained and
       prepared for the great encounter."

       The idea of a general strike was put forward in 1888 by an
       anarchist Parisian carpenter named Tortelier, and the militant
       forces of organized labor rallied to it. It brought together
       the two sets into which labor organization had split—the
       Guesdist party, controlling the Syndicats, and their
       opponents in possession of the bourses du travail. It
       "caused the rout and withdrawal of the Social Democrats, and
       so led to the birth of Syndicalisme. The turning point
       was reached in 1894 at a joint congress held at Nantes, when
       after a set debate the general strike was adopted by 65 votes
       against 37, with nine abstinents. In the following year the
       Confédération Genérale du Travail was formed as a new and
       united federation of trade unions, purged of politics, or, at
       least, of Parliamentary politics; and thenceforward the two
       sets of organizations—trade unions and trades councils—drew
       the labour car together; but at first and for some years they
       by no means pulled together." In 1902 they were harmonized,
       "mainly by the efforts of M. Niel," who has been called the
       real creator of the Confédération Générale, to the head
       of which, as general secretary, "which means president," he
       was elected in February, 1909. "The word ‘president’ is
       eschewed, as savoring of the bourgeois state." M. Niel
       is a compositor. "He is of the best type of trade unionist; a
       calm, capable, level-headed man, devoted to trade unionism,
       but no crazy theorist or violent fanatic."

       "The numerical strength of the Confederation or its want of
       strength is a point on which its enemies are never tired of
       insisting. In October last the official figures presented to
       the congress at Marseilles were: First section, 2,586
       syndicats, with an aggregate membership of 294,398;
       second section, 154 bourses du travail, representing
       2,014 syndicats. The figures must not be added
       together, because the two sections represent the same or
       almost the same forces, differently organized. The returns of
       the first section show the effective membership, and we may
       call it 300,000. Now the official statistics of the
       Ministère du Travail give the total membership of
       syndicate ouvriers at the beginning of 1908 as 957,102.
       The Confederation, therefore, embraces less than one-third of
       the organized labour in France. But that calculation is open
       to some criticisms; the Government returns are said to be too
       high, those of the Confederation too low. There is probably
       some truth in both statements."

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1902.
       Extensive Strike of Coal Miners.
       Strikes at Marseilles.

       On the 8th of October, 1902, the National Committee of French
       Miners, meeting at Paris, voted to declare a general strike,
       and issued a manifesto to their comrades in Europe, America,
       and Australia, appealing for aid and stating their cause, in
       these words; "We are pushed to the last extremity in fighting
       to obtain a slight improvement in our miserable condition—more
       equitable remuneration, with the regulation of our work for
       the present, and legislation sheltering us against the strict
       needs of old age. We are sure you understand your duty. We
       leave to you the initiative in such measures as are most
       convenient to you in aiding us in this struggle." The strike
       had actually begun in part before this order was given and it
       was estimated that some 42,000 men had left work in the
       northern coal fields. The whole number of French miners was
       calculated by the Temps to be 162,000 men, of whom,
       however, only 60,000 belonged to the federation. The mine
       owners refused to discuss the matter, declaring that the
       strike began before any warning had been given them and
       without any sufficient motives, and also that the chief points
       in dispute were already before parliamentary committees.
       Troops were sent to the mining districts, and some conflicts
       occurred. The Government attempted arbitration, and late in
       October an agreement was reached which brought the strike to
       an end.

       At the same time troublesome strikes of dock-laborers,
       stokers, and sailors were going on at Marseilles, for some
       weeks.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1906.
       Serious Strikes and Labor Disturbances.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: A. D. 1909 (March-May).
       Serious Strike of Government Employés in the Telegraph
       and Postal Service.
       Overcome by the firmness of the Government.
       Disciplinary proceedings.
       Court decision against Trade Unions among
       Employés of the State.

       The organizations involved in the strike of government
       employés in the telegraph and postal service of France, which
       began on the 13th of March, 1909, are outside of the Labor
       Syndicats embraced in the Confédération Genérale du
       Travail described above; but in part they have been
       brought into close connection with that combination and have
       striven for identification with it. As explained by the Paris
       correspondent of the London Times, "the associations of
       French Civil servants include two quite separate groups—one
       in favour of Parliamentary action, the other sympathizing with
       the General Confederation of Labour and desiring to be allowed
       to combine freely and, when it suits them, to strike. The
       former group is represented by a Comité d’Études so-called,
       and includes a large number of primary school teachers and
       Lycée professors, the association of the Law Courts
       clerks, sub-employés at the Post Office,
       employés of the Roads and Inland Communications
       Department of the Ministry of Public Works, and so forth.
       These various associations, forming the first group, are
       convinced that their lot can be quite adequately improved if
       Parliament will only vote a satisfactory Bill on the
       status of functionaries. The second group has no
       confidence whatever in such a measure. It does not count on
       Parliament for a panacea. Under the title of ‘Central
       Committee for the defence of the syndical rights of
       wage-earners of the State, the departments, and the communes,’
       it has always worked in unison with the revolutionary unions
       of the General Confederation of Labour, and it was this group
       which wrote two years ago to M. Clemenceau an open letter
       stating their demands, among which the most important of all
       was the right to strike.
    {379}
       In consequence of that manifestation, which was regarded as
       illegal, a certain number of functionaries were dismissed,
       notably, as readers of The Times will recall, a school
       teacher by the name of Nègre, an official of the Ministry of
       the Interior, M. Janvion, a postman named Simonnet, and an
       electrician, M. Pataud."

       These dismissed officials, M. Pataud especially, were the
       leaders of the strike that was undertaken on the 13th of
       March, when twelve hundred men employed in the central offices
       of the Paris Telegraph Department stopped work at about 2
       o’clock in the afternoon, "in order to express ‘sympathy’ with
       three hundred men of the postal service who had invaded the
       offices on the 12th, and had made a demonstration against M.
       Simyan, the Under-Secretary of State for Posts and
       Telegraphs." "The precise grievances of the strikers," said
       The Times, "are probably known to their superiors; but,
       so far as we have seen, they have not been placed before the
       outside world in any form which renders it possible even
       clearly to understand them."

       On the other hand, a special correspondent of the New York
       Evening Post wrote from Paris on the 25th of March:
       "The strike of these government employees may have been a side
       development of the general movement which threatens to
       transform the Parliamentary French republic into a
       république syndicale; but, in itself, it was something
       far different. And, for another reason, it is a direct
       object-lesson for the United States, where the trade unions
       are not yet revolutionary. The entire strike has been a
       spontaneous uprising of civil service in possession against
       the invasion of a spoils system. The strike would not have
       been possible if these civil service appointees—‘government
       functionaries’—had not formed themselves into strongly
       organized unions, just as private service employees have long
       been doing; and in this they have been encouraged by
       successive republican governments, unforeseeing perhaps such
       strikes as the inevitable consequence. The spoils system in
       the present case means the intervention of political influence
       in civil service appointments and promotions." The strikers,
       said this writer, want essentially two things, "First, that
       politicians—and particularly Postmaster-General Simyan, who
       was taken over from M. Combes into the present
       government—should cease interfering with civil service
       appointments and promotions and no longer use their power in
       behalf of the favorite of some deputy with ‘influence.’"

       The situation produced in Paris by the strike was thus
       described by this correspondent of The Post: "We of
       Paris were for eight days in the same condition as Frenchmen
       were before Richelieu invented a State postal service for the
       use of private persons. For example, my last letters were
       sent—one to Havre by a special messenger who was carrying by
       hand cable messages for several correspondents to be forwarded
       from that port; one to London by another special messenger,
       who posted it with many others in a channel boat; and a third
       to Cherbourg by the kindness of the American Chamber of
       Commerce of Paris, which organized a service of its own for
       its members. … If there had been a sudden outbreak between
       Servia and Austria last week, the French government would have
       known little about it, and, in case of need, army mobilization
       would have been impossible."

       A system of public service in which such situations as this
       are made possible could not exist long without destruction of
       government and of all social order. No argument was needed to
       demonstrate that it must not be paltered with; but the
       Government of France was forced momentarily to yield so much
       show of deference or respect to its rebellious servants, whose
       demands were made with arrogance of spirit and insolence of
       tone, that the arrogance and insolence appeared to have
       triumphed in the encounter with national sovereignty and law.
       The tenor of an interview given on the 22d by the Premier, M.
       Clemenceau, and the Minister of Public Works, Posts, and
       Telegraphs, M. Barthou, to a committee from the striking
       employés of the State, was thus stated in a Press despatch at
       the time:

       "The two conditions which had been submitted to the Ministers
       were, first, immunity from disciplinary penalties for all the
       strikers; secondly, the resignation of M. Simyan, the
       obnoxious Under-Secretary of State. The Ministers had agreed
       to the first of these conditions for all strikers who should
       have returned to work by Tuesday morning. The second condition
       was refused by the Ministers on the ground that M. Simyan is
       responsible to the Chamber of Deputies, but not to the postal
       employés. M. Barthou had, however, made it plain that, in
       accordance with the terms of his speech in the Chamber last
       Friday, the Government contemplated appointing in place of M.
       Simyan an official with the qualification of technical
       knowledge. ‘When, on Friday,’ he said, ‘I discussed before the
       Chamber the transformation of the Under-Secretaryship of Posts
       and Telegraphs into a technical directorship, I was not
       employing an empty phrase. I consider that the reform is of
       practical interest and that it ought to be effected at an
       early date.’ This was as near a promise to fulfil the
       strikers’ demands as constitutional considerations would
       permit." This brought about a return to duty of postal clerks
       and operators of the telegraph and the telephone; but they
       returned as victorious revolutionists, and the news from Paris
       in the following weeks was filled with accounts of their
       manifestations of contempt and defiance for the Government,
       and the extensive insubordination among them that prevailed.
       But the Government, on its side, supported strongly by a great
       majority of votes in the Chamber of Deputies, and by resolute
       expressions of public opinion from every part of France, was
       now taking measures to prepare itself for defeating any future
       attempt to paralyze the service of the posts and wires. The
       engineer troops and other technical branches of the service
       were warned to be ready for emergencies, carrier pigeons were
       collected, and preliminary arrangements made for an elaborate
       service of motor-cars. Chambers of commerce throughout the
       country were called on to be prepared to coöperate with the
       Government in organizing an auxiliary mail service. By such
       measures it was soon rendered safe to begin applying
       discipline to the insubordination that had become rife. Seven
       flagrant offenders were tried by a Council of Discipline and
       dismissed, on the 8th of May, and this precipitated an attempt
       to renew the strike, and to make it introductory to the
       long-threatened revolutionary strike of all labor in France.
    {380}
       A few anxious days followed, while the menace kept a serious
       show, and then it vanished, like an emptied cloud. The firm
       attitude of the Government and the hostility of national
       opinion had daunted the revolutionary syndicats which
       inclined to join fortunes with the revolutionists of the
       public service, and the latter were left to confront official
       authority alone. Their second strike came to nothing. A
       despatch from Paris on the 16th of May stated that 548 postmen
       who were prominent in the rebellion of the strike had been
       expelled from the service, and that others were receiving less
       severe punishments from the Disciplinary Court.

       Ultimately, sixteen officials of the Post Office were
       prosecuted by the Government for illegally forming a trade
       union. They were brought to trial in July, with the result
       announced on the 29th as follows: "The 16 officials who were
       prosecuted by the Government have been condemned to a purely
       nominal fine of 12s. 6d., and their union has been declared to
       be contrary to the law. The Court argued that in the present
       state of the law there was no doubt whatever that the
       Waldeck-Rousseau Bill of 1884, permitting the organization of
       trade unions, solely had application to the interests of
       private individuals, and that the Chamber of Deputies had not
       meant to extend the provisions of that law to Civil servants.
       The considerations of this important legal judgment
       furthermore declare it to be utterly preposterous that State
       employés should arrogate to themselves the right to
       strike, since they are the employés of the nation, and
       enjoy moreover such special privileges as servants of the
       State that no comparison can be drawn between them and the
       working classes, whose right to strike is not contested."

       The judgment of the Paris Correctional Court, in the case of
       the sixteen officials who were prosecuted for illegally
       forming a trade union was followed, on the 7th of August, by a
       kindred decision from the Conseil d'État, to which two
       dismissed postmen had appealed. Their application to be
       restored to the service was denied. The decree of the Conseil
       expressly declared that a strike of civil servants is an
       "illegal act," and added that a State official "has accepted
       all the obligations arising from the necessities of the public
       service and has renounced all privileges incompatible with the
       essential continuity of the national life," that civil
       servants who declare a strike place themselves collectively
       outside the pale of the laws and regulations which guarantee
       the exercise for them of the rights which they normally
       possess as servants of the State.

       Having thus vindicated its authority over the servants of the
       State, the Government exercised a wise clemency at once. Two
       days after the decision of the Conseil d’État, the new
       Minister of Public Works authorized the publication of the
       following note: "In consequence of the decision of the Conseil
       d’État, M. Millerand has decided, while approving the
       suspensions pronounced by their respective chiefs, that 30
       officials of both sexes, five subaltern officials, and ten
       Post Office workmen who have been dismissed should resume work
       the day after tomorrow." Further reinstatements were announced
       in the course of the following month.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905.
       Strikes.

       Upwards of 100,000 miners in the coal fields of the Ruhr
       district began a strike in January which did not end until the
       middle of February, and which caused most of the iron works
       and machine shops of Rhenish Prussia and Westphalia to be
       closed. Low wages (of 4 marks or a little less than a dollar
       per day) and inhuman and dishonest treatment were the chief
       complaints in the miners. A bill to reform conditions in the
       mines was passed soon afterwards. The cost of the strike to
       all concerned was estimated to have been more than
       $30,000,000. A very serious strike of about 40,000 men in
       electrical industries occurred at Berlin in September and
       October, resulting in a concession of six per cent. increase
       of wages to the men. Statistics published in the next year
       showed a startling increase of labor conflicts in 1904 and
       1905. From 1899 to 1903 the yearly average of strikes had been
       1242. In 1904 the number rose to 1870, and in 1905 to 2057.
       Lockouts had averaged 42 in each of the previous five years,
       but increased to 120 in 1904. Apparently the labor conditions
       were no more peaceable in 1906.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905-1906.
       The Operation of Industrial Courts.
       Desire for Voluntary Boards of Conciliation.

       "In the event of actual dispute the official machinery of the
       Industrial Courts is always at call, should the disputants be
       willing to use it. The law requires the formation of these
       Courts in all towns with over 20,000 inhabitants, but they may
       be formed elsewhere at the option of the Government of the
       State or on the joint requisition of a given number of
       employers and workpeople, and they consist of equal numbers of
       both. That the 406 Courts now in existence do not mediate
       oftener would appear to be less the fault of the workpeople
       than of the employers. During 1905 they acted as boards of
       conciliation on 350 occasions: on 165 in response to
       invitations from both sides, on 175 on the invitation of the
       workpeople alone, and on ten only on the sole invitation of
       the employers. Only in 128 cases was it possible to bring the
       disputing parties together. …

       "At the annual meeting of the German Society for Social
       Reform, held in Berlin in December, 1906, resolutions were
       adopted ‘affirming the meeting’s conviction that industrial
       peace would best be promoted by the development of collective
       arrangements between employers and work-people in the form of
       (1) wages agreements,
       (2) voluntary boards of conciliation and arbitration, and
       (3) workmen’s committees for individual works’;
       and it was urged that, ‘after the example of Great Britain,
       conciliation boards suited to the various industries should be
       generally formed, these to cooperate with higher tribunals and
       to call in on occasion the help of prominent public men as
       advisers and arbitrators.’"

          William H. Dawson,
          The Evolution of Modern Germany,
          page 136
          (Unwin, London; Scribners, New York., 1909).

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Spirit of the Struggle between Capitalists and Workmen.
       Attitude of the Latter.

       "The struggle between labour and capital in Germany is a
       little less refined than in some other countries. …
       Rhineland—Westphalia is its chosen battle ground. Here all the
       conditions of economic warfare exist in a rare degree. It is a
       striking fact that a large part of the natural resources,
       industry, and wealth-production of that unresting workshop of
       Germany is under the control of a dozen men of commanding
       business genius—men of strong and masterful character, born
       rulers of the sternest mould, without sentiment, not
       insusceptible to justice, yet never going beyond it,
       inflexible in decision, of inexhaustible will-power, and
       impervious to all modern notions of political liberalism.
    {381}
       These men, who have so conspicuously helped to create modern
       industrial Prussia, and who are a greater real power in the
       land than Ministers and legislators put together, typify in
       modern industry the feudalism which is slowly dying upon the
       great estates of the East. Their attitude towards the unions
       in which their workmen are organised to the number of hundreds
       of thousands is frequently expressed in the maxim, ‘We intend
       to be masters in our own house,’ and nothing is wanting in the
       vigour with which this maxim is applied. On the occasion of
       the Mannheim conference of the Association for Social Policy
       in September, 1905, Herr Kirdorf, probably the best known
       industrialist of Westphalia, and the head of the Coal and
       Steel Syndicates, was invited to give an employer’s reply to
       an indictment of the syndicates made by Professor Gustav
       Schmoller. In the course of his statement occurred the
       following observations on the question of labour
       organisation:—

       "‘It is regrettable that our workpeople are able to change
       their positions at any time. An undertaking can only prosper
       if it has a stationary band of workers. I do not ask that
       legislation should come to our help, but we must reserve to
       ourselves the right to take measures to check this frequent
       change of employment. The proposal has been made that all
       workpeople should be compelled to join organisations and that
       employers should be required to negotiate with these
       organisations. For myself I would remark that I refuse to
       negotiate with any organisation whatever.’ …

       "Public opinion naturally finds itself often in conflict with
       the Westphalian industrialists’ attitude, which more than
       anything else was responsible for the solid gain won by the
       men in the great colliery strike of 1905. It was the same Herr
       Kirdorf who declared during that strike, 'The movement can
       only end by the men recognising that they can get nothing by a
       strike and returning to the mines. We will negotiate with
       every man singly, but we will not concede workmen’s
       committees.’ It was this inflexible attitude, persisted in too
       long, which turned first the public and then the Government
       against the colliery owners. By refusing to meet the colliers’
       ‘Committee of Seven’ they created the impression that the men
       were wishful for peace but were unable to gain an ear for
       their overtures. In the end not only were workmen’s committees
       granted by force of law, but the hours of labour were
       curtailed, fines were abolished, and other concessions were
       made which cost the colliery owners dearly, until the extra
       burden could be transferred to the public."

          William H. Dawson,
          Evolution of Modern Germany,
          pages 122-125
          (Unwin, London; Scribners, New York, 1909).

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Germany: A. D. 1909.
       Extent of Trade Unionism.

       The twentieth International Congress of Miners was held in
       Berlin, and at its opening, on the 31st of May, 1909, Herr
       Ritter, president of the Federation of Berlin Trade Unions, in
       welcoming the Congress, said that there were now 223,000 trade
       unionists in Berlin, as compared with 40,000 when the congress
       held its last meeting there 15 years ago. Another German
       speaker said that during the last 15 years the number of trade
       unionists in the whole Empire had increased from 300,000 to
       1,800,000.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Italy: A. D. 1901.
       Changed Attitude of the Government toward Labor Unions.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1901.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Italy: A. D. 1909.
       A Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

       "An agitation among agricultural labourers in North Umbria
       seems to have taken a new and very unusual form, since, from
       all accounts, it is directly promoted and supported by the
       clergy. The parish priests in the neighbourhood of Perugia are
       said not only to have put themselves at the head of the
       movement, but to have actually initiated it with a manifesto
       denouncing the grievances of the labourers, and calling upon
       them to organize themselves in order to extort more favourable
       conditions from the landowners who employ them. The Church
       seems to have satisfied itself that the mutual relations of
       capital and labour were unfair to the labourer, and to have
       determined to be beforehand with the Socialist agitator,
       creating an organization which will call itself
       democristiana, or Christian democrat, in anticipation
       of what might have been a more revolutionary Socialist league.
       The manifesto was issued last May, and contained much the same
       demands as have been successfully made by labour in other
       parts of Italy. … So far the landowners have proved absolutely
       recalcitrant. A league of resistance has been formed on their
       side, and an attempt was made at reprisals by boycotting
       parish priests, stopping any payment of tithes to the Church,
       dismissing any private chaplains who belonged to the secular
       clergy, and employing the regular clergy instead of the
       parochial in any cases where their services were required.

       "The parish clergy were not to be intimidated by financial
       loss, and the proprietors then appealed to the Archbishop of
       Perugia to put his veto on their agitation. The Archbishop,
       Monsignor Mattei-Gentile, could only inform them that he had
       already given his sanction to the movement. The proprietors,
       by the friendly mediation of a Cardinal, then appealed to the
       Pope. After some consideration, Pius X. sent a certain Signor
       Giovanni Passamonti, a lawyer who has had a good deal of
       experience in Umbrian affairs, to make an inquiry, and attempt
       some kind of compromise. Neither side, however, would listen
       to suggestions of conciliation. … So the matter now stands.
       The position is certainly an interesting one, as it is the
       first time that the Church has actually taken the lead in a
       labour movement."

          Rome Correspondent, London Times,
          July 21, 1909.

    {382}

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Netherlands: A. D. 1903.
       Laws against Railway Strikes.
       Failure of Labor Strike to prevent their Passage.

       Early in 1903 it was made known that the Government of the
       Netherlands intended to bring forward in the States-General a
       bill prohibiting strikes among railway employees, on the
       ground that they were engaged in a public service which must
       not suffer interruption. At once the railway men gave notice
       that they would, if this measure were undertaken, appeal to
       all workmen in the country for a general strike. The
       Government then prepared itself for a struggle by summoning a
       certain quota of the infantry and engineers of the Reserves to
       arms, and, on the 25th of February, its proposed legislation
       was introduced. It amended the penal code, in order to punish
       strikes by persons in the public service as misdemeanors and
       to attach penalties of more severity to all attacks on the
       freedom of labor. It provided, further, for the organization
       of a military railway brigade, to insure service on the lines
       in case of a strike; and finally, it created a commission to
       investigate the condition of the railway service and of its
       employees. Pending the discussion of these measures the
       threatened strike was undertaken, and was seen very soon to
       have failed. Without any serious conflict with the authorities
       it was given up, and, on the 11th of April, the bills became
       Law.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: New Zealand: A. D. 1896-1908.
       The Compulsory Arbitration Law.
       Its working.

       At the meeting of the National Civic Federation of the United
       States, in December, 1908, Mr. Hugh H. Lusk, of New Zealand,
       spoke of the compulsory arbitration law of that country.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work.
          NEW ZEALAND.

       "In form," he said, "the law is not compulsory upon all men,
       but only upon those who become amenable to it by registering
       their associations under the law. Since associations, both of
       workers and of employers, are generally registered, it is and
       has been for twelve years now past absolutely compulsory
       arbitration. About six years ago the law was extended to the
       Commonwealth of Australia, where it is now in force. In New
       Zealand compulsory arbitration has hitherto been a great
       success, It has had the effect of preventing all strikes and
       all lockouts for twelve years in that country until the other
       day. The history of its extension to Australia has been the
       greatest tribute that could be made to its success in New
       Zealand. It has not been in all respects as great a success in
       Australia as in New Zealand. New Zealand has a million white
       inhabitants, Australia nearly five million; therefore, by the
       extension of the law from New Zealand to Australia you have
       got, as it were, a stepping stone from which you can easily
       see how far it would be likely to be a success in a country as
       much greater and as much more populous than Australia as is
       this country.

       "The law of New Zealand, and now of Australia, compels all
       associated workers who are registered under the act to submit
       to the law if they have causes of difference with their
       employers. In the first place, they have to go to a member of
       the Board of Conciliation, one of which exists in any
       considerable district, and the Conciliation Board failing in
       its object they can remove the cause into the Court of
       Arbitration, which passes final judgment.

       "For twelve years the law operated without serious breakdown
       in New Zealand. It has been carried on for five years without
       a serious breakdown in Australia. Now, what is wrong with the
       Act and its operations? At first the workers were perfectly
       satisfied with the court because, as a general rule, it was
       with them. Later on, the court as a rule has been against
       them. They have been inclined to the belief that the
       constitution of the court is unfavorable, the court being
       constituted of two representatives of labor and two
       representatives of capital, together with one Judge of the
       Supreme Court, sitting as president or chairman. They have
       come to the conclusion that it is the fifth man who really
       gives the decision. The difficulty in such a case as this is
       that if the representative man who gives his decision has not
       the confidence of both parties the court fails in its object.
       It is believed that the decisions are, in general, those of a
       man belonging to the capitalist class—since laborers do not
       often find their way to the Supreme Court bench in any
       country. This seems to be the bottom of the difficulty both in
       New Zealand and in Australia. I do not think you could enact a
       law either as a Federal law or as a State law, to-day, such as
       the law in New Zealand and enforce it. The people are not
       ready for it. The Canadian plan seems to me to be a step,
       although perhaps rather a timid step in the right direction."

       The exceptional strike to which Mr. Lusk referred, as
       occurring "the other day," was in February, 1907. The strike
       was of men in the freezing works of the frozen meat trade.
       They stopped work as individuals, not as a union, each
       claiming his right to take a rest from work; but the law was
       applied to them, nevertheless, and they were fined £5 each.
       Mr. Gompers, who spoke after Mr. Lusk, declared himself
       emphatically against the New Zealand system, saying: "I would
       not have employers do as they please; I would not want workmen
       to do as they please; but I believe that by the organization
       of industry and by the organization of labor we are gathering
       forces conscious of their power, which, intelligently and
       wisely wielded, bring forth a spirit of conciliation that no
       court of arbitration ever yet was able to impose. There is in
       the United States more genuine conciliation between organized
       employers and organized workmen than exists in any other part
       of the world."

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Revolutionary Strikes.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Scotland: A. D. 1904-1909.
       Five Years of Peace in Coal Mining.
       A threatened conflict averted.

       In 1904 the coalmasters of Scotland made an agreement with
       their men for regulating wages according to a fixed scale, to
       be neither below 37½ per cent., nor over 100 per cent. above
       what is called the basis of 1888, which was 4s. per day. In
       effect the range was from 5s. 6d. to 8s. per day, and within
       these limits the Coal Conciliation Board was empowered to
       adjust questions of wages as they arose. Under this agreement
       the Conciliation Board operated satisfactorily till the summer
       of 1909, and under the constitution of the board there was
       power to refer any question on which the representatives of
       the masters and men could not agree to a neutral chairman,
       whose decision was to be absolute.

    {383}

       During the first three years of the agreement trade was
       prosperous and wages rose nearly to the maximum under which
       the Conciliation Board could adjudicate. Then came the period
       of general depression, and wages went down, along with prices
       of coal, until, finally, the coalmasters applied for a further
       reduction to the minimum of the agreement, 5s. 6d. per day.
       The men's representatives on the Board refused to entertain
       the proposal. The disagreement became acute in a few weeks,
       and the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain threatened a
       general strike in support of the contention of its Scottish
       members. On a ballot taken in July, 518,361 of the coal miners
       of the United Kingdom voted for a general stoppage of work, in
       support of the demands of the Scottish miners against 62,980
       who opposed the undertaking. But the efforts of the
       Government, exerted through the Board of Trade, were
       successful in averting the threatened catastrophe. Conferences
       between delegates from the coal miners and the coal owners,
       held at the offices of the Board of Trade and under
       chairmanship of the President of the Board, Winston Churchill,
       resulted in an agreement signed on the 30th of July, which is
       to be in force until August 1st, 1912, and indefinitely
       thereafter unless six months notice of a wish to terminate it
       is served by one party to it on the other. The agreement
       provides for the continuation of the former Conciliation Board
       "with the provision that there shall be obligatory a neutral
       chairman (whose decision in cases of difference shall be final
       and binding) to be selected by such method as shall be
       mutually agreed upon by the parties, and, failing agreement,
       by the Speaker of the House of Commons."

       On the point of wages, the opinion of the miners’ delegates
       was reported to be that the agreement was "fair to all
       parties, for it secured the owners against having to pay an
       increased wage unless all the circumstances of the trade,
       considered over a reasonable period, were taken into account
       by a perfectly impartial arbitrator. The concession of the
       principle of the 50 per cent. increase on the 1888 basis as a
       minimum wage would, as far as could be foreseen,
       obviate trouble in the future, and the safeguards which had
       been introduced into the grant of the concession were, in the
       opinion of all the delegates who were willing to express their
       views, eminently fair to all the interests concerned."

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: South Africa: A. D. 1903-1904.
       The question of Asiatic Labor for the mines in the Transvaal.
       Admission of Chinese Coolies.
       The political side of the Opposition to White Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Spain: A. D. 1902.
       Great Strike at Barcelona.

       Barcelona, the scene of frequent and much disturbance, both
       political and industrial, produced, in the middle of February,
       a general strike of 80,000 workmen, between whom and the
       troops of General Weyler, the Minister of War, a week of
       battle in the streets occurred, with martial law in force.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Spain: A. D. 1909.
       Insurrection and Strike at Barcelona.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: Sweden: A. D. 1909.
       The Lockout and the attempted General Strike of all
       Labor in the Kingdom.

       The labor conflicts of 1909 were marked most impressively by
       two attempts, in two countries, to combine all unionized
       labor, of all trades and employments, in the oft-threatened
       "general strike," whereby an absolute paralysis of society
       might be brought about. The first of these attempts was
       planned in France, for the enforcement of the demands of the
       postal and telegraphic employees of the Government, who
       claimed the right to engage in conflict with the State by an
       organized "strike." This came happily to naught; and, the
       second, undertaken in Sweden, had the same result.

       A dispute in the paper, woolen, and cotton industries of
       Sweden led, first, to a lockout of about 13,000 workmen in
       those factories, the employers acting in a compact
       association, which seems to have embraced all important fields
       of production. On the 26th of July the lockout was extended to
       certain other allied trades, affecting about 40,000 employees
       in all; and it was then announced that on the 2d of August, if
       the men did not come to terms, the closing of works would be
       carried into the iron trades, and further still. This
       challenged the Allied Trade Unions to summon a "general
       strike" of all their membership, and the call went out for an
       universal dropping of work on August 4th. Exception, however,
       was made in the call, of employees in the water-works,
       lighting and sanitation departments of the public service, and
       of those on whom hospitals, funerals and living animals were
       dependent for care. Railway, postal, telegraph and telephone
       employees were not included in the Labor Federation, and did
       not strike. Between lockout and strike, however, the
       suspension of industry was so extensive as to reduce
       Stockholm, especially, to a very grave situation; but the
       emergency was faced with remarkable energy and courage by both
       Government and people.

       Neither employers nor employees would listen to any mediation
       between them by King or Ministers, and the measures of
       Government were directed solely to the repression of disorder
       and the checking of all that savored of revolutionary aims.
       How the public of Stockholm saved itself from paralysis is
       told by a correspondent who wrote from that city on the 28th
       of August, when the strike was in its fourth week. "How is
       it," he asked, "that the trams are running, cabs are plying
       for hire in the streets, the steam ferries are working as
       usual, streets and houses are lighted, and there seems no lack
       of provisions or transport? The explanation is that these and
       many other of the most important social services are being
       performed by a brigade of volunteers, who have come forward in
       the public interest and who devote their time and energies
       gratuitously to supplying the most pressing needs of society
       at large. …

       "On July 31 plans were first formed for meeting the situation
       by the organization of a band of voluntary helpers, and on
       August 2 a meeting was held at which definite action was
       determined upon. A ‘Public Security Brigade’ (Frivilliga
       skyddskaren) was to be enrolled, and the following services,
       amongst others, were to be undertaken: The protection of
       banks, insurance officers, and similar institutions liable to
       attack or plunder by the strikers; the working of trams and
       steamboats, and of gas, water, and electric lighting
       machinery; the driving of motor and other cabs; the conveyance
       of the sick to the hospitals, and the rendering to the
       hospital staff of any necessary help; the unloading and
       transport of the necessities of life, such as food, coal,
       wood, &c. The object of the organization was not to help
       individual sufferers or to safeguard individual interests, but
       in every way possible to maintain such services as should be
       considered necessary for the security and welfare of the
       community.

    {384}

       "The appeal for volunteers met with a generous and
       enthusiastic response, and within a week of the first meeting
       on August 2 the whole organization was in full working order.
       All classes supplied their quota. Counts and barons,
       military and naval officers, professional and business men,
       engineers, clerks, students from the Universities and
       technical schools, alike volunteered their services. The
       importance of such a movement can hardly be overestimated. The
       fact that the executive body has no connexion with the
       Government or municipality and yet is working in constant
       touch and in perfect harmony with both speaks Volumes for the
       spirit in which the work has been undertaken and the
       efficiency with which it is being carried out. It is an
       object-lesson in the capacity of the upper and middle classes
       to meet such an emergency. And lastly, if, as is thought
       probable by some, the institution should become a permanent
       one, Sweden will have one of the best guarantees for
       industrial peace in the future."

       When this was written, the struggle, so far as it involved an
       attempted general strike, was near its end. On the 3d of
       September the Labor Federation announced its willingness that
       those organizations which were not connected with the original
       dispute, but which had joined the strike to help make it
       general, should return to work, if the Government would renew
       its proffer of mediation in the primary dispute. This the
       Government did willingly; but at the end of September it was
       announced that the negotiations undertaken had broken down and
       that 60,000 men were still without work.

       The most serious feature of the conflict was the apparent
       readiness with which many labor organizations broke agreements
       and contracts, in order to take part in it, even when not
       called on to do so by the general Federation. According to the
       claim of the Employers’ Federation, moreover, it was
       faithlessness to such contracts which had most to do with
       bringing of the Lockout on. On the other hand, the workmen
       maintain that it is the aim of the employers to break down
       their unions, and that self-preservation justifies them in
       breaking contracts when that course is necessary to defeat
       such attempts. Where the very truth lies is questionable, here
       as in most such conflicts.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States:
       The Organization of Labor.

       "Most of the national trade unions are affiliated to one great
       federal organization, known as the American Federation of
       Labor. The railway brotherhoods, so called, keep their
       separate organizations, without affiliating to any other body.
       There are some independent unions; while the Knights of Labor
       are a body entirely distinct from all other organizations, and
       have a different organic law. It is difficult to ascertain the
       membership of unions. In Great Britain the law requiring
       registration enables the Government to state with fair
       accuracy the strength of unions in that country. According to
       the latest reports available, the English trade unions had a
       membership of 1,802,518, while in the United States,—with
       double England’s population,—the estimated membership of labor
       organizations on July 1 last was 1,400,000. It is estimated at
       the present time that there are nearly 18,000,000 persons
       (men, women, and children) in the United States working as
       wage-earners. The percentage embraced in the labor unions is
       not large, therefore, being not more than 8 per cent. of the
       whole body. It must be remembered, however, that in many
       trades the members are organized up to a large proportion,
       —sometimes 90 per cent.—of the total number engaged. The
       American Federation of Labor probably represents 850,000
       members, and the Knights of Labor perhaps 200,000. The Order
       of Railway Conductors of America,—whose head, Mr. E. E. Clark,
       has been appointed on the Coal Commission,—has nearly 25,000
       members; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, over
       34,000; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, nearly 38,000;
       the Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen, about 44,000; and there
       are at least four other influential railroad organizations."

          Carroll D. Wright,
          Labor Organization in the United States
          (Contemporary Review, October. 1902).

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States:
       The Trade Union as a factor in the Assimilation of the
       Foreign-born Population, and in its Political Education.

       "Whatever our judgment as to the legality or expediency of the
       industrial policy of our American unions, no student of
       contemporary conditions can deny that they are a mighty factor
       in effecting the assimilation of our foreign-born population.
       Schooling is primarily of importance, of course, but many of
       our immigrants come here as adults. Education can affect only
       the second generation. The churches, particularly the Catholic
       hierarchy, may do much. Protestants seem to have little
       influence in the industrial centres. On the other hand, the
       newspapers, at least such as the masses see and read, and the
       ballot under present conditions in American cities, have no
       uplifting or educative power at all. The great source of
       intellectual inspiration to a large percentage of our inchoate
       Americans, in the industrial classes, remains in the
       trade-union. It is a vast power for good or evil, according as
       its affairs are administered. It cannot fail to teach the
       English language. That in itself is much. Its benefit system,
       as among the cigarmakers and printers, may inculcate thrift.
       Its journals, the best of them, give a general knowledge of
       trade conditions, impossible to the isolated workman. Its
       democratic constitutions and its assemblies and conventions
       partake of the primitive character of the Anglo-Saxon
       folkmoot, so much lauded by Freeman, the historian, as a
       factor in English political education and constitutional
       development. Not the next gubernatorial or presidential
       candidate; not the expansion of the currency, nor the reform
       of the general staff of the army; not free-trade or
       protection, or anti-imperialism, is the real living thing of
       interest to the trade-union workman. His thoughts, interests,
       and hopes are centred in the politics of his organization. It
       is the forum and arena of his social and industrial world."

          W. Z. Ripley,
          Race Factors in Labor Unions
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1904).

    {385}

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1899-1907.
       The Western Federation of Miners.
       Its adoption of a Socialist Platform.
       Its fierce Conflict with Mine Owners.
       Alleged Criminal Instigations by its Leaders.
       Orchard’s Confessions.
       Trial and Acquittal of Secretary Haywood.

       The Western Federation of Miners was organized in Butte,
       Montana, in 1893. The domain of the organization was and is
       mainly the metal mining fields west of the Mississippi River;
       while that of the organization called the United Mine Workers
       was and is the coal fields east of the Mississippi. The
       strongly marked difference in character between these two
       comprehensive unions of mining labor is indicated in an
       article by William Hard, contributed to The Outlook of
       May 19, 1906. "The United, Mine Workers," wrote Mr. Hard,
       "accepts the present industrial system and regards the
       employer as its partner. The Western Federation of Miners
       denounces the present industrial system and regards the very
       existence of the employer as an evil. The United Mine Workers
       is interested mainly in the division of the proceeds of the
       present industrial system between itself and its partner, the
       employer. It wants to increase its own share of the proceeds
       and it wants to reduce its partner’s share. The Western
       Federation of Miners, on the other hand, is interested mainly
       in the elimination of the employer. It wants more wages, of
       course, but if it should succeed in establishing a scale of
       even a hundred dollars a day it would still be bound by its
       principles to spurn the relaxing comforts of prosperity and to
       nerve itself to a continuation of the struggle.

       "Edward Boyce, as President of the Federation, addressed its
       annual Convention in 1902 as follows: ‘There are only two
       classes of people in the world. One is composed of the men and
       women who produce all. The other is composed of men and women
       who produce nothing, but live in luxury upon the wealth
       produced by others.’" The Convention, at the same session,
       adopted the following declaration: "We, the tenth annual
       Convention of the Western Federation of Miners, do declare for
       a policy of independent political action, and do advise and
       recommend the adoption of the platform of the Socialist Party
       of America."

       Says Mr. Hard, in comment on this Socialist pronouncement by
       the Western Federation: "There is usually one of two reasons
       for the presence of a large number of Socialists in any trade
       union. One is the influence of Europeans; the other is a
       particularly spectacular triumph of the machine over the man,
       and a particularly cruel displacement of human beings by
       superhuman tools. … The Western Federation of Miners,
       however, has not been devoured by the machine, and it does not
       contain more than a small percentage of Europeans. Whatever of
       lawlessness there has been in the history of the Western
       Federation has been American lawlessness. Whatever of
       radicalism there has been in that history has been radicalism
       cherished and propagated by Americans. That favorite National
       scapegoat, ‘the foreigner,’ cannot be loaded with the sins of
       the Western Federation. … The Western mines are full of
       longlimbed, franked-eyed men who have adventured themselves
       far and wide upon the face of the earth. There are Eastern
       miners who were blacklisted after leading unsuccessful
       strikes. There are cowboys who tired of the trail. There are
       farmers who preferred prospecting to plowing. There are city
       men who burst the bars of their cages to breathe the open air
       of the West. These adventurous characters, going out into a
       new country and plunging into the virgin, everlasting hills,
       where it would seem that at last all men would stand on the
       same footing, have suddenly discovered that amid these
       primitive surroundings the modern industrial system is not
       only found, but is found at its worst. No one would try to
       find a parallel anywhere else on earth for the reckless
       unscrupulous and maddening insolence of the corporations of
       the Rocky Mountain States. And practical anarchism among
       corporations is always a strong promoter of theoretical
       Socialism among trade unions. …

       "The internal policy of the Western Federation of Miners is
       consistent with its published principles. The most important
       part of this policy is an aversion to the signing of contracts
       with employers. A contract is regarded as a manacle. It binds
       one union when another union might need its help. … In
       consequence of not demanding a contract, the Federation
       naturally does not demand a closed shop. As it does not ask
       the employer to bind himself by a contract to anything, it
       does not ask him to bind himself to the exclusive employment
       of union men. In three other respects besides its failure to
       demand a closed shop the Western Federation of Miners follows
       a policy which has often been admired by enemies of trade
       unions. The Western Federation has no apprentice system. It
       does not restrict output. And it discountenances
       jurisdictional quarrels between rival trade organizations. …

       "So much for the philosophy of the Western Federation of
       Miners. Now for the lawlessness with which it has been
       charged. There can be no doubt that members of the Western
       Federation of Miners have frequently coerced non-union men. …
       A programme of intimidation has at times, in certain mining
       camps, become the equivalent of a closed shop contract. The
       employer was not asked to exclude non-union men. The union
       excluded them spontaneously, without bothering the employer
       about it. … In addition to the coercion of individual
       non-unionists, there have been a few occasions on which armed
       bodies of union men have stormed mining property and captured
       it."

       On the other side of the case this writer recounts the acts of
       violence and the barbarous "deportations" which the miners of
       the Western Federation have suffered at the hands of the
       Mine-Owners’ Association and the Citizens’ Alliance in
       coöperation with them; and he emphasises this fact:—"that the
       members of the Citizens’ Alliance and the members of the
       Western Federation of Miners are brothers under their skins.
       They come in the main from exactly the same breed. Two men go
       out prospecting. They come from the same town in Ohio. Their
       claims are half a mile apart. One man strikes gold. The other
       doesn’t. One man becomes a millionaire and a member of the
       Mine-Owners’ Association. The other becomes a workingman and a
       member of the Western Federation. … They were all of them
       American adventurers before they became employers and
       employees. Practically identical in breed, the mine-owners and
       the miners are practically identical in temperament. They
       transact their affairs on both sides with an untrammeled
       recklessness which is appalling, but which, if the distinction
       be admitted, savors of anarchy rather than of illegality.
    {386}
       The situation is like that in the rough early mediaeval States
       before the central authority had established its power by
       means of police. … That these frontiersmen, as workingmen and
       as members of the Western Federation, have used their guns in
       trade union controversies is indubitable. That the Western
       Federation, however, is an organized criminal clique, and that
       it accentuates and stimulates the gun-playing proclivities of
       its members, is, so far, unsupported by evidence."

          William Hard,
          The Western Federation of Miners
          (The Outlook, May 19, 1906).

       The question on which Mr. Hard threw doubt, as to whether the
       leaders of the Western Federation of Miners, or any of its
       responsible members, had been implicated in the dreadful
       crimes of murder and destruction of property which attended
       the conflict between the Federation and the mine-owners of the
       Far West, came to trial in connection with the horrible murder
       of ex-Governor Frank Steunenberg, of Idaho. The victim had
       been Governor of that State in 1899, when, during a strike in
       the Cœur d’Alene district, a mill at Wardner was blown up by a
       mob. Governor Steunenberg obtained the aid of Federal troops
       and vigorously crushed the disorder. Six years afterwards, on
       the 30th of December, 1905, at the gate of his residence in
       Caldwell, he was blown to pieces by a bomb, so placed that it
       was exploded by the opening of the gate. A man named Harry
       Orchard was arrested on suspicion and held until, finally, he
       not only confessed the crime in question, but owned, or
       claimed to have participated in, or had knowledge of, an
       appalling number of other murders, deadly explosions, and
       other barbarities, all of which he alleged to have been
       committed at the instigation and under the direction of
       officials in the Western Federation. Its President, Charles H.
       Moyer, its Secretary, W. D. Haywood, and George A. Pettibone
       of its executive were especially implicated by Orchard’s
       confession in the murder of Governor Steunenberg. These
       accused men were in Colorado at the time, and there, on a
       requisition from the Governor of Idaho, they were arrested on
       the 15th of February, 1906, and taken hurriedly to Boise,
       having no opportunity to resist what was claimed to be the
       illegal extradition. Subsequently, however, when the question
       was carried from the Supreme Court of Idaho up to the Supreme
       Court of the United States, the legality of the proceeding was
       affirmed by all of the tribunals which reviewed it.

       Intense feeling in labor circles was enlisted in behalf of the
       accused chiefs of the Western Federation of Miners. Very
       generally their innocence of the imputed crimes was believed,
       and they were looked on as victims of an implacable
       conspiracy, in which capitalists and politicians were leagued,
       to hunt them to their death. More than a year intervened
       between their arrest and the trial of Haywood, who was the
       first to be arraigned. This greatly exciting trial was opened,
       at Boise City, the capital of Idaho, in May, 1907, and was
       concluded on the 28th of July, resulting in the acquittal of
       the accused. Orchard’s testimony does not seem to have been
       seriously shaken, otherwise than by the incredible horrors of
       his story; but corroborative evidence was lacking, and nobody
       could trust a witness whose moral irresponsibility was so
       plain a fact. The announcement of the verdict of acquittal was
       gladly received. It was followed at once by the release of
       President Moyer on bail.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1900-1909.
       Labor Unions and Oriental Immigration.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1900-1909.
       Study and treatment of Industrial Problems by the
       National Civic Federation.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1901.
       Teamsters’ Strike in San Francisco.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1901.
       The unfortunate Strike of the Amalgamated Association
       of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers.
       Its conflict with the United States Steel Corporation.
       Breaches of Contract involved.
       Failure.

       A strike which involved breaches of contract between employés
       and employers, and which resulted most unfortunately to those
       engaged in it, was ordered in July, 1901, by the heads of the
       National Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate
       Workers of the United States. As in the case of the Anthracite
       Coal Strike of 1902, which is told of below, the circumstances
       of this strike received a very thorough study and a very clear
       exposition to the public, in an article from the pen of Dr.
       Talcott Williams, published in the American Review of
       Reviews for September, 1901, and what is stated here is
       drawn from that article:

       The industries concerned in what occurred had been carried on
       for a considerable period under conditions too complicated to
       be described in this limited place. It must suffice to say
       that there were union mills and non-union mills, and also a
       third class, of "open" mills, in which union and non-union men
       worked together. A truce had sprung up during a period of
       prosperity in which, says Dr. Williams, "there had come to be
       a quasi, only a quasi, general understanding that certain
       mills were to be considered as union, certain as non-union,
       and certain as ‘open.’" While "the trade was still divided
       among hundreds of mill-owners," the Amalgamated Association of
       workers in them "equalized conditions for all of them. It
       lifted wage disputes out of the narrow mill atmosphere. It
       forced all concerned to look at the trade as a whole. It gave
       continuity and uniformity to contracts for wages. It
       established standards of wages"—for union and non-union, both.
       But when, in June, 1901, "the Amalgamated came to its annual
       collective bargaining," it had to deal, not with numerous
       independent mill-owners, but with the great consolidation of
       them that had just occurred, in the formation of the mammoth
       United States Steel Corporation.

       "Two courses," says Dr. Williams, "were open to the president
       and officers and Advisory Council of the Amalgamated. They
       might, after the usual conference, for which its constitution
       provides, through a special committee, have signed its ‘scale’
       for the union mills in which its membership worked and wait
       for the social and political pressure of public opinion, as in
       1900, to force this new representative of capital—the
       ‘Trust’—in its various forms to accept a collective bargain
       for part of its mills, trusting to events, the steady
       gravitation of skilled labor to its ranks, and the greater
       economic efficiency of the union—for unless it is that it
       cannot survive—to win a slow battle. Much depended for
       organized labor all over the country in formally committing
       the United States Steel Corporation, the greatest employer of
       labor on the planet, to the recognition of a union scale as
       the best regulator of wages, union and non-union.
    {387}
       It looked as if this waiting plan were adopted when the scale
       was signed for one year to come, carrying a new
       non-interruption clause, with the American Tin Plate Company.
       … On the last day on which the scale could be signed—June 29—
       and it generally is not signed before, the demand was made
       that the scale should be signed for all [of certain] non-union
       mills. The advance in wages asked was conceded. Mr. Persifor
       F. Smith, for the company, offered to sign for twenty-one
       mills accepted in the past as union. President Shaffer refused
       to sign for any, unless all were accepted as union. Mr. Smith
       refused to sign for mills non-union in the past, and claimed
       that two, Salzburg and Old Meadow, hitherto union, had
       abandoned the organization, a position later conceded. The
       issue raised was whether the change from individual to
       collective bargaining could be required under penalty of a
       strike, not only in the mills in question, but in all the
       mills of the company. The men involved had a right to require
       a collective bargain for as many as they chose to include. The
       company had its right, equally, to decide where it would have
       individual and where collective bargaining. …

       "The Amalgamated was … strong, until it struck. Its demand for
       wages and hours were all accepted. It had been allowed to
       organize lodges in various non-union mills, after the
       corporation had bought them, where before it was excluded.
       When it attempted, on its own demand and instance, to change
       the status of these mills and act for their labor, it proved
       right in its claim that the men wished to be union in four out
       of five of the steel hoop mills and wrong in five out of the
       seven mills claimed in the Sheet Steel Company. Each
       contestant claimed more than it could control. A compromise
       was in order. A compromise was offered. Twelve mills in all
       were in dispute. The corporation offered four. The Amalgamated
       demanded all or none. … A strike was ordered July 15, and
       the American Tin Plate Company men broke their year’s contract
       of a fortnight before."

       The strike was "circumscribed at first by members of the
       Amalgamated in the Federal Steel Company plants at Chicago,
       Joliet, and Milwaukee refusing to break their contracts and
       strike. Here, the membership of the Amalgamated was less than
       a tenth of the whole number involved. It is not over this
       proportion in the general body of men on the pay-roll of the
       United States Steel Corporation. The proportion in union mills
       varies. In none does it include all. In some, those without
       its membership are a small fraction, in others, more than
       half. By the men of the National Steel Company and the
       National Tube Company, annual contracts were broken,
       sacrificing the annual collective bargain."

       "Nothing can be accomplished for labor, even that tenth share
       of it organized in the Amalgamated, until this share has
       learned that contracts must be kept and the line drawn between
       wages and business control. The successful efforts of the
       Amalgamated to induce its members to break their contracts,
       first in the tin works and later at various works in the
       Federal Steel Company, has deepened the conviction among
       business men and the public that men in the union cannot be
       trusted to keep promises; and until this trust is possible,
       nothing is possible."

       The strike failed in its objects completely, and came to an
       end on the 14th of September, having lasted sixty-one days.
       Under the agreement which then terminated it, the union mills
       which the Amalgamated Association had been able to keep closed
       were recognized as being within its sphere, but no provision
       could be made for the displaced union men of mills which had
       been wholly or partly reopened during the progress of the
       strike, and large bodies of the strikers were left to seek
       employment where they could.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902.
       Remarkable Conference on the Peaceful Settlement of Labor
       Disputes, under the auspices of the National Civic Federation.
       Appointment of a Committee of Conciliation.

       In January, 1902, a remarkable conference, to discuss the
       relations between labor and capital and to seek means for the
       peaceable settlement of industrial disputes, was held in New
       York, under the auspices of the National Civic Federation.
       Notable men of all professions, of high circles in business,
       of high leadership in trade unions, and of high official
       positions, came together, with the Honorable Oscar S. Straus
       presiding, and held frank and free talk on a subject which
       concerned them all in the greatest possible degree. The main
       practical result of the Conference was the appointment of a
       powerful standing Committee, to act for the Civic
       Confederation as an agency of conciliation and intermediation
       between the parties in industrial disputes. The Committee,
       which has exercised its good offices many times since, not
       always with success, but always with an influence that must be
       of growing effect, was appointed as follows:

       On Behalf of the Public.

       Grover Cleveland;
       Cornelius N. Bliss;
       Charles Francis Adams;
       Archbishop John Ireland;
       Bishop Henry C. Potter;
       Charles W. Eliot, president of Harvard University;
       Franklin MacVeagh, Chicago;
       James H. Eckels;
       John J. McCook;
       John G. Milburn, Buffalo;
       Charles J. Bonaparte, Baltimore;
       Oscar S. Straus;
       Ralph M. Easley.

       Representatives of Organized Labor.—

       Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor;
       John Mitchell, president of the United Mine Workers;
       F. P. Sargent, grand master of the Brotherhood of
       Locomotive Firemen;
       T. J. Shaffer, president of the Amalgamated Association
       of Iron, Steel, and Tin Workers;
       James Duncan, secretary of the Granite Cutters’ Association;
       Daniel J. Keefe, president of the International Association
       of ’Longshoremen;
       Martin Fox, president of the National Iron Molders’ Union;
       James E. Lynch, president of the International
       Typographical Union;
       Edward E. Clarke, grand conductor, Brotherhood of
       Railway Conductors;
       Henry White, secretary of the Garment Workers of America;
       Walter Mac Arthur, editor of the
       Coast Seamen's Journal, San Francisco;
       James O’Connell, president of the International
       Association of Machinists.

       Representative Employers.

       Senator Marcus A. Hanna, Cleveland;
       Charles M. Schwab, president of the
       United States Steel Corporation;
       S. R. Callaway, American Locomotive Works;
       Charles Moore, president of the National Tool Company;
       J. D. Rockefeller, Jr.;
       H. H. Vreeland, Metropolitan Street Railway Company;
       Lewis Nixon, Crescent Shipyard, Elizabethport, New Jersey;
       James A. Chambers, president of the American Glass Company,
       Pittsburg, Pennsylvania;
       William H. Pfahler, president of the National Association
       of Stove Manufacturers, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania;
       E. P. Ripley, president of the Atchison,
       Topeka & Santa Fe Railway;
       Marcus M. Marks, president of the National Association
       of Clothing Manufacturers;
       J. Kruttschnitt, president of the Southern
       Pacific Railway Company.

    {388}

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902-1903.
       The Great Strike of Anthracite Coal Miners.
       Distress and Alarm in the Country.
       Intermediation of President Roosevelt.
       Arrogant Attitude of Mine-owning Interests.
       Final submission to Arbitration Commission appointed by
       the President.
       Award of the Commission.

       A prolonged general strike of miners in the anthracite coal
       fields of Pennsylvania, beginning in May, 1902, was one of the
       most serious in its public effects and the most alarming that
       has ever occurred in the United States. It may be said to have
       had its origin in a previous strike that came about in the
       fall of 1900, resulting from which the miners had obtained an
       advance in wages of ten per cent. That increase was guaranteed
       until the 1st of April, 1901. In the interval Mr. John Mitchell,
       the able and much respected President of the United Mine
       Workers of America, strove to secure from the railway magnates
       who are the masters of the anthracite coal property and trade
       some recognized right on the part of the miners as a body to
       discuss and arrange the terms and conditions of their work.
       The rebuffs that he met with were near to causing another
       strike in the spring; but some powerful influences were
       brought to bear, it was said, by New York financiers, which
       patched up a truce for the ensuing year. The ten per cent
       increase of wages was continued for that further period, and
       the miners, in some way, rightly or wrongly, acquired an idea
       that the next year was to bring about an arrangement of free
       and fair representative conferences between their union and
       the union of mine-owners and operatives, like that which had
       been established in the bituminous coal regions. In this
       expectation they were wholly disappointed when the year came
       to its end, as it did on the 1st of April, 1902.

       The National Civic Federation, in which every great social
       interest, of capital, labor, politics, education, religion,
       philanthropy, is splendidly represented, intervened in the
       disputes which followed, and brought about some meetings on
       the subject; but the capitalist side of the controversy was
       entrenched in its determination to give no recognition to any
       union of miners, and to refuse an arbitration of the dispute,
       while the miners were provoked to the making of larger demands
       than they might have insisted upon, probably, if they had been
       differently met. By a small majority of the delegates to a
       convention held in May the miners voted to strike—against the
       judgment of President Mitchell it is said—and work in the
       mines was stopped about the middle of the month.

       On both sides of the conflict there were real difficulties in
       the way of approach to a common ground of negotiation. These
       were fairly set forth by Dr. Talcott Williams, of the
       Philadelphia Press, in The Review of Reviews for July,
       1902. On the side of the anthracite railroad managers and mine
       operators he pointed to the fact that they were "under a
       grinding competition with bituminous coal. To accept a union
       of United Mine Workers of America, in which the bituminous
       workers were two to one, was, they believed, to render it
       certain that on most issues the management of the union would
       keep bituminous mines busy rather than anthracite." Further to
       the fact that "anthracite mining varies greatly from mine to
       mine, and a uniform ‘scale,’ as in bituminous mines, is
       difficult." But, said he, "it cannot be impracticable, for
       veins as narrow, tortuous and varying are mined under a
       ‘scale' in England." As for difficulties of concession on the
       part of the mine-workers, this just analyzer of the conflict
       described their division into three classes having different
       and unequal footings in the industry. These were the miners
       who break out or detach the coal in the mines; the laborers
       whom the miners employ to load and remove what the latter
       detach; and, finally, the men employed as mine bosses and to
       operate engines and pumps. The miners are paid for the
       quantity taken out; the laborers (who aspire to become miners)
       receive wages for a ten hours day; the bosses and engineers
       are employed by the year and have continuous work, because the
       pumps cannot be stopped, whether mining goes on or not. These
       three interests must be consolidated in a union of the
       mine-workers if it is to have any effective strength; and this
       raises knotty problems among them. The attitude of the
       railroad managers and operators had prevented such a
       consolidation, with bad results, in Dr. Williams’s opinion. As
       he summed up the situation, it was this: "Had the miners’
       union in the past eighteen months exerted the rigid discipline
       of big well-managed unions, prevented small strikes, and
       worked for a cheap output, it might have divided capital. But
       it had not been ‘recognized.’ Therefore, its control was often
       loose. Local unions irritated local operators. In the Reading
       mines, the proportion of coal mined per miner fell one-eighth.
       It is part of a bad system of over-manned mines under which
       miners try to distribute work. Output was reduced and wages
       increased. The result was that the miners were without the
       responsible control of a big union, and the railroad managers
       and operators irritated by small strikes and ready for a
       fight."

       In his conclusions this well-informed critic of the situation
       justified the public feeling of the time which held the
       capitalists of the controversy more accountable than the
       laborers for the loss and suffering inflicted on the country.
       He closed his article with these words:

       "Under competition, the anthracite plant is one-half larger in
       mines and one-half greater in labor than the utmost demand of
       the public. Two-thirds of the mines and two-thirds of the men,
       run more regularly and systematically, could in spite of the
       lack of demand in summer, produce the coal cheaper and more
       profitably, and at a higher individual aggregate average, even
       if at a lower per diem or per ton than the present system.
    {389}
       What the anthracite coal industry really needs is a
       reorganization like that after the London dock strike of 1889,
       reducing the number of men but increasing work for each. As it
       is, men who prefer working all the year to working two-thirds
       of the year, and often half a day at that, have, by a natural
       elimination, been weeded out steadily, and have left a large
       share of men, bred to a habit of irregular work and short
       hours. This one fact is at the bottom of much fitful
       irregularity in the mines.

       "The railroad managers, holding public franchises weighted by
       public responsibilities, have clearly no right, as they have
       all united in doing, to refuse all compromise, conciliation,
       or adjustment, and simply stop work, letting the public pay
       the cost in higher coal. They are bound either to reach an
       adjustment themselves, to let some one else reach one for
       them, or to reorganize the whole industry on a basis which
       will reduce the material and moral waste of the present
       system, where poor mines are worked and men are one-third of
       the year idle even in a prosperous year."

       The powers which controlled the mines did not, however, see
       their duty to the public in this light, and the strike went
       on. Before the summer ended the pinch of scarcity in the
       supply of fuel to the country was being felt widely, in most
       industries and in domestic life. The pinch increased, and the
       price of coal went higher as cold weather came on. Control of
       the rougher elements among the miners and mine laborers was
       lost by their leaders, and rioting broke out, with dark
       outrages of crime, calling for a strenuous employment of
       militia and police. There were threatenings, too, of a
       sympathetic strike of bituminous miners, which might easily
       produce a fuel famine of frightful effect; but President
       Mitchell and other intelligent leaders succeeded in persuading
       the miners of the bituminous district that their best help to
       the anthracite unions was by adhering to their yearly contract
       and continuing the work which enabled them to contribute funds
       to the support of the existing strike. In August they were
       reported to be sending to the idle anthracite men no less than
       $130,000 a week. With this and other help these seemed likely
       to maintain their stand for months. By the first of October
       the supply of anthracite coal was so meagre that "factory
       managers were put to their wits’ end to get fuel enough at $15
       or $20 a ton to keep their machinery running; whereas, in
       normal times, their supplies had cost perhaps $3 a ton. The
       great majority of the retail coal dealers were entirely sold
       out, and for the poor who were obliged to buy in small
       quantities the price had reached a cent a pound, or even more,
       with prospect of a total cessation of the anthracite supply.
       Soft coal was being largely substituted for hard coal; but it
       also, in the East, had advanced 300 or 400 per cent. in price,
       and it was not well adapted for chimneys, furnaces, stoves and
       grates that had been constructed for anthracite. Furthermore,
       the cessation of anthracite mining during that half of the
       year in which the bulk of the winter’s supply is produced had
       created a situation of scarcity that could not have been
       wholly overtaken by the utmost effort to substitute the
       bituminous article."

       The situation was now so grave that the whole country was
       demanding an intervention of government by some means to end
       the obstinate dispute. The Federal Executive could find no
       legal authority to act; but President Roosevelt determined to
       bring the prestige and weight of his high office and of his
       vigorous personality into an exercise of persuasive influence
       in the case. He invited the representatives of both parties in
       the conflict to meet him, and the meeting took place October
       3d. In opening a discussion of the subject he disclaimed any
       right or duty to intervene between them on legal grounds, but
       said that "the urgency and the terrible nature of the
       catastrophe impending over a large portion of our people " had
       impelled him to think it incumbent on him to use such
       influence as he could to "bring to an end a situation which
       has become literally intolerable." "With all the earnestness
       that is in me," he pleaded, "I ask that there be an immediate
       resumption of operations in the coal mines in some such way as
       will, without a day’s unnecessary delay, meet the crying needs
       of the people. I do not invite a discussion of your respective
       claims and positions. I appeal to your patriotism, to the
       spirit that sinks personal considerations and makes individual
       sacrifices for the general good." Mr. Mitchell then spoke
       briefly, saying that he and his associates did not feel that
       they were responsible for "this terrible state of affairs";
       and he made the following proposition; "We are willing to meet
       the gentlemen representing the coal operators to try to adjust
       our differences among ourselves. If we cannot adjust them that
       way, Mr. President, we are willing that you shall name a
       tribunal who shall determine the issues that have resulted in
       the strike; and if the gentlemen representing the operators
       will accept the award or decision of such a tribunal, the
       miners will willingly accept it, even if it is against their
       claims."

       To say that the President’s appeal and Mr. Mitchell’s proposal
       of arbitration had an arrogant response from the chiefs of the
       coal monopoly is to speak mildly of the spirit and language of
       their replies. "I now ask you," said one of them, "to perform
       the duties vested in you as President of these United States
       and to at once squelch the anarchistic condition of affairs in
       the coal region by the strong arm of the military at your
       command." "The duty of the hour," cried another dictatorially,
       "is not to waste time negotiating with the fomenters of this
       anarchy and insolent defiance of law, but to do as was done in
       the War of the Rebellion—restore the majesty of the law."
       With one consent they rejected the proposal of arbitration
       with scornful defiance, and the meeting broke up without
       result.

       But, behind the men in immediate command of the railway and
       the mining companies there was a bigger-brained financial
       power that could comprehend, as they could not, the
       recklessness of so arrogant a challenge, which went straight
       past the miners and the President of the United States to a
       suffering public. As the captain of that force, Mr. J.
       Pierpont Morgan took the business in hand, and, after a
       conference with Secretary Root and some talk with railway
       presidents, brought the latter to a different state of mind.
       On the 13th of October he went to Washington with the proposal
       of a Commission, to be appointed by the President, to which
       the companies were willing that "all questions between the
       respective companies and their own employés" should be
       referred.
    {390}
       "The Commission to be constituted as follows:

       (1) An officer of the Engineer Corps of either the military or
       naval service of the United States;

       (2) an expert mining engineer, experienced in the mining of
       coal and other minerals, and not in any way connected with
       coal-mining properties, either anthracite or bituminous;

       (3) one of the judges of the United States courts of the
       Eastern District of Pennsylvania;

       (4) a man of prominence, eminent as a sociologist;

       (5) a man who by active participation in mining and selling
       coal is familiar with the physical and commercial features of
       the business."

       There were added the stipulations that upon the constitution
       of such Commission the miners should return to work and "cease
       all interference with and persecution of any non-union men who
       are working or shall hereafter work," and that the
       Commission’s findings should govern the conditions of
       employment between the respective companies and their own
       employees for a term of at least three years. On this basis,
       with some modifications, an agreement with Mr. Mitchell,
       acting for the miners, was arrived at, and the appointment of
       the Commission, named as follows, was announced on the 16th:

       Brigadier General John M. Wilson, U. S. A., retired
       (late Chief of Engineers), Washington, D. C.,
       "as an officer of the Engineer Corps."

       Edward Wheeler Parker, Washington, D. C.,
       chief statistician of the coal division of the Geological
       Survey, and editor of the Engineering and Mining Journal;
       "as an expert mining engineer."

       Honorable George Gray, Wilmington, Delaware,
       "as a Judge of a United States Court."

       Edgar E. Clark, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Grand Chief of the Order
       of Railway Conductors, as a sociologist, the President
       assuming that for the purpose of such a Commission the term
       sociologist means a man who has thought and studied deeply on
       social questions and has practically applied his knowledge."

       Thomas H. Watkins, Scranton, Pennsylvania,
       "as a man practically acquainted with the mining and
       selling of coal."

       Bishop John L. Spalding, Peoria, Illinois
       (The President added the Bishop’s name to the Commission.)

       Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of Labor;
       appointed Recorder of the Commission.

       Mr. Mitchell’s acceptance of the plan of settlement, as
       finally worked out by the President, was ratified by a miners’
       convention at Wilkes-barre, and the strike was declared at an
       end October 21st. The Arbitration Commission was organized at
       the White House on the 24th, under the presidency of Judge
       Gray. Carroll D. Wright, appointed originally as recorder of
       the Commission, was added as a seventh member to the board,
       all parties consenting. Public hearings by the Commission were
       opened at Scranton on the 14th of November, President Mitchell
       being the first witness, under cross-examination by railway
       attorneys for five days. The investigation was laborious and
       long, and it was not until the 21st of March, 1903, that the
       award of the Commission was made. The following summary of its
       important decisions is derived from an exposition of it by
       Walter E. Weyl, Ph. D., in The Review of Reviews for
       April, 1903:

       "There were four demands of the miners,--namely, for an
       increase of pay, a decrease in hours, the weighing of coal
       where practicable, and the recognition of the union. The first
       two demands of the miners have been compromised, the miners
       receiving over half of the increase demanded; the third demand
       was refused, but the conditions reformed; while for the fourth
       demand, the men secured practically what they desired,
       although formal recognition was denied them.

       "At the beginning of the hearings, the commission decided that
       any increase in the rate of pay, or any decrease in the hours,
       should be retroactive, and be effective from the first day of
       November. There would have been difficulty in carrying out
       this plan, however, especially in the case of a reduction in
       hours, and in substitution therefor the commission provided
       for a 10 per cent. increase in all wages of all employees
       during the five months of investigation, from November 1,
       1902, to April 1, 1903. … With regard to future wages and
       future hours of labor, the commission has adopted the plan of
       awarding increases for the various classes of employees and
       making this increased wage the minimum of a sliding scale. In
       other words, during the three years from April 1, 1903, to
       April 1, 1906, wages may not fall below the increased scale
       now awarded, no matter what the price of coal may be, but must
       rise above that rate in case the price of coal advances. The
       contract miners asked for an increase of 20 per cent., and
       have received a minimum of 10 per cent." The engineers
       hoisting water and the firemen were awarded the reduction in
       hours that they asked for, from twelve to eight, without
       reduced pay. Other engineers and pump men who asked the same
       received a five per cent. increase of pay with a reduction of
       working days per week from seven to six. The work day of men
       paid by the day was cut down from ten hours to nine. "These
       wages, however, are not necessarily the wages which will
       prevail, but merely the irreducible minimum of wages during
       the next three years. It was suggested by Mr. Baer that a
       sliding scale should be adopted, and that the wages of all
       mine workers should not fall below what they were in April,
       1902, but should be increased by one per cent. for every five
       cents increase in the price of the large sizes of coal in New
       York City." This seems to have made part of the award.

       "The commission says that it does not consider the question of
       recognition within the scope of the jurisdiction conferred
       upon it, although it states that ‘the suggestion of a working
       agreement between employees and employers embodying the
       doctrine of collective bargaining is one which the commission
       believes contains many hopeful elements for the adjustment of
       relations in the mining region.’ This concession, however, is
       qualified by the statement that ‘the present constitution of
       the United Mine Workers of America does not present the most
       inviting inducements to the operators to enter into
       contractual relations with it.’ Notwithstanding its disclaimer
       of jurisdiction, however, the Anthracite Coal Strike
       Commission has in practical effect compelled the operators to
       grant to the union full, plenary, and distinct recognition.
       The recognition of the United Mine Workers is clearly
       indicated by the language of the award.
    {391}
       Section 4 provides that ‘Any difficulty or disagreement
       arising under this award, either as to its interpretation or
       application, or in any way growing out of the relations of the
       employees and employers, which cannot be settled or adjusted
       by conciliation between the superintendents or managers of the
       mine or mines and the miner or miners directly interested, or
       is of a scope too large to be settled or adjusted, shall be
       referred to a board of conciliation, to consist of six
       persons, appointed as hereinafter provided. That is to say, if
       there shall be a division of the whole region into three
       districts, in each of which there shall exist an organization
       representing a majority of the mine workers of such district,
       one member of said board of conciliation shall be appointed by
       each of said organizations, and three other persons shall be
       appointed by the operators, the operators of said district
       appointing one person.’ The award of this board of
       conciliation shall be final, and in case of dispute the matter
       shall be referred to an umpire appointed by one of the Circuit
       judges of the Third Judicial Circuit of the United States.
       There could be no clearer, no more definite, recognition of
       the union than is herein provided."

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1902-1909.
       The National Farmers’ Union and the
       American Society of Equity.

       A history of the Farmers’ National Union has been written by
       its President, Charles Simon Barrett, from whose narrative the
       following account is drawn. It is quoted here from the
       National Civic Federation, Review.

       "In the little town of Emory, Texas, in the year 1902, ten men
       met together at various times and discussed the methods of
       formulating rules and plans by which the laboring masses might
       be allowed a voice in the pricing of their farm products. From
       this meeting of a few plain men the Texas Union was formed.
       Credit as the founder of the Farmers’ Union is given to Newt.
       Gresham, of Texas, an indefatigable worker for the good of
       farmers, who was long identified with the Farmers’ Alliance as
       one of the organizers of that association.

       "From local and State unions the organization has grown to be
       a national union, holding annual conventions and gathering
       into its fold an aggregation of between two and three million
       members.

       "The most striking feature of this great organization is the
       fact that its membership is made up of employers and employés.
       No line is drawn separating the farm owner, operator or
       laborer, but all are received in the Farmers’ Union on one
       broad platform of mutual aims and interests. Recognizing that
       the good of all is the good of the individual, the Farmers’
       Union, in democratic fashion, labors for the greatest good for
       the greatest number.

       "The Farmers’ Union works along the most practical lines.
       There have been four great national meetings, the first being
       held in Texarkana in 1905, and the convention of 1906 at the
       same place; in 1907 the national meeting was at Little Rock,
       Arkansas, and in 1908 at Fort Worth, Texas, where President
       Gompers appeared. Besides the annual meetings of the National
       Union several important conventions have been held: one in
       January, 1907, in Atlanta, Georgia, was called as a grand
       national rally. At Memphis, Tennessee, the same year, a
       convention of the Farmers’ Union was held for the purpose of
       devising ways and means by which the cotton then held by the
       membership of the Union might be sold advantageously. At New
       Orleans, 1908, another cotton growers' meeting was held, and
       at Topeka, Kansas, and Atlanta, Georgia, very important
       meetings were arranged between the cotton spinners and growers
       of the South and representatives from many English and
       continental cotton mills of Europe.

       "The purpose and principles of the Farmers’ Union, as
       enunciated in its constitution, afford material for an
       interesting study. It declares the following purposes:

       ‘To establish justice.
       To secure equity.
       To apply the Golden Rule.
       To discourage the credit and mortgage system.
       To assist members in buying and selling.
       To encourage the agricultural class in scientific farming.
       To teach farmers the classification of crops,
       domestic economy and the process of marketing.
       To systematize methods of production and distribution.
       To eliminate gambling in farm products by boards of trade,
       cotton exchanges and other speculators.
       To bring farmers up to the standard of other industries
       and business enterprises.
       To secure and maintain profitable and uniform prices for
       grain, cotton, live stock and other products of the farm.
       To strive for harmony and good will among all
       mankind and brotherly love among ourselves.’"

       Another extensive organization of farmers bears the name of
       the American Society of Equity, which was reported in 1906,
       when it went into alliance with the American Federation of
       Labor, to have a membership of 268,000. This membership was
       scattered principally throughout Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois,
       Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Nebraska, with some members in
       Kansas, Oklahoma, and Michigan.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A.D. 1903.
       Establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor
       in the Federal Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES; A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1904.
       President Roosevelt on Combinations among
       Employees of the Government.

       "There is no objection to employees of the Government forming
       or belonging to unions; but the Government can neither
       discriminate for nor discriminate against nonunion men who are
       in its employment, or who seek to be employed under it.
       Moreover, it is a very grave impropriety for Government
       employees to band themselves together for the purpose of
       extorting improperly high salaries from the Government.
       Especially is this true of those within the classified
       service. The letter carriers, both municipal and rural, are as
       a whole an excellent body of public servants. They should be
       amply paid. But their payment must be obtained by arguing
       their claims fairly and honorably before the Congress, and not
       by banding together for the defeat of those Congressmen who
       refuse to give promises which they can not in conscience give.
       The Administration has already taken steps to prevent and
       punish abuses of this nature; but it will be wise for the
       Congress to supplement this action by legislation."

          President's Message to Congress,
          December 16, 1904.

    {392}

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Long unsuccessful Strike of Operators in the
       Fall River Cotton Mills.

       From July 25, 1904, until January 18, 1905, about 25,000
       workers in the Cotton Mills of Fall River, Massachusetts, were
       idle, and seventy-two mills were substantially out of
       business, as the consequence of a reduction of wages which the
       operatives would not consent to. Great suffering among the men
       and women concerned was said to have been endured. It was
       through the mediation of Governor Douglas that a settlement
       was finally brought about, the work people submitting to the
       reduced wages, but having the promise of some increase later
       on, if an independent examination of the books of the mill
       companies should show a certain stipulated percentage of
       profit.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1905 (April-July).
       Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at Chicago.

       One of the most violently conducted strikes that has ever
       occurred in the United States was brought on at Chicago, in
       the spring of 1905, by an attempt of the Teamsters’ Union in
       that city to give sympathetic support to a strike of the
       Garment Workers Union. The latter selected for special attack
       the firm of Montgomery Ward & Co., which carries on an
       enormous mail-order business, selling goods of all
       descriptions through no agencies, but dealing directly with
       customers in small towns and rural districts throughout the
       country. This company employed few garment workers relatively:
       but, probably because the magnitude and diversity of its
       shipments made it particularly vulnerable to such an attack,
       the teamsters began their undertaking by refusing to move its
       wagons or goods. From this the movement spread, as teamsters
       refusing to deliver goods to Montgomery Ward & Co. were
       discharged, and the concerns discharging them were boycotted
       in turn. Presently business in Chicago, to a large extent, was
       brought to a stand-still. The membership of the Teamsters’
       Union in the city was said to exceed 35,000, and 4000 were
       estimated to be on strike at the end of the first week in May.
       From this time the heat of passion in the conflict rose fast.
       An Employers’ Teaming Association was organized, and the
       business interests of Chicago showed readiness to fight the
       striking union to a finish. Fierce attacks were made on the
       non-union teamsters brought into the work, but they seem to
       have been well defended by the police. In a hundred ways the
       whole city was divided into factions and deplorably disturbed.
       Children refused to attend schools which received coal from
       boycotted companies or wagons; and arrests of both children
       and parents were necessary to enforce the compulsory education
       laws.

       While the strike was in its earlier weeks, President Roosevelt
       visited Chicago, and was called on by the President of the
       Teamsters’ Union, Mr. Shea, who protested against a supposed
       design to call Federal troops to the city. In reply to him the
       President said: "I have not been called upon to interfere in
       any way, but you must not misunderstand my attitude. In every
       effort of Mayor Dunne to prevent violence by mobs or
       individuals, to see that the laws are obeyed and that order is
       preserved, he has the hearty support of the President of the
       United States—and in my judgment he should have that of every
       good citizen of the United States. … I am a believer in
       unions. I am an honorary member of one union. But the union
       must obey the law, just as the corporation must obey the law;
       just as every man, rich or poor, must obey the law. As yet no
       action whatever has been called for by me, and most certainly
       if action is called for by me I shall try to do exact justice
       under the law to every man, so far as I have power. But the
       first essential is the preservation of law and order, the
       suppression of violence by mobs or individuals."

       At a banquet the same evening the President recurred to the
       subject and added, with fine emphasis: "This Government is not
       and never shall be the government of a plutocracy. This
       Government is not and never shall be the government of a mob."
       Those immediately responsible for dealing with a local
       situation, the President said, must first exhaust every effort
       before a call is made upon any outside body. "But," he added,
       "if ever the need arises, back of the city stands the State,
       and back of the State stands the Nation."

       Chicago kept the conflict within itself, fighting it out
       through 105 days. It ended in the unconditional defeat of the
       Teamsters’ Union, which called off the strike on the 20th of
       July. It was followed by a grand jury investigation of charges
       which each side had hurled freely against the other, of
       blackmail attempts by one, of bribery and attempted bribery by
       the other. The evidence obtained left little doubt that
       labor-leaders had extorted money for the prevention of
       strikes, and that business men had paid for exemption from
       trouble.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1906.
       Suspension of Coal Mining, both Anthracite and
       Bituminous, throughout the Country.
       Final Agreement for Three Coming Years.

       On the 31st of March, 1906, the agreements between mine owners
       and miners under which the latter had been working, in the
       bituminous mines for two years and in the anthracite for
       three, expired, and agreements for the future working had not
       been arrived at in either case. Miners in the bituminous field
       had accepted a wage reduction of five and a half per cent. in
       1904, and now wanted it restored. Part of the mine owners, in
       Western Pennsylvania, were willing to concede it; others, in
       the more western States, stood out against them. In the
       anthracite field there was also a question of wages between
       miners and operators, and both sides offered arbitration, but
       differed as to the point to be submitted. The miners claimed
       arbitration of the general question of wages and conditions in
       the mines; the operators maintained that those had been
       adjudicated by the arbitration of 1903, and that the only
       proper question now was whether any change in conditions had
       occurred which called for a readjustment. That question they
       would submit to at least a majority of the members of the
       former Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, or they would agree
       that the awards made in 1903 by that Commission "and the
       principles upon which they were established by the Commission,
       and the methods established for carrying out their awards,
       shall be continued for and during the further term of three
       years from the first day of April, 1906."

    {393}

       The 1st of April found these disagreements still existing, and
       coal mining, both anthracite and bituminous, was generally
       suspended throughout the United States. More than 300,000
       miners, on the whole, stopped work. In the anthracite field
       the suspension of work lasted until the 10th of May, when it
       was resumed under an agreement which continued for another
       three years (until March 31, 1909) the award of 1903. During
       the forty days of idleness there were few disorders of any
       kind in this region. In the soft coal fields the suspension
       was more protracted. It was ended in different localities at
       different times. Some mine owners, in several States, made
       terms with their men at an early day. Some kept their mines
       idle until the middle of July. Serious disturbances and
       conflicts of rioters with police and militia occurred in a
       number of States. At the end the miners had won a restoration
       of the wages of 1904, but had made concessions on other points
       of dispute which differed in different States.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907.
       President Roosevelt’s Foundation for the
       Promotion of Industrial Peace.

       President Roosevelt, having been awarded the Nobel Prize of
       the year 1906 for his services in the interest of
       international peace, devoted the sum received, being somewhat
       more than $40,000, to the creation of a fund "the income of
       which shall be expended for bringing together in conference at
       the city of Washington, especially during the sessions of
       congress, representatives of labor and capital for the purpose
       of discussing industrial problems, with the view of arriving
       at a better understanding between employers and employés, and
       thus promoting industrial peace." To carry out this purpose,
       an organization was incorporated by Act of Congress, March 2,
       1905, under the name of the "Foundation for the Promotion of
       Industrial Peace," with trustees named as follows:

       Chief Justice Melville W. Fuller, president;
       Seth Low of New York, representing the general public,
       treasurer;
       John Mitchell of the United Mine Workers of America,
       representing labor, secretary;
       Thomas G. Bush of Birmingham, Ala.,
       representing general public;
       Marvin A. Hughitt, representing capital, and
       Secretaries James Wilson and Oscar Solomon Straus.

       Vacancies in the board to be filled by the President of the
       United States. The Trustees to pay over the income of the
       Foundation, or such part as they may apportion, to an
       Industrial Peace Committee, of nine members, selected and
       appointed by the Trustees, "three members of this committee to
       be representatives of labor, three to be representatives of
       capital, each chosen for distinguished services in the
       industrial world in promoting righteous industrial peace, and
       three members to represent the general public." As originally
       appointed, this Committee was made up of the following
       persons:

       "Archbishop John Ireland,
       Marcus M. Marks of New York,
       Ralph M. Easley of New York,
       Elbert H. Gary, chairman finance committee
       United States Steel Corporation;
       Lucius Tuttle, president of Boston & Maine railroad;
       J. Gunby Jordan of Columbus, Georgia;
       Samuel Gompers, president of the
       American Federation of Labor;
       Daniel Keefe, president of the Longshoremen’s association, and
       Warren S. Stone, president International Brotherhood
       of Locomotive Engineers."

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907.
       Abortive Strike of Telegraphers.

       A widely organized and considerably prolonged strike of
       American telegraph operators, in the fall of 1907, was made
       abortive by the fact that the supply of men and women who have
       some training for the ordinary work of telegraphy is too large
       for a trade union to control the employment of it. The
       telegraphic service was made very imperfect for some weeks,
       and the public was subjected to much inconvenience; but the
       employing companies were brought to no such straits as could
       be coercive. The struggle of the operators was mainly for the
       recognition of their union, to secure negotiation with them as
       a body, for the adjusting of some conditions of which they
       complained. They suffered absolute defeat, and had to make
       terms individually at the end.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1907 (April).
       Threatened Railway Strike averted by Federal Intermediation.

       A strike of trainmen and conductors on railways west of
       Chicago which threatened to be very serious was averted, in
       April, 1907, by the intermediation of the Chairman of the
       Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor,
       acting in obedience to the Erdman Law, so called, of 1898.
       Both parties to the dispute made concessions. The employés
       withdrew their demand for a nine-hour work day, and the
       railway companies made an advance in wages which was estimated
       to add over $5,000,000 to the earnings of 50,000 men during
       the ensuing year.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908.
       The Work of the National Civic Federation in Promotion
       of Trades Agreements.

       The following is from the annual address of President Seth Low
       to the National Civic Federation, at its annual meeting in New
       York on the 14th of December, 1908. The special subject of
       discussion at the meeting was "The Trade Agreement," on which
       Mr. Low spoke in part as follows:

       "It has been our good fortune during the year to associate Mr.
       John Mitchell with the active work of the Federation, as the
       Chairman of its Trades Agreement Department. Mr. Mitchell
       entered upon his duties on August 1, and we have already had
       many opportunities to perceive the advantage to our work
       likely to result from his permanent connection with it.
       Through correspondence with labor unions and with the
       employers who have trade agreements with labor unions, he is
       building up an exceedingly strong department, the influence of
       which ought to be very helpfully felt in furthering the use of
       the trade agreement as a means for promoting industrial peace
       and progress.

       "There are still some, though they are fewer in number than
       they used to be, who maintain that the relation of the
       employer to the employé is an individual one, and who
       therefore will not deal with men as members of an organization
       in matters relating to their employment. I read in the paper
       the other day that there are 89,000 stockholders in the
       Pennsylvania Railroad Company. No one contends that these
       people organize into a company in order to fight labor. They
       organize because they have to in order to work together, and,
       as a result of organizing, they are represented in every use
       made of their capital by their officers. Can any one seriously
       contend that these 89,000 stockholders, speaking through their
       officers, are justified in saying to their 160,000 employés,
       ‘We insist upon dealing with you, man by man; we will not
       recognize your organization.’ Is it not rather clear, that the
       160,000 employés, so far as their interests are common, must
       unite if they are to have anything at all to say as to the
       conditions upon which they will work, and, if they unite, they
       must have an organization and they must be represented by
       their officers? …

    {394}

       "Take another illustration: The United States Steel
       Corporation employs, in round numbers, 200,000 men. Of this
       vast army of workmen about 44,000, nearly all of them
       representatives of organized labor, own stock in the
       corporation. In their capacity as stockholders, these 44,000
       workmen are represented by the officers of the corporation.
       Can it be contended that they are any the less free, or have
       any less right, to be represented, in their capacity as
       workmen, by the chosen representatives of their trade
       organization? And when the two attributes of holding stock and
       taking employment are thus united in the same persons, will
       any one any longer contend that these men, as workmen,
       organize for the purpose of antagonizing themselves as
       capitalists?

       "Now it is out of conditions that have produced a situation
       like this that the so-called ‘trade agreement’ has sprung. In
       its simplest statement, a trade agreement is an agreement
       between organized stockholders and organized workmen, both
       acting through their chosen representatives, to determine, for
       the period of the agreement, the general terms of employment
       of the various classes of workingmen concerned. That each side
       tries to make the best bargain it can, goes without saying.
       That conditions favor sometimes one side and sometimes the
       other is equally true. That each side tends, when it has in
       its turn the upper hand, to push the other too hard is not
       improbable. But just as certainly as a pendulum, after
       swinging from one side to the other, tends to rest in a
       position of equilibrium, so such trade agreements tend to
       relieve the trade to which they apply of the extreme swing
       from conditions favoring capital to conditions favoring labor,
       and vice versa, which so often spells disaster to
       capital and labor alike. In other words, trade agreements that
       are revisable from time to time certainly make for industrial
       peace, and they ought as certainly to make for industrial
       progress. In the meanwhile they are constantly educating
       everybody concerned into a realization of the fundamental
       importance of keeping faith."

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
       The Question of Injunctions in Labor Disputes.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Union Boycotting a Violation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law.
       The American Federation of Labor and the Bucks Stove Company.
       Alleged Contempt of Court by President Gompers and others.

       Early in 1908 the Supreme Court of the United States gave
       final decision to a case in which the Hatters’ Union and the
       American Federation of Labor were proceeded against, for
       boycotting the goods of a hat manufacturing firm which refused
       to unionize its factory. As the plaintiffs in the suit sold
       their hats in many States, the boycott was alleged to be a
       combination in restraint of interstate commerce, and a
       violation, therefore, of the anti-trust law. The United States
       Circuit Court had dismissed the complaint, and the Court of
       Appeals had affirmed its decree; but the Supreme Court, by a
       unanimous decision, overruled both. It held that the law in
       question is violated by a combination to prevent the sale of
       non-union articles in different States.

       [Under this decision, in a suit by the hat manufacturing
       company against the Hatters’ Union for damages, a jury at
       Hartford, Connecticut, on the 3d of February, 1910, awarded
       $74,000 to the former. The Union has appealed from the
       verdict.]

       The attitude of law toward trade union boycotting was
       exhibited a year later in another more notable case, which
       arose from action taken by the American Federation of Labor
       against the Bucks Stove Company. In March 1907, the Federation
       had proclaimed a boycott against that company, advertising it
       in the official organ of the Federation as one which "we don’t
       patronize," and taking measures to prevent tradesmen from
       buying the company’s stoves. A suit to enjoin this boycott was
       brought, and the injunction was granted, in December, 1907, by
       Judge Gould, of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia.
       The issuance of the injunction was made dependent, however, on
       the filing of a bond by the plaintiff, to make good all
       damages if the injunction should not finally be sustained, and
       an interval of six days occurred before the filing of the bond
       made the injunction effective. In that interval, many copies
       of a publication which the injunction would forbid were sent
       out by mail from the headquarters of the Federation, and more
       or less of these copies reached their destination after the
       injunction became of force. This proceeding, together with
       various devices by which the officers of the Federation had
       sought to evade the injunction, through covert allusions to
       the boycott, became the ground of a charge that the principal
       officers of the Federation, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, and
       Frank Morrison, had violated the injunction and been guilty of
       contempt of court. On this charge, in July, 1908, these
       officials were ordered to show cause, on the 8th of September
       following, why they should not be punished for contempt. The
       case came then before another judge, Daniel T. Wright, whose
       judgment, rendered near the end of the year, held them guilty
       of contempt and sentenced them to imprisonment, severally, for
       one year, for nine months and for six months.

       Appeal from the injunction, meantime, had been taken to the
       Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia, and there, on
       the 11th of March, 1909, it received a modification which
       seems, practically, to have extinguished the contempt. The
       Court held that the decree should be modified to the extent
       that it shall only restrain the defendants from conspiring or
       combining to boycott the business of the Bucks Stove & Range
       Company or threatening or declaring any boycott or assisting
       therein, and from printing the name of the complainant, its
       business or product in the "we don’t patronize" or "unfair"
       list of defendants in furtherance of any boycott. The court
       held that the defendants cannot be restrained from all
       publications referring to the Bucks company, but only such as
       are made in furtherance of an illegal boycott.

       On the appeal from the decree of the Court which adjudged
       Gompers, Morrison, and Mitchell to be guilty of contempt of
       court, the District Court of Appeals, on the 2d of November,
       1909, affirmed that decree, and the sentence of Judge Wright
       was thus in force. A stay was given to it for a time, during
       which a writ of certiorari was obtained from the Supreme Court
       of the United States, which will review the whole case, but
       not until October, 1910.

    {395}

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909.
       Expiration and Renewal of the Three Year Agreement
       in the Anthracite Coal Districts.
       Report of the Conciliation Board for the past Three Years.

       Again, in the spring of 1909, at the end of a three year term
       of agreement (see above, A. D. 1906), the anthracite coal
       miners and their employers were in controversy over a renewal
       of the agreement. The latter proffered a renewal, without
       change, for another three years. The miners, in convention, at
       Scranton, on March 23d and 24th, refused the offer unless the
       agreement should be signed by them as members of the United
       Mine Workers of America, recognizing their organization. In
       this they were upheld by the new President of the United Mine
       Workers, Thomas L. Lewis, successor to Mr. John Mitchell,
       whose state of health had compelled him to resign. The old
       agreement expired on the 31st of March, and nothing was
       formulated at the time in its place, except a verbal
       understanding that, pending further conferences, the miners
       would continue work on the former terms. Later, however, it
       was stated that the Board of Conciliation, created by the
       strike commission of 1902, had been continued for a further
       period of three years.

       At the end of August, 1909, the Conciliation Board published a
       report of the last three years of its work, in the settling of
       differences between mine-workers and operators. Only
       twenty-three grievances were presented to the mediators
       between April 1, 1906, and April 1, 1909, as compared with 150
       grievances in the preceding three years. The Volume issued
       three years ago contained 336 pages. This year only 69 pages
       are required to tell of the grievances and settlement. A
       number of the grievances covered in the new report were
       settled out of court. Of the others, some were decided in
       favor of the employees, some for the employers. In three years
       only three grievances had to be referred to an umpire. As the
       purposes of the board have become more clearly understood, a
       greater number of differences have been settled without
       reaching the stage of formal complaints. The members use their
       influence with the contestants to effect a compromise,
       avoiding the delay occasioned by a formal investigation.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
       The Georgia Railroad Strike.

          See (in this Volume)
          Race Problems: United States: A. D). 1909.

    LABOR ORGANIZATION: United States: A. D. 1909-1910.
       Strike of Girls in the Shirtwaist Trade at New York.
       Its Social Significance.

       One of the most important of recent labor strikes, in its
       social aspect, was undertaken in November, 1909, by the
       shirtwaist-makers of New York City, mostly girls. At the
       outset, the strikers numbered between 25,000 and 30,000; but
       half of them, by the middle of December, had made terms with
       their employers and resumed work. Ten or fifteen thousand were
       still in heroic contention with obstinate masters of the
       trade, and having public opinion and sympathy very strongly on
       their side. "The strike began," says the New York Evening
       Post, "in a multiplicity of causes. Wages, sanitary
       conditions in the shops, humane treatment by foremen and
       forewomen, and recognition of the Waistmakers’ Union all
       played a part. The contest has now [December 15] settled down
       to the single question of the union shop. The employers
       profess themselves ready to arbitrate every other point in
       dispute. The strikers maintain that recognition of their union
       is their only guarantee against the recurrence of conditions
       such as precipitated the conflict. … It would be easy to
       exaggerate the significance of the eager way in which the
       Suffragist leaders have thrown themselves into the conflict.
       It is even easy to exaggerate the significance of the way in
       which women of wealth and social prominence have come out in
       support of the strike. More significant to us is the zeal with
       which women of no very great social prominence, but still not
       of the working class, have from the beginning given their
       services in organizing and managing the strike, and
       particularly in doing picket duty on the streets and defending
       the rights of the girl employés before the police magistrates
       and in the courts. Here evidently is a sex-sentiment which
       cuts across the boundaries of class and bids fair to give a
       new aspect to labor conflicts of the future in which women are
       involved. The present strike has a social significance quite
       beyond the questions immediately at issue. It is our first
       great woman’s strike, and as such it signalizes in a dramatic
       fashion woman’s invasion into the field of industry."

       ----------LABOR ORGANIZATION: End--------

       ----------LABOR PROTECTION: Start--------

       EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY
       INDUSTRIAL INSURANCE
       HOURS OF LABOR,
       etc.

    LABOR PROTECTION:
       Safety Guards.
       Employers’ Liability.
       Insurance, etc.
       The Needed Law.

       "In order to protect workingmen against injury by disease or
       negligent arrangements of machinery and ways, we need a state
       code of regulations which will prescribe protective devices,
       provide faithful inspectors and punish those guilty of
       violating the law. The roundabout method of making employers
       liable for damages in case of negligence has little effect,
       because employers can buy legal protection and wage-earners
       have no money for law suits. Employers’ liability laws may be
       made more severe and drastic; by statutes the obnoxious
       ‘fellow servant’ factor may be eliminated; various other
       provisions may be enacted by Congress and by state
       legislatures to extend somewhat the definition of negligence;
       but no law of this kind ever was made or ever can be made
       which will protect workmen from the loss of wages not clearly
       due to negligence of employers. An employer cannot be made
       ‘liable’ for defects for which he or his agent is not
       responsible. It is sheer waste of time to labor for
       improvement of a law whose fundamental principle covers only
       cases of employers’ fault, because a vast number of injuries
       are due to causes which the utmost care cannot prevent.

    {396}

       "In order to secure income in periods of incapacity for labor
       several legal ways are open. The British method has much to
       commend it and finds favor with many Americans, the method
       based on the principle of ‘compensation.’ In Great Britain the
       old liability law is left to stand, like a rotting trunk, by
       the side of the new and living tree of the ‘compensation’ law.
       By the terms of this new law, enacted in 1897 and extended
       1907 to certain trade diseases, the employer is required to
       pay indemnity to any employé who is injured in health or limb
       by accident or any cause due to the trade, and in case of
       death his dependent family is paid a certain sum for support.
       The employer resting under this obligation is permitted to
       meet it any way he can find. Usually he will bargain with an
       insurance company to carry his legal risk for a premium. It is
       said the insurance companies are putting up the rates, but
       Britishers will discover a way to cover the risk in the
       cheapest form. Already our federal government has embodied
       this ‘compensation’ principle in a law which gives a meagre
       sum to its own employés of certain classes when injured in its
       service; and the example of the central government will
       probably soon be imitated in several states. Bills are now
       being drawn for this purpose.

       "The ‘social insurance’ principle is entirely different from
       that of either ‘liability’ or ‘compensation.’ The word
       ‘compensation’ carries a little of the flavor of the ancient
       damage suit, while ‘insurance’ is simply an amicable business
       arrangement to provide in advance for the inevitable average
       risk of the trade, which may be extended beyond the perils of
       the shop and mill to all places and conditions of the
       workman's life.

       "Historically the unquestioned tendency is from the liability
       principle to the direct insurance principle, with a wayside
       inn, perhaps, in some law like that of Great Britain, the law
       of France being almost squarely on the social insurance ground
       so far as it goes.

       "The Illinois Industrial Insurance Commission proposed a law
       based on the insurance principle, though its friends were
       compelled to stop at a compromise with existing laws and
       constitutions. The bill offered by that commission was based
       on permission and persuasion; it offered to the employers who
       would provide an adequate system of insurance against trade
       accidents, freedom from the sword of the existing liability
       law; and it offered to the workmen, if they were willing to
       accept these terms, an assured income in case of injury and to
       their dependents relief in case of death due to occupation. A
       law passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts, in May, 1908,
       has actually embodied this idea and set it to work in the
       field of experiment. It remains to be seen whether the motives
       mentioned will induce employers and employés to agree on the
       plan. Without agreement the law will be a dead letter, for it
       is merely permissive, and agreements will not be made unless
       the economic motive is adequate. Up to this writing (December
       7) not a single employer has organized a scheme under this
       law.

       "The Wisconsin Board of Labor has made what seems a wise
       proposition to the effect that employers be compelled to
       insure their employés up to the ordinary amount already known
       to be spent for litigation, casualty insurance premiums and
       other expenses; and they also properly suggest state
       organization for the collection and administration of the
       premiums.

       "The recent International Congress on Workingmen’s Insurance,
       after many years of debate, reached conclusions of vast
       import, happily without dissent. One conclusion was that all
       attempts to insure the workmen who most need it, whose pay is
       small and uncertain, and who are not organized, must prove
       failures. Delegates from France and England who have always
       stood for ‘liberty’ have come to admit this truth. Not even
       subsidies to voluntary insurance associations have been
       effective. Only when insurance is made compulsory on all does
       it reach the multitude of the wage-earners. But compulsion to
       insure may include liberty of method, if the plan adopted is
       approved by legal authority and by actuaries. Either private
       companies, mutual associations, or state departments of
       insurance may be trusted to conduct the plans once they are
       obligatory on all.

       "Another interesting conclusion at the Rome congress was that
       compulsory insurance can cover only a minimum guarantee of
       income to the sick, wounded or invalid workman; while above
       this minimum, with advancing wages, workmen and their
       employers can well unite in providing more generously for loss
       of income by voluntary payments of higher premiums. Trade
       unions, fraternal societies and other organizations, as well
       as casualty companies, have before them an indefinite field
       for expanding their activities in this direction."

          Charities and the Commons,
          March 13, 1909.

    LABOR PROTECTION: Accident and Sickness Insurance:
       Proposed Amendments to the German Compulsory Insurance Laws.

       A Bill to amend the compulsory insurance laws of Germany which
       was laid by the Imperial Government before the Federal Council
       in April, 1909, to be acted on in the course of the ensuing
       year, is described in part elsewhere.

          See, in Volume IV. of this work,
          SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.

          See in Volume VI.
          GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

          See in this Volume,
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

       Of the contemplated amendments that relate to accident and
       sickness insurance it was announced, that "the proposed
       amendments of the law of accident insurance are mainly formal,
       but the scheme of insurance against illness is to be largely
       extended, and will include practically all classes of workers
       for whom insurance against invalidity and old age is or is to
       be compulsory. On the one hand, the system will in future
       include agricultural labourers, workers engaged for less than
       one week, and assistants and apprentices, whose insurance is
       not at present compulsory. On the other hand, it will include
       such categories of workers as stage and orchestra
       employés, and teachers who are not in the service of
       the State, if their salaries do not exceed £100 a year. The
       crews of seagoing ships, as well as of vessels plying on
       inland waterways, are now brought into the general sick
       insurance system."

    {397}

    LABOR PROTECTION:
       Accidents to Workmen in the United States.
       The Death Roll.
       Appalling Statistics.

       "Mr. Frederick L. Hoffman, of the Bureau of Labor, Department
       of Commerce and Labor, has compiled some striking statistics
       concerning the subject of accidents to workingmen. The
       importance of this subject is apparent when it is considered
       that between 30,000 and 35,000 workmen lose their lives in
       accidents in the course of their employment in this country
       during a year. Statistics have been secured from official
       sources and from insurance experience which show that the
       accident liability to which American workmen are subject is
       indeed high. Census reports covering the years 1900 to 1906
       show that out of over 1,000,000 deaths of males more than nine
       per cent. were due to accident. The liability of workmen to
       accidental injury or death is brought under five general
       classifications, including factories and workshops, electrical
       industries, mines and quarries, transportation by rail and
       transportation by water. Of those employed in factories and
       workshops, probably the most exposed class is the workers in
       iron and steel. Of 8,456 accidents during the years 1901 to
       1905, 4.1 per cent, of the accidents to men employed in
       rolling mills resulted fatally. According to industrial
       insurance experience, the fatal-accident rate of electricians
       and of electric linemen is excessive. Of 645 deaths of
       electricians, 14.7 per cent., and of 240 deaths of linemen,
       46.7 per cent., were due to accidents. In the anthracite mines
       of Pennsylvania state inspectors have found that during ten
       years there have averaged annually 3.18 fatal accidents for
       every 1,000 men employed, and the rate is even higher than
       this for certain specific occupations in the mines. That this
       rate is excessive is shown by comparison with the death rate
       from accident of 1.29 per 1,000 in the British coal mines.
       Reports of the Interstate Commerce Commission show that during
       ten years 16,363 railway trainmen lost their lives in
       accidents. This is equivalent to 7.46 deaths per 1,000
       employés."

          Electrical Review,
          January 2, 1909.

    LABOR PROTECTION:
       Child Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW: AS WORKERS.

    LABOR PROTECTION: Employers’ Liability in Great Britain.
       The Workmen’s Compensation Act of 1906.

       The Workmen’s Compensation Act which passed the British
       Parliament in December, 1906, has the core of its purpose in
       the first of two appended schedules, which fixes the "Scale
       and Conditions of Compensation," in the following terms:

       "(1) The amount of compensation under this Act shall be—

       "(a) where death results from the injury—

          "(i) if the workman leaves any dependants wholly
          dependent upon his earnings, a sum equal to his earnings in
          the employment of the same employer during the three years
          next preceding the injury, or the sum of one hundred and
          fifty pounds, whichever of those sums is the larger, but
          not exceeding in any case three hundred pounds, provided
          that the amount of any weekly payments made under this Act,
          and any lump sum paid in redemption thereof, shall be
          deducted from such sum, and, if the period of the workman’s
          employment by the said employer has been less than the said
          three years, then the amount of his earnings during the
          said three years shall be deemed to be one hundred and
          fifty-six times his average weekly earnings during the
          period of his actual employment under the said employer;

          "(ii) if the workman does not leave any such
          dependants, but leaves any dependants in part dependent
          upon his earnings, such sum, not exceeding in any case the
          amount payable under the foregoing provisions, as may be
          agreed upon, or, in default of agreement, may be
          determined, on arbitration under this Act, to be reasonable
          and proportionate in the injury to the said dependants; and

          "(iii) if he leaves no dependants, the reasonable
          expenses of his medical attendance and burial, not
          exceeding ten pounds;

       "(b) where total or partial incapacity for work results
       from the injury, a weekly payment during the incapacity not
       exceeding fifty per cent. of his average weekly earnings
       during the previous twelve months, if he has been so long
       employed, but if not then for any less period during which he
       has been in the employment of the same employer, such weekly
       payment not to exceed one pound:

       "Provided that—

       "(a) if the incapacity lasts less than two weeks no
       compensation shall be payable in respect of the first week;
       and

       "(b) as respects the weekly payments during total
       incapacity of a workman who is under twenty-one years of age
       at the date of the injury, and whose average weekly earnings
       are less than twenty shillings, one hundred per cent, shall be
       substituted for fifty per cent. of his average weekly
       earnings, but the weekly payment shall in no case exceed ten
       shillings.

       "(2) For the purposes of the provisions of this schedule
       relating to ‘earnings’ and ‘average weekly earnings’ of a
       workman, the following rules shall be observed:—

       "(a) average weekly earnings shall be computed in such
       manner as is best calculated to give the rate per week at
       which the workman was being remunerated. Provided that where
       by reason of the shortness of the time during which the
       workman has been in the employment of his employer, or the
       casual nature of the employment, or the terms of the
       employment, it is impracticable at the date of the accident to
       compute the rate of remuneration, regard may be had to the
       average weekly amount which, during the twelve months previous
       to the accident, was being earned by a person in the same
       grade, employed at the same work by the same employer, or, if
       there is no person so employed, by a person in the same grade
       employed in the same class of employment and in the same
       district;

       "(b) where the workman had entered into concurrent
       contracts of service with two or more employers under which he
       worked at one time for one such employer and at another time
       for another such employer, his average weekly earnings shall
       be computed as if his earnings under all such contracts were
       earnings in the employment of the employer for whom he was
       working at the time of the accident;

       "(c) employment by the same employer shall be taken to
       mean employment by the same employer in the grade in which the
       workman was employed at the time of the accident,
       uninterrupted by absence from work due to illness or any other
       unavoidable cause;

       "(d) Where the employer has been accustomed to pay to
       the workman a sum to cover any special expenses entailed on
       him by the nature of his employment, the sum so paid shall not
       be reckoned as part of the earnings.

    {398}

       "(3) In fixing the amount of the weekly payment, regard shall
       be had to any payment, allowance, or benefit which the workman
       may receive from the employer during the period of his
       incapacity, and in the case of partial incapacity the weekly
       payment shall in no case exceed the difference between the
       amount of the average weekly earnings of the workman before
       the accident and the average weekly amount which he is earning
       or is able to earn in some suitable employment or business
       after the accident, but shall bear such relation to the amount
       of that difference as under the circumstances of the case may
       appear proper.

       "(4) Where a workman has given notice of an accident, he
       shall, if so required by the employer, submit himself for
       examination by a duly qualified medical practitioner provided
       and paid by the employer, and, if he refuses to submit himself
       to such examination, or in any way obstructs the same, his
       right to compensation, and to take or prosecute any proceeding
       under this Act in relation to compensation, shall be suspended
       until such examination has taken place."

       Further clauses of this schedule, and of the second schedule,
       which relates to the arbitration of disputed matters, are
       prescriptive in detail of procedure for carrying out the
       orders stated above. The liability of the employer and its
       limitations are set forth in the body of the Act, as follows:

       "I.
       (1) If in any employment personal injury by accident arising
       out of and in the course of the employment is caused to a
       workman, his employer shall, subject as hereinafter mentioned,
       be liable to pay compensation in accordance with the First
       Schedule to this Act.

       (2) Provided that—

       "(a) The employer shall not be liable under this Act in
       respect of any injury which does not disable the workman for a
       period of at least one week from earning full wages at the
       work at which he was employed:

       "(b) When the injury was caused by the personal
       negligence or wilful act of the employer or of some person for
       whose act or default the employer is responsible, nothing in
       this Act shall affect any civil liability of the employer, but
       in that case the workman may, at his option, either claim
       compensation under this Act or take proceedings independently
       of this Act; but the employer shall not be liable to pay
       compensation for injury to a workman by accident arising out
       of and in the course of the employment both independently of
       and also under this Act, and shall not be liable to any
       proceedings independently of this Act, except in case of such
       personal negligence or wilful act as aforesaid:

       "(c) If it is proved that the injury to a workman is
       attributable to the serious and wilful misconduct of that
       workman, any compensation claimed in respect of that injury
       shall, unless the injury results in death or serious and
       permanent disablement, be disallowed.

       "(3) If any question arises in any proceedings under this Act
       as to the liability to pay compensation under this Act
       (including any question as to whether the person injured is a
       workman to whom this Act applies), or as to the amount or
       duration of compensation under this Act, the question, if not
       settled by agreement, shall, subject to the provisions of the
       First Schedule to this Act, be settled by arbitration, in
       accordance with the Second Schedule to this Act."

    LABOR PROTECTION: In New Zealand:
       Compensation for "Miners’ Disease."

       In the later part of 1908 a singular labor strike was caused
       in New Zealand by legislation making "miners’ disease" a
       ground of compensation from employers. The men refused to be
       examined for the disease, and the masters refused to engage
       them without examination; while the Government, which
       apparently expected masters to take the risk of engaging men
       already diseased, itself refused to admit the miners to the
       benefits of State insurance without examination.

       A despatch from Wellington, January 9, 1909, announced: "The
       Waihi miners have unanimously refused to submit to medical
       examination, and 1,700 men will cease work on Monday unless
       the owners concede the point. The outlook is serious and the
       township is depressed. The Auckland coal miners remain idle,
       and consequently part of the coast fleet is laid up and a
       number of hands have been discharged." But a later despatch of
       the same date added: "The Government have now resolved to
       accept the risk of insuring the miners without examination,
       pending an amendment of the Act next session.

    LABOR PROTECTION: In the United States:
       On Interstate Railways.

       In his message to Congress, December, 1908, the President
       referred to this enactment, which he had approved in the
       previous April:

       "Among the excellent laws which the Congress passed at the
       last session was an employers’ liability law. It was a marked
       step in advance to get the recognition of employers’ liability
       on the statute books; but the law did not go far enough. In
       spite of all precautions exercised by employers there are
       unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in nearly every
       line of business connected with the mechanic arts. This
       inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but
       it can not be completely eliminated. It is a great social
       injustice to compel the employee, or rather the family of the
       killed or disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such
       an inevitable sacrifice. In other words, society shirks its
       duty by laying the whole cost on the victim, whereas the
       injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of
       the trade. Compensation for accidents or deaths due in any
       line of industry to the actual conditions under which that
       industry is carried on should be paid by that portion of the
       community for the benefit of which the industry is carried
       on—that is, by those who profit by the industry. If the entire
       trade risk is placed upon the employer he will promptly and
       properly add it to the legitimate cost of production and
       assess it proportionately upon the consumers of his commodity.
       It is therefore clear to my mind that the law should place
       this entire ‘risk of a trade’ upon the employer. Neither the
       Federal law, nor, as far as I am informed, the State laws
       dealing with the question of employers’ liability are
       sufficiently thorogoing. The Federal law should of course
       include employees in navy-yards, arsenals, and the like."

    {399}

       The following is the text of the Act:

       "Section 1.
       That every common carrier by railroad while engaging in
       commerce between any of the several States or Territories, or
       between any of the States and Territories, or between the
       District of Columbia and any of the States or Territories, or
       between the District of Columbia or any of the States or
       Territories and any foreign nation or nations, shall be liable
       in damages to any person suffering injury while he is employed
       by such carrier in such commerce, or, in case of the death of
       such employee, to his or her personal representative, for the
       benefit of the surviving widow or husband and children of such
       employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s parents; and,
       if none, then of the next of kin dependent upon such employee,
       for such injury or death resulting in whole or in part from
       the negligence of any of the officers, agents or employees of
       such carrier, or by reason of any defect or insufficiency, due
       to its negligence, in its cars, engines, appliances,
       machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, wharves, or other
       equipment.

       "Section 2.
       That every common carrier by railroad in the Territories, the
       District of Columbia, the Panama Canal Zone, or other
       possessions of the United States shall be liable in damages to
       any person suffering injury while he is employed by such
       carrier in any of said jurisdictions, or, in case of the death
       of such employee, to his or her personal representative, for
       the benefit of the surviving widow or husband and children of
       such employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s parents;
       and, if none, then of the next of kin dependent upon such
       employee, for such injury or death resulting in whole or in
       part from the negligence of any of the officers, agents, or
       employees of such carrier, or by reason of any defect or
       insufficiency, due to its negligence, in its cars, engines,
       appliances, machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, wharves,
       or other equipment.

       "Section 3.
       That in all actions hereinafter brought against any such
       common carrier by railroad under or by virtue of any of the
       provisions of this Act to recover damages for personal
       injuries to an employee, or where such injuries have resulted
       in his death, the fact that the employee may have been guilty
       of contributory negligence shall not bar a recovery, but the
       damages shall be diminished by the jury in proportion to the
       amount of negligence attributable to such employee:
       Provided, That no such employee who may be injured or
       killed shall be held to have been guilty of contributory
       negligence in any case where the violation by such common
       carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of employees
       contributed to the injury or death of such employee.

       "Section 4.
       That in any action brought against any common carrier under or
       by virtue of any of the provisions of this Act to recover
       damages for injuries to, or death of, any of its employees,
       such employee shall not be held to have assumed the risks of
       his employment in any case where the violation by such common
       carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of employees
       contributed to the injury or death of such employee.

       "Section 5.
       That any contract, rule, regulation, or device whatsoever, the
       purpose or intent of which shall be to enable any common
       carrier to exempt itself from any liability created by this
       Act, shall to that extent be void: Provided, That in
       any action brought against any such common carrier under or by
       virtue of any of the provisions of this Act, such common
       carrier may set off therein any sum it has contributed or paid
       to any insurance, relief benefit, or indemnity that may have
       been paid to the injured employee or the person entitled
       thereto on account of the injury or death for which said
       action was brought.

       "Section 6.
       That no action shall be maintained under this Act unless
       commenced within two years from the day the cause of action
       accrued.

       "Section 7.
       That the term ‘common carrier’ as used in this Act shall
       include the receiver or receivers or other persons or
       corporations charged with the duty of the management and
       operation of the business of a common carrier.

       "Section 8.
       That nothing in this Act shall be held to limit the duty or
       liability of common carriers or to impair the rights of their
       employees under any other Act or Acts of Congress, or to
       affect the prosecution of any pending proceeding or right of
       action under the Act of Congress entitled ‘An Act relating to
       liability of common carriers in the District of Columbia and
       Territories, and to common carriers engaged in commerce
       between the States and between the States and foreign nations
       to their employees,’ approved June eleventh, nineteen hundred
       and six."

          Statutes of the United States of America
          passed 1st at Session of the 60th Congress, 1907-1908,
          part 1, chapter 149.

    LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR:
       Judicial Limitation of Police Power to regulate them
       in the United States.

       By a decision from the Supreme Court of the United States, in
       April, 1905, an Act of the Legislature of New York, limiting
       the hours of labor to be exacted from workmen in bakeries, was
       pronounced unconstitutional. The law in question provided that
       "no employee shall be required or permitted to work in a
       biscuit, bread or cake bakery or confectionery establishment
       more than sixty hours in any one week, or more than ten hours
       in any one day, unless for the purpose of making a shorter
       work day on the last day of the week; nor more hours in any
       one week than will make an average of ten hours per day for
       the number of days during such week in which such employee
       shall work." The New York Court of Appeals had passed on this
       enactment and declared it constitutional, as a measure for the
       protection of public health. A majority of the Supreme Court—
       five to four—rejected this view, saying, in the opinion
       written by Justice Peckham: "We think the limit of the police
       power has been reached and passed in this case. There is, in
       our judgment, no reasonable foundation for holding this to be
       necessary or appropriate as a health law to safeguard the
       public health or the health of the individuals who are
       following the trade of a baker." In the dissenting opinion of
       Justice Harlan, Justices White and Day concurring, it was
       said: "The rule is universal that a legislative enactment,
       Federal or State, is never to be disregarded or held invalid
       unless it be, beyond question, plainly and palpably in excess
       of legislative power. If there be doubt as to the validity of
       the statute, that doubt must therefore be resolved in favor of
       its validity, and the courts must keep their hands off,
       leaving the Legislature to meet the responsibility for unwise
       legislation."

    LABOR PROTECTION: LIMITATION OF WORKING HOURS FOR TRAINMEN.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    {400}

    LABOR PROTECTION: THE "ENGLISH COAL MINES (EIGHT HOUR) ACT."

       The Act so called, passed in 1908, came into force on the 1st
       of July, 1909, except as respects mines in the counties of
       Northumberland and Durham, where its operation was deferred
       until the 1st of January, 1910. The Act provides that "a
       workman shall not be below ground in a mine for the purpose of
       his work, or of going to and from his work, for more than
       eight hours during any consecutive twenty-four hours"; but
       this is qualified by the condition that "no contravention of
       the foregoing provisions shall be deemed to take place in the
       case of a workman working in a shift if the period between the
       times at which the last workman in the shift leaves the
       surface and the first workman in the shift returns to the
       surface does not exceed eight hours." This rule, it is said,
       makes the nominal working day of eight hours "one that will
       vary, according to local conditions, from eight and a half to
       nine hours." On the other hand, the Coal Owners’ Association
       of South Wales and Monmouthshire, in a manifesto issued
       shortly before the Act became operative, declared: "The Act
       does not permit eight hours’ work underground, but a
       considerable portion of this time is taken up in travelling to
       and from the actual place of work, and in many of the older
       collieries not more than 6½ hours’ effective work will be
       performed. The owners are strongly of opinion that it will be
       found impossible to work such collieries and maintain them in
       repair with all the pumping of water, boilers, engines,
       horses, officials, and attendants necessary for 24 hours per
       day on 6½ hours’ productive work, especially in view of the
       fact that in South Wales a much larger proportion of the
       collier’s time is occupied in other work than in producing
       coal than is the case in most other coalfields."

       The conditions are described as being different in the Welsh
       mines from those in other British coal fields, and it seems to
       have been there only that trouble arose when the Act came into
       effect.

    LABOR PROTECTION:
       Germany’s Latest Code.

       "The coal miners of Prussia have secured a legal eight-hours
       day for underground work, but in industry generally the number
       of hours worked is ten daily, or sixty weekly, and these hours
       generally fall between six and six or seven and seven. In some
       industries, and especially the textile industries, from
       sixty-three to sixty-six hours per week are commonly worked by
       both sexes. … Just as there was once a time when the textile
       industry of the Rhineland worked to a large extent seventeen
       hours a day in order to facilitate competition with England’s
       more highly developed factories and more skilled workers, so
       now a day of ten and eleven hours is maintained in the same
       industry purely out of fear of the foreigner. … The only
       limitation of hours introduced by the amendment to the
       Industrial Code which was passed in 1908 applied to female
       workers, and it merely fixed the rule of sixty hours, subject
       to many exceptions. An investigation made in 1902 by the
       Government into the hours worked by females employed in
       factories and workshops showed that of 813,560 such
       workpeople, employed in 38,706 works, 86,191 (in 6,768 works),
       or 10.6 per cent., worked nine hours or less, while 347,814
       (in 18,267 works), or 42.8 per cent., worked from nine to ten
       hours (inclusive), so that over half already enjoy the
       protection which the new law is to afford. The Socialists at
       present demand a ten-hours day for both sexes, for the whole
       country and for all industries, but they regard this no longer
       as their final objective, but as a stage on the way towards
       the goal of an eight-hours day, via a halfway house of nine
       hours."

          William H. Dawson,
          The Involution of Modern Germany,
          pages 129-131
          (Unwin, London; Scribners, New York, 1909).

       "On December 28 last [1908] an industrial amendment Act was
       passed by the German Reichstag and became law. It introduces a
       number of new and more stringent regulations for the
       protection of women and children, which will have the effect
       of securing a large reduction of the hours of labour in many
       manufacturing industries. In its application it goes beyond
       the existing factory law, which applies to Fabriken,
       and it includes all Betriebe (industrial
       establishments) in which ten or more persons are employed. It
       reduces the maximum number of hours for women from 11 to 10 on
       ordinary week days and from 10 to 8 on Saturday. That is to
       say, it reduces the statutory maximum week from 65 to 58
       hours. It extends the period during which night-work is
       prohibited by an hour, and fixes it from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m.,
       instead of from 8.30 p. m. to 5.30 a. m. as heretofore. It
       further provides that after each day’s work an unbroken
       interval of 11 hours’ rest must elapse; and this also applies
       to workers of both sexes under 16. The latter, who already
       enjoy the daily and weekly maximum now granted to women, will
       also have the statutory times of beginning and leaving off
       work altered from 5.30 A. M. to 6 A. M. for beginning and from
       8.30 A. M. to 8 P. M. for leaving off."

          LONDON TIMES,
          MARCH 15, 1909.

    LABOR PROTECTION:
       Japanese Legislation in Prospect.

       The following report from Japan came to the American Press in
       a telegram dated December 15, 1909, at Victoria, British
       Columbia: Factory owners of Japan, who employ 642,000 hands,
       of whom 392,000 are women and a big percentage children, are
       excited over factory laws to be advocated at this session of
       the Diet, according to news brought here yesterday. The law
       will provide against employment of children less than twelve
       years old, but those above ten now employed will be permitted
       to continue. Workers under sixteen and females may not be
       worked more than twelve hours a day, and must be given two
       days rest each month. In days of ten hours, an hour’s rest
       must be given.

    LABOR PROTECTION:
       Report of the United States Industrial Commission in 1902.
       Recommendations for State Legislation.
       Child Labor and Woman’s Labor.
       The Utah Law on Labor in Mines.

       "Perhaps the subject of greatest public interest to-day is
       that of the regulation of the hours of labor permitted in
       industrial occupations, and especially in factories. Most of
       the Northern and Eastern States prohibit the employment of
       persons under the full age in factories or other mechanical
       establishments for more than a prescribed time per diem,
       usually ten hours, and not exceeding sixty hours per week.
       Obviously, Congress has no power without a constitutional
       amendment to legislate directly on this subject. The
       Commission are of the opinion that a uniform law upon this
       subject may wisely be recommended for adoption by all the
       States.
    {401}
       We believe that such legislation can not, under the Federal
       and State constitutions be recommended as to persons, male or
       female, above the age of 21, except, of course, in some
       special industries where employment for too many hours becomes
       positively a menace to the health, safety or well-being of the
       community; but minors not yet clothed with all the rights of
       citizens are peculiarly the subject of State protection, and
       still more so young children. The commission are of opinion,
       therefore, that a simple statute ought to be enacted by all
       the States to regulate the length of the working day for young
       persons in factories (meaning by 'young persons’ those between
       the age of majority and 14); and in view of the entire absence
       of protection now accorded by the laws of many States to
       children of tender years we think that the employment of
       children in factories in any capacity, or for any time, under
       the age of 14, should be prohibited. The question of shops and
       mercantile establishments generally appears even more subject
       to local conditions than that of factories; therefore the
       Commission see no need for even recommending to the States any
       uniform legislation upon this subject. But child labor should
       be universally protected by educational restrictions,
       providing in substance that no child may be employed in either
       factories, shops, or in stores in large cities, who cannot
       read and write, and, except during vacation, unless he has
       attended school for at least twelve weeks in each year.
       Further regulation, especially in the line of bringing States
       which now have no factory acts up to a higher standard, is
       earnestly recommended.

       "The Supreme Court of the United States has affirmed the
       constitutionality of the Utah law limiting the length of the
       day’s labor in mines or under-ground workings, even in the
       case of male citizens of full age. The Commission would
       therefore recommend that the provisions of the Utah
       constitution and statutes be followed in all the States, by
       which the period of employment of workmen in all under-ground
       mines or workings shall be eight hours a day, except in cases
       of emergency, when life or property is in imminent danger, and
       also that the employment of children under the age of 14 and
       of all women and girls in mines or under-ground quarries and
       workings shall be forbidden."

          Final Report (1902) of Industrial Commission,
          pages 946-948.

    LABOR PROTECTION:
       Hours of Labor for Women.
       Right of the State to put other Limitations than on Men.
       U. S. Supreme Court Decision.

       The constitutional right of a State to put other limitations
       on the hours of labor for women than it puts on the hours of
       labor for men was questioned by the proprietor of a laundry in
       Oregon, and the question was carried to the Supreme Court of
       the United States. The decision of that tribunal was rendered
       early in 1908, affirming the right of a State to make such
       distinction in labor limitations between the two sexes, and
       the ground of the decision introduces a principle of enormous
       importance into law. A legal limitation of the hours of labor
       touches the contractual rights of the individual, and the
       Court conceded that in those rights women stand on the same
       plane as men; but the State, it declares, has the
       constitutional right, for the public good, to limit the
       contractual right of the individual, and its reasoning on the
       matter before it turns therefore on the question whether the
       protection of women by this special limitation of contractual
       rights is or is not for the public good? On this question the
       counsel for the State of Oregon, Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, had
       submitted a remarkable mass of testimony, social and
       physiological, which the Court accepted as conclusive, and
       founded its decision thereon. This testimony the Court
       declared to be "significant of a widespread belief that
       women’s physical structure, and the functions she performs in
       consequence thereof, justify special legislation restricting
       or qualifying the conditions under which she should be
       permitted to toil." Though "constitutional questions … are not
       settled by even a consensus of present public opinion," yet
       the Court held that "when a question of fact is debated and
       debatable, and the extent to which a special constitutional
       limitation goes is affected by the truth in respect to that
       fact, a widespread and long-continued belief concerning it is
       worthy of consideration." Applying that principle in this
       case, the Court affirmed that "as healthy mothers are
       essential to vigorous offspring, the physical well-being of
       woman becomes an object of public interest and care in order
       to preserve the strength and vigor of the race." On account of
       her physical constitution, "she is not an equal competitor
       with her brother." In spite of the removal of legal and other
       disabilities, "she will still be where some legislation to
       protect her seems necessary to secure a real equality of
       right." Such legislation to defend woman, to use the Court’s
       phrase, "from the greed as well as the passion of man," is not
       merely for her benefit, but for the well-being of the race.

       "The two sexes," said Justice Brewer, who delivered the
       decision of the Court, "differ in structure of body, in the
       functions to be performed by each, in the amount of physical
       strength, in the capacity for long-continued labor,
       particularly when done standing, the influence of vigorous
       health upon the future well-being of the race, the
       self-reliance which enables one to assert full rights, and in
       the capacity to maintain the struggle for subsistence. This
       difference justifies a difference in legislation and upholds
       that which is designed to compensate for some of the burdens
       which rest upon her."

    LABOR PROTECTION: ORIENTAL COMPETITION:
       The Force of the Objection to it in Countries under
       the Protective Tariff System.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS; UNITED STATES.

    LABOR PROTECTION: A. D. 1900-1909.
       Study and Treatment of Industrial Problems in
       the United States by the National Civic Federation.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

       ----------LABOR PROTECTION: End--------

    {402}

       ----------LABOR REMUNERATION: Start--------

    LABOR REMUNERATION.
       Cooperative Organization.
       Pensions.
       Profit-sharing.
       Wages Regulation, etc.)

    LABOR REMUNERATION:
       The Bonus System.
       Its Working in the Shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company.

       "Awarding extra compensation for extra work has long been the
       practice of successful manufacturing; but the particular
       method of awarding a bonus above referred to is of
       recent origin, and fills an important need in modern systems
       of management. It may be briefly described as follows:
       Alternative ways of doing a piece of work are carefully
       investigated by the most competent expert available and the
       results recorded. The best method is determined and taught to
       an ordinary workman, who is awarded extra compensation in
       addition to his day’s pay for doing the work in the time and
       manner specified. This method of compensation was the outcome
       of an attempt to introduce in complicated work equitable piece
       rates determined as nearly as possible by scientific methods."

       The original working out of this method into a system is
       ascribed by the writer of the above to Mr. Fred W. Taylor, in
       the early eighties, he being then in the employ of the Midvale
       Steel Company. After setting forth the principles involved in
       the system, this writer concludes his article by stating:

       "The principles above outlined were applied during the spring
       and summer of 1901 to the ordnance and armor-plate machine
       shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company, and resulted in a short
       time in more than doubling the output of those shops. The
       system is still in use substantially as introduced, and the
       superintendent, Mr. Archibald Johnston, in his testimony
       before the House Committee on Labor, February 13, 1902, makes
       the following statement regarding it:

       "This arrangement has worked very satisfactorily, both to the
       men and the company, for it has enabled us to get work out
       more quickly, and to add to the producing capacity of our
       invested capital; while for the men it has been a great
       benefit, as we have many instances of employees who have
       bought homes for themselves principally from their extra
       earnings on the bonus system, and from overtime work. The
       system has been a stronger incentive to industry than any
       other we have been able to put into effect in our plant."

          H. L. Gantt,
          The Bonus System of Rewarding Labor
          (American Review of Reviews).

    LABOR REMUNERATION: COÖPERATIVE ORGANIZATION:
       France, Italy, etc.
       Cooperative Production.

       A book published in 1905, entitled "Labor Problems," by T. S.
       Adams and Helen L. Sumner, gives an interesting account of
       coöperative associations for contract labor in France, of
       which there were 296 on the 1st of January, 1901, seemingly
       having considerable success, 106 of the number being in the
       building trades. Similar organizations were reported in Italy
       and New Zealand. In France, the law provides for dividing
       public contracts, and for making payments on them in such ways
       as to bring them within the means of these associations of
       workmen. In Germany and Holland there is said to have been a
       less degree of success in organizing this mode of productive
       coöperation.

    LABOR REMUNERATION: GREAT BRITAIN:
       The Coöperative Union and Coöperative Congress.
       Recent Statistics of Membership, Organizations, and Operations.
       Rapidly increasing Coöperation in Agriculture.

       As reported at the annual Coöperative Congress of 1905, the
       Coöperative Union of Great Britain had then a membership of
       2,200,000, conducting coöperative undertakings with a total
       capital of £36,500,000 and a trade of £92,000,000. At that
       meeting a proposition to act with the Labor Representation
       Committee, for increasing the representation of labor
       interests in Parliament, was defeated by 801 votes against
       135.

       Four years later, at the Congress held in May, 1909, the
       reported membership of the Coöperative Union had increased to
       2,516,194, in 1560 affiliated societies. Among other
       statistics reported for the previous year were the following:

       "The two large wholesale societies—one in England and the
       other in Scotland—had a membership of 1414 in 1908, or a
       decrease of three as compared with the total for 1907; the
       shares held amounted to £1,984,676, a rise of £190,131; the
       loans were £5,114,201, an increase of £382,990; the sales for
       the year amounted to £32,433,968, an increase of £43,940, and
       the interest on capital was £96,350, an increase of £5,498.
       The year’s trading, however, resulted in a decrease of profits
       amounting to £137,197, the total profits being £731,124. There
       were 1428 distributive societies, a decrease of 15, but the
       membership rose to 2,404,595, or 81,217 more; the shares held
       went up to £30,037,352, an increase of £998,703; the loans
       amounted to £4,558,021, a rise of £212,377; the sales
       increased by £1,635,749, the total being £60,783,278; but the
       profits dropped to £10,773,005, or a decrease of £126,327.

       "Coöperative production forms a large and important branch of
       the movement. Some facts relating to it are given from the
       last annual report of the Chief Registrar of Friendly
       Societies in order to supplement the figures of the central
       board. According to the Chief Registrar’s report, 1251
       societies, including distributive, wholesale, and productive
       societies, made returns showing that, they carried on
       production to the extent of £16,989,764 in the year,
       calculated on wholesale prices. The workpeople employed in
       production numbered 44,188—men, 25,809; women, 12,212; boys,
       6167—and the wages paid to these (exclusive of bonus) amounted
       to £2,324,674. The board’s annual summary of the operations
       carried on by the productive societies and the productive
       departments of the two wholesale societies shows a total
       production in 1908 of £11,112,220. To this is added an
       estimated production of £7,750,000 by the distributive
       societies, making the total production of the coöperative
       movement for the year about £18,862,000. The number of
       productive societies to which the Board’s returns relate is
       122, a decrease of five as compared with the total for the
       previous year. The number of people employed by these
       societies during the year was 28,575, an increase of 1637; the
       capital invested was £4,610,072, an increase of £259,137; the
       trade, as stated above, was £11,112,220, an increase of
       £450,802; the profits amounted to £352,398, a decrease of
       £15,317; and the losses amounted to £68,650, as against £8336.

    {403}

       "Among the industries engaged in coöperative production, corn
       milling had a trade last year amounting to £4,564,706, which
       was considerably higher than the total for the previous year.
       Increases were also recorded in the cotton, linen, silk, and
       wool industries, and by societies engaged in woodwork,
       building, and quarrying, printing and bookbinding, baking, and
       laundry-work. But the societies producing boots, shoes, and
       leather, metal and hardware, and various other goods had a
       reduced trade."

       In an article on "The Coming of Coöperation," in Agriculture,
       the London Times of May 3, 1909, made the following
       statements: "The coöperative movement, on which more than
       anything else the success of all small farmers and many big
       farmers depends, is advancing with a rapidity very little
       realized even by farmers themselves.

       "The position at present is this. In Ireland, in Scotland, and
       in England exist three organization societies which decided in
       July of last year to amalgamate for certain purposes. Under
       the lead of Sir Horace Plunkett the three societies decided
       that joint action would be effective in all the three branches
       of cooperative trade—

       ‘(1) The acquisition of farmers’ supplies of the best
            quality at the lowest price;

        (2) the marketing of produce in the most economical manner; and

        (3) the interchange of certain products.’

       "Into this third attribute of cooperation it is worth while
       inquiring closely. The idea, which may mean an immense advance
       in the production of the farm, small or great, has not become
       familiar even to some of the best local coöperative societies
       we have. A few examples will illustrate the possibilities. No
       one will doubt the value of geographical knowledge to the
       farmer. One of the biggest successes made on the Fen farms in
       recent years resulted from the accident that a Fen farmer went
       to shoot snipe in Ireland, and there came upon a potato which
       proved to be exceptionally suited to the Fen soil. Many small
       fortunes have been made in potato farming by the use of Scotch
       seed. To-day, of course, every one is aware of its excellence,
       due partly to the red soil, partly to the wise custom of the
       Scotch farmer in digging his potatoes before they are mature.
       But this knowledge penetrated very slowly. …

       "An admirable instance, illustrating the same point, may be
       found in the unpublished history of the French wheats recently
       introduced into England. The whole tale is full of suggestions
       for English farmers and for the organization societies. French
       farmers, as we all know, are very closely federated; and every
       sort of work—in buying, in marketing, and in advancing
       money—is carried on by the local and federated syndicates.
       Some years ago the leaders of these syndicates came to the
       conclusion that their wheats greatly improved by a year or two
       in English soil. They preferred their own varieties, but found
       them more prolific when the seed was imported from England.
       Several difficulties met them. They had first to persuade
       English growers to grow these varieties, and secondly they had
       to compel them to keep the stock pure. The second difficulty
       might have been insuperable without joint action, but it was
       soon overcome by the syndicates.

       "At present Ireland is a long way ahead of England, and
       England of Scotland, in co-operative organization; but
       certainly in England, as well as Ireland, co-operation has
       advanced more rapidly in the last year or two than seemed at
       all likely at the beginning of the century. The Agricultural
       Organization Society, which was formed for propaganda work, is
       already able to give proof of valuable results from joint
       action towards what may be called the self-sufficiency of
       Britain. The advance has been made possible by the new
       federations of farmers, as well as by the multiplication of
       local co-operative societies."

    LABOR REMUNERATION:
       Exhibition of Coöperative Productions.

       An exhibition of coöperative productions was opened in August,
       1909, at the Crystal Palace, London, in connection with a
       National Co-operative Festival. On the one side goods were
       shown from the various co-partnership productive societies,
       including boots and shoes, baskets, cloth, velvets, cutlery,
       watches, and printing; and on the other side were specimens of
       the Co-operative Wholesale Society’s goods, such as working
       exhibits of sweet-boiling, soap-milling, and cigar and
       cigarette making. In addition to the exhibits from workshops,
       the Tenant’s Housing Societies showed plans of their houses
       owned on the coöperative principle by groups of workmen and
       others. It was pointed out by the promoters of the exhibition
       that such houses may be completely equipped for habitation
       with articles produced under cooperative conditions.

    LABOR REMUNERATION: India:
       Rapidity of the Movement.

       "The co-operative movement in India, which was started five
       years ago by the passing of the Cooperative Credit Societies
       Act, has made steady and satisfactory progress in all the
       Provinces, and there are now 2,000 societies with 185,000
       members and a working capital of over half a million sterling.
       Each Province has its official registrar and staff of
       inspectors, whose business it is to preach the benefits of
       co-operation, to encourage the formation of new societies, to
       help each society to draw up its by-laws, to check and audit
       its accounts free of charge, to point out mistakes, and to put
       things right. The ordinary type of co-operative society is the
       village bank of from 50 to 100 members, all residents of the
       same neighbourhood, who know intimately each other’s needs and
       resources, and, above all, each other’s character."

          Correspondent London Times,
          December 17, 1909.

    LABOR REMUNERATION: New Zealand:
       The Labor Group Method.

       "What distinguishes New Zealand as a State is the way in which
       governmental powers have been used, not to stop competition in
       the socialistic sense, but to force a higher and fairer level,
       on which it acts for the many rather than for the few. Every
       startling step has been of this nature. New Zealand is
       democratizing competition. If the public is there threatened
       with monopoly prices in coal or in insurance, the State acts
       competitively for the whole people. Our great interest in this
       method is that it may have immeasurable development without
       landing us in Socialism. It has the soul of democracy in it
       while preserving great areas on which those forms of private
       property may be maintained which Socialism usually attacks.
       Even more significant is the other illustration which New
       Zealand offers.

    {404}

       "It is the allotment of work to labor groups under the
       co-operation method. It unifies at once the political and the
       industrial practice. If the digging and laying up of a cellar,
       a section of roadway, or the foundations of a bridge are
       assigned to twelve laborers for the sum of fifty pounds, they
       elect their own manager, agreeing upon the distribution of the
       work. A standard of efficiency is set, which the inspector
       enforces. The lump sum of fifty pounds is assumed by the
       authorities to give first a ‘fair wage,’ but beyond that a
       margin is given which extra zeal and fidelity may very
       materially increase. Under private contractors working for
       profit, this is of course a very old story. It is not an old
       story for the State or town to do it, with the express purpose
       of avoiding certain evils of competition, like insecurity and
       lack of work."

          John Graham Brooks,
          Industrial Democracy
          (The Outlook, November 17, 1906).

    LABOR REMUNERATION: Russia: A. D. 1903.
       Statistics of Consumers’ Associations.

       In 1903 "the number of co-operative consumers’ associations in
       Russia was 824. In order to compile some statistics, in regard
       to these, the ‘Permanent Commission for Co-operative
       Associations’ sent out some inquiry blanks which, in 204
       cases, were properly filled out and returned. From these
       reports is gathered that the 204 associations had together
       91,417 members and 26,402 annual subscribers, making a total
       number of about 118,000 customers. The average membership of
       the associations was 577. The number of employees was 3258, or
       16 per association, and the expenses for wages and maintenance
       of these amounted to 1,131,307 rubles, or averaging 5515
       rubles for each association. The total capital reached a sum
       of more than 4,000,000 rubles, which item was counterbalanced
       by a total indebtedness of nearly an equal amount. Of the
       entire net profit,—1,270,000 rubles,—256,539 rubles were
       distributed as dividends on shares, 590,857 rubles as premiums
       on purchases, and 68,155 were paid into the government as
       taxes."

          Herman Rosenthal
          (American Review of Reviews).

    LABOR REMUNERATION: United States:
       Coöperative Distribution and Coöperative Production.

       "Today in Utah are eighty-seven coöperative distribution
       societies and in California sixty; and elsewhere are signs
       that the excellent principles of united effort may soon enter
       upon another and very likely its most notable revival. In San
       Francisco before the earthquake the coöperators had a large
       wholesale store doing a good business. At Lawrence,
       Massachusetts, the flourishing Arlington Store Society, an
       admirably conducted Rochdale venture, has 4,360 members and
       does an annual business of more than $500,000, and at
       Lewiston, Maine, is a store managed on lines of modified
       coöperation with annual sales of more than $600,000. Through
       the country the coöperative stores number about 250, with
       60,000 or more members and $7,000,000, of annual business; a
       showing that looks small compared with the gigantic operations
       of the British societies. But with the development of the
       Cooperative Association of America, a new enterprise managed
       by men like Frank Parsons, B. O. Flower, Charles E. Lund and
       other advanced thinkers, there is likely to be in the next few
       years a new and very different story to tell of coöperation in
       America.

       "Coöperative production has already made a different story,
       although even that is flecked with enough of failure. … So far
       back as 1868, in Minneapolis, four journeymen coopers had
       formed a cooperative society, steadily enlarged as the milling
       interests increased. In 1874, when the flour output was about
       500,000 barrels a year, so many coopers had come to town that
       the Coöperative Barrel Manufacturing Company was formed and
       twelve years afterwards two-thirds of all barrels made in
       Minneapolis were made in coöperative shops. And then somehow
       the things began to decline. Of seven great coöperative shops
       existing in 1886 only three survive. … In other lines of
       productive effort Coöperation has often achieved notable
       success. The coöperative creamery, for instance, has been a
       boon to millions of farmers. Of such creameries in the United
       States there are about 3,800 with a membership in their
       associations of more than 300,000 and an annual product worth
       more than $80,000,000. In Minnesota six-sevenths of all the
       creameries are coöperative; six hundred have been organized in
       the last ten years with a membership of 50,000. The idea is
       steadily gaining; it is very strong in all the Western States,
       and even in Massachusetts twenty-eight of fifty creameries are
       coöperative. In the operation of these societies there has
       been almost uniform success. The farmers indeed have done far
       more than the workingmen to show the benefits of union. There
       are in the United States about 4,000 farmers’ purchasing and
       distributing societies with 500,000 members. Fruit growers’
       associations have been formed in nine states and have now more
       than 100,000 members. The Southern California Fruit Exchange,
       organized in 1891, handles more than half the orange business
       in California. It has seventy associations with 4,000 members.
       One third of all the fruit grown in California is now handled
       coöperatively.

       "There are also coöperative bee keepers, coöperative sheep
       herders, coöperative poultry raisers, cattle breeders, wool
       growers, cotton growers and milk-dealers, and in six states
       are flourishing coöperative grain elevators. …

          See above,
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

       Of coöperative insurance companies we have about 3,800,
       including mutual life, fire, hail and live-stock insurance.
       Three thousand of these are among the farmers, with a total
       membership of 2,700,000 and total risks reaching the amazing
       sum of $3,000,000,000. Premiums among the farmers’ coöperative
       insurance companies average twenty-four cents for each $100 of
       insurance against an average among all companies, as reported
       by the United States census, of $1 for every $100 of
       insurance. In Michigan, Iowa, Indiana, Kansas, Nebraska,
       Minnesota, Wisconsin, and the Dakotas farmers’ coöperative
       telephone companies have had a phenomenal growth and have
       effected in some degree a transformation of rural life. …
       Coöperative distribution … has lately been revived in America
       through the well-considered efforts of the Coöperative
       Association of America, and still more recently through the
       Golden Rule Fraternity.
    {405}
       The Coöperative Association began in Lewiston, Maine, in 1900,
       as ‘A Trust for the People.’ It has utilized the ordinary
       trust machinery towards communal good instead of personal
       profit. There is a holding company called the ‘Co-Workers’
       Fraternity’ and this owns a controlling interest in stock of
       the Coöperative Association of America, in the National
       Production Company of New Jersey, in the Massachusetts
       Coöperative Society, and is to own a similar control in the
       other coöperative societies now being formed. On this modern
       and comprehensive basis coöperation is being reformed and
       reorganized in America. Its pitfalls hitherto have been
       chiefly those of management. On the new plan of organization
       these should be avoided. … The revived prospects of
       Coöperation in America are due chiefly to the altruistic
       efforts of a certain band of thoughtful men and women that
       believe this to be the first step towards a cure of the
       national evils."

          Charles D. Russell,
          The Uprising of the Many,
          pages 30-37 (New York, Doubleday, Page & Co., 1907).

       "I spent nearly four weeks, from March 3 to March 27, [1908]
       visiting a chain of co-operative stores, fifty-five in number,
       in the vicinity of Minneapolis, Minnesota. These stores are
       organized on the famous Rochdale plan, for the benefit of the
       consumer instead of the capitalist. The profits are divided in
       proportion to purchases, except that the general public who
       have not yet chosen to become members or shareholders receive
       only half-dividend or benefit. Goods are not sold cheaper; it
       is aimed to create capital by earning good profits. An
       accounting is had and the profits ascertained once in three or
       six or twelve months. These profits are then distributed
       between a surplus fund, an educational or propaganda fund, and
       dividend on purchases, which is paid in cash if the shareholder
       has paid in full, or credited on his share if only part paid.
       This is the nub of the Rochdale System, departures from which
       have been the cause of a long and almost unbroken line of
       failure in American attempts in co-operative stores.

       "These Minnesota and Wisconsin stores have all been organized
       on a nearly uniform plan by a propaganda organization known as
       the Right Relationship League, consisting of three active
       officers, two additional directors, eight field organizers,
       and an associate membership of all the store shareholders who
       pay a fee of one dollar. The stores are incorporated by
       counties; when there are several stores in one county, they
       are ‘departments’ or branches. For example, the Polk County
       (Wisconsin) company has ten stores, the Pepin County company
       nine stores, and each has a general manager and a joint
       warehouse. Instead of starting a new store with a new manager
       and no established trade, the newly organized co-operative
       company buys out the best or next best general store in the
       town and continues the former owner as manager.

       "Of the old guard who wrote and hoped for co-operation twenty
       to thirty years ago, all gave up the fight long since, myself
       excepted. Edward Everett Hale, Richard T. Ely, Carroll D.
       Wright, Washington Gladden, E. W. Bemis, John R. Commons, will
       be glad to know that the lost cause is reviving and may yet,
       in their lifetime, justify their early faith and repay their
       labors."

          N. O. Nelson,
          The Co-operative Movement in the United States
          (The Outlook, July 4, 1908).

       In February, 1909, it was reported that the stores of the
       above League had increased in number to seventy-six; that the
       membership and capital had been doubled within a year, and
       that a wholesale company had been formed, each store
       subscribing $1000.

       In "Labor Problems," by T. S. Adams and Helen L. Sumner, a
       considerable number of successful undertakings in producers’
       co-operation in the United States are enumerated, including
       establishments operated by labor unions in the iron, glass,
       garment and cigar-making, box-workers, wood-workers, building
       trades, etc., east and west; besides co-operative laundries
       and restaurants. The most interesting of these organizations
       appears to be that of the Workers’ Coöperative Association of
       Boston, formed in 1900 by members of the building trades.

    LABOR REMUNERATION:
       The "New Protection": Australia: A. D. 1907-1908.

       The "New Protection," so called, introduced in Australia, "is
       an extension of the principle of the Wages Boards Acts, which
       aim to preserve for the workers a certain assured
       remuneration. Under the New Protection, the field of this
       minimum wage legislation is extended to the trades subsidized
       or assisted under protective duties, so as to compel the
       manufacturers to share the accruing advantage with their
       employees. The Tariff Excise Act is the first installment of
       the new legislation. It came into force on January 1, 1907,
       and was specially intended to protect the agricultural
       implement industry from American and Canadian competition. It
       placed upon imported harvesters a duty of sixty dollars. The
       Federal Labor party supported the manufacturers in obtaining
       the duty, on condition that there was inserted a clause
       imposing upon locally produced harvesters an excise duty of
       half the amount of the import duty. Manufacturers would,
       however, be exempt from the payment of this excise upon
       showing proof that their workmen had been paid ‘fair and
       reasonable remuneration.’

       "At the close of the manufacturing season one hundred and
       twelve manufacturers of harvesters filed applications for
       exemption from excise duty." This, at once on a test case,
       carried the question, what is a "fair and reasonable
       remuneration" for wage-paid labor into the Court of
       Conciliation and Arbitration, and its judge, much against his
       will, was required to determine it. He decided that not less
       than $9.50 per week, in Australia, for the lowest class of
       unskilled labor, could be regarded as a "living wage." "This
       formed the basis of the entire Tariff Excise scale, since from
       it the court calculated the rates of payment for all other
       employees. This was the easier because there was but little
       difference of opinion between the employers and the respective
       unions as to the proportionate wages to be paid to various
       classes of skilled labor, and, with the price for unskilled
       labor raised, a similar increase followed in all the skilled
       trades in the business of manufacturing harvesters.

       "The Harvester legislation is only the fore-runner of plans
       for extensive control over industry to be brought forward as
       soon as the import duties under the recently introduced tariff
       are decided.

    {406}

       "In this the three objects to be gained are not always easily
       reconciled, and the detail work, besides, of drafting rules
       and regulations to result in a moderately practicable working
       Act will be enormous. These objects are:

       1. To conserve the market for the Australian manufacturer.

       2. To insure fair remuneration to the employee.

       3. To protect the consumer by placing a limit upon the
          price which may be charged.

       The rough outline of the proposals is as follows: All dutiable
       goods bearing the Commonwealth Trade-Mark (a sort of universal
       label) as a guarantee that they have been manufactured under
       fair and reasonable conditions as to remuneration of labor
       will be exempt from excise. A board of excise, to consist of
       three members, to be appointed to give effect to these
       proposals. All goods manufactured under conditions which are
       in accordance with the State or Commonwealth industrial award
       or agreement, or which are declared to be fair and reasonable
       by the newly created board of excise, will be entitled to have
       the Commonwealth Trade-Mark affixed."

          Alice Henry,
          Australia’s "New Protection"
          (The Outlook, February 8, 1908).

       The constitutionality of the Tariff Excise Act was soon
       brought to a test, and the Federal High Court decided in June,
       1908, that wages could not be regulated in the method
       proposed. In the following October proceedings were opened in
       Parliament to secure such an amendment of the Constitution as
       would empower the desired legislation.

    LABOR REMUNERATION: Pensions:
       The German State-aided System.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

    LABOR REMUNERATION:
       System adopted by American Railroad Companies.

       On the 10th of November, 1909, announcement was made by the
       New York Central Railroad Company that it had adopted an
       employees’ pension system, by which 100,000 men would be
       affected. Under the plan, employees reaching the age of
       seventy years are retired. If they have been continuously in
       the service of the company for at least ten years preceding
       their retirement, they will be entitled to a pension. An
       employee who has been at least twenty years in continual
       service and has become unfit for duty may be retired with a
       pension, although he has not reached the age of seventy. The
       amount of the pensions is 1 per cent, for each year of
       continuous service, based upon the average rate of pay
       received for the ten years next preceding retirement. The
       pension system became effective on January 9, 1910.

       The latest government report on the number of railroad
       employees puts the total for the country at 1,672,074. "Of
       these," says the New York Evening Post, "approximately
       665,000, or about 40 per cent., serve the roads which have
       pension systems. These companies are the New York Central, the
       Rock Island, the Pennsylvania, the Buffalo, Rochester and
       Pittsburg, the Chicago and Northwestern, the Illinois Central,
       the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe, the Union Pacific, Southern
       Pacific, and their affiliated lines, the Delaware, Lackawanna
       and Western, the Baltimore and Ohio, the Atlantic Coast Line,
       the Reading, and the Central of New Jersey."

    LABOR REMUNERATION: Profit-sharing:
       Plan of Furness, Withy & Company.

       One of the greatest of the British ship-building and shipping
       concerns, that of the incorporated firm of Furness, Withy &
       Co. of which Sir Christopher Furness is the managing director,
       announced in the fall of 1908 that it could not continue its
       business unless the constant troubles between itself and its
       employees over wages questions could be brought to an end.
       With that view it was proposed to the workmen that they should
       become partners in the business by taking shares of the
       company’s capital stock and paying therefor by a five per cent
       reduction of their wages until the price of their shares
       should be covered. Additional shares of stock would be issued
       for the purpose, on which four per cent of dividend would be
       paid, whether the company divided any surplus on the general
       stock or not. A certain percentage of the earnings of the
       business would be allotted to capital, and to cover
       depreciation and development, over and above which the
       employee-partners would participate in all profits. With
       reference to these allotments, to capital, etc., Sir
       Christopher Furness, speaking to a Labor Union meeting on the
       subject of his proposal, said: "I am aware that a section of
       working-men criticise the amounts laid aside by some companies
       for these various purposes as if they were devices for
       stealing the real earnings of the company from their
       employees, but, take my word for it, these allotments cannot
       be dispensed with, that is to say, if the directors have any
       regard for the continuance of the company with a reasonable
       hope of prosperity. Possibly an arrangement might be reached
       that nothing beyond a definite percentage on an average of
       years should be put aside."

       Importantly in connection with the arrangement of
       profit-sharing co-partnery, Sir Christopher planned to
       organize what he called a Works Council, to be composed of an
       equal number of representatives of the workmen and
       representatives of the company. It would be, he said, a kind
       of Court of Reference and Committee of Counsel rolled into
       one. The proposals of the firm were accepted by its employees
       and the co-partnery arrangement was carried out.

       A year and a half later, on May 22, Sir Christopher Furness
       and two others purchased an extensive colliery, the Wingate
       Colliery, and made a similar proposition to the workmen there,
       offering them one quarter of the shares of the company to be
       formed, on the same terms of payment as in the case of the
       ship-building company. This gave evidence that the plan had
       worked satisfactorily thus far in its earlier trial.

       On the 15th of December, 1909, the secretary of the Company
       addressed a letter to its Employé Shareholders, saying: "I
       have to acquaint you that my board have had under
       consideration the working of the company since the adoption of
       the co-partnery scheme, and I am directed to say that they
       consider the results, from every point of view, to be very
       satisfactory." The substantial results to the employees were
       thus stated:

       "On the financial side you will also be pleased to hear that
       the working results are equally satisfactory. The audited
       accounts up to September 30 last, and the estimated results
       from that date to the present time, show such a balance as
       enables the directors to declare a dividend. They propose
       therefore, to make a distribution on the agreed basis of the
       scheme—viz., the guaranteed 4 per cent. to the employé
       shareholders, the fixed 5 per cent. to the Ordinary
       shareholders, with a bonus of 5 per cent. to both classes of
       shareholders. This will yield to the employé
       shareholders a return at the rate of 9 per cent. per annum,
       and to the Ordinary shareholders at the rate of 10 per cent.
       per annum, for the nine months ending December 81, 1909.

    {407}

       "For better convenience it has been decided by my board to
       make the financial year end on December 31.

       "The amount due to each employé shareholder will be
       paid at the offices of the company at the respective
       ship-yards on the pay-day, Friday, December 24."

       Promising as this plan of profit-sharing appeared, it did not
       prove satisfactory to the employés, and, on the 1st of April,
       1910, they voted against its continuance, complaining that
       their expectation of full employment had not been realized,
       and that the system tended to break up trade unions, which are
       labor’s surest support and defence.

    LABOR REMUNERATION:
       The Plan of the United States Steel Corporation,
       and other Great Corporations.

       "An occurrence of tremendous and far-reaching importance is
       the success of the United States Steel Corporation’s
       wage-earners’ investment and profit-sharing plan. When this
       plan was announced, January 1, [1903], every thoughtful man in
       the country gave it close attention. … With all, the question
       of questions was, Will it succeed? … We have not been
       compelled to wait long for the answer. The directors of the
       Steel Corporation offered 25,000 shares of stock to their
       168,000 employees. The books were to be kept open thirty days.
       No one dared believe that within this month, while the plan
       was so new, while all sorts of prejudices or fears might deter
       subscribers, and while the great mass of employees would still
       be studying and thinking about the offer which to them must
       have seemed somewhat novel and complicated, all or even
       one-half of the proffered stock would be taken up. Yet, when
       the books closed Saturday evening, January 31, it was found
       that the 25,000 shares offered had been subscribed for more
       than twice over. Twenty-seven thousand six hundred and
       thirty-three employees had subscribed for 51,125 shares. …

       "The company’s proposal was to share profits with all
       employees who would demonstrate their interest and thrift by
       buying the company’s stock. Consequently, the great bulk of
       the stock set aside for purchase by employees was offered to
       the men who earn the smallest salaries. This was done by
       dividing the 168,000 employees into six classes, according to
       their salaries—Class A, over $20,000 a year; Class B, $10,000
       to $20,000, down to Class E, $800 to $2,500 a year, and Class
       F, under $800 a year—and then by limiting the amount of stock
       employees could take to the following proportions of their
       annual salaries: Class A, 5 per cent.; Class B, 8 per cent.;
       Class C, 10 per cent.; Class D, 12 per cent.; Class E, 15 per
       cent.; and Class F, 20 per cent. It will thus be seen why 90
       per cent. of all the stock subscribed for in January goes to
       the two classes of mechanics and workmen whose salaries are
       under $2,500 a year.

       "The method is really a very simple one. Employees subscribe
       for stock, one or two shares apiece. The shares cost $82.50,
       or less than the market value. Each employee pays in monthly
       installments, taken from his wages, and he may have the
       payments made small or large, as he likes, save that not more
       than 25 per cent. of his wages may be so used in any month,
       and he may not be more than three years in completing payment.
       Dividends at the rate of 7 per cent. a year go to the
       subscriber from the date of his first payment. Interest at 5
       per cent. is charged on the deferred payments. In other words,
       the corporation sells stock below the market price, on credit,
       and pays the holder 2 per cent. a year in dividends more than
       he has to pay in interest. Here is a direct inducement to the
       investment of savings. But this is not all. Inducements are
       offered the employee to complete payment for his stock and to
       hold it. As soon as he has fully paid for it, the certificate
       is issued in his name, and he is free to dispose of it. But to
       make it worth his while to hold it and at the same time keep
       his place as a working partner in the company’s service, the
       corporation says to him: ‘If you hold your stock, and
       beginning with January next year you show it to the treasurer
       of your company, and present a letter from the proper official
       that during the preceding year you have been in the employ of
       the company, and have shown a proper interest in its welfare
       and progress, and you do this each January for five years, we
       will give you, in addition to the dividends paid you, a bonus
       of five dollars per share for each year. During the second
       period of five years, we will pay you a further yearly bonus,
       as a reward for your continuous faithful service.’ The amount
       of the second bonus cannot now be fixed, but it will doubtless
       be larger than the first one. Ample provision is made for the
       protection of subscribers who from one cause or another are
       unable to complete payment. Subscribers who discontinue
       payments get their money back and keep the difference between
       the 7 per cent. dividends and the 5 per cent. interest. In the
       case of subscribers who die or are disabled while faithfully
       serving the corporation, after having paid for their stock,
       the five dollars per share yearly bonus is not lost, but is
       paid over to them or to their estates."

          Walter Wellman,
          The Steel Corporation Points the Way
          (American Review of Reviews, March, 1903).

       "On December 31, 1908, it was reported that 22,960 employees
       had purchased shares under this plan and at that date either
       held the certificates or were making monthly payments for them
       on account. This is about 10 per cent. of the total number of
       employees, so that the scheme has not failed to enlist
       support. Indeed, it appears that in certain years, in 1907,
       for instance, the allotments of stock to employees were
       over-subscribed by 100 per cent. In May of this present year
       it was announced that since the scheme went into effect
       193,493 shares of preferred stock and 15,318 of common stock
       had been sold to the employees at a total price of
       $17,491,680. For 1909, the preferred was allotted at $110 per
       share, and the common on the basis of $50 per share. Indeed,
       one might opine that of late the attention of the lucky
       employee-holders might have been concentrated more on the
       ticker than on the steel hammer. Their paper profits have been
       figured at over $6,000,000, and it is asserted that much of the
       stock has been sold by the fortunate investors."

          New York Evening Post,
          July 29, 1909.

    {408}

       A plan of profit-sharing with its employees similar to that of
       the United States Steel Corporation was introduced by the
       International Harvester Company, 1909, and by the Youngstown
       Sheet and Tube Company at about the same time. The plan of the
       former company was described very fully to the National Civic
       Federation, at its tenth annual meeting in New York, November,
       1909, by Mr. George W. Perkins, chairman of the finance
       committee of the company. The result of the plan is "that a
       man begins to buy a share of the company’s stock at a price
       below the market value; he is allowed to pay for it in
       instalments, paying 5 per cent. interest on deferred payments;
       he is credited with 7 per cent. dividends on the preferred
       stock and whatever dividends are declared on common stock. In
       addition to this, he is credited with, respectively, $4 and $3
       per share, each year, on the preferred and common stock, and
       at the end of five years receives a further benefit by way of
       a share in a fund made up of such $4 or $3 deposits as are
       made by the company on account of those who do not continue
       under the plan. It will be seen that this offers the men an
       exceedingly satisfactory form of investment in the business in
       which they are employed, and gives to the company the great
       advantage of anchoring its organization to the business.

       "The stock offered last summer was largely over subscribed,
       and the company to-day has more than 4,300 employees as
       stockholders."

    LABOR REMUNERATION:
       Wages Regulation by Law.
       The English Trade Boards Bill.
       To Suppress "Sweating" in certain Industries.

       A Bill known as the Trade Boards Bill, which had passed the
       House of Commons already, had its second reading in the House
       of Lords, almost without opposition or serious criticism, on
       the 20th of August, 1909. The second reading was moved by Lord
       Hamilton of Dalzell, who said in doing so that "its object was
       the establishment of a minimum rate of wages in certain
       sweated industries. The establishment by statute of a
       minimum rate of wages was, he supposed, a new
       departure, but the regulation of the conditions of labour in
       certain trades was by no means new, and ever since the passing
       of the first Factory Act Parliament had from time to time
       agreed to legislation having that object. Every one knew what
       sweating was, and every one acknowledged it to be a great
       evil. It was not a new thing, but the Government were of
       opinion that the time had now come when the only practical
       remedy should be applied. He understood that in Germany
       legislation dealing with this subject was imminent. He
       commended that fact to any one who might be afraid that by
       legislation of this sort the trade of this country would be
       driven abroad.

       "As a matter of fact there was no reason to believe that any
       trade would be killed by the Bill. He did not know of any
       better proof of that than was found in the fact that almost
       all connected with the trades mentioned in the schedule, both
       masters and men, warmly supported the bill. He imagined that
       there would be a levelling up process. Employers who had paid
       fair wages would continue to do so; employers who would like
       to pay fair wages but were afraid of having their prices cut
       by the class below would now be able to do so, while the
       genuine sweater would have to pay fair wages whether he liked
       it or not. Girls living at home with their families and
       married women who had no children were often willing to work
       at considerably less than the market rate for the purpose of
       earning a little pocket money, and it might be said that if
       both parties were agreeable to this arrangement there was no
       reason to interfere. Seeing, however, that these people
       dragged down the level of wages and inflicted a serious injury
       on those who had to carry on trade for their living, they were
       included in the Bill. If their work was worth having, it must
       be worth paying for. The trades selected for the purpose of
       the Bill were certain parts of the tailoring trade, the paper
       box making trade, certain parts of the common lace finishing
       trade, and certain parts of the chain making trade. These were
       all trades in which sweating was acknowledged to exist. The
       Bill could be extended to other trades by a Provisional Order
       Bill, and in this way the control of Parliament would be
       maintained. The minimum rate of wages in the specified
       trades would be regulated by a Central Trade Board assisted by
       local committees. Notice would be given when it was intended
       to fix a minimum rate of wages, and there would be an interval
       of three months to give those who desired to raise objections
       an opportunity of being heard. During the intermediary period,
       which would last six months, the rate of wages fixed by the
       Board would not be compulsory. He admitted that the
       establishment of a minimum rate of wages was a new principle.
       In certain quarters it had been objected to as an undue
       interference with freedom of contract, but the principle would
       only be applied where the workpeople had shown themselves
       incapable of any action for themselves. The conditions in
       those extreme cases clearly called for legislative action, in
       the interests of the community as well as of the workpeople
       themselves."

       Almost every speaker who discussed the Bill, Liberal and
       Conservative alike, gave it cordial support.

    LABOR REMUNERATION: Wages and Cost of Living:
       Germany and England compared, 1908-1909.

       Results of a statistical study of labor conditions in Germany,
       compared with those in Great Britain, were published by the
       British Government in the summer of 1908, and the showing
       favors the British workingmen. As nearly as the different
       housing of their class in the two countries can be compared,
       the average of German rents is to rents in England as 123 to
       100; while the cost of food to the Germans is to that of the
       English as 115 to 100. On the side of necessary expenditure,
       therefore, the wages of the German workman are drawn upon more
       heavily than the Englishman’s by fifteen or twenty per cent.,
       at the least. In other words, he would need to have higher
       wages than the Englishman, by as much as fifteen or twenty per
       cent., to put him on a footing of equality with the latter in
       the circumstances of his living. Instead of which his wages
       are lower by a number of points, the statistical ratio being
       83 to 100 in the average of weekly wages, and 75 to 100 in the
       average of hourly rates. But this does not end his
       disadvantages, for he renders more hours of work, in the
       measure of 111 to 100. Notwithstanding all which handicaps, it
       is quite commonly conceded that the German workingman is
       physically more vigorous than the English, as a rule, and
       contrives, by more thriftiness in his living, to keep it on a
       higher level. Which is an extraordinarily creditable fact.

    {409}

       That the German workman lives and labors under the conditions
       produced by a high protective tariff, which is claimed to be
       protective of high wages as well as high prices, while the
       British workman’s conditions of life and labor are the product
       of free trade in everything but a few tariff-taxed articles of
       luxury, such as wines, tobacco, silks, jewels and the like,
       are facts to be borne in mind when these comparisons are
       considered.

       The following is from a report by the British Consul-General
       on the trade and commerce of the consular district of
       Frankfort-on-the-Main for the year ending April 30, 1909.

       "In last year’s report it was stated that the belief was
       gaining ground that wages in Germany were not only approaching
       those paid in the United Kingdom for the same class of work,
       but in some cases even exceeded them. That the German workman
       to-day lives better than he used to there can be little doubt.
       The standard of life has been raised all round; the lowest
       aspect and standard of years gone by no longer exists. Food
       has improved, clothes have improved, Germany has become a rich
       country without the lowest grades of poverty which exist
       elsewhere. Wages have been increased in keeping with the
       higher level. Yet I do not think that, generally speaking, the
       German workman lives as well as the British workman."

       After giving a table relating to savings bank deposits the
       report says that while during 1900-1905 the number of deposit
       books increased by 22.7 percent, and the total deposits by 44
       per cent., during 1905-1907 they increased by only 7.95 and 10
       per cent. respectively. This is considered to be attributable
       to the increased cost of living, and also to the fact that
       "with increasing wealth people are apt to become less
       thrifty."

    LABOR REMUNERATION: France, Germany, and England:
       Workmen’s Living Expenses compared, 1909.

       A British Board of Trade report on the conditions of
       industrial life in France, published in May, 1909, summarizes
       as follows, in a prefatory note, the conclusions drawn from
       the mass of facts collected, as to the comparative cost of
       living to workmen in France, Germany, and England: "As regards
       rents, it appears that the French workman pays somewhat less
       than the English workman for a corresponding amount of housing
       accommodation, and therefore much less than the German
       workman; but against this must be set the fact that his
       housing accommodation is, as a rule, decidedly inferior in
       quality. The difference between the rent-levels of the capital
       and of the rest of the country is quite as marked in France as
       in England or Germany.

       "The range of town price-levels is not very wide in any one of
       the three countries investigated, and in France, as in the
       other two, the differences between one town and another in the
       cost of living (so far as it relates to expenditure on food)
       are, as a rule, by no means great. When the relative levels of
       food-prices in the three countries are compared, so far as the
       data permit, it appears that the general ratio of
       French prices to English prices for corresponding
       commodities is the same as that of German prices.

       "On the assumption which has been adopted for the purposes of
       these international comparisons it follows that an English
       workman, with an average family, who should go to France and
       endeavour to maintain there his accustomed mode of living,
       would find his expenditure on rent, food, and fuel
       substantially increased—though not to so large an extent as
       if he had gone to Germany. On the other hand, he would find
       his wages to be lower than in the latter country and much
       below the English level, in spite of longer hours.

       "The results of the comparison are somewhat modified if we
       take as its basis the foreign rather than the English mode of
       living. A French workman living in England according to his
       French standard would find a certain reduction in the cost of
       food, but a rise in the cost of housing accommodation. On the
       whole his expenses of living would be somewhat decreased, but
       in a proportion by no means so great as that by which the
       English workman would find his expenses increased on migration
       to France."

    LABOR REMUNERATION: United States: 1905-1906 compared with 1890.
       Gains to Labor.

       Bulletin No. 71 of the United States Bureau of Labor,
       published in July, 1907, is devoted mainly to an elaborate
       report on Wages and Hours of Labor in Manufacturing
       Industries, 1890 to 1906, exhibiting "the average wages per
       hour, the average hours of labor per week, and the number of
       employees in both 1905 and 1906, in the leading wage-working
       occupations of 4,034 establishments in the principal
       manufacturing and mechanical industries of the United States."
       The report does not cover salaried employees in any
       industries. With it, in a separate article, the retail prices
       of food in different parts of the country, 1890-1906, are
       tabulated. A summary of deductions from the figures detailed
       is submitted by way of preface to the tables and from this the
       following is taken:

       "In the year 1906 the average wages per hour in the principal
       manufacturing and mechanical industries of the country were
       4.5 per cent higher than in 1905, the regular hours of labor
       per week were 0.5 per cent lower than in 1905, and the number
       of employees in the establishments investigated was 7 per cent
       greater than in 1905. The average full-time weekly earnings
       per employee in 1906 were 3.9 per cent greater than in 1905.

       "The variation in the purchasing power of wages may be
       measured by using the retail prices of food, the expenditures
       for which constitute nearly half of the expenditures for all
       purposes in a workingman’s family. According to that article
       [on prices] the retail prices of food, weighted according to
       consumption in representative workingmen’s families, were 2.9
       per cent higher in 1906 than in 1905. As the advance in wages
       per hour from 1905 to 1906 was greater than the advance in the
       retail prices of food, the purchasing power of an hour’s
       wages, as measured by food, was greater in 1906 than in 1905.
    {410}
       In 1906 the purchasing power of an hour’s wages as expended
       for food was 1.4 per cent greater than in 1905, and the
       purchasing power of a full week’s wages was 1 per cent greater
       in 1906 than in 1905, or, expressed in other words, an hour’s
       wages in 1906 in the manufacturing and mechanical industries
       in the United States would purchase 1.4 per cent more food
       than an hour's wages in 1905, and a full week’s wages in 1906
       would purchase 1 per cent more food than a full week’s wages
       in 1905.

       "As compared in each case with the average for the years from
       1890 to 1899, the average wages per hour in 1906 were 24.2 per
       cent higher, the number of employees in the establishments
       investigated was 42.9 per cent greater, and the average hours
       of labor per week were 4.6 per cent lower. The average
       earnings per employee per full week in 1906 were 18.5 per cent
       higher than the average earnings per full week during the ten
       years from 1890 to 1899.

       "The retail price of the principal articles of food, weighted
       according to family consumption of the various articles, was
       15.7 per cent higher in 1906 than the average price for the
       ten years from 1890 to 1899. Compared with the average for the
       same ten-year period, the purchasing power of an hour’s wages
       in 1906 was 7.3 per cent greater, and of a full week’s wages
       2.4 per cent greater, the increase in the purchasing power of
       the full week’s wages being less than the increase in the
       purchasing power of hourly wages, because of the reduction in
       the hours of labor."

       In 40 of the 41 industries covered by this report the greatest
       increase of wages "was in the manufacture of cotton goods,
       where the average wages per hour in 1906 were 11.2 per cent
       higher than the average wages per hour in 1905. In the
       manufacture of electrical apparatus and supplies there was an
       increase in wages per hour of 10.1 per cent. In street and
       sewer work done by contract the increase in wages per hour was
       8.7 per cent; in iron and steel, Bessemer converting, 8.5 per
       cent. and in the manufacture of cigars, 8.4 per cent. In the
       manufacture of bar iron the increase in wages per hour was 6.9
       per cent, and in the building trades 6.1 per cent. Briefly
       stated, two industries show an increase in hourly wages of
       more than 10 per cent., 7 industries an increase of 5 per cent
       but less than 10 per cent., and 31 industries an increase of
       less than 5 per cent. In one industry, paper and wood pulp,
       there was a decrease of wages of 1.1 per cent. In the
       industries as a whole, weighted according to importance, the
       increase in wages was 4.5 per cent. …

       "The per cent of change in hours of labor in 1906, as compared
       with 1905, was not so great as the per cent of change in wages
       per hour. In 5 industries there was a decrease of hours of 1
       per cent or more, while in 25 industries there was a decrease
       of less than 1 per cent. In 5 industries there was an increase
       in hours of labor per week; in no instance, however, was the
       increase more than 0.3 per cent. Five industries show no
       change in hours of labor. The hours of labor were not reported
       for slaughtering and meat packing, for the reason set forth in
       footnote on page 58. The decrease in hours of labor in the
       industries taken as a whole was 0.5 per cent.

       "In 1906 there was an increase in the retail price of food,
       weighted according to family consumption of 2.9 per cent as
       compared with 1905, an increase of 3.6 per cent as compared
       with 1904, an increase of 4.9 per cent as compared with 1903,
       an increase of 4.3 per cent as compared with 1902, and an
       increase of 10 per cent as compared with 1901. The retail
       price of food was 21.2 per cent higher in 1906 than in 1896,
       the year of lowest prices, and 15.7 per cent higher than the
       average price for the ten years, 1890 to 1899."

       ----------LABOR REMUNERATION: End--------

    LABOR TRAINING:
       Technical and Industrial Education.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION.

    LADRONES.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

    LAFAYETTE, Marquis de:
       Representatives of the Family invited Guests
       of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

    LA FOLLETTE, Robert Marion.

          See (in this Volume)
          WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900-1909; also,
          PUBLIC UTILITIES, REGULATION OF.

    LAGERLOF, Selma.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    LAKES-TO-THE-GULF DEEP WATERWAY.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    LALLA R’KIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

    LAMA, The Dalai.

          See (in this Volume)
          TIBET.

    LAMSDORFF, Count: Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    LAND: In the United States:
        Reclamation of Arid Lands.
        Wasteful Culture.

           See (in this Volume)
           CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    LAND: The Small Holdings Act in Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

    LAND: Taxation proposed in the British Budget of 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    LAND LAWS, IRISH: THE WORKING OF THE SUCCESSIVE LAWS.
          The Act of 1903.

             See (in this Volume)
             IRELAND: A. D. 1870-1903, 1905.

    LAND LAWS, RUSSIAN: THE AGRARIAN LAW.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

    LAND OFFICE FRAUDS.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    LAND PURCHASE ACT, of 1909, IRISH.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1909.

    LAND QUESTION, IN AUSTRALIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: AUSTRALIA.

    LAND, RUSSIAN CROWN: SALE TO PEASANTS OPENED.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    LAND SYSTEM, OF NEW ZEALAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

    LANDIS, Judge K. M.:
       Judgment against the Standard Oil Company, imposing a Fine
       of $29,000,000.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    LANDLORDISM:
       Overthrown Politically in Denmark.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1901.

    LANGLEY, Samuel P.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    {411}

    LANSDOWNE, Henry Charles, Marquess of:
       Secretary for Foreign Affairs.
       Despatch explanatory of Agreements between England and France,
       April, 1904.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

       On each of the Two Defensive Agreements with Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1902, AND 1905 (AUGUST).

       On the Budget of 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    LARRINAGA, Tulio:
       Delegate to Third International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    LATHAM, Hubert.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION; RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    LATIN BIBLE, Revised Translation of.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.

    LAURIER, Sir Wilfred, Premier of Canada:
       At Colonial Conference in London, 1902.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

       At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    LAURIER MINISTRY:
       Supported in the Canadian Elections, 1904.

          See CANADA: A. D. 1904.

    LAVERAN, Charles L. A.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    LAW AND ITS COURTS: England:
       Institution of a Court of Criminal Appeal.

       An important innovation in the administration of criminal law
       was introduced in Great Britain by an Act of Parliament "to
       Establish a Court of Criminal Appeal," approved August 28,
       1907. In part, the enactment was as follows:

       "1.
       (1) There shall be a Court of Criminal Appeal, and the Lord
       Chief Justice of England and eight judges of the King’s Bench
       Division of the High Court, appointed for the purpose by the
       Lord Chief Justice with the consent of the Lord Chancellor for
       such period as he thinks desirable in each case, shall be
       judges of that court.

       "(2) For the purpose of hearing and determining appeals under
       this Act, and for the purpose of any other proceedings under
       this Act, the Court of Criminal Appeal shall be summoned in
       accordance with directions given by the Lord Chief Justice of
       England with the consent of the Lord Chancellor, and the court
       shall be duly constituted if it consists of not less than
       three judges and of an uneven number of judges.

       "If the Lord Chief Justice so directs, the court may sit in
       two or more divisions. The court shall sit in London except in
       cases where the Lord Chief Justice gives special directions
       that it shall sit at some other place. …

       "3. A person convicted on indictment may appeal under this Act
       to the Court of Criminal Appeal—

          (a) against his conviction on any ground of appeal
          which involves a question of law alone; and

          (b) with the leave of the Court of Criminal Appeal
          or upon the certificate of the Judge who tried him that it
          is a fit case for appeal against his conviction on any
          ground of appeal which involves a question of fact alone or
          a question of mixed law and fact, or any other ground which
          appears to the court to be a sufficient ground of appeal;
          and

          (c) with the leave of the Court of Criminal Appeal
          against the sentence passed on his conviction, unless the
          sentence is one fixed by law.

       "4.
       (1) The Court of Criminal Appeal on any such appeal against
       conviction shall allow the appeal if they think that the
       verdict of the jury should be set aside on the ground that it
       is unreasonable or cannot be supported having regard to the
       evidence, or that the judgment of the court before whom the
       appellant was convicted should be set aside on the ground of a
       wrong decision of any question of law or that on any ground
       there was a miscarriage of justice, and in any other case
       shall dismiss the appeal: Provided that the court may,
       notwithstanding that they are of opinion that the point raised
       in the appeal might be decided in favour of the appellant,
       dismiss the appeal if they consider that no substantial
       miscarriage of justice has actually occurred.

       "(2) Subject to the special provisions of this Act, the Court
       of Criminal Appeal shall, if they allow an appeal against
       conviction, quash the conviction and direct a judgment and
       verdict of acquittal to be entered.

       "(3) On an appeal against sentence the Court of Criminal
       Appeal shall, if they think that a different sentence should
       have been passed, quash the sentence passed at the trial, and
       pass such other sentence warranted in law by the verdict
       (whether more or less severe) in substitution therefor as they
       think ought to have been passed, and in any other case shall
       dismiss the appeal.

       "5.
       (1) If it appears to the Court of Criminal Appeal that an
       appellant, though not properly convicted on some count or part
       of the indictment, has been properly convicted on some other
       count or part of the indictment, the court may either affirm
       the sentence passed on the appellant at the trial, or pass
       such sentence in substitution therefor as they think proper,
       and as may be warranted in law by the verdict on the count or
       part of the indictment on which the court consider that the
       appellant has been properly convicted.

       "(2) Where an appellant has been convicted of an offence and
       the jury could on the indictment have found him guilty of some
       other offence, and on the finding of the jury it appears to
       the Court of Criminal Appeal that the jury must have been
       satisfied of facts which proved him guilty of that other
       offence, the court may, instead of allowing or dismissing the
       appeal, substitute for the verdict found by the jury a verdict
       of guilty of that other offence, and pass such sentence in
       substitution for the sentence passed at the trial as may be
       warranted in law for that other offence, not being a sentence
       of greater severity.

       "(3) Where on the conviction of the appellant the jury have
       found a special verdict, and the Court of Criminal Appeal
       consider that a wrong conclusion has been arrived at by the
       court before which the appellant has been convicted on the
       effect of that verdict, the Court of Criminal Appeal may,
       instead of allowing the appeal, order such conclusion to be
       recorded as appears to the court to be in law required by the
       verdict, and pass such sentence in substitution for the
       sentence passed at the trial as may be warranted in law.

       "(4) If on any appeal it appears to the Court of Criminal
       Appeal that, although the appellant was guilty of the act or
       omission charged against him, he was insane at the time the
       act was done or omission made so as not to be responsible
       according to law for his actions, the court may quash the
       sentence passed at the trial and order the appellant to be
       kept in custody as a criminal lunatic."

    {412}

    LAW AND ITS COURTS: France:
       Reform of Judicial Procedure in Criminal Trials.

       Criticism of French judicial procedure in criminal trials,
       under the system which puts the duties of a prosecuting
       attorney on the judge, was much sharpened in the autumn of
       1909 by the attention drawn to a sensational murder trial at
       Paris—the Steinheil case. The result was to impel the
       Government to undertake measures of reform, beginning with the
       appointment, November 20, of an extra-Parliamentary commission
       to study the whole question of reform. Within a month after
       the appointment of the commission one of its leading members,
       in an article in the Matin, indicated the main points
       of the recommendations which the commission was already
       prepared to make. It would recommend that the authority of the
       President of the Assize Court should remain intact, and that
       the Judge should as heretofore continue to direct the jury and
       preside over the whole process of the instruction or
       preliminary inquiry. In the view of the Commission the Judge's
       moral authority cannot but be augmented by the proposal to
       relieve him of the duty of cross-examining a prisoner at the
       bar. It would be recommended that in future a summary
       statement of the case by the Public Prosecutor, or in a civil
       suit by the plaintiff, should be followed by a presentation of
       the defendant’s case on the part of counsel for the defence.
       The jury would thus be made acquainted with the issue, and the
       witnesses would then be called. Each witness would be liable
       to cross-examination on behalf both of the defence and of the
       prosecution, and the Judge, remaining aloof from the
       discussion in his new rule as arbitrator, could not but gain
       moral authority in a degree which would materially promote the
       ends of even-handed justice.

       A Bill on these lines was introduced by the Minister of
       Justice in the following month.

    LAW AND ITS COURTS: International:
       Naval Prize Court, and proposed Judicial Arbitration Court.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

    LAW AND ITS COURTS: United States:
       The Question of Injunctions in Labor Disputes.

       The question of the issuance of writs of injunction by the
       courts in connection with labor disputes came much into
       discussion during the canvass preliminary to the American
       presidential election of 1908, and was a prominent subject of
       declaration in the platforms of the political parties.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908, APRIL-NOVEMBER).

       Subsequently, President Taft, in his first annual message to
       Congress, cited the pronouncement of the Republican party on
       this question, and said: "I recommend that in compliance with
       the promise thus made, appropriate legislation be adopted. The
       ends of justice will best be met and the chief cause of
       complaint against ill-considered injunctions without notice
       will be removed by the enactment of a statute forbidding
       hereafter the issuing of any injunction or restraining order,
       whether temporary or permanent, by any Federal court, without
       previous notice and a reasonable opportunity to be heard on
       behalf of the parties to be enjoined; unless it shall appear
       to the satisfaction of the court that the delay necessary to
       give such notice and hearing would result in irreparable
       injury to the complainant and unless also the court shall from
       the evidence make a written finding, which shall be spread
       upon the court minutes, that immediate and irreparable injury
       is likely to ensue to the complainant, and shall define the
       injury, state why it is irreparable, and shall also endorse on
       the order issued the date and the hour of the issuance of the
       order. Moreover, every such injunction or restraining order
       issued without previous notice and opportunity by the
       defendant to be heard should by force of the statute expire
       and be of no effect after seven days from the issuance
       thereof, or within any time less than that period which the
       court may fix, unless within such seven days or such less
       period, the injunction or order is extended or renewed after
       previous notice and opportunity to be heard."

    LAW AND ITS COURTS: National and State Legislation.
       Need of Uniformity.
       Movements to secure it.

       Speaking in 1906 at a dinner of the Pennsylvania Society, the
       Honorable Elihu Root, then United States Secretary of State,
       addressed, in a few words, a very pregnant suggestion and
       admonition to the lawmakers of the States in the American
       Union. He spoke first of the strongly nationalized sentiment
       of patriotism that has had its rapid growth of late in the
       country, saying: "Our country as a whole, the noble and
       beloved land of every citizen of every State, has become the
       object of pride and devotion among all our people. North and
       South, within the limits of the proud old colonial
       commonwealths, through out that vast region where Burr once
       dreamed of a separate empire dominating the valley of the
       Mississippi, and upon the far distant shores of the Pacific:
       and by the side of this strong and glowing loyalty to the
       nation, sentiment for the separate States has become dim and
       faint in comparison." Then he added, warningly: "There is but
       one way in which the States of the Union can maintain their
       power and authority under the conditions which are now before
       us, and that way is by an awakening on the part of the States
       to a realization of their own duties to the country at large.
       Under the conditions which now exist, no State can live unto
       itself alone and regulate its affairs with sole reference to
       its own treasury, its own convenience, its own special
       interests. Every State is bound to frame its legislation and
       its administration with reference not only to its own social
       affairs but with reference to the effect upon all its sister
       States."

       Quoting and affirming these remarks of the thoughtful
       statesman, the National Civic Federation Review, of
       July, 1909, says: "The plain truth is that the movement of
       people and of merchandise goes on in our day without any
       regard to State lines; and it is becoming increasingly clear
       that unless the States will legislate with substantial
       uniformity on a number of subjects the tendency toward
       centralization and a corresponding increase of Federal power
       cannot permanently be resisted."

       In its preceding issue, of March, the Review had made
       the following announcement: "The National Civic Federation,
       through its experience in holding national conferences on such
       subjects as the trusts, taxation, immigration and election
       reform—conferences to which the Governors of States sent
       official representatives—has become impressed with the
       necessity for a systematic national effort toward securing,
       within reasonable limits, more uniform legislation in the
       States of the Union.

    {413}

       "There are useful national organizations of farmers,
       manufacturers, wage-earners, bankers, merchants, lawyers,
       economists and other organizations which hold national
       meetings for the discussion of affairs peculiar to their own
       pursuits and callings. The Civic Federation, however, provides
       a forum in its annual conference for representatives of all
       these elements to discuss national problems in which they have
       a common interest. Heretofore there has been no effort to
       crystallize into State organizations this representative
       membership for the accomplishment of concrete aims.

       "A committee has been appointed to organize a Council of one
       hundred representative men in each State. Mr. John Hays
       Hammond has accepted the chairmanship of this committee, of
       which the following are also members: Messrs. Alton B. Parker,
       New York; Myron T. Herrick, Ohio; David R. Francis, Missouri;
       Curtis Guild, Jr., Massachusetts; Nahum J. Bachelder, New
       Hampshire; Edwin Warfield, Maryland; Herman Ridder, New York;
       C. F. Brooker, Connecticut; Bruce Haldeman, Kentucky; Victor
       Rosewater, Nebraska; Clark Howell, Georgia; P. I. Bonebrake,
       Kansas; James Lynch, Indiana; Harry Pratt Judson, Illinois; A.
       H. Revell, Illinois; John B. Lennon, Illinois; John H.
       Holliday, Indiana, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler, California.

       "The continued existence for eighteen years of the Annual
       Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, created by
       the different States at the instance of the American Bar
       Association, shows that the State Executives and Legislatures
       are fully alive to the importance of this subject. The
       last-named organization has been instrumental in securing the
       passage in thirty-five States of a uniform negotiable
       instruments law, and is promoting other commercial measures,
       including a uniform food law to conform to the national law.

       "This necessity for uniform legislation is further illustrated
       by the proceedings at the annual meetings of the National
       Association of the State Attorneys General and of the State
       Labor Commissioners, Insurance Commissioners, etc., etc."

       Discussing the subject in the July issue of the Review,
       President Amasa M. Eaton of the Commissioners on Uniform State
       Laws, said: "The subject of uniform legislation is in the air
       all over the United States. At the instance of the President,
       a National Conference to secure the conservation of our
       national resources has been held in Washington, and to carry
       into effect the conclusions of this Conference there must
       follow uniform State legislation. At the instance of Governor
       Guild a conference of the Governors of the New England States,
       with other delegates, met in Boston last fall on the subject
       of forestry, shell fisheries and automobiles, all subjects
       calling for uniform legislation. A similar conference of the
       Governors of New York and the adjoining States has met in New
       York, at the instance of Governor Hughes of New York, to
       consider a uniform automobile law. A National Divorce
       Congress, called by Governor Pennypacker by virtue of an act
       of the Legislature of Pennsylvania, has framed a uniform
       divorce law which has been indorsed by the Conference of
       Commissioners on Uniform State Laws. In March a Conference on
       Uniform Child Labor Laws in the Southern States was held in
       New Orleans at the call of the Governor of Louisiana, at which
       the Governors and Delegates of those States were present. The
       result was the formation of a permanent organization, with the
       Governor of Louisiana as Chairman, and the executive committee
       of that organization is to draft a Uniform Child Labor Law and
       to submit it to the legislatures of the several Southern
       States.

       "All these are but expressions of the deep-seated necessity
       for uniform legislation that has existed ever since we
       acquired our independence of Great Britain, intensified by the
       requirements of a progressive civilization knitting us ever
       more and more closely into union as a nation."

       The whole movement was planned to receive effective
       organization at a National Conference in Washington which the
       National Civic Federation, after consultation with other
       bodies, announced, in the summer of 1909, its intention to
       call, for January 5-7, 1910. The Conference was held
       accordingly, in conjunction with a meeting of the Governors of
       States, which gave attention to the same subject.

    LAW AND ITS COURTS:
       President Taft’s Recommendations for Expediting Procedure.

       The following is from President Taft’s first annual Message to
       Congress, December, 1909:

       "The deplorable delays in the administration of civil and
       criminal law have received the attention of committees of the
       American Bar Association and of many State Bar Associations,
       as well as the considered thought of judges and jurists. In my
       judgment, a change in judicial procedure, with a view to
       reducing its expense to private litigants in civil cases and
       facilitating the dispatch of business and final decision in
       both civil and criminal cases, constitutes the greatest need
       in our American institutions. I do not doubt for one moment
       that much of the lawless violence and cruelty exhibited in
       lynchings is directly due to the uncertainties and injustice
       growing out of the delays in trials, judgments, and the
       executions thereof by our courts. Of course, these remarks
       apply quite as well to the administration of justice in State
       courts as to that in Federal courts, and without making
       invidious distinction, it is, perhaps, not too much to say
       that, speaking generally, the defects are less in the Federal
       courts than in the State courts. But they are very great in
       the Federal courts. The expedition with which business is
       disposed of both on the civil and the criminal side of English
       courts, under modern rules of procedure, makes the delays in
       our courts seem archaic and barbarous.

       "The procedure in the Federal courts should furnish an example
       for the State courts. I presume it is impossible, without an
       amendment to the Constitution, to unite under one form of
       action the proceedings at common law and proceedings in equity
       in the Federal courts, but it is certainly not impossible by a
       statute to simplify and make short and direct the procedure
       both at law and in equity in those courts. It is not
       impossible to cut down still more than it is cut down the
       jurisdiction of the Supreme Court so as to confine it almost
       wholly to statutory and constitutional questions. Under the
       present statutes, the equity and admiralty procedure in the
       Federal courts is under the control of the Supreme Court, but
       in the pressure of business to which that court is subjected,
       it is impossible to hope that a radical and proper reform of
       the Federal equity procedure can be brought about.
    {414}
       I therefore recommend legislation providing for the
       appointment by the President of a commission with authority to
       examine the law and equity procedure of the Federal courts of
       first instance, the law of appeals from those courts to the
       courts of appeals and to the Supreme Court, and the costs
       imposed in such procedure upon the private litigants and upon
       the public treasury, and make recommendation with a view to
       simplifying and expediting the procedure as far as possible,
       and making it as inexpensive as may be to the litigant of
       little means."

          See (in this Volume),
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    LEAGUE, ALL-INDIA MOSLEM.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER).

    LEAGUE OF LIBERATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    LEAGUE OF UNION AND PROGRESS.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    LECOT, Cardinal.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    LEGARDA, BENITO.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

    LEGISLATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS.

    LEGUIA, Augusto B.:
       President of Peru.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.

    LENARD, PHILIPPE.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    LEO XIII.: Death.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (JULY-AUGUST).

    LEOPOLD II., KING OF BELGIUM:
       His Administration of the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE.

    LEOPOLD II., KING OF BELGIUM:
       His death.

          See (in this Volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1909 (DECEMBER).

    LERROUX, Señor:
       Socialist-Republican Leader in Spain.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

    LÈSE MAJESTÉ:
       Prosecutions in Germany.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1903 .

    LETCHWORTH PARK.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.

    LEWIS, THOMAS L.:
       President of the United Mine Workers of America.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    LEWIS AND CLARK EXPOSITION.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTLAND, OREGON.

    LEWIS ESTATE, Evicted Tenants of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

    LHASA: A. D. 1904.
       Reached by British Expedition under Colonel Younghusband.

          See (in this Volume)
          TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

    LIAO-TUNG PENINSULA.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    LIAO-YANG, Battle of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    LIAUTEY, General:
       Operations in Morocco.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

    LIBERAL-CONSERVATIVE SEPARATIST PARTY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

    LIBERIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Good Relations between Colonists and Natives.
       Improved Prospects.

       "When it was decided in the United States to found a home for
       repatriated Africans, the prior experiment of Sierra Leone
       turned attention toward the same coast, and in 1821 and at
       subsequent dates settlements were effected, firstly at
       Monrovia, and later on at Roberts Port, Grand Basa, Sino, and
       Harper (Cape Palmas). Usually those who conducted the
       enterprise went through the form of buying small plats of land
       from local headmen or chiefs; but, as a rule, the promoters of
       this movement did not trouble overmuch about the rights of the
       ‘bush niggers,’ as the indigenous natives were termed.
       Consequently the first fifty years of the history of Liberia
       were marked by constant struggles between the
       American-Liberian invaders and the native blacks. During the
       last ten years, however, there has been a marked advance in
       good relations between the American settlers and their native
       subjects, as many of them may fairly be called. The wise
       policy of President Barclay has greatly promoted this good
       feeling since 1904. He has been able to assemble at different
       times at the capital chiefs or their representatives from
       almost all parts of Liberia, even from the Mandingo districts
       just beyond the limits of the coast belt. Therefore they have
       no subject of disagreement. Curiously enough one example of
       this mild rule of black by black is that the white man in
       Liberia is everywhere received with great friendliness,
       because he is not associated in the minds of the natives with
       anything like conquest or oppression.

       "How far the original experiment will succeed the next twenty
       years will, perhaps, indicate. The negroes of American origin
       who have settled in Liberia have not, as a general rule, been
       able to stand the climate very much better than Europeans,
       and, as a rule, they have not been able to rear large families
       of children. Yet it seems to me as though Liberians of the new
       generation born in the country are beginning to take hold, but
       this is partly due to the increasing and I think very sensible
       practice of intermarriage with women of the fine, vigorous,
       indigenous races. Probably the future of Liberia will be a
       negro state very like Sierra Leone in its development, with
       English as its government language, and such English or
       American institutions as may prove to be suited to an African
       country, a coast belt inhabited by negroes professing
       Christianity and wearing clothes of European cut, and a
       hinterland of Mohammedans dressed in the picturesque and
       wholly suitable costume worn at the present day by the
       Mandingos and by most Mohammedan negroes between Senegal and
       the White Nile."

          Sir Harry Johnston,
          Liberia
          (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1904-1905,
          pages 254-255).

    LIBERIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
       English, French, and American attention to Conditions
       in the Republic.

       "The policy of the Liberian Republic has caused anxiety for
       some time past both to England and to France, the Powers whose
       territory adjoins the Liberian boundary. Some two years ago
       President Barclay came to Europe to discuss the situation with
       the British and French Governments. As a result of this
       exchange of views, Liberia appointed Europeans to her Customs
       Department, secured a gunboat to patrol her coast-line, and
       arranged for a frontier force. These measures were approved by
       the British and French Governments and also by the American
       Government, and their execution was facilitated by a loan
       negotiated on behalf of Liberia by the Liberian Development
       Company.
    {415}
       The growth of British interests in the Republic led the
       Foreign Office to appoint a Consul-General at Monrovia, the
       capital, in the person of Captain Braithwaite Wallis, formerly
       acting district commissioner in Sierra Leone. So far as the
       first part of the reform programme was concerned the
       consequences have been eminently satisfactory. Liberia has
       been able to pay off some of her debts, and her revenue has
       increased."

          Correspondent London Times,
          April 22, 1909.

       While these movements were in progress, in June, 1908, three
       commissioners from Liberia came to Washington asking for aid
       in maintaining and administering its government. Probably in
       course of this application, the American Ambassador in London,
       Mr. Reid, addressed a note to the British Secretary of State
       for Foreign Affairs, on the 29th of June, in which he wrote:

       "We should be glad to have your views as to how the two
       Governments could best co-operate at the present time towards
       promoting the welfare of Liberia."

       In his reply to this Sir Edward Grey said:

       "As I had the honour to explain in March last to the United
       States Charge d’Affaires, his Majesty’s Government have in any
       measure they may be called upon to take in Liberia no designs
       whatever upon the independence or integrity of the country,
       and they do not intend to undertake any responsibility with
       regard to it. The services of British officials have been lent
       to the Liberians solely with a view to the better preservation
       of order, more particularly in that part of Liberia which
       marches with Sierra Leone, and improved administration.

       "The French Government also, as your Excellency is doubtless
       aware, takes a special interest in the affairs of the
       Republic, and his Majesty’s Government have already assured
       them that they would have no objection to the services of some
       French officials being lent for the same objects as the
       British officials. It is doubtful, therefore, whether there is
       at the present time any scope for the co-operation of the
       United States Government in the Customs or police, and if they
       desire to render active assistance to the Liberian Government
       they will perhaps prefer to direct their attention to other
       branches of the administration which are as urgently in need
       of reform.

       "That reforms are required in one other branch at least his
       Majesty’s Government have reason to know, for among the chief
       difficulties which his Majesty’s Government experience in
       regard to Liberia are the frequent complaints received from
       British subjects as to the treatment they receive in the
       Liberian Courts. If therefore the United States could see
       their way to introducing reforms into the judiciary, either by
       lending the services of an official to act as judicial advisor
       or in some other manner, much good would in the opinion of his
       Majesty’s Government be derived not only by the various
       subjects of foreign nationalities resident in the country but
       also by the Liberians themselves.

       "While calling attention more specially to this one branch of
       the administration, which has been a frequent source of
       trouble, I need hardly add that his Majesty’s Government would
       welcome the co-operation of the Government of the United
       States with them in Liberia in any other manner which may
       appear more suitable or more desirable on a consideration of
       all the circumstances."

       This and other information obtained by the State Department
       led President Roosevelt, on the 18th of January, 1909, to ask
       Congress for an appropriation of $20,000 to pay the expenses
       of a commission to go to Liberia "to examine into the
       situation, confer with the officers of the Liberian
       government, and with the representatives of other governments
       actually present in Monrovia, and report recommendations as to
       the specific action on the part of the United States most apt
       to render effective relief to the Republic of Liberia under
       the present critical circumstances." The conclusion reached by
       the State Department was that it "is quite clear that Liberia
       is very much in need of assistance, that the United States can
       help her substantially, and that it is our duty to help her."

       The seriousness of the situation was set forth by Secretary
       Root in a memorandum to the President. Between forty and fifty
       thousand civilized negroes, for the most part descendants of
       the original colonists from the United States, occupy a
       territory comprising 43,000 square miles, in which there are
       also over a million and a half members of uncivilized native
       tribes. The civilized part of the population have been to a
       great degree cut off from any intimate relation with the rest
       of the civilized world for two-thirds of a century. They began
       with little education, with no acquired skill in the art of
       government, and they have had little opportunity to improve
       through intercourse with other and more advanced communities.
       They find it especially difficult to control the native
       tribes, or to conduct their own government in accordance with
       modern requirements.

       The British colony of Sierra Leone to the north and the French
       possessions closing in their hinterland to the east are almost
       continuously complaining of the failure of Liberia to maintain
       order upon the border. "Notwithstanding the very kindly
       disposition on the part of Great Britain, and the similar
       disposition on the part of France, there is imminent danger
       that the republic, unless it receives outside assistance, will
       not be able to maintain itself very long," said Secretary
       Root.

       The Commission to visit Liberia was appointed in the following
       April, and was conveyed soon afterward to Monrovia by a
       squadron of three cruiser scouts. It was composed of three
       members, Mr. W. Morgan Shuster, who had been for a number of
       years in the Philippine service of the United States, Dr.
       George Sale, and Mr. Emmett J. Scott, private Secretary of Dr.
       Booker Washington. These Commissioners were accompanied by
       Captain Sydney A. Cloman, as Military Attache, and by Major
       Percy W. Ashburn, of the United States Of America Medical
       Department, who would study the sanitary conditions in
       Liberia.

       Early in October the Commission returned, but its report to
       the State Department was not transmitted to Congress until the
       25th of March, 1910. It recommended an extension of prompt and
       effective aid to the Liberian Government, in the refunding of
       its debt, the reform of its finances, the settlement of its
       boundary disputes, and the organizing of a competent
       constabulary force. Also that the United States establish in
       Liberia a naval coaling station and a research station.

    {416}

    LICENSE LAWS.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    LIFE INSURANCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE.

    LILIENTHAL, Otto.

          See (in this Volume)
    Science and Invention: Aeronautics.

    LIMA, WENCESLAO DE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    LINCOLN, ABRAHAM.

       February 12, 1909, the 100th anniversary of his birth, was
       made a legal holiday by act of Congress. The same bill
       appropriated $50,000 for making a highway from Washington to
       Gettysburg, to be known as the Lincoln Way.

    LINDSEY, JUDGE BEN D.:
       His Juvenile Court at Denver.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW; AS OFFENDERS.

    LINEVITCH, General.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

    LIPPMAN, GABRIEL.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    LIQUOR QUESTION.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
       President of the Board of Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
       Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907
       on Preferential Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
       Success in arranging for the Pacific Settlement
       of Labor Disputes in the English Railway Service.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

    LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
       Chancellor of the Exchequer.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

    LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
       On the Working of the Old Age Pensions Act and
       its Disclosures of Poverty.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

    LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
       On the Development of the Natural Resources of Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: GREAT BRITAIN.

    LLOYD-GEORGE, David:
       His Budget of 1909.
       His speech on it.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    LOCAL OPTION:
       Progress in the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

    LOCKOUTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION.

    LODGE, SIR OLIVER.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    LODZ, Disturbances in.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    LOEB, WILLIAM, JR.:
       Collector of Customs at New York.
       His unearthing of Corruptions.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    LOISY, ABBÉ:
       Appointment to be Professor of the History of Religions
       in the College de France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Control of the London County Council lost by the Progressives.
       Defeat in Borough Councils Elections of 1909.

       The local party of Progressives, so called, who had controlled
       the London County Council since 1889, lost their majority in
       the elections of the spring of 1907, and the Conservatives, or
       Moderates, or Reformers, as they are variedly styled, were
       brought into power, electing 120 members, against 85. The
       Progressives, in their eighteen years of ascendancy, had
       wrought immense changes in the great city, widening congested
       streets, such as the Strand, opening great new thoroughfares
       and new parks, electrifying the street railways, remodelling
       antiquated public institutions, and the like. The cost of
       their works had been heavy, and ratepayers had become
       persuaded that there was extravagance in the progressiveness
       of the party. It had antagonized many powerful interests in
       the city, moreover, and the wonder seems to be that it had
       been permitted to conduct the City Government so long.

       Again, in elections to the borough councils, in 1909, the
       Progressives lost heavily, and the Conservatives, who have
       taken the name of Municipal Reformers, are strongly entrenched
       in most of the boroughs. Several women were elected, 61 of
       their sex having been candidates.

    LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.
       Statistics of Elementary Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

    LONDON, ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
       International Naval Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1907
          (appended to account of Second Peace Conference at The Hague).

    LONG, John D.:
       Secretary of the Navy.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    LOPUKHIN, M.:
       His exposure of the Police Spy, Azeff,
       to the Russian Revolutionists.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-JULY).

    LORDS, British House of:
       Decision in case of the Free Church of Scotland.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904.

    LORDS, British House of:
       Defeat of Education Bill, 1906.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906.

    LORDS, British House of:
       Menaced Limitation of its Legislative Powers
       by the House of Commons.
       Its own proposals of Constitutional Change.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (APRIL-DECEMBER); 1907-1908;
          1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910.

    LORDS, British House of:
       Rejection of Licensing Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

    LORDS, British House of:
       Rejection of Budget of 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    LORENTZ, HENRIK ANTON.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA:
       Recent Rapid Growth of the City.

       "The advance of this city to the important position of
       metropolis of Southern California falls into two quite
       distinct periods, each, however, beginning with the advent of
       a transcontinental railroad. The first period opened with the
       completion of the Southern Pacific Railroad as a through line
       from San Francisco to the East, in 1881, and saw the
       transformation of Los Angeles from a sleepy, half-Spanish town
       of about 12,000 souls into a bustling progressive city of
       70,000 population. The second period of advance began with the
       entrance of the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad in
       1885. This improved communication with the States east of the
       Rocky Mountains gave an impetus to tourist travel, especially
       in the winter season, and the fame of the city and of near-by
       localities as places of winter resort spread far and wide. The
       people of Los Angeles were quick to recognize the opportunity
       for gain and the whole community joined in methods of
       advertising of the most systematic character. By the aid of
       its local press and through the agency of an energetic Chamber
       of Commerce Los Angeles has become one of the best known
       cities of North America.

    {417}

       "Since 1900, railroad communication has been further improved
       by the opening of an additional road to San Francisco by way
       of the ocean shore and the Salinas and Santa Clara Valleys.
       This line, known as the Southern Pacific ‘Coast Line,’ avoids
       the heavy grades of the Tehachapi Mountains and greatly
       shortens the running time between Los Angeles and San
       Francisco. The opening of the San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt
       Lake Railroad eastward of Los Angeles in 1903 gave the city
       direct connection with the central Rocky Mountain region.

       "Two other important influences within the past decade
       contributed to the city’s remarkable advance in wealth and
       population. These are the building of a vast system of
       suburban electric railways making a large region of fertile
       attractive land, now densely populated, directly tributary to
       Los Angeles, and secondly, the introduction of cheap fuel
       through the discovery of local supplies of oil. The net-work
       of suburban electric railways of which Los Angeles is the
       center is one of the most perfect in the world. These lines
       reach out in every direction through distances of from 10 to
       50 miles, and connect Los Angeles with the many rapidly
       growing cities of Los Angeles County and its neighbor, Orange
       County.

       "Manufacturing in Los Angeles was for a long time handicapped
       by the high cost of fuel. This difficulty has been removed by
       the introduction of crude oil as fuel, and the city now has
       over 1500 manufacturing establishments, employing over 12,000
       people, with an annual output of over $40,000,000. These
       include rolling mills, brass-works, paper-box factories,
       manufactories of mining machinery, pumps, glass, etc. Los
       Angeles is becoming a manufacturing center for the mining and
       agricultural lands of Utah, Southern Nevada, Arizona, New
       Mexico and the Northern parts of Mexico, as well as Southern
       California itself.

       "The steady expansion of Los Angeles has been maintained by a
       policy of annexation of suburbs. The latest event in this line
       of growth has elevated the city into the rank of a sea-port.
       The city has long enjoyed abundant means of ocean traffic by
       way of Santa Monica, Redondo and San Pedro, but by the
       annexation of San Pedro and Wilmington, in 1906, with a
       connecting strip of territory 19 miles long by ½ mile in
       width, Los Angeles itself becomes a sea-port with the control
       of traffic on San Pedro Bay. The city thus achieves an extreme
       length from north to south of 33 miles."

          Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
          Lowell High School, San Francisco.

    LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA:
       Experiments and Experiences in Municipal Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Water Supply.
       The Owens River Aqueduct.

       "The present water supply of the city of Los Angeles is taken
       from the flow of the Los Angeles River, supplemented by the
       underground flow of the San Fernando Valley in which the river
       lies. The demand for water within the city is supplemented by
       the need for water for irrigation purposes in the surrounding
       country. Some years ago it became evident that an increased
       supply must be obtained, or the further development of the
       city and its environs be brought to a standstill. Extensive
       investigations resulted in the decision that Owens River
       offered the best source of supply. This river, the principal
       drainage of the Owens Valley region, at the base of the Sierra
       Nevada Mountains, has a large number of tributaries, and
       empties into Owens Lake, from which the waters escape by
       evaporation only. The Los Angeles authorities adopted the plan
       of an aqueduct to conduct the waters of this river along the
       mountain slopes, over the Mojave Desert, and, by tunnel,
       through the San Fernando Mountains, to their city,--a total
       distance of 217½ miles. On the 7th of September, 1905, an
       election was held at which the voters of Los Angeles, by a
       majority of about fourteen to one, declared in favor of a bond
       issue of $23,000,000 for the undertaking. Besides the
       construction of the conduit, the project includes the building
       of a large reservoir in Long Valley, above the Owens Valley
       proper, for the storage of flood waters; also the construction
       of a system of additional reservoirs along the line of the
       aqueduct for the regulation of flow as well as for storage;
       and a terminal reservoir from which the distributing system
       proceeds. All of this work is well under way at this date
       (1909), and according to the last published report of the
       Aqueduct Bureau the chief engineer confidently expects that
       this great project will be brought to completion within the
       estimated period of five years--and within the estimated cost
       of $23,000,000.

       "Outside of the above estimates, the City also plans to build
       a great electric power plant which will utilize the drop of
       1500 feet where the aqueduct emerges from the San Fernando
       Mountains. This plant is estimated to cost from $4,500,000 to
       $5,000,000, and through the sale of electric power will become
       the source of very considerable revenue to the City. Taken
       altogether this Owens River Aqueduct is the greatest municipal
       undertaking in California at the present time, and one of the
       most important engineering achievements of recent years."

          Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Department,
          Lowell High School, San Francisco.

    LOUBET, Emile:
       President of France.

          See (in Volume VI.)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

    LOUBET, Emile:
       Visit to the King of Italy.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    LOUBET, Emile:
       Expiration of term as President of the French Republic.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    LOUISIANA: A. D. 1908.
       Enactment against Race-track Gambling.

          See (in this Volume)
          GAMBLING.

    LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSITION.

          See (in this Volume)
          ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

    LOW, Seth:
       Mayor of New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903.

    LOWELL, ABBOTT LAWRENCE:
       President of Harvard University.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    LOWTHER, JAMES WILLIAM:
       Elected Speaker of the House of Commons.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905 (JUNE).

    LUBIN, DAVID:
       Originator of International Institute of Agriculture.

          See (in this Volume)
          AGRICULTURE.

    {418}

    LUIZ FELIPE, CROWN PRINCE OF PORTUGAL:
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    "LUSITANIA,"
       The Turbine Steamship.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

    LUZURIAGA, JOSÉ.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

    M.

    McADOO, WILLIAM GIBBS.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

    McANENY, GEORGE:
       President of the Borough of Manhattan.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.

    McCALL, JOHN A.:
       President of New York Life Insurance Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    McCLELLAN, GEORGE B.:
       Mayor of New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903, and 1905.

    McCURDY, RICHARD A.:
       President of Mutual Life Insurance Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    MACDONALD COLLEGE, The Founding of.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CANADA: A. D. 1907.

    MACEDONIA:
       The recent use of the Name.

       As employed very commonly at the present time, the name
       Macedonia simply signifies that part of the small remainder of
       the Turkish Empire in Europe which coincides nearly with the
       original Macedonia of ancient history. It is applied to the
       three Turkish vilayets or provinces of Salonika, Monastir and
       Kossovo, which have been the scene for years of conditions of
       strife and misery that are worse, perhaps, than can be found
       elsewhere in the world. Whether the wretched inhabitants have
       suffered more from their political masters, the Turks, than
       from their Bulgarian and Greek neighbors, who covet the ground
       they occupy, seems to be much of a question. For some account
       of the Macedonian troubles of late years.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY.

    MCKENNA, REGINALD: First Lord of the British Admiralty.
       Speech on the Navy Estimates, 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    MACKENZIE BASIN, Report on the.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1909.

    MCKINLEY, WILLIAM:
       President of the United States.
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          BUFFALO: A. D. 1901, and
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901 (SEPTEMBER).

    MCKINLEY, WILLIAM:
       Last public utterance.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    MACLAURIN, RICHARD C.:
       President of Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    MACLEAN, Kaid Sir Harry:
       Capture by Raisuli and ransom.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

    MACVEAGH, FRANKLIN:
       Secretary of the Treasury.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    MACVEAGH, FRANKLIN:
       On the corruptions in the United States Customs Service.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    MADAGASCAR:
       Agreement of England and France concerning matters in.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    MADRIZ, Dr.: President of Nicaragua.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

    MAGHRABI, AMINA HAFIZ.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: EGYPT.

    MAGHREB EL-AKSA.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO.

    MAGOON, CHARLES E.:
       Governor of the Panama Canal Zone.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

    MAGOON, CHARLES E.:
       Provisional Governor of Cuba.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER), and 1906-1909.

    MAHDI, THE MOORISH: BU HAMARA.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904.

    MAHDI, A New:
       His summary destruction.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (SUDAN).

    MAHMUD SHEVKET PASHA:
       Commander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    MAHOMET and MAHOMETAN.

         See (in this Volume)
          MOHAMMED and MOHAMMEDAN.

    MAKAROFF, Admiral.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    MALARIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: MALARIA.

    MALAY PENINSULA: A. D. 1909.
       Cession of Three States to Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1909.

    MANCHURIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
       Persistent occupation by the Russians.
       Remonstrances by the Japanese.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901.

    MANCHURIA: A. D. 1903.
       Treaty opening two new Ports to Foreign Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

    MANCHURIA: A. D. 1904.
       The Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

    MANCHURIA: A. D. 1905.
       Treaty between China and Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905 (DECEMBER).

    MANCHURIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       The question of Municipalities on the line of the Chinese
       Eastern Railway.
       New Russo-Chinese Agreement.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

    MANICKTOLLAH GARDEN, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

    MANIKALAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    MANILLA: A. D. 1900-1902.
       The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    MANITOBA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Census.
       Increased Representation in Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    MANNESMANN CONCESSION, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

    MANUEL II.: King of Portugal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL.

    MARCONI, Guglielmo.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.
          See, also,
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    MARISCAL, Ignacio:
       Honorary President of Second International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    MARRAKESH (Morocco City), Events at.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

    {419}

    MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED WIFE’S SISTER:
       English Act to legalize it.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

    MARSEILLES: A. D. 1902.
       Strikes of Dock Laborers, Sailors, and Stokers.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1902.

    MARTENS, Frederick de.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    MARTINIQUE:
       Volcanic Explosion of Mont Pelée.

          See (in this Volume)
          VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

    MARYLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Defeat of Disfranchising Amendment to the Constitution.

       See (in this Volume)
       ELECTIVE FRANCHISE; UNITED STATES.

    MASCHINE, Colonel:
       Leader of the Assassins of King Alexander, at Belgrade.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

    MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1909.
       Seeking a Leader for an Educational Revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    MASSACRES:
       In Asia Minor.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    MASSACRES:
       Of "Bloody Sunday" in St. Petersburg.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    MASSACRES:
       Of Jews at Kishineff.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (APRIL).

    MATOS, Manuel A.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    MATSUKATA, Count.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

    MATTER, New Theory of.

          (See in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

    MAURA, Señor:
       Prime Minister of Spain.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1907-1909.

    "MAURETANIA,"
       The Turbine Steamship.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

    MAURETANIE, French.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

    MAY LAWS, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

    MECCA:
       Railway from Damascus.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS (TURKEY, ASIATIC: A. D. 1908).

    MEDJLISS
    MEJLIS:
       The Persian Parliament or National Assembly.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.
          Also
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    MELILLA:
       Spanish hostilities with Moors.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

    MENDEL, GREGOR, and his Law of Variation in Species.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: BIOLOGICAL.

    MENELEK:
       Emperor of Ethiopia.

          See (in this Volume)
          ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

    MERRY DEL VAL, CARDINAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    MERSINA:
       Moslem attack on Armenians.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    MESSINA:
       Its destruction by Earthquake.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

    METCALF, VICTOR H.:
       Secretary of Commerce and Labor, and Secretary of the Navy.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

    METCHNIKOFF, PROFESSOR ELIE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.
          See, also,
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Invitation and entertainment of Second International
       Conference of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (May).
       Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question, between
       the United States and Mexico.

       From 1868 until 1902 a claim of the United States against
       Mexico had been in dispute. It related to the right of the
       Catholic missions in that part of old California which now
       forms the American State of California to a portion of the
       income from a certain fund which pious people of Spain and
       Mexico, more than two centuries ago, had established for the
       support of Catholic missions among the California Indians. In
       1767 the Jesuits who held the fund were driven from the
       country and the Spanish Government assumed the trust, which in
       turn devolved on Mexico when that colony acquired
       independence. When upper California was ceded to this country
       Mexico ceased to pay to the missions there the portion of the
       income due them. Their claim was finally taken up by the
       American Government, to be pressed against, the Mexican, and,
       after years of diplomatic controversy, was referred, May 22d,
       1902, to the Hague Tribunal for arbitration. This has the
       distinction of being the first controversy submitted to that
       permanent tribunal. The decision of the Tribunal was rendered
       on the 14th of October, 1902, in favor of the California
       claim, requiring Mexico to pay $1,420,682 (Mexican currency)
       of past dues, and $43,051 annually thereafter.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1903.
       New Legislative Palace, and other Government Buildings.

       "The cities and towns of Mexico are improving at a surprising
       rate, and the capital city especially is just now in the midst
       of the greatest building boom that has ever, perhaps, been
       known in any Latin-American city except Buenos Ayres. The
       interesting monthly publication entitled Modern Mexico informs
       us that the federal government alone is entering upon an
       investment approximating $50,000,000 in new buildings in the
       City of Mexico.

       "The greatest of these buildings is the so-called Legislative
       Palace, corresponding to our Capitol building at Washington.
       The foundations of this building are now being laid, and it
       will cost, perhaps, $20,000,000. The City of Mexico has
       adopted the wise European plan of carefully regulating the
       height of new buildings, and preventing the construction of
       anything that would be inartistic or out of keeping with the
       harmony of the city’s architecture. Next to the Legislative
       Palace, perhaps the most imposing of the new Mexican buildings
       will be the National Pantheon, which is to cost more than
       $5,000,000, and is to be at once a memorial to Mexico’s
       eminent men and a place for their entombment. Several of the
       executive departments are to be housed in the buildings now
       approaching completion."

          American Review of Reviews,
          October, 1903.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1903.
       Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    {420}

    MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Arbitration Treaty with the United States.
       Reelection of President Diaz for a Seventh Term.
       Extension of the Term.
       Currency Reform.
       End of the Free Zone.

       "Mexico was one of the countries with which the United States
       government negotiated an arbitration treaty early in the year
       [1905], a treaty which was dropped, like its fellows, by the
       Washington administration, because of the Senate amendments. …
       Though the tentative arbitration treaty between the United
       States and Mexico … fell through, another very practical and
       useful arbitration convention was concluded between the two
       nations during the year. This was the convention agreed to in
       principle during the Pan-American Conference in the city of
       Mexico in the winter of 1901-1902, which provides for the
       settlement by arbitration of all international questions
       growing out of pecuniary claims. The representatives of
       several of the nations taking part in that conference affixed
       their signatures to this preliminary compact, and it has since
       become operative among a number of them. It was ratified by
       the Mexican Senate during its spring sessions. As pecuniary
       claims have in point of fact been one of the most fruitful
       sources of difficulty between the United States and the other
       nations of the western hemisphere, the conclusion of an
       agreement, in a binding form, to dispose by arbitration of any
       such cases as may arise in the future, is a distinct gain for
       the cause of the rational adjustment of international
       controversies, and is a guarantee, not indeed absolute, but
       most substantial, of lasting peace among the nations of this
       continent. …

       "There were no striking developments in the political
       situation in Mexico. On December 1 of the previous year (1904)
       President Diaz had entered on his sixth consecutive term and
       his seventh term in all. By a constitutional amendment, a
       regular vice-president of the republic, for the first time
       since the early days of Mexico’s history, took the oath of
       office at the same time as the president, on December 1, 1904.
       The gentleman previously elected, and now occupying the
       position of vice-president, is the Honorable Ramon Corral,
       formerly governor of the state of Sonora. By virtue of another
       constitutional amendment, the present and future presidential
       terms will be six years, instead of four as formerly. …

       "A measure of vital importance to the economic well-being of
       the nation was promulgated on March 25, 1905. This was the
       decree for the reform of the currency, issued by the Executive
       under an enabling Act of Congress, approved on December 9,
       1904. The new monetary system, due to the initiative of the
       very able finance minister Señor José Yves Limantour, went
       into effect on the first of May, but the free coinage of
       silver ceased on April 16. Broadly speaking, the new system
       gives Mexico a fifty-cent dollar. It declares that the
       theoretical unit of the monetary system of the United Mexican
       States is represented by seventy-five centigrams of pure gold,
       and is denominated a peso. …

       "On July 1 that time-honored institution known as the Free
       Zone ceased to exist."

          F. R. Guernsey,
          The Year in Mexico
          (Atlantic Monthly, February, 1906).

    MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
       Celebration of the Centenary of Benito Juarez.
       His relation to the Secularizing Movement a generation ago.
       Present Pacific Relations between Church and State.

       "Though Juarez is generally credited with the paternity of the
       laws generically known as the Reform Laws, and although he
       undoubtedly was the life and soul of the secularizing movement
       of his day, it is worthy of note that he had no formal
       participation in the chief measures framed against the Church.
       … He was not a signatory of the Constitution of 1857, which
       first attacked the existence of the religious orders; the law
       for the confiscation of church property was framed by Miguel
       Lerdo de Tejada, the Finance Minister of President Comoufort
       (1856); and the constitutional amendments which definitely
       established the separation of Church and State, instituted
       civil marriage, placed monastic communities outside the pale
       of the law, and forbade open-air religious services, were not
       enacted until 1873 and 1874, after the death of Juarez, and
       during the presidency of Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada.

       "March 21, 1906, was, by a decree of Congress, observed as a
       general holiday in Mexico. Pilgrimages to the tomb of Juarez
       took place in the morning; commemorative tablets were unveiled
       in the afternoon, and at night General Diaz, surrounded by his
       cabinet, presided in the Arbeu Theatre at an apotheosis of
       Juarez, during which the career and character of the reforming
       president were extolled in an eloquent oration by Honorable
       Justo Sierra, Minister of Public Instruction. On the stage
       with the President during these exercises were the son and
       other surviving descendants of Juarez, who are numerous.

       "Curiously enough, a question involving the interpretation of
       the Reform Laws arose soon after the celebration of the Juarez
       centenary. The ministers of all denominations in Mexico had
       been accustomed to conduct a service at the graveside in
       connection with the burial of the dead. It was generally held
       that this practice did not conflict with Article 5 of the Law
       of December 14, 1874, forbidding all forms of religious
       service other than those held inside the churches. But in May,
       1906, the Interior Department issued a circular declaring
       open-air burial services conducted in the cemeteries to be
       illegal. This rule has led to the erection of mortuary chapels
       in the cemeteries which previously were unprovided with them,
       and the burial services are held inside these chapels.

       "While this episode shows that there is no intention on the
       part of the governmental authorities of Mexico to relax one
       iota of the laws which curtailed the power of the Church, it
       is worthy of note that there is no serious religious conflict
       in Mexico at the present time; and, under laws which are
       probably as restrictive as those recently enacted in France,
       which have so agitated that country, Church and State in the
       Mexican Republic move smoothly in their separate orbits, with
       conciliatory if not cordial sentiments toward each other."

          F. R. Guernsey,
          The Year in Mexico
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1907).

    MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
       Joint Action with the United States
       in Central American Mediation.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    {421}

    MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
       Participation in Third International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1906.
       Nationalizing the Railway System.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: MEXICO.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
       Extended Governmental Control of Railways.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: MEXICO.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
       The Last Year of the Sixth Consecutive Term of Porfirio Diaz
       in the Presidency.
       His long practical Autocracy, and its effects on the Nation.
       A Mexican View.

       Since Napoleon remodeled a French republic into an empire
       there has been nothing of its kind in political workmanship to
       equal the masterpiece of practical autocracy which Porfirio
       Diaz has erected in Mexico, on a basis of nominal democracy,
       within the last 30 years. He has not throned or crowned
       himself, as Napoleon did, which saves his work from the
       vulgarity that the Corsican could not resist; but he has
       exercised more than the sovereignty that imperial seats and
       trappings could invest him with.

       On the 1st of December, 1909, Diaz entered the last year of
       his sixth consecutive term in the presidency—his seventh term
       in all—the previous term of four years having now been
       lengthened to six. Since 1884 he has held the reins of
       Government by what seems to have become sheer mastery,
       whatever of free popular election there may have been at the
       outset of his official career. If internal and external peace,
       general good order, rapid progress on all lines of material
       advancement, great gains in public education and a general
       uplift of the country in its standing before the world were
       sufficient fruits of his government to test its quality by,
       then Mexico might well be satisfied with it and with him; for
       the beneficence of his autocracy on this side of its working
       appears to be beyond dispute. But Mexico appears to have begun
       to feel the cost in public character and spirit which
       paternalized government must always exact for the superficial
       benefits it bestows, and the country is said to be filled with
       more than discontent.

       A notable Mexican writer, Rafael de Zayes Enriquez, who is
       described as a lifelong friend and supporter of Diaz, has been
       bold enough to give voice to the existing feeling in a recent
       book. The long administration of the masterful president is
       recounted and studied with honest friendliness, for the open
       purpose of addressing plain truths to the man whose life and
       work are discussed. "You have disarmed the judiciary and the
       Legislature," he is told, "until they are impotent, and in
       reality nothing more than branches of the executive."
       "Imitating the high example, almost everyone in Mexico who has
       any power abuses it, and the cowed public submits." "Everyone
       is permitted to despise the public and to treat it
       tyrannically." And the honest friend who thus commands the
       attention of Diaz to the evil workings of his dictatorship,
       appeals for the ending of it—for the restoration of a
       nullified constitution, for free elections, for independent
       legislatures and courts; for the averting of otherwise
       inevitable storms of revolution, and for the saving of himself
       from a verdict of history, that "he created a nation, but
       destroyed a people."

       On the other hand there are foreign observers in Mexico who
       believe that Diaz holds the peace and prosperity of the
       country in his hand. A Press correspondent wrote not long
       since: "He, Diaz, alone saved us from a disastrous panic last
       fall, the effects of which would have reached beyond our
       boundaries. The Government compelled the Banco Nacional to
       advance ready money to every institution that was in need and
       intrinsically sound. The bank was likewise compelled to sell
       exchange at a loss, so that the failure to keep silver at a
       parity was less apparent. The Government stood this loss.
       About January first one of the largest mercantile houses in
       Mexico, with many branches, was in serious difficulty. Its
       chief went straight to President Diaz, and said that he must
       have a million dollars or fail. Recognizing that the failure
       of this house would precipitate a panic, the Government let
       him have the money. … In my opinion, the most serious menace
       to the prosperity of Mexico is the fear that President Diaz is
       not as strong physically as is popularly believed. … The least
       of the evils which might come from his death, should it occur
       soon, would be increase in business stagnation and in popular
       unrest. Many politicians seem ready to avail themselves of the
       present wide-spread dislike of foreigners. The ferment of
       anti-foreign leaven is working among the masses."

       Whatever may be the kind and quality of the domination he has
       exercised for twenty-five years, Mexico must inevitably be put
       to a crucial test when he drops the helm of state.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1909.
       Meeting of President Diaz with President Taft.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

    MEXICO: A. D. 1909 (FEBRUARY).
       Participation in a North American Conference on the
       Conservation of Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

    MEYER, GEORGE VON L.:
       Postmaster-General.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909; SECRETARY OF THE NAVY.
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    MICHELSEN, PROFESSOR ALBERT A.:
       Inventor of the Interferometer.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.
          See, also,
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    MICHELSEN, M.:
       Premier of Norway.

          See (in this Volume)
          NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

    MICHIGAN: A. D. 1909.
       Legislation giving Home Rule to Cities.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: MICHIGAN.

    MIDHAT PASHA.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    MIGNOT, Bishop.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    MIGUEL, Dom:
       Pretender to the Crown of Portugal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.

    MIGUELISTAS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

    MILIOUKOV, PROFESSOR PAUL.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    MILLERAND, M.:
       Minister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs
       in the Briand Cabinet.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JULY).

    MILNER, Alfred, Lord:
       In South Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902, and after.

    MILWAUKEE REFRIGERATOR TRANSIT CASE.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    {422}

    MIN, General: Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    MINDANAO, Conditions in.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

    MINE OWNERS’ ASSOCIATION, WESTERN.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

    MINERS AND MINING.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR.

    MINING, Wasteful.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    MINNESOTA: A. D. 1908.
       Organization of Coöperative Stores.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION.

    MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, Earl of:
       Governor-General of Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1904.

    MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, Earl of:
       Viceroy of India.
       His initiation of the Reform in Indian Government by
       the Indian Councils Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    MIRSKY, Prince Svyatopolk.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    MISSIONS, Christian:
       At Large: Notable Movements of 1910.

       "The year 1910 will be notable in the annals of foreign
       missions. The Laymen’s Missionary Movement, now holding
       meetings in this city, plans an educative campaign covering
       over seventy centres and culminating next May in a national
       congress in Chicago. The Student Volunteer Movement, which
       enrols in its mission study classes over 25,000 collegians,
       and which has sent over 4,000 workers to the foreign field,
       has just closed a conference at Rochester, where were
       assembled nearly 3,000 college men and women. In this month
       also is the gathering of medical missionaries at Battle Creek,
       Michigan. Next June the important World Missionary Conference
       takes place in Edinburgh. In October the country’s oldest
       foreign missionary organization, the American Board,
       celebrates its centennial in connection with the National
       Congregational Council at Boston."

          New York Evening Post,
          January 10, 1910.

    MISSIONS, Christian: China: A. D. 1906-1907.

       "In view of the recent remarkable awakening in China, and the
       strong desire on the part of the Chinese for a knowledge of
       Western civilisation and science, an influential Committee,
       ‘The China Missions Emergency Committee,’ was appointed last
       year, including in its membership an equal number of prominent
       representatives of the Anglican Church as well as of the Free
       Churches of Great Britain, to consider in what ways it might
       assist the missionary societies and their representatives in
       China in adjusting and extending their existing operations, so
       that the momentous demands now made upon them by the
       surprising changes of thought and policy that have so suddenly
       emerged, may be adequately met. …

       "It appointed as its representatives the Reverend Lord William
       and Lady Florence Gascoyne-Cecil, of Hatfield; Sir Alexander
       R. Simpson, of Edinburgh; Professor Alexander Macalister, of
       Cambridge; and Mr. Francis William Fox, of London, to attend
       the Missionary Conference held at Shanghai from April 26th to
       May 7th last, and also to pay a series of visits to
       missionaries and mission stations, for the purpose of learning
       from the most experienced missionaries what measures should be
       adopted to meet the new demands that had arisen."

       "We found everywhere throughout the Chinese Empire that
       greater religious liberty is enjoyed than is the case in many
       other parts of the world, and that, so long as the laws of the
       country are observed, there is, theoretically, no interference
       with the conscientious opinions of individuals, with, however,
       the exceptions that Chinese officials are required
       occasionally to perform certain ceremonies of an idolatrous
       character. …

       "In the year 1906, as before stated, there were approximately
       3,750 Foreign Protestant Missionaries residing in China. Of
       these, 1,950 were British, 1,457 American, and some 343
       Continental and Independent Workers.

       The number of Bible Women:
       In 1876, 90;
       in 1889, 180;
       in 1906, 894.

       Number of Boys’ and Girls’ Day Schools:
       In 1878, 289;
       in 1906, 385.

       Number of Scholars in Day Schools:
       In 1876, 4,909;
       in 1889, 16,836;
       in 1906, 42,546.

       Number of Intermediate, High Schools and Colleges:
       In 1906, 389.

       Number of Students in Colleges, etc. (male and female):
       In 1906, 15,137.

       Total number of Scholars and Students:
       In 1906, 57,683.

       "By the commencement of 1908 it is estimated that the total
       number of Foreign Protestant Missionaries in China will be at
       least 4,000. The number of Mission Stations (including the sub
       or smaller ones) is about 5,750. The ordained Chinese Pastors
       and other Chinese Preachers are now about 6,000. The number of
       recognized Protestant Church (full) Members and Catechumens is
       estimated as 250,000, which, with the addition of children and
       others not regarded as in full connection, represents a total
       of about 1,000,000 persons who are more or less closely
       connected with the Protestant Christian Churches of China."

          F. W. Fox, A. Macalister, and A. R. Simpson,
          Christian Missions in China
          (Contemporary Review, February, 1908).

          See, also, (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: CHINA.

    MISSIONS, Christian: India and Korea:
       American Mission Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: INDIA, AND KOREA.

    MISSIONS, Christian: Japan.

       "Viscount Aoki, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs, is a
       Christian, and so is Viscount Okabé, Minister of Justice in
       the present Cabinet. There are 10 Christian members of the
       Imperial Diet, all men of high character and enjoying the
       respect of their fellow-countrymen, for there is no
       constituency in Japan which would elect a Christian qua
       Christian. It is perhaps among the commercial class that
       Christianity is gaining most ground, and at Osaka, the great
       industrial city of Japan, there are churches with Japanese
       ministers, supported entirely by Japanese congregations, who
       have at heart to remove the popular reproach that Christianity
       is a foreign creed which cannot live without foreign subsidies.
       Missionary activity has always had a free field in Japan, and
       its philanthropic aspects have never received wider
       recognition than of recent years. The Emperor himself has
       frequently marked by handsome contributions his personal
       interest in orphanages and hospitals conducted under
       missionary auspices. But if Christianity should ever become
       the national faith of Japan it will probably be in some new
       national form impressed upon it by Japanese teachers rather
       than in any sectarian form borrowed from the West.
    {423}
       What is meanwhile unquestionably increasing very steadily is
       the influence of Christian ethics. … To quote a missionary:
       ‘If there are less than 200,000 professing Christians in
       Japan, there are more than a million educated Japanese who
       think in terms of Christian ethics, and who try to live up to
       them more truly than many millions of professing Christians in
       the West.’"

          Correspondent of The Times, London.

       In April, 1907, a great international mission conference was
       assembled at Tokyo, Japan, of which The Outlook gave
       the following account the next month:

       "Over six hundred delegates, representing organizations in
       twenty-five countries, assembled last month in Tokyo. They
       constituted the seventh Conference of the World’s Student
       Christian Federation. The body represented is a federation of
       various national associations of Christian students. Some of
       them are Young Men’s Christian Associations, organized in the
       colleges; some of them are student organizations, not
       affiliated with the Young Men’s Christian Association. The
       delegates received many messages of greeting from officials of
       high station; among these were messages from Viscount Hayashi,
       the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs; Marquis Ito, who
       sent a letter from Korea accompanied with a gift of five
       thousand dollars; Count Okuma, Elder Statesman; the President
       of the United States, the King of England, and the King of
       Norway.

       "The meetings were thronged by ten thousand students, mainly
       Japanese and Chinese. The Conference was of course
       distinctively Christian in character; it had a definite
       purpose of proclaiming a Christian message: it advocated
       ethical and intellectual progress by means of the Christian
       religion; it assembled in a non-Christian land; yet its
       existence, so far from arousing resentment or opposition,
       evoked rather the warmest expression of appreciation and even
       gratitude. That it stimulated emulation is not surprising. A
       Buddhist Conference, for example, was summoned in the same
       city at the same time; but at that Conference resolutions
       expressing its ‘profound respect’ to the gathering of
       Christians were passed, and a deputation to convey these
       resolutions was chosen. Similarly, a Conference of Shinto
       priests sent a letter to the Christian Conference expressing
       their sense of the honor which the Federation had shown to
       Japan by convening in Tokyo, and, in lieu of a reception which
       could not be arranged for lack of time, presented material
       ‘mementoes and tokens of esteem,’ in order, to use their own
       words, ‘to express our deep appreciation of your coming, and
       to commemorate this bright event in Japan’s history.’ The
       press of Japan was emphatic in its expression of good will."

    MISSIONS, Christian: Turkey and the Near East:
       American Mission Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: TURKEY.

    MISSOURI: A. D. 1906-1909.
       Successful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce and
       Standard Oil Companies.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    MISSOURI RIVER RATE CASE.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

    MISTRAL, Frederic.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    MITCHELL, JOHN:
       President of the United Mine Workers of America.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    MITCHELL, JOHN:
       Resignation on account of ill health.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    MITCHELL, JOHN:
       Chairman of Trades Agreements Department
       of National Civic Federation.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

    MITCHELL, JOHN:
       Sentence for alleged Violation of an Injunction.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

    MITCHELL, John H.:
       United States Senator, involved in Land Frauds.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    MODERATE-REPUBLICANS.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE. A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

    MODERNISM, Papal Encyclical against.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1907.
          Also,
          TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.

    MODUS VIVENDI:
       On American Fishing in Newfoundland waters.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

    MOHAMMED ALI:
       Lately deposed Shah of Persia.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

    MOHAMMEDAN CONFERENCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907 (DECEMBER).

    MOHAMMEDANS OF INDIA:
       Their present Feeling.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1908-1909.

    MOHAMID EL AMIN, a new Mahdi.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (SUDAN).

    MOHAMMID RESCHAD EFFENDI:
       Made Sultan of Turkey as Mohammid V.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    MOHONK (LAKE) PEACE CONFERENCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

    MOISSAN, H.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    MOLTKE, COUNT KUNO VON:
       His Libel Suit against Maximilien Harden.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1907-1908.

    MOMMSEN, THEODOR.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    MONASTIR:
       Beginnings of the Turkish Revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    MONETA, ERNESTO T.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    MONEY. See (in this Volume) Finance and

    MONO-RAIL SYSTEM.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

    MONOPOLIES.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL.

    MONROE DOCTRINE:
       Interpreted relatively to German Claims and Complaints
       against Venezuela.
       Its Recognition by Germany.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901, and
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    MONROE DOCTRINE:
       Impliedly recognized by the Hague Tribunal.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    MONROE DOCTRINE:
       In the case of San Domingo.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1905.

    MONROE DOCTRINE:
       Stated as an All-America Doctrine by Secretary Root, at the
       Third International Conference of American Republics,
       at Rio de Janeiro, in 1906.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    {424}

    MONROE PALACE, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS: THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

    MONTAGUE, A. J.:
       Delegate to Third International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    MONTENEGRO.

       See BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    MONTES, I.:
       President of Bolivia.

          See (in this Volume)
          ACRE DISPUTES.

    MONT PELÉE, Volcanic explosion of.

          See (in this Volume)
          VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

    MONTT, Pedro:
       President of Chile.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1906.

    MOODY, William H.:
       Secretary of the Navy, Attorney-General and Justice of the
       Supreme Court.

          See (in this Volume)

             UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

    MOOR, F. R.:
       Premier of Natal.
       At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    MORALES, President Carlos F.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

    MORENGA, Chief of Hereros.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIES.

    MORET Y PRENDERGAST:
       Premier of Spain.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

    MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
       His Intervention in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

          See (in this Volume)
          labor organization: united states: A. D. 1902-1903.

    MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
       His organization of the International
       Mercantile Marine Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

    MORGAN, J. Pierpont:
       Enlarged Control of Banking Interests.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

    MORLEY, John, Viscount:
       Secretary of State for India.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    MORLEY, John, Viscount:
       On the Indian Councils Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    MOROCCO (Maghreb el-Aksa):
       The Name.

       Maroc or Morocco, the name given by Europeans to the empire of
       the Moorish Sultan as a whole, is not so applied by the
       natives of the country. According to them, the Maroc or
       country of Marrakech, the Marruecos of the Spaniards, is only
       one of three States submissive to the authority of the
       Sultan-Shereef. At the north the kingdom of Fez, at the
       southwest the oasis of Tafilet, make up his real empire.
       Beyond these, vast territories occupied by numerous
       independent tribes, stretch over the space that is marked on
       our maps with the name Morocco. Its inhabitants have no common
       name for it as a whole. Their country, indicated in a general
       manner, with no precise delimitation, is the Maghreb
       el-Aksa,—that is to say, "The Extreme West."

          Élisée Reclus,
          Nouvelle Geographic Universelle,
          Volume 11, page 653.

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1896-1906.
       The Creeping of the French Algerian Boundary
       into Moroccan Territory.
       A Justification of the Encroachment.

       "Something has happened during the two weeks preceding the
       Conference at Algeciras [see EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1906], which
       may or may not be brought to the attention of the
       international diplomats. France from the start has refused to
       submit her doings along the Algerian frontier to the
       discussion of the conference. That concerns herself and
       Morocco alone. What has been happening would in any case put
       the conference in face of an accomplished fact. Some time ago
       M. Jonnart, Governor-General of Algiers, was informed that
       emissaries from Fez were notifying the frontier tribes, whose
       submission to France dates only from the last few years, that
       Germany would help the Sultan very shortly to force the French
       to evacuate their tribal territories. … M. Jonnart at once set
       out on a long and ceremonious visit to the tribes along the
       extreme southern frontier. He was accompanied by General
       Lyautey, the ‘pacificating’ general, who has been M. Jaurès’
       bugbear in this Moroccan affair. The Governor-General returned
       to Algiers Friday last, just in time to have his news ready
       for the conference. He has reason to be satisfied. Except for
       a vague idea that the Moroccan territory along the Algerian
       frontier is a ‘hled-es-siba’—a country where the Sultan has
       difficulty in collecting his taxes—the foreign press has not
       kept pace with what has been going on for the last ten years.
       In one word, during that time France has brought under her
       domination a stretch of territory of some thousands of square
       miles. It is true that this territory is sparsely settled by
       wilfully independent tribes, who so far alternately aided in
       the Algerian harvests and raided the French outposts. This
       situation quite justifies the action of the French troops,
       which has consisted in throwing forward the unbroken line of
       outposts that enclose and keep in order the French dominion,
       and not in any military conquest of volatile tribes. M. Jaurès
       always fell foul of the latter policy, which he ascribed to
       the military; but it would be as useless as it is absurd. What
       General Lyautey has been doing all these years, without
       Germany or any other friend of the Sultan giving sign of life,
       is not only reasonable: it is better—it has proved effective.
       And M. Jonnart’s tour has secured the formal submission of
       these tribes whose territory geographers have all along made a
       part of Tafilalt--the southeasternmost of the four ancient
       kingdoms which, together, make up the empire of Morocco. The
       boundary between Morocco and French territory in Algiers has
       never been settled since the original treaty of 1845. That
       drew a line from the coast southward about a hundred miles to
       Teniet-es-Sassi, four degrees of longitude west from Paris,
       and then stopped. Whatever was to the south—then a No Man’s
       Land, so far as France was concerned—was to be divided
       amicably along as natural a line as possible, leaving the east
       to France as a sphere of influence (the word had not yet been
       invented). During these sixty years the frontier line has
       remained about the same on the maps. But France has steadily
       prolonged her settled domination southward, gaining over a
       Mohammedan population by serving their material interests
       without offence to their religion. The railway now reaches
       Beni Ounif, only a short distance from Fighig, whose Amel is
       among those notified that Morocco with German help will soon
       send the French over the desert and far away. At Beni Ounif,
       besides the Grand Hotel for tourists, there are extensive
       counting houses for the trade of all the Hinterland, with an
       appropriate banking system, and everything to draw the
       Moroccan tribes. There is no doubt that this territory has
       always been nominally a part of Morocco. … And now M. Jonnart
       has visited officially the great Zaouia, or religious centre
       of Kenadsa, still farther to the west."

          Paris Special Correspondence
          New York Evening Post,
          February 3, 1906.

    {425}

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.
       State of Affairs in the Moorish Sultanate.
       Abd el Aziz, the young Sultan.
       His expensive tastes.
       His enjoyment of the Playthings of Civilization and Science.

       "Regarded as a Moorish ruler and leader, the late Sultan,
       Mulai Hassan, was a strong man, almost, perhaps, a great man.
       The loss of Morocco is that apparently she cannot produce his
       like in the present generation. She was richer a few years
       ago; and that is part of her decadence. Mulai Hassan had a
       companion of his right hand: Ba Hamed, the Grand Wazeer. In
       them Morocco could boast the possession of two strong men;
       crude, narrow of vision, even brutal and merciless, if judged
       by European standards, yet genuinely strong men. The greater
       of them died, and his subordinate successfully hid the fact
       (though the Court was journeying at the time) from all
       Morocco, masquerading as one in close attendance upon a Sultan
       whose corpse, as a fact, was tied in its litter, until city
       walls were reached, preparations made, and the succession of
       the youth Abd el Aziz assured. Be it remembered that Ba Hamed,
       the survivor, was a strong man in his own right. Young Abd el
       Aziz [who succeeded his father in 1894] was docile perforce,
       and Ba Hamed ruled, without pity, with greed, and quite
       unhampered by what Europe calls honour or justice. …

       "Rather more than two years ago [1901], when already the
       country was perturbed by news of the French advance upon and
       occupation of Igli, the Moorish town which was regarded as the
       depot and junction via which the caravan traffic of the desert
       filtered through Morocco to the coast; at this critical
       juncture, in the thick of conflicting intrigues, poisonings,
       and official treachery, Ba Hamed, the greatly feared, greatly
       hated, and rigidly obeyed Wazeer, died at Marrakish, leaving
       many scheming heirs-presumptive to his office, but no single
       successor to the mantle of his authority, the inherent
       masterfulness of his personality.

       "Still youthful Abd el Aziz IV. stretched forth both hands and
       personally took up the fallen reins of government with a great
       flourish of trumpets and display of energy. … Optimistic
       Europeans, naturally gratified by the active good sense with
       which Abd el Aziz checked his Filali tribesmen’s turbulent
       resentment of contact with the French in Igli and its oasis,
       freely predicted a new lease of life for the Moorish Empire.
       They credited the new broom with powers which, in view of its
       origin and environment, had been little short of miraculous.
       And they omitted reflection regarding the hand which moved the
       new broom. This was a power behind the Parasol, a latent
       intelligence, not wholly Moorish, capricious, feminine,
       subtle, unstable, and somewhat vitiated from long repression
       in an unwholesome atmosphere. The late Mulai Hassan’s
       Circassian wife, young Abd el Aziz’s mother, Lalla R’kia, had
       also found a dangerous emancipation in the death of Ba Hamed.
       …

       "Casually observant Nazarenes saw rich, cruel officials swept
       from their high estate by wholesale, and predicted the birth
       of probity at Court. Notorious gainers by oppression were
       loaded with chains in Kasbah dungeons; the young Sultan’s
       brother, the One-Eyed, whom cautious Ba Hamed had kept secure
       in Tetuan prison, was established on parole at Mcquinez, and
       ‘Here’s positive purity of administration!’ cried the
       surface-reading hopeful in Christian-ridden Tangier.

       "Of a sudden, all movement ceased. The young Sultan was lost
       sight of—behind the curtain. … It is not given to us to know
       anything of pale Lalla R’kia’s attitude during this breathing
       space. … (Lalla R’kia died last year.)

       "Speaking metaphorically, his Shareefian Majesty Abd el Aziz
       reappeared on the arm of a commercial agent, a French
       Israelite, with a genius for the ‘placing’ of imported
       commodities. Allah’s Chosen had been initiated into the select
       manias of Europe, and become addicted to golfing, the use of
       the camera, the bicycle, and other less pretty pastimes from
       the West. …

       "Commercial agents continued to press upon the young Sultan
       the latest and most expensive of electrical and other toys,
       and those far-seeing gentlemen, the newspaper correspondents,
       bade Europe take note of the remarkable enlightenment and
       progressive wisdom of the ruler of Morocco, as evidenced by
       his interest in motor cars and Broadwood pianos. And the
       friends of these optimistic gentry criticised the present
       writer as a croaker and a bird of ill-omen when he published
       in The Fortnightly Review for July, 1901, the following
       extract from a letter sent him by a Moorish friend:

       "‘To sum all up, my friend, I grieve because I find the
       affairs of my native land in parlous order, demanding as never
       before in the history of Morocco the guidance of a strong,
       clear mind, a veritable Sultan. That my country’s affairs most
       urgently need. They have a governing power composed of half a
       dozen corrupt creatures, of a corrupt, short-sighted, cruel,
       and desperately greedy Wazeer, whose rightful Lord is occupied
       exclusively in—Bah! We have spoken of those whose graves will
       be defiled, and of the trumpery gauds from Paris bazaars. And
       this, while the turbulent Sus is aflame, the far south-east a
       mine charged by French aggression, waiting only the match of
       knowledge of our Lord’s indifference; the country between
       Tafilalt and Fas is openly given over to brigandage and
       anarchy, and even Al Ksar, Arzila, and the Gharb, Tangiers
       outskirts, are full of unrest and disorder, crimes and
       indifference to crimes.’"

          A. J. Dawson,
          Morocco, the Moors, and the Powers
          (Fortnightly Review, February, 1903).

    {426}

       "I have not seen the Sultan face to face, but I have conversed
       with nearly all the leading Europeans who have been with him
       either at Marrakesh or Fez, and from what they have told me I
       have been forced to conclude that Mulai Abd-el-Aziz is a
       charming, kindly, headstrong man, suffering badly from youth,
       who delights in reforms for the sake of their novelty and
       lacks the brain power that distinguished his father, Mulai el
       Hassan, and his grandfather, Mulai Mohammed. While he stayed
       in his southern capital he was comparatively free from the
       attacks of commercial attaches and other rogues, whose designs
       upon his treasury should have been obvious, though he was
       guilty of many extravagances, including displays of fireworks
       that made his envoy to England speak slightingly of the
       special display arranged in his honour at the Crystal Palace.
       In Fez the agents surrounded him like summer flies. He has
       twelve motor cars and no roads to ride them over; he paid
       between three and four thousand pounds for a yacht, sixty feet
       long, that was to be used on the Sebu river, which is no more
       than thirty feet wide; in spite of the Koran’s prohibition, he
       has purchased a crown at a price I am afraid to name. He has
       put some of his soldiers into European uniforms and boots,
       only to find that they run away from Bu Hamara as readily as
       they did when dressed in native garments. He has developed an
       enthusiasm for photography—I have seen some of his work—and
       in addition to cameras with cases of pure gold, he has one
       apartment of his palace loaded from floor to ceiling with dark
       plates, and he was persuaded to order ten thousand francs’
       worth of printing paper. He has a menagerie in the grounds of
       the palace at Fez, and on a day when it was reported that the
       lion sent from England had quarrelled with and killed the lion
       sent from Berlin, one of the European visitors to the court
       suggested to him that a contest between the victorious lion
       and the Bengal tiger would afford good sport. ‘No,’ said
       Abd-el-Aziz, ‘the lion cost me three thousand pounds!’ All
       Europe knows that the Sultan is poor."

          S. L. Bensusan,
          Britain, France, and the Moorish Empire
          (Contemporary Review, November, 1903).

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Appearance of the Mahdi, Bu Hamara,
       as a leader of Insurrection.

       In 1903 there appeared in Morocco one of the prophetic
       pretenders called Mahdis, of whom so many have arisen in the
       Moslem world, to take advantage of occasions of religious
       excitement, and to lead a rising of wild tribes. This Moorish
       Mahdi, known as Bu Hamara, was helped to a leadership of
       insurrection by an incident which greatly stirred the
       religious temper of tribes wherever known. An English
       missionary was killed at Fez, and the murderer, flying to a
       sanctuary of special sanctity, was pursued thereto by the
       Sultan’s guards, and slain within the sacred bounds. Against
       this sacrilege, committed to satisfy hated Christians, Bu
       Hamara roused the country, preaching extermination of all
       Christians within it. The insecure throne of Abd el Aziz was
       made more insecure, English influence in Morocco was shaken,
       the French frontiers east and south were endangered, and Bu
       Hamara’s revolt appears to have had much to do with the
       producing of all that followed,—in the Anglo-French Agreement
       of 1904, the Algeciras Conference, the dethronement of Abd el
       Aziz, etc.

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1904.
       Declarations of England and France concerning Morocco
       in the Agreements of the Entente of 1904.
       Explanatory Despatch.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.
       Exploits of El Raisuli.
       The Kidnapping and Ransoming of Messrs. Perdicaris and Varley.
       The Capture and Ransom of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean.
       Present Respectability of Raisuli as a Moroccan Governor.

       One of the chiefs in that mountainous strip of northern
       Morocco, nearly parallel to the Mediterranean, which is called
       "The Riff," has played a startlingly troublesome part in
       recent Moroccan history. His name is Mulai Ahmed ben Mohammed,
       but he is commonly designated in all news-mentions of his
       doings by the title he bears,—El Raisuli, chieftain of a clan.
       The first exploit which made this title familiar to all the
       world was in May, 1904, when he kidnapped, from their
       residence near Tangier, a naturalized American and an
       Englishman, Mr. Ion Perdicaris and his stepson, Mr. Varley,
       carrying them into the mountains and holding them captive
       until he had extorted a ransom of $70,000, despite the utmost
       efforts of France, Great Britain, and the United States, with
       the aid of the Sultan, to obtain their release on less
       humiliating terms. This success failed, however, to satisfy
       the audacious brigand, and in July, 1907, he laid hands on
       another important hostage, this time a British officer, Sir
       Harry MacLean, who had been long in the service of the Sultan
       of Morocco, as military adviser, with the title of Kaid. Kaid
       MacLean ventured to visit the brigand in his mountain retreat
       for some negotiation, and was detained in pawn. Raisuli held
       this notable captive until the following February, and
       released him then on receipt of $25,000, cash down, with a
       pledge of $75,000 more at the end of three years, if he gave
       no fresh trouble within that time. Meanwhile, he and
       twenty-eight of his family were to be under British
       protection. Before this transaction was closed a new Sultan
       had won the Moroccan throne (as will be explained below) and
       he thought it wiser to employ the energies of Raisuli
       officially than to try to maintain a contest of authority with
       so unmanageable a subject. Accordingly, in February, 1909,
       Raisuli was appointed governor of twelve tribes in Northern
       Morocco, and is now one of the most respectable
       representatives of government in the last of the Barbary
       States.

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1905-1906.
       German hostility to the Anglo-French Agreement.
       The Kaiser’s speech at Tangier.
       The International Conference at Algeciras.
       The resulting Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Mob-murder of Dr. Mauchamp at Morocco City.
       Conflict with Tribesmen at Casablanca.
       Bombardment by French and Spanish Ships.
       Campaign against the Tribes.
       Dethronement of Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother Mulai Hafid.
       Fresh friction between France and Germany.
       Its Pacific Settlement by Arbitration at The Hague.

       Organization of police forces for the service which France and
       Spain were commissioned by the Powers at the Algeciras
       Conference to perform in Morocco was retarded, necessarily, by
       the prevailing anarchy in the Empire, and fresh causes of
       disorder occurred before the means for prompt treatment of
       them were prepared. In the spring of 1907 a French citizen,
       Dr. Mauchamp, at Marrakesh (Morocco City), undertook to
       install at his house the apparatus for wireless telegraphy.
       His Moorish neighbors suspected some diabolical intention,
       when he raised the necessary mast on his house, and proceeded
       with fanatic enterprise to kill the man of too much science
       and to demolish the house. The French Government demanded
       punishment of the outrage, with indemnity to the family of the
       victim, and put a force in motion, under General Liautey,
       which occupied the city of Ujda, not far from the Algerian
       frontier, to hold it until the demands of justice were
       complied with. None of the Powers signatory to the Algeciras
       Conference raised objections to this proceeding.

    {427}

       A more serious intervention was occasioned in July, 1907, when
       the French took control of the collection of customs at the
       ports, as directed by the Algeciras agreement. At Casablanca,
       on the Atlantic coast, the tribesmen attacked a number of
       European laborers, employed there in quarries, and killed
       eight. All the foreign residents of the region were in danger,
       and French and Spanish war-ships were hurried to the scene.
       The local Moorish official confessed his inability to protect
       the threatened foreigners, who had taken refuge in the French,
       Spanish, and British consulates, with hostile tribes
       swarming around the town, and he asked for help. Marines were
       landed on the 4th of August and were attacked. "A sanguinary
       battle followed between the Arabs and the European soldiery,
       the French cruiser opening fire and shelling the Moorish
       batteries. Scenes of great disorder and violence followed upon
       the firing, a raging mob of Moors attacking and pillaging the
       entire city. The Jews particularly were massacred by hundreds.
       Another French warship soon appeared upon the scene,
       accompanied by a Spanish cruiser, and troops were landed to
       the number of 4000. General Drude, the French commander, was
       chosen to head the allied troops, Spanish and French, and
       reinforcements were hurried from France." A number of
       encounters followed. "The most serious were the attacks, on
       August 28, and September 2, upon Casablanca and its outskirts,
       both resulting from a reconnaissance in force by the French
       Algerian irregular cavalry and the famous Foreign Legion.
       Seven or eight thousand Moors attacked the Europeans, sweeping
       down from the hills with all the ferocity and courage
       traditional in their race. By the aid of machine guns and the
       batteries from their warships the French succeeded in
       repelling the tribesmen with considerable loss of life."

       Justification of the bombardment of Casablanca was somewhat
       questioned at the time, and with good reason if the following
       account of the circumstances, by an eye-witness, a Scotch
       missionary, are to be believed. His statement was published in
       the Glasgow Herald, and is given here as summarized in
       The Outlook, of September 21, 1907.

       "This missionary, Dr. Kerr, has lived many years in the
       country, and he asserts that in many ways the French residents
       and officials have continually irritated the Moors and
       provoked them to anger. Dr. Kerr states that no further
       outbreaks occurred after the massacre of French and Spanish
       workmen on July 30, and that when the bombardment began on
       August 1 there was absolutely no immediate provocation for it.
       He denounces it as contrary to the usages of civilized war and
       as ‘wicked and unjustifiable,’ adding that the British
       merchants in Casablanca will probably sue the French
       Government for damages caused to their property by what they
       consider an unnecessary bombardment. The punishment of the
       Moors concerned in the murder of the eight workmen, says Dr.
       Kerr, no one could object to, but instead of this the
       punishment took the form of an unprovoked massacre of persons
       many of whom were entirely innocent. The details of the affair
       as he gives them are certainly deplorable, and if his
       assertion that the landing force of the French fired the first
       shot is true, the succeeding episodes described are
       unpardonable. One of these episodes may be quoted here:

       "‘I saw two young women walking as quickly as they could. …
       Suddenly a volley was fired into them by the Spanish marines.
       They fell, but picked themselves up, and took refuge in a
       ledge of a wall. After waiting a few minutes they made to
       return, when another volley was fired at them, and they fell
       again. … One of these brave daughters of Ishmael refused to
       flee without taking with her the "khaik," or outer garment,
       which fell from her [thus leaving her face uncovered, contrary
       to Moslem law]. She turned back, picked up her garment, and
       fled as fast as she could, bleeding all over.’"

       In the fall of 1907 General Drude was succeeded in the command
       at Casablanca by General d’Amade, who prosecuted a more
       vigorous campaign against the obstinately hostile tribes of
       the region, and made but slow progress in reducing them to
       submission.

       Meantime a rising against Sultan Abd el Aziz, in favor of one
       of his brothers, Mulai Hafid, had been started and was making
       rapid headway. Mulai Hafid was proclaimed Sultan at Marrakesh
       on the 25th of August, 1907, and on the 4th of the following
       January his supporters had gained possession of Fez and
       proclaimed him there. Abd el Aziz kept the field against his
       rival until August, 1908, when he had practically no following
       left, and the direction of Government was assumed formally by
       Mulai Hafid. His authority had soon become established so
       fully that the German Government addressed a note to the
       Powers proposing an immediate recognition of it. France and
       Spain objected, insisting that Mulai Hafid must confirm
       existing treaties, accept responsibility for the debts of the
       previous regime, give pledges of indemnity for the Casablanca
       outbreak, disavow the "Holy War" which he had countenanced and
       which had given him his success, and take effective measures
       for securing the safety of foreigners in the Empire. Their
       objection was approved generally; Germany assented to the
       requirements proposed, and it was not until Mulai Hafid had
       satisfied them that he obtained recognition as the legitimate
       sovereign of Morocco. This was given in the following note,
       handed to his representative on the 5th of January, 1909, by
       the doyen of the Diplomatic Body at Tangier:

       "The signatory Governments of the Act of Algeciras have
       received the letter which Mulai Hafid sent to them through the
       agency of the Diplomatic Body at Tangier in reply to their
       communiqué of November 18. The Governments represented
       in Morocco received with satisfaction this reply, in which
       they saw a proof that the explanations which they formulated
       in their Note of November 18, in the interest of the relations
       of friendship and confidence which they desire to maintain
       with the sovereign authority of the Shereefian Empire, are in
       accordance with the views of Mulai Hafid. In consequence the
       signatory Powers of the Act of Algeciras have decided to
       recognize his Majesty Mulai Hafid as legitimate Sultan of
       Morocco, and have charged the doyen of the Diplomatic
       Body at Tangier to notify their recognition of him to the
       representatives of his Majesty in that town."

    {428}

       Before this settlement was reached an incident had occurred at
       Casablanca on the 15th of September, 1908, which irritated the
       chronic sensitiveness of feeling between Germany and France.
       Five or six soldiers of the Foreign Legion in French service
       at Casablanca, including three Germans, deserted, and the
       German Consulate attempted to protect the Germans when their
       arrest was undertaken by French gendarmes. There was some
       struggle, but the arrest was accomplished, and the demand of
       the Consul for the release of the three Germans was refused.
       Germany demanded satisfaction for the treatment of her Consul.
       France maintained that satisfaction was due to herself for the
       interference of the Consul with her military rights; but
       offered to submit the affair to the Hague Tribunal for
       arbitration. Germany was willing to arbitrate the questions
       involved if France would first express regret for the official
       conduct on her side of the matter. France in reply suggested
       expressions of regret by both parties; and on these terms,
       supposedly vindicating national dignity on each side, the case
       went to The Hague. The Court of Arbitration held its first
       meeting on the 1st of May, 1909, and announced its judgment on
       the 22d of the same month. As summarized in an English
       despatch from The Hague, the opinion of the Court was as
       follows:

       "The Court considered that in this case there was a conflict
       of jurisdiction between the Consular and the military
       authority of two foreign Powers, the one Power exercising full
       Consular authority over her subjects, who happened to be
       soldiers in the Foreign Legion of the other Power. The latter
       Power had effected the military occupation of a certain
       territory, and in consequence exercised full authority over
       that territory. As it was impossible to decide this conflict
       by any absolute ruling, which might indicate in a general way
       the precedence of either jurisdiction, the Court considered
       that the question must be determined by the particular
       circumstances of any given case.

       "In this case the jurisdiction of the occupying force had
       precedence because the persons in question did not leave the
       territory occupied by that force. The Court decided that the
       Secretary of the German Consulate at Casablanca wrongly and
       through a grave and manifest error tried to embark in a German
       steamer deserters of the French Foreign Legion, who were not
       of German nationality. The German Consul and the other
       officials of the Consulate were not responsible for that fact;
       the Consul, however, in signing the safe conduct, which was
       laid before him, committed an unintentional error.

       "The German Consulate in the circumstances obtaining at that
       time was not entitled to grant its protection even to
       deserters of German nationality; the legal error, however,
       which was committed in this connexion by the officials of the
       Consulate could not be reckoned either as an intentional or as
       an unintentional error.

       "The French military authorities were wrong in not respecting,
       as far as possible, the de facto protection exercised
       over those deserters in the name of the German Consulate. The
       circumstances did not justify either menace by revolver on the
       part of the French soldiers, or the blows given to the
       Moroccan soldier of the Consulate."

       This proved satisfactory to all concerned, and the Casablanca
       incident was happily closed.

       A more important adjustment of matters between Germany and
       France, aiming at a general clearing of causes of friction in
       their relations, so far as concerned Morocco, had preceded the
       Casablanca arbitration by nearly three months. All Europe had
       been surprised and delighted on the 9th of February, 1909, by
       the announcement of a Franco-German Agreement, just concluded,
       in the following words:

       "The Government of the French Republic and the German Imperial
       Government, actuated by an equal desire to facilitate the
       execution of the Act of Algeciras, have agreed to define the
       significance which they attach to its clauses with a view to
       avoiding any cause of misunderstanding between them in the
       future.

       "Consequently, the Government of the French Republic, wholly
       attached to the maintenance of the integrity and of the
       independence of the Shereefian Empire, decided to safeguard
       economic equality there, and accordingly not to impede German
       commercial and industrial interests, and the German Imperial
       Government, pursuing only economic interests in Morocco,
       recognizing at the same time that the special political
       interests of France are closely bound up in that country with
       the consolidation of order and of internal peace, and resolved
       not to impede those interests, declare that they will not
       prosecute or encourage any measure calculated to create in
       their favour or in favour of any Power whatsoever an economic
       privilege, and that they will endeavour to associate their
       nationals in business for which these may be able to obtain
       contracts (l’entreprise)."

       This most important agreement resulted from negotiations that
       were said to have been opened by a suggestion from the German
       Foreign Secretary, Baron von Schön. Its importance to Europe
       was hardly exaggerated by the Paris Matin, when it
       said:

       "It is a great and happy event, the importance of which need
       not be emphasized. … This close of the Moroccan quarrel may,
       if such be the desire, mark a date of capital importance in
       the history of Europe. In fact, as Prince Bülow has said and
       repeated, Morocco was only a pretext. If therefore it has
       become an object of agreement, it is not merely because it has
       been recognized that the local problem was not insoluble, but
       also because the general situation has changed or because the
       ‘opportunity’ no longer exists."

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1908.
       A German Statement of the Moroccan Policy of Germany.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

    {429}

    MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.
       Discontent with the new Sultan.
       His struggle with Pretenders.
       Spanish War with the Tribes of the Riff.
       Success of Mulai Hafid against his Rivals.
       French operations in and around the Moorish Empire.
       French Mauretanie.
       French Demands.
       The Mannesmann Mining Concession.

       France and Spain were now strengthened in the execution of
       their Algeciras commission, by a harmonious backing in Europe,
       and the native Government in Morocco had acquired, seemingly,
       a strong and capable man at its head. Sultan Mulai Hafid made
       that impression very positively on a correspondent of the
       London Times, to whom he gave audience on the 13th of
       February, and who wrote of him that day: "It is quite evident
       that Mulai Hafid is a man of large and independent ideas, with
       a leaning toward democracy. In appearance and manner he is
       most attractive, and both his looks and his conversation
       betoken a character at once strong and of quick decision.
       Everything he says is very much to the point, and his remarks
       are often touched with humour and even cynicism. His
       openmindedness and cordiality extend almost to breaches of the
       rigorous Moorish etiquette."

       Five days later the same correspondent wrote again: "The Fez
       Moors had hoped at Mulai Hafid’s accession for material though
       indefinite advantages, for they felt that the new Sultan, who
       owed his throne not to inheritance but to election, would be
       an instrument in their own hands, and that they would be able
       to exert their influence for their own purely selfish ends.
       But they had counted without Mulai Hafid. Once on the throne,
       he consolidated, at all events locally, his power, and the Fez
       population, who during the previous reign had undoubtedly held
       and used considerable influence, found themselves in the hands
       of a firm, masterful man, who did not hesitate to tax them to
       an extent formerly unknown, and gave them clearly to
       understand that he would brook no interference in matters of
       policy. The effect was instantaneous. The Fezzis began openly
       to regret the slack régime of Mulai Abdul Aziz, and
       Mulai Hafid became unpopular, as any monarch who really
       governs in Morocco must always be.

       "But if Mulai Hafid was unpopular, he inspired at the same
       time a wholesome fear. His indifference to public opinion, his
       breaches of the absurd prescriptions of Moorish etiquette, his
       personal supervision of every detail, and the publicity in
       which he lives show not only remarkable courage, but also
       remarkable knowledge of the people whom he governs. … Yet he
       has but a small army, and he is financially hampered. He
       receives Europeans publicly, and grants audiences in the
       presence of the whole Court, often before the whole army. He
       invites his guests to be seated, and chats in a natural and
       sympathetic manner on all kinds of subjects. But it is quite
       apparent that his entourage is in terror of him. Never
       have the viziers had less freedom or fewer opportunities for
       plunder. The Government is Mulai Hafid, and Mulai Hafid alone,
       and yet Mulai Hafid is a democrat. He desires to put down—and
       has already largely done so—the fanatical and always
       mischievous influence of the great Shereefian families. He
       works from morning till night, and keeps every one else
       working. His negotiations with the French Minister are
       progressing in a way that astonishes every one. … Mulai Hafid
       obtained the throne by preaching a holy war against Europeans.
       He will maintain himself upon the throne by a policy of reform
       which will win for him the assistance of France against his
       own fanatical people."

       But subsequent events did not realize the confident
       expectations of this writer. A month later he reported:

       "Shereef Sid Mohammed Kittani, a descendant of a former
       dynasty and chief of an important reactionary religious sect,
       who was freely spoken of as possible Sultan before Mulai
       Hafid’s proclamation, left Fez secretly yesterday. Apparently
       he had previously succeeded in dispatching his family and
       movable property from time to time to some spot in the Berber
       tribelands without exciting suspicion. His flight has caused
       what can only be described as consternation. His influence is
       very great, and he is known to lay claim to the Throne."

       Within another month this pretender had defeated Mulai Hafid’s
       forces in a sharp engagement and had an army encamped about
       eighteen miles east of Fez. French officers were reported to
       be doing notable work in organizing and equipping the Sultan’s
       troops. On the 8th of May there was alarming news that Mulai
       el Kebir, another brother of Mulai Hafid and of the ex-Sultan,
       Abd el Aziz, "who was accompanying the Southern Kaids to Fez,
       had left their camp secretly by night and had fled into the
       Zimmour country," and "many believe that he will take
       advantage of the Sultan’s unpopularity to raise a rebellion."
       Two days later "nothing is known of the whereabouts of Mulai
       el Kebir," and "the Sultan does not conceal his anxiety.
       Mulai-el-Kebir was on the best terms with his Majesty, but the
       Sultan’s severe treatment of other members of his family no
       doubt filled him with fear."

       From Paris, on the 26th of May, it was telegraphed that the
       Sultan’s Minister of Finance, El Mokri, then visiting Paris on
       a financial mission, "observes that Mulai Hafid’s authority is
       more solidly established at present than might at first sight
       appear to be the case. At no time has any Sultan been
       recognized over a much wider area of Moroccan territory. In
       the Beled el Makhzen his sway is uncontested. The kaids of the
       Haouz and the southern Atlas have always been his partisans.
       El Mokri has no fear of the pretenders."

       There were now two pretenders in the field: for Mulai Kebir
       had been heard from, "beyond Mekinez," where he had raised the
       standard of revolt. And Bu Hamara was on the stage of civil
       war again, east of Fez, with an army which "is camped at less
       than four hours distance from the capital," and which is
       "actively pillaging the only tribe that remains loyal to Mulai
       Hafid in that region." Troops sent against him a few days
       later were said to have been badly beaten. The Sultan was
       reported to be in quarrel with his viziers; was ill,—invisible
       in the palace,—and the situation did not seem to look well for
       him.

       Then, suddenly, all news reports from Morocco became silent as
       to Mulai Hafid and his rivals, and gave entire attention to a
       serious outbreak of warfare in that northeastern corner of the
       empire, known as the Riff, where Spain has had a long
       recognized "sphere of influence," and where she had undertaken
       the working of valuable iron mines near Melilla. Hostilities
       were begun in July by an attack of tribesmen on the miners,
       killing several, and the Spanish troops sent to the scene met
       disaster, being insufficient in force. In the end, so
       extensive a rising of Moorish tribesmen had occurred that
       Spain was obliged to put a large army into the field against
       them and organize a costly campaign. It was not until late in
       September that much success attended the Spanish arms, and not
       until late in November that the campaign was regarded as
       closed, the Spanish forces having secured positions which,
       when fortified, were expected to give them a firm footing in
       the region, and having brought most of the tribes to terms.

    {430}

       Meantime, the war had been bitterly unpopular among large
       classes in Spain, and the feeling had been manifested in
       destructive rioting at Barcelona and elsewhere.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

       What France had been doing meanwhile, in and around Morocco,
       has been told by a writer in The Atlantic Monthly:

       "During the year [May, 1908, to May, 1909] the French army
       under General d’Amade, has continued occupying Casablanca, and
       the fertile Chaouïa (Shawia) region. It has forced peace, law,
       and order, and open markets on the inhabitants, to their great
       advantage. Agriculture has revived; and German trade itself
       has run up two million francs. Even so the ‘economic
       interests’ of Germany in Morocco are scant indeed compared
       with those of France and England; they are perhaps less than
       those of Spain—and yet they have long threatened the peace of
       Europe. … Meanwhile the interior of Morocco has been chiefly
       occupied in the unmaking and making of Sultans. Toward the
       German Emperor these fighting Moors have now a feeling much
       like that of the Transvaal Boers when the Kruger telegram
       failed to lead to eventualities. … The real success of France
       is along the entire land-frontier of Morocco. For its whole
       length this is now also the frontier of French
       territory,--Algiers to the east, the Sahara with its line of
       French posts to the south, and so on to the Atlantic Ocean
       through the new French civil territory of ‘Mauritanie.’ Here
       foreign geography will still be incomplete for some time; but
       it is childish to dismiss these territorial stretches as so
       many acres of sand. The empire which France might have had in
       Canada was, in like manner, denounced by Voltaire as acres of
       snow.

       "France absolutely refused to allow any question concerning
       this land-frontier to be brought up at the Conference of
       Algeciras. It is no business of Europe; it concerns the two
       neighbors, France and Morocco, only.

       "General Lyautey has had its more than eight hundred miles
       well under control. … Of late years France has successfully
       occupied territory farther and farther to the south, pushing
       forward the railway, and throwing out a long line of military
       posts through the Sahara. People who amuse themselves marking
       obscure changes of conquest on the map, may safely stick their
       pins one full degree farther west all along this part of
       Algiers, beginning where Spain at Melilla blocks the way along
       the Mediterranean coast."

          Stoddard Dewey,
          The Year in France
          (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1909).

       When newspaper attention reverted to Mulai Hafid a great
       improvement was found in his affairs. Seemingly, the
       pretenders to his throne had disappeared, and Bu Hamara, the
       rebel, now styled El Roghi, was decisively routed by troops of
       the Sultan on the 16th of August, captured a few days later,
       and taken to Fez in an iron cage. On the 13th of September it
       was announced that he had been executed the day before. Later,
       this was contradicted, and there seems to be no certainty as
       to his fate.

       The Moroccan Government was now being sharply pressed by
       France with demands over which negotiation had proceeded
       hitherto very slowly. M. Pichon, the French Minister for
       Foreign Affairs, made a statement on the subject to the
       Chamber of Deputies on the 23d of November, to the following
       effect: "On August 14 the representatives of the Sultan
       received a note summing up the conditions imposed by the
       French Government. These conditions were the evacuation of the
       Shawia region on condition of the organization by the Maghzen
       of a force; the evacuation of Casablanca when the French
       Government felt convinced that the organization of the Shawia
       police had become sufficiently effective; the organization of
       the police service on the Algero-Moroccan frontier; the
       payment of the Maghzen’s debts and the reimbursement of the
       costs of the French military expeditions. The Maghzen owed at
       present £3,200,000, more than £400,000 of which was due to
       private creditors. The French Government would allow the
       Moroccan Government to raise a loan in France in order to
       facilitate the payment of its debts. … The French conditions
       had been acknowledged to be very moderate by all who had had
       cognisance of them. Germany had recently informed the Maghzen
       that it was high time to contract a loan. M. Pichon dwelt on
       the loyalty with which the Franco-German Agreement had been
       observed by the Berlin Government. Nevertheless the adhesion
       of the Moroccan Government had not yet been obtained. That
       Government had admitted the principle of the loan of
       80,000,000f. and that of the indemnity of 70,000,000f. for the
       French military expedition, but there was disagreement still
       in regard to the guarantees required for the realization of
       that operation. Mulai Hafid, moreover, demanded the immediate
       evacuation of the Shawia and of Casablanca. On November 6 M.
       Pichon informed the Sultan’s envoys that it was futile to
       continue the pourparlers if France did not obtain a
       satisfactory reply. It would not be without danger for the
       Moroccan Government to persevere in its attitude."

       A little later it was made known that the Sultan had yielded
       to the terms prescribed by the French Government and was to
       obtain the loan which would help toward the payment of his
       debts.

       By this time a new Morocco question had sprung out of a
       sweeping mining concession which certain German exploiters,
       the Brothers Mannesmann, had obtained from Sultan Mulai Hafid,
       in distinct violation of the agreements at Algeciras which the
       Sultan had been a party to. The Mannesmann mining rights under
       this concession, if allowed, would swallow up all others, and
       large interests, French, Spanish, German, English, Italian,
       and Dutch, were arrayed against their claims. The backing of
       the Mannesmanns in Germany, however, by commercial and
       newspaper influence, appears to have been very powerful, and
       it has not been easy for the Government to resist being drawn
       into alliance with it. But the attitude of the Imperial
       Government appears to have been strictly loyal to the
       Algeciras agreements, and it has gone no farther for the
       Mannesmanns and their partisans than to negotiate with the
       other Powers concerned for a submission of the question of
       legality in the Mannesmann concession to a Court of
       Arbitration. That will probably be the mode of settling it.

    {431}

    MOROS, The.

       See (in this Volume)
       PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.

    MORRIS, SIR EDWARD:
       Premier of Newfoundland.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

    MORTON, PAUL:
       Secretary of the Navy.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    MORTON, PAUL:
       President of Equitable Life Assurance Society.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    MOSCOW,
       Risings and Disturbances in.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA.

    MOSLEM LEAGUE.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907 (December); also, 1907-1909.

    MOSQUITO TERRITORY, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1905.

    MOTIENLING.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    MOVING PICTURE SHOWS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION.

    MUIJTEHEDS:
       The higher Persian Priests.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    MUKDEN: A. D. 1903.
       Opened to Foreign Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

    MUKDEN: Battle of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

    MULAI AHMED BEN MOHAMMED, EL RAISULI.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

    MULAI HAFID:
       Sultan of Morocco by Dethronement of his Brother.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

    MULAI HASSAN, Late Sultan of Morocco.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

    MULLAH, ABDULLA MUHAMMED.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: SOMALILAND.

    MULLAS:
       The common Persian Priests.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    MUNICIPAL COMMITTEES IN INDIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

       ----------MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Start--------

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
       American Democracy’s most Serious Problem.
       Present Interest in it.
       Hopeful Movements.

       Americans have long been forced to acknowledge that political
       democracy in the United States makes its worst showing in the
       government of municipalities; and those who give any searching
       thought to the matter have little dispute over reasons for the
       fact. It connects very plainly with another fact, namely, that
       municipal politics, as a political interest distinct
       and apart from the interests of government in Nation and
       State, has had no growth in the country as yet. Up to the time
       of the formation of the national union, the few cities of
       America had a quite positive political life of their own,
       which might have carried them into conditions very different
       from what they have realized since, if it had not undergone
       the absorption that it did in the politics of a national
       government. The national political parties formed then on
       exciting issues, sectional, constitutional, and economic,
       caught all political feeling into their embrace, not
       instantly, but gradually, and surely, and appropriated the
       whole mechanism of political organization to themselves.
       Cities are the natural centers of such mechanism, and the
       great parties of Federal politics were able easily to impose
       on them a domination which left no free working of public
       opinion on the immediate concerns of the cities themselves.
       All political action was drawn into the mill which turns out
       Presidents, Congresses, Tariffs, Bank Acts, etc., and the mere
       by-product of Mayors, Aldermen, and City Ordinances which it
       drops incidentally into the cities, receives almost no stamp
       of quality or design from the local mind.

       Until the wheels of local government are loosened in some way
       from the clutch of the great party machines, and can work
       independently, under motive forces of their own, to produce
       the satisfaction of local needs, interests, and aims, there
       will be little success in undertakings of municipal reform.
       How to accomplish that political ungearing is one of the
       greatest, if not the greatest, of the problems now occupying
       the minds of the American people. Fortunately it is occupying
       their minds. Within the last few years they have given more
       thought to this subject than it ever received from them
       before; and it has been bold thought, as well as profoundly
       earnest. It has not been afraid of hospitality to new ideas
       and new experiences, but is giving them fair hearings and fair
       tests. The present attitude of the whole country in this
       matter is of the happiest hopefulness, and every day brightens
       the prospect of a better future for municipal government in
       America.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: BOSTON: A. D. 1909.
       A Plan of Government chosen by popular vote.

       In connection with the election of November 2, 1909, the
       citizens of Boston, Massachusetts, had two plans of City
       Government submitted to their vote, and the charter under
       which the City will be ruled and its business conducted after
       the beginning of February, 1910, was determined by the choice
       between these plans which a majority expressed at the polls.
       One of the plans emanated from an official body, called the
       Finance Commission, which had been appointed to investigate
       bad conditions in the City Government, and whose
       investigations had given rise to the demand for a radical
       reform. This plan had the approval, moreover, of a citizens
       Committee of One Hundred, which had given much attention to
       the subject; but it was exceedingly unsatisfactory to the
       party politicians, whose personal interests were flagrantly
       disregarded in its scheme. These drafted a form of charter
       which fitted their own purposes, and the two plans were
       submitted to the Legislature in the winter of 1909. That body
       escaped the responsibility of a decision between them by
       referring both to the voters of Boston. The charter wanted by
       the party managers was designated as "Plan No. 1"; that of the
       Finance Commission and the Committee of One Hundred as "Plan
       No. 2."
    {432}
       A strenuous campaign of education was fought for some weeks
       before election day by the supporters of Plan No. 2, who seem
       to have included practically all single-minded seekers of good
       government, and an equally active campaign of wire-pulling was
       carried on by the champions of Plan No. 1. The education was
       successful in convincing 39,175 voters that Plan 2 should be
       preferred, while 35,306 were persuaded to the contrary, and
       about 34,000 remained so indifferent or undecided that they
       gave the question no vote. But public considerations prevailed
       over party motives and influences by 3869 votes, which is a
       highly important fact.

       The charter thus adopted for Boston differs in many features
       from what has acquired the name of "the Des Moines plan," but
       is fundamentally akin to it in principle and aim. Its prime
       purpose is to divorce local politics from national politics,
       freeing municipal elections from the baneful control of
       parties which have nothing rightly to do with the city’s
       affairs. Its secondary object is to concentrate official
       responsibility in a moderated way. It subjects the mayor of
       Boston, at the middle of his term, to a reconsideration of the
       vote which elected him (in the nature of the Swiss "recall"),
       but it does not introduce the initiative and referendum. The
       operation of the new charter under its provisions was outlined
       as follows by the Boston Herald on the day following
       its adoption:

       "By the acceptance of plan 2, party and all other designations
       will be eliminated from the ballots for the municipal
       elections, which will be held on the first Tuesday after the
       second Monday in January of each year. The coming city
       election will be held on January 11.

       "Candidates for mayor must be nominated by petition of not
       less than 5000 registered Boston voters. The candidate who
       receives the highest vote at the city election will hold
       office for four years, unless recalled at the end of two
       years. The salary will be $10,000 a year.

       "At the state election in the second year of the mayor’s term
       the ballots will contain the question: ‘Shall there be an
       election for mayor at the next municipal election?’ And this
       will be answered by ‘Yes,’ or ‘No.’ If a majority of the
       registered voters vote ‘Yes’ an election for mayor will be
       held at the following city election.

       "Whether recalled or not, the mayor holding office will have
       his name on the ballot at the city election unless in writing
       he requests the election commissioners not to place his name
       on the ballot. The mayor then elected will hold office for
       four years, subject to recall at the end of his second year.

       "The city council will consist of nine members, all elected at
       large. The salary will be $1500 each. In the election on
       January 11 the voters may vote for nine candidates, and the
       nine receiving the highest votes will be declared elected. The
       three highest will have three-year terms, the three next
       highest will serve for two years and the next three for one
       year each. Each year thereafter three candidates-at-large will
       be elected, and the voters may vote for three. All members of
       the city council will be elected at large, and there will be
       no ward members of the body. By the abolition of party
       designations no primary elections or caucuses for municipal
       offices will be held.

       "All candidates for mayor, city council and school board must
       be nominated by papers of not less than 5000 registered
       voters. No voter may sign more than one paper for mayor, not
       more than nine for council for the first election and for
       three candidates thereafter, and not more than two papers for
       the school board when there are two members to be elected.

       "If a candidate for any of the offices decides to withdraw
       from the contest before the election, vacancies in nominations
       for any cause may be filled by a committee of not less than
       five persons authorized in the nomination papers to fill such
       vacancies.

       "Members of the street commission, formerly elected at large,
       will be appointed by the mayor, subject to approval by the
       civil service commission, but without restriction as to their
       political affiliation. All department heads will be appointed
       by the mayor, subject to approval by the civil service
       commission.

       "The new municipal year will begin on the first Monday in
       February, when the mayor and city council will be inducted
       into office."

       The election, held at the appointed time, January 11, 1910,
       was managed so badly as to divide the vote of the reforming
       element between three candidates, against one, the former
       Mayor, Fitzgerald, whose scandalous administration had
       afforded the prime incentive to the reform movement, and thus
       giving opportunity for his election by a small plurality. A
       committee of the reform leaders had chosen for their candidate
       Mr. James J. Storrow, President of the Boston Chamber of
       Commerce, and strove to concentrate the opposition to
       Fitzgerald upon him; but the Mayor in office, who had secured
       renomination, persisted in keeping the field, and won the
       petty number of 1816 votes, which a little more than sufficed
       to elect Fitzgerald. The vote given the latter was 47,142,
       against 45,757 to Mr. Storrow, and 613 to the fourth
       candidate, Taylor. A recount of the vote was secured, but made
       no substantial change.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: California:
       Charter-framing Power given to Cities.

       "All cities in California except the very smallest are
       permitted to frame their own charters, which become effective
       upon ratification by the legislature. The cities are quick to
       avail themselves of this privilege, with the result that
       almost every possible experiment in municipal organization may
       be found on trial somewhere in California. That the cities are
       progressive is shown by the fact that within the past decade
       every city of any size in the State has remodeled its
       organization either by a new charter or by far-reaching
       amendments. A high standard of efficient city organization has
       been set by the recent charter of the city of Berkeley
       [adopted 1909], which furnishes a very perfect example of the
       ‘commission’ plan. Elections are freed from the influence of
       national parties, and the possibility of a final choice in the
       direct primary is sufficient to bring out the entire vote of
       the city.

       "The popular initiative, the referendum, and the recall are
       now generally established in all the larger cities of the
       State, but outside of San Francisco and Los Angeles without
       sufficient use to test their value for good government. In San
       Francisco the popular initiative has been used more frequently
       for bad measures than for good. In Los Angeles the spectacular
       removal of the mayor in 1909 will doubtless be regarded as a
       justification of the method of recall."

          Frederick H. Clark,
          Head of History Department, Lowell High School,
          San Francisco, California.

    {433}

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Chicago:
       The Municipal Voters’ League.

       In 1896 there was thought in Chicago of attempting to organize
       a strictly Municipal Party for action in municipal politics
       alone, and a conference of citizens appointed a committee to
       deal with the scheme. The committee decided this project to be
       impracticable, but its deliberations resulted in the creation
       of a Municipal Voters’ League, acting through a non-partisan
       committee of nine, whose function was to scrutinize all
       candidacies and nominations for the City Common Council, and
       afford information concerning them to voters of all parties
       who desired the election of honest and capable men. A
       permanent office force was employed, and thorough
       investigations made as to the record and character of every
       nominee for the Council. The results of these investigations
       were published, with recommendations for or against the
       respective candidates. The league brought pressure to bear, in
       the first place, to prevent the nomination of objectionable
       candidates, and then exerted its influence to defeat such
       candidates at the polls.

       This has been done with such effect in election after election
       as to produce a remarkable change in the character of the
       Council. Similar agencies have been brought into action in a
       number of cities within the few last years, with equally good
       results.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
       Chicago’s Struggles for a Better Charter.

       A body known as the "Charter Convention," made up of delegates
       appointed by or representing the Governor of the State, the
       State Assembly, and the several branches and departments of
       the City Government, was organized in December, 1905, and
       labored at the framing of a new City Charter until the early
       part of 1907, when the product of its labors was submitted to
       the Legislature of Illinois. Some of the main features of the
       charter were these:

       Consolidation in the municipal government of Chicago of the
       power vested in the board of education, township, park, and
       other local governments within the city;

          submission of propositions to popular vote;

          aldermen to be elected once in four years;

          the raising of adequate revenue by the issue of bonds and
          by other means;

          the power to own, maintain, and operate all public
          utilities in the city, including intramural, railroads,
          subways and tunnels, and telephone, telegraph, gas,
          electric lighting, heating, refrigerating and power plants;

          the parks to be under the management of a city department
          of parks;

          the public-school system to be a department of the city
          government and under the control of a board of education of
          fifteen members appointed by the mayor for terms of three
          years;

          the public library to be managed by a board of nine
          directors appointed by the mayor for terms of six years.

       As it went to the Legislature this draft charter represented
       much compromising of divergent opinions, and, probably, was
       not really satisfactory to anybody. The Legislature made it
       less so by amendments, and when it went to the people of
       Chicago, in September, 1907, for their verdict on it at the
       polls, they rejected it by 121,935 votes against 59,786.

       Early in 1908 the Charter Convention was reassembled and
       revised its former work, cutting the requisite legislation up
       into seven distinct bills, with a view to securing better
       chances of success for some reforms, if the whole could not be
       won; but the entire lot was killed in the Legislature.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: The Galveston or Des Moines Plan.
       Its Features.
       Extent of its Present Trial.

       Curiously enough, the present trend of opinion on the
       question, "What structure of municipal government will lend
       itself best to the reforms that it needs?" is in a direction
       that was given to it by accident, about ten years ago. Perhaps
       nothing short of a great catastrophe, like that of hurricane
       and flood, which wrecked the city of Galveston, on the 8th of
       September, 1900, could have broken the conventional pattern on
       which our cities were constructed so long. At all events, it
       was that catastrophe which started a crack in the antique
       pattern first. In improvising for the needs of a desperate
       emergency, the wrecked community had sense and energy enough
       to follow the plain instincts of business, and put itself, as
       a municipal corporation, under the kind of administration that
       any other corporation would construct. All the folly of
       localized interests in this and that part of the town,
       requiring to be "represented" by ward aldermen, went out of
       their heads. Their common calamity compelled them to
       understand that particular interests within the narrow bounds
       of a civic commonwealth are either included in or superseded
       by the common interests of the whole. They acted accordingly;
       dismissed their locally representative aldermen, dropped their
       old corps of administrative functionaries, and put the
       undivided management of their affairs into the hands of five
       commissioners, with a "mayor-president" at the head.

       It would not seem to have needed much political wisdom to
       predict the success of this experiment; but the quick effect
       of its teaching was more than there could be reason to expect.
       Houston, the near neighbor-city, was prompt to receive and
       apply the lesson, but bettering it somewhat. For Houston
       employed the whole time of its five business managers, paying
       them fair salaries for the service; whereas Galveston
       contented itself with less service and paid less.

       The two examples then presented, of a municipal corporation
       conducting its business in the plain mode and by the plain
       methods of the commercial corporations, drew increasing
       attention, in all parts of the country, west and east. Boston
       was soon discussing the Galveston experiment with deep
       interest, and at a meeting of the highly influential Economic
       Club of that city, in January, 1907, President Eliot, of
       Harvard University, declared that he saw in it the dawning of
       a brighter day. "We have got down very low," he said, "in
       regard to our municipal governments, and we have got dark days
       here now, but we can see a light breaking, and one of the
       lights broke in Galveston. I have personally been interested
       in the enormous improvement in just one branch of municipal
       business in our country within the last ten years—that is,
       school boards and school administrations. There has been a
       real wave of reform sweeping over the country, in the great
       cities particularly, with regard to school boards, and every
       bit of that experience goes the way I am describing it.
    {434}
       It is all in the direction of a few men not paid, originally
       determining the general policy of the schools of the city and
       trusting entirely to experts for executive action. Our whole
       experience in Massachusetts with the commissions we have had,
       tends the same way. If we ask what have been the best
       performances of the governmental functions in Massachusetts
       for the last twenty-five years, we have but one answer to
       make, namely, the work of our commissions, water, sewage,
       railroads, gas and electric lighting, public libraries where
       owned by the city, hospitals where owned by the city. You can
       think of numerous instances in Massachusetts where admirable
       work has been done by commissions acting on the principles
       which I have described. I say the day is dawning. What it
       needs, that the light may grow and get to full noon, is that
       the people, the great body of the people, should be convinced
       that municipal government means nothing but good, intelligent
       conduct of business."

       Meantime, in the West, action was already following study of
       the Galveston plan of city government, and the four states of
       Iowa, Kansas, North Dakota, and South Dakota passed acts in
       1907 to enable the adoption of it by any city so desiring. One
       of the first to exercise the privilege was the city of Des
       Moines, Iowa, certain of whose progressive young business men
       had been studying the municipal problem of late, and who had
       determined to bring some system of local government into
       operation that would make their city what it ought to be. On
       the basis of the Galveston plan they worked out the details of
       a charter which has become the model of its species most
       widely accepted, so that more has been heard latterly of "the
       Des Moines Charter" than of "the Galveston Plan." What is
       called the Des Moines charter, however, was no special
       enactment for that city, but a legislative frame of municipal
       government which any city in Iowa having not less than 25,000
       inhabitants may fit itself into.

       It confides the whole management of strictly local affairs in
       the city to four councilmen and a mayor, all elected by the
       voters of the city at large. It divides their administration
       into five departments, namely:
          The department of Public Affairs;
          The department of Accounts and Finances;
          The department of Public Safety;
          The department of Streets and Public Improvements;
          The department of Parks and Public Property.

       The mayor, by virtue of his office, is chairman of the
       council. He is also superintendent of the department of public
       affairs, and exercises a general supervision over the whole of
       the city administration.

       The council thus composed, with the mayor at its head, is
       invested with all executive, legislative and judicial
       authority, formerly exercised by perhaps twelve different
       officers, and twelve different boards. It appoints the city
       attorney, the city treasurer, the city auditor, the city
       engineer; and, in fact, every other appointive official. It
       makes every appropriation, and conducts the entire affairs of
       the city. "At the first meeting of this council, immediately
       following the election of its members, the work of the city is
       assigned to its most appropriate department; to one of these
       five departments. Each of the members of the council is also
       named as superintendent of a particular department; the theory
       of the law being that the man who is best qualified, by reason
       of his experience and training, will be placed at the head of
       that department where his training and experience will be of
       most value. As superintendent of this department, he is held
       strictly accountable for all matters which come within his
       jurisdiction; he is also charged with responsibility for all
       that is done or not done in his particular department." In the
       nomination and election of this important council, no party
       names are permitted to be connected with the candidates, in
       any manner whatsoever. Each candidate for the office becomes
       so by the filing of a petition with the city clerk, bearing
       the signatures of not less than twenty-five citizens, who make
       affidavit to the effect that the man is of good moral
       character, of age, and qualified to fill the office. "Ten days
       before the election is held, the city clerk takes the
       petitions which have been filed and prepares the ballot. He
       does this by arranging the names of candidates in alphabetical
       order. The candidates for mayor are arranged under the heading
       ‘Mayor’; the candidates for councilmen are also arranged in
       alphabetical order under the heading ‘Councilmen.’ There is no
       party designation, and because of this alphabetical
       arrangement there can be no favorite position on the ballot.
       The result is, that the candidate comes before the whole
       people of the city on his own merit, and on his own record."

       As a citizen of Des Moines has described the proceeding,
       "after the primary has been held the general election is
       called, and in order to secure names for the ballot in the
       general election, we take the two candidates who have received
       the highest number of votes for mayor at the primary, and
       place their names on the ballot. In order to secure the
       councilmen, we take the eight candidates for councilmen who
       have received the highest number of votes at the primary and
       place their names on the regular election ballot. This gives
       us two opportunities to weed out undesirable men. In the first
       place, we have the choice among all candidates at the primary.
       At the election, we have the choice of one of two men for
       mayor, and the choice of four out of eight candidates for
       councilmen."

       A most important provision of this Iowa charter for cities has
       to do with the civil service. "At the first meeting of the
       city council, after the election of these five commissioners
       or five councilmen--they are not commissioners—they appoint a
       civil service board composed of three members, and this civil
       service board, in whose charge is placed the work of preparing
       a civil service examination, is appointed for a period of six
       years. Thus they are removed from any influence that might be
       exerted by the councilmen, who are only elected for two years.
       This civil service commission prepares once a year an
       examination for all employees of the city, with the exception
       of unskilled labor and the heads of the departments, such as
       city attorney, city treasurer, city assessor, etc. (all of
       whom are appointed by a majority vote of the council). Having
       passed the examination successfully, the applicant is placed
       in a position, and so long as his work is satisfactory and he
       remains competent, he cannot be removed. He may be suspended,
       but he cannot be removed, and he is entitled to a hearing
       before the civil service board. This provision at once takes
       away all chance of a machine being built up through
       patronage."

    {435}

       This is a sufficient description of the official frame of
       government that has been instituted at Des Moines and other
       cities of Iowa under a general law of that State. The law goes
       farther, and connects with this frame or system a
       supplementary provision of methods for giving the whole body
       of the people an immediate agency in municipal legislation and
       a power to recall their election of any elected official
       during his term. By the use of the Swiss process of
       "initiative," a sufficient number of voters (25 per cent. of
       the whole) can propose measures which the Council must either
       adopt or else submit to the general vote, and can suspend
       measures adopted by the council until the general body of
       citizens has voted for or against them. These features, of the
       initiative, the referendum and the recall, are no more
       essential attachments to the Des Moines or Iowa form of
       municipal organization than to any other. To what extent the
       States and cities making trial of the general features of the
       Galveston scheme of municipal organization have followed Iowa
       in making the Swiss additions to it, information at present is
       wanting. Apparently the Des Moines pattern is having wide
       acceptance.

       In the fall of 1909 the towns in the United States which had
       adopted the so-called Des Moines plan of government were
       reported to number 12 in Texas, 7 in Kansas, 6 in Iowa, 3 in
       Massachusetts, 3 in California, 2 in Colorado, 2 in Missouri,
       2 in Tennessee, 1 in West Virginia, 1 in Mississippi, 1 in
       North Dakota, 1 in South Dakota, being 42 in all. Movements
       looking to the introduction of the same system were on foot in
       other cities. At the November election a draft of charter on
       the lines of the Des Moines plan was submitted to popular vote
       in the city of Buffalo, New York, and approved by 8848
       electors, out of a total of 11,346 who expressed themselves on
       the subject. The total vote, however, was only about one-sixth
       of that cast for candidates at the election. On the strength
       of the opinion expressed, the Legislature is now being asked
       to enact the charter. Should it do so, the form of government
       will have trial in the largest city that has yet introduced
       it.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: London, England:
       Defeat of the Progressives in the County and Borough Elections.

          See (in this Volume)
          LONDON: A. D. 1907-1909.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Los Angeles, California:
       Experiments and Experiences.

       Since 1900, Los Angeles, California, has been going through
       some interesting experiences, due to a series of charter
       amendments. The former charter of the city had been of the
       common pattern, organizing the municipal government under a
       mayor and a board of aldermen elected by wards. The amendments
       of recent years have created a Board of Public Works, with large
       powers in the management of municipal work; have changed the
       Board of Education from a body of nine members elected by
       wards to a membership of seven chosen from the city at large;
       have provided an elaborate system of municipal civil service
       regulation; and finally have provided for a complete system of
       popular initiative and referendum in municipal legislation,
       and for recall of elective officers. Popular initiative in
       legislation is made possible upon the demand by petition of 15
       per cent of the voters, estimated upon the total vote for
       mayor at the preceding municipal election; referendum in
       ordinary legislation is required upon a petition of 7 per cent
       of the voters; a recall election must be ordered upon the
       demand of 25 per cent of the voters concerned in the filling
       of the office. The official whom the petition seeks to remove
       is made a candidate for reflection without other nomination,
       unless in writing he notifies the city clerk that he is not a
       candidate.

       The recall methods, provided for in charter amendments of
       1903, have been put into actual service; first, in 1906, when
       a councilman was replaced by vote of the Ward, and again in
       February, 1909, when a recall election was ordered for the
       office of mayor. The proceedings in this case attracted
       widespread attention and interest throughout the country. They
       failed, however, to afford a perfect test of recall methods
       for the reason that after the election had been ordered but
       before the date had arrived the mayor in office resigned, thus
       surrendering without a struggle to the opponents who had
       sought his removal.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Michigan:
       Home Rule for Cities.

       The lately revised Constitution of Michigan authorizes cities
       and villages to frame, adopt and amend their charters, and to
       pass laws and ordinances in regard to their municipal
       concerns. Under this improved Constitution, the Michigan
       Legislature of 1909 adopted the necessary legislation for the
       formulation of action and for the limitation of taxes and
       debts. The following, from the New York Evening Post,
       is a summary of the more important provisions of the Act:
       "Charters of new cities will be framed by a commission of nine
       electors chosen by popular vote. Revised charters of existing
       cities will be framed, after a vote of the electors in favor
       of revision (submitted by a two-thirds vote of the local
       legislative body or on an initiatory petition of twenty per
       cent. of the total vote cast for Mayor), by an elected
       commission of one member from each ward and three electors at
       large. Candidates for charter commissioners are to be placed
       on the ballot without party affiliations designated. Charter
       amendments may be proposed by a two-thirds vote of the local
       legislative body, or by an initiatory petition of twenty per
       cent. of the vote for Mayor.

       "Every charter and charter amendment, before submission to the
       electors, must be submitted to the Governor of the State, but
       if disapproved by him, and passed on reconsideration by a
       two-thirds vote of the Charter Commission or local legislative
       body, shall be submitted to the electors. Copies of charters
       and charter amendments approved by the electors of the city
       shall be certified to the secretary of state, and shall
       thereupon become a law.

       "The law names certain things which each city charter shall
       provide, and imposes certain restrictions on the powers of
       cities. There must be an elected Mayor and a body vested with
       legislative power; the clerk, treasurer, and assessors, and
       other officers may be elected or appointed. This permits the
       establishment of a commission system, or of a Mayor and
       council with distinct powers. Provision must be made for the
       levy, collection, and return of State, county, and school
       taxes, for annual appropriations for municipal purposes, and
       for a system of accounts.

    {436}

       "Provision may be made for municipal taxes and for borrowing
       money up to prescribed limits, for the regulation of trades,
       occupations, and amusements, for the purchase of franchises,
       for a plan of streets within three miles beyond the city
       limits, 'for a system of civil service,' for the referendum,
       and the following omnibus clause: for the exercise of all
       municipal powers in the management and control of municipal
       property and in the administration of the municipal
       government, whether such powers be expressly enumerated or
       not; for any act to advance the interests of the city, the
       good government and prosperity of the municipality and its
       inhabitants, and through its regularly constituted authority,
       to pass all laws and ordinances relating to its municipal
       concerns, subject to the Constitution and general laws of the
       State.

       "Limitations include the following: Existing limits to the tax
       rate and borrowing powers to remain until a change is
       authorized by vote of the electors, with a maximum limit of 2
       per cent. of the assessed valuation for the tax rate and 8 per
       cent. for loans; but, as authorized by the Constitution, bonds
       may be issued beyond this limit for public utilities, when
       secured only upon the property and revenues of the utility. A
       sinking fund must be provided for bonds. A charter or charter
       amendment may not be submitted oftener than once in two years.
       The salary of public officials may not be changed after
       election or appointment. Certain municipal property may only
       be sold or vacated when approved by three-fifths of the
       electors voting thereon.

       "A separate act was passed for villages. This follows the main
       features of the law for cities, but is briefer."

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1901-1909.
       The Municipal Elections of 1901, 1903, 1905, and 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Working of the Bureau of Municipal Research.

       The Bureau of Municipal Research, instituted in New York City
       by an organization of citizens in 1905, has proved to be as
       effective an agency as has ever been employed for the
       straightening of crookedness and the correcting of negligence
       in the conduct of municipal affairs. Its working is described
       fully in an article which appeared in the Atlantic
       Monthly of October, 1908, by the head of the Bureau, Dr.
       William H. Allen, under the title, "A National Fund for
       Efficient Democracy." What the writer aims to do, and does
       most effectively, is, first, to show how inefficient our
       democracy is in its practical working, how demoralizing that
       inefficiency is, how feebly education and religion are
       struggling against its demoralizations, so long as they do not
       work to make government efficient; and then he unfolds the
       remedy indicated in results obtained already from the public
       enlightenment—the citizen education—which the Bureau of
       Municipal Research is developing in New York. His final
       purpose is to plead for the great national fund that would
       establish a central foundation for the extending and
       organizing of similar educational work throughout the country
       at large.

       The simple object of the New York Bureau of Municipal Research
       has been to make and to keep the public acquainted with the
       working of things in its government; to make and keep it
       attentive to the facts of efficiency or inefficiency in that
       working, which proves to be the kind of political education
       that bears the most practical fruits. The aim of the bureau,
       says Dr. Allen, has been "educative, not detective. Infinitely
       more interested in pointing out what is needed than what is
       wrong, it realizes that the great problem of democracy is not
       the control of the officer, but the education of the citizen.
       It began, not by laying down principles of government or
       discussing men, but by studying the needs of the community and
       its official acts. It would educate democracy in facts about
       democracy’s acts and methods, democracy’s need, and
       democracy’s opportunity." Something of the results achieved is
       set forth in the following passage:

       "Three years, $150,000, and scientific method, have
       accomplished results surpassing all dreams of those who
       outlined its programme. So convincing are these results that
       onlookers who said three years ago, ‘The tiger will never
       change its stripes,’ are now saying, ‘You could hardly do this
       in cities where the tiger marks are less obvious.’ Although
       many phases of municipal administration have not yet been
       studied, there is hardly an obstacle to efficiency and honesty
       that has not been encountered and overcome by light. The
       real-estate bureau that eluded all graft charges is being
       reorganized to prevent either graft or one hundred per cent.
       profits for land sold the city at private sale. While its own
       staff, consisting of three investigators in 1907 and 40 in the
       summer of 1908, can of itself do no inconsiderable educational
       work, the bureau gauges its effectiveness, not by what its own
       staff accomplishes, but by what the city’s staff of 70,000,
       and through them the city’s population of 4,000,000, are
       enabled to accomplish because of its educational effort.

       "Methods that manufacture corruption and inefficiency, and
       that for 50 years defied political reform, are giving way to
       methods by which 70,000 employees must tell the truth about
       what they do when they do it, about what they spend when they
       spend it, in clear, legible form. … Tammany officials, when
       interested, make excellent collaborators. The commissioners of
       accounts, for 30 years, through reform and Tammany
       administrations alike, a whitewashing body that condoned and
       glossed over wasteful and corrupt acts, have become, as a
       direct result of the bureau’s work, a great educational
       agency."

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: New York City: A. D. 1909.
       Proposed New Charter, not acted on in the Legislature.

       A Commission appointed for the purpose by Governor Hughes,
       after long and careful study of the subject of a new charter
       for Greater New York, reported in March, 1909, submitting a
       recommended draft, which was submitted to the Legislature then
       in session, but obtained no action from that body before its
       adjournment. The ruling principle in the work of the
       Commission had been that of reducing the number of elected
       administrative officers, of putting into separate hands the
       power to appropriate and the power to spend money, and of
       concentrating power and responsibility in a few.
    {437}
       As originally organized, the "Greater New York" City is
       divided into five boroughs. At the head of each borough is a
       Borough President, who has charge of the streets and the
       public buildings within the borough. There is also a Board of
       Estimate and Apportionment, consisting of the Mayor,
       Comptroller, the President of the Board of Aldermen, and the
       Borough Presidents. There is also a Board of Aldermen. The
       Commissioners proposed that the Borough Presidents shall cease
       to have administrative functions and shall devote their
       attention exclusively to the great financial work of the Board
       of Estimate and Apportionment; that the administrative work be
       given to heads of departments responsible to the Mayor, and to
       bureaus, some of them under the Board of Estimate and
       Apportionment and some under the various departments; and that
       the Board of Aldermen be supplanted by a Council of
       thirty-nine members to serve without pay; to have enlarged
       legislative powers, but none connected with the grant
       franchises, which the Board of Estimate and Apportionment
       should control. A new Department of Street Control was
       proposed, to take over all street work, abolishing the
       Street-Cleaning Department.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Philadelphia: A. D. 1905.
       A Temporary House Cleaning of the Municipality.
       Mayor Weaver’s Conversion.

       "Philadelphia has reformed. It is the swiftest and most
       thorough municipal revolution known in American civic annals.
       Without an election and without primaries, without warning and
       without preparation, the great deep of small
       householders,—which is Philadelphia,—moved from below. When
       the work was over, Mayor Weaver, who led the revolution, had
       not only changed the heads of the two executive departments,
       with ten thousand employees, but he was in full control of
       City Councils; he was recognized as the head of the city
       Republican party organization; he had forced the city
       Republican committee to withdraw the local ticket already
       nominated and await the choice of another ticket by the reform
       leaders; he had begun criminal prosecution, stopped work on
       contracts for filtration plants, boulevards, and highways
       amounting to some twelve million dollars, beginning a
       searching investigation by a board of expert engineers, and
       had defeated two grabs, one a contract for seventy-five years
       in gas and the other a street-car grab of one hundred and ten
       miles of streets, sought by the two local public-service
       corporations, the United Gas Improvement Company and the
       Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company. Both had been successfully
       passed before this revolution broke, and both were recalled,
       on the demand of the mayor, by the same councils that had
       passed them.

       "The coherent homogeneous vote of the myriads of small homes
       which make up Philadelphia has made this sweeping victory
       possible against great odds. The party majority in
       Pennsylvania and Philadelphia is the strongest in the country.
       The city machine is as well organized as Tammany Hall. It
       holds city, State, and federal patronage. For ten years it has
       without challenge chosen the executive officers at Harrisburg
       and Philadelphia and held the Legislature and Councils. The
       city ring, in a decade of unchecked rule, has issued
       $40,000,000 of city bonds; let on the filtration plant alone
       $13,660,000 of contracts; as much more on various public
       improvements, and had pending work authorized, but not let,
       costing about $30,000,000. The criminal investigation already
       made indicates that on the filtration-plant contracts alone
       the margin of loose profit is from 28 to 30 per cent. In this
       period the city gas works have been leased for a term ending
       in 1927, on provisions which yield $2,000,000 a year, twice
       the expected profit to the lessee, the United Gas Improvement
       Company. The other public-service corporation, the
       Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company, has had a free gift of a
       subway and over two hundred miles of street without payment
       and without limitation. The combination, under an antiquated
       law which threw no safeguards about the ballot of a venal vote
       controlled by machine office-holders of the great
       corporations, railroad and public-service, and of a corrupt
       combination of contractors and politicians, seemed omnipotent.
       By the adroit use of State and city appropriations for private
       charities and educational institutions, the respectable were
       placated. The leaders of this organization were also wise
       enough to meet reforms non-political halfway. The last State
       legislature passed excellent sanitary legislation, reorganized
       on sound lines the city schools of Philadelphia, passed
       efficient child-labor laws, and at many points improved State
       legislation. Carefully separating political management and
       elected officers, the leaders of the machine chose judicial
       candidates usually unexceptionable, and elected as governor of
       the State and mayor of Philadelphia men honest, dull, highly
       respected, without stain but pliant.

       "In April, so far as Philadelphia was concerned,
       self-government seemed to have disappeared. Its charter was
       amended, in the teeth of universal protest, so as to rob
       future mayors of all powers. Senator Boies Penrose and
       Insurance Commissioner Israel W. Durham made all nominations,
       State and city. The former awaits investigation. Durham has
       been shown to be a silent and secret partner in a contracting
       firm holding $13,660,000 of contracts, under city ordinances
       he passed, led by officers he chose, and yielding some 30 per
       cent. profit. In Pennsylvania and Philadelphia, the
       corporation pays the machine and the machine aids the
       corporation. It is like this in other States, but preeminently
       in that founded by Penn. After a long series of like gifts and
       franchises, councils voted the Rapid Transit Company one
       hundred and ten miles of streets, passed a costly boulevard
       system, and in return for $25,000,000 intended for more
       contracts proposed to lease the city gas works for
       seventy-five years, postponing reduction in the price of gas
       for three-quarters of a century.

       "This ran the pliant fingers of the machine into the pockets
       of every householder who had a gas bill to pay, some two
       hundred and eighty thousand in number. Suddenly this great
       mass moved from within. The pulpit of small churches knew it
       before the press, the little division leaders before the ward
       managers, and they before the chiefs of the organization. In a
       week, the city seethed. Children of councilmen came crying
       from the public schools. No one would play with them. Callous,
       thick-skinned politicians found their mail, their telephones,
       and their daily tours one hot rain of protest from their old
       neighbors. Division leaders reported defection by the
       avalanche.
    {438}
       The small householder, the narrow burgher, comfortable,
       contented, owning his house, careless over ideals, education,
       corruption, and venal voter, was aflame over a bigger gas
       bill. It is the old story of ship money and stamp taxes. No
       vote was necessary. No primary was needed. The leaders of a
       political machine are ignorant of much, but they know the
       voice of the voter in the land. John Weaver, the mayor, chosen
       by the machine, and its lifelong friend and supporter, had
       been a fair case lawyer and district attorney. Honest, narrow,
       clean-lived, of a legal mind, restive at the way he was
       treated as a mere figurehead, he recognized the civic
       revolution because he was himself of the class that had risen.
       He had, moreover, in his day won his division and was a ward
       leader."

          American Review of Reviews,
          July, 1905.

       The Israel W. Durham referred to above, who was the absolute
       "boss" of Philadelphia from 1896 to 1905, died on the 28th of
       June, 1909.

          See, also,
          PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: A. D. 1909.
       The old Evil Conditions revived.
       Defeat of Revolt against them.

       The old mastery of the City Government by an all-powerful and
       shameless political "machine" was recovered at the end of the
       term of Mayor Weaver, and conditions were soon as rotten as
       before the momentary and partial cleansing had been performed.
       In 1909 a hopeful revolt against them was undertaken, under
       the lead of D. Clarence Gibboney a young lawyer who as
       secretary of an active "Law and Order Society," had shown
       inspiring powers of leadership and high qualities of sincerity
       and resolution. Gibboney had been put forward for District
       Attorney in 1906 on Democratic and Independent tickets, and
       had suffered defeat. Now he was brought again to the front,
       for that office, from which the plunderers of the city could
       be most advantageously attacked. A William Penn Party had been
       organized in the interest of reform, and his nomination by
       this was endorsed by the Democratic organization. A great
       effort was made to rouse the conscience and the self-respect
       of the city, to throw off the thraldom of blind partisanship
       under which it submits to be corrupted and robbed. But the
       effort failed. Gibboney was rejected by a majority of about
       40,000 voters.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Pittsburg:
       Achievements of a Reforming Mayor.

       George W. Guthrie became Mayor of Pittsburg in 1906. "When
       Mayor Guthrie went into office there was no merit system in
       Pittsburg; but he soon established an effective one of his
       own, and at the 1907 session of the Pennsylvania Legislature
       effectively co-operated with the Pennsylvania Civil Service
       Reform Association and similar bodies, with Mayor Dimmick, of
       Scranton, and the business bodies of second-class cities, to
       secure a law which would permanently establish the merit
       system in them. He and his colleagues succeeded. A short time
       ago some one asked the Mayor how many Democrats he had
       appointed to office. His immediate reply was, 'I haven’t the
       least idea. The question of party has never entered into the
       matter.’ …

       "The tax levied in February, 1906, before Mayor Guthrie
       assumed office, was 15 mills. That levied in February, 1907,
       the first under his administration, was 12½ mills. This year,
       had it not been for the annexation of Allegheny, the city
       would have required only 10 or 10½ mills. The Mayor’s first
       estimate was 11 mills; but the final figures, as made up by
       the Finance Committee, showed that the lower figure would have
       been sufficient. When the Mayor entered office, there was a
       cash deficit of $400,000, caused by the payment of bills left
       over from the previous administration. He closed his first
       year with a small surplus, and the second (1907) with a large
       one. The total tax valuation of the old city of Pittsburg is
       $599,852,923. Its total bonded indebtedness is $24,956,001,
       and its net indebtedness (arrived at by deducting bonds in the
       saving fund) is $16,532,425, or .0275 per cent of the
       valuation. This highly desirable financial result, however,
       has not been reached by any false economy. Inadequate salaries
       have been raised. All the street repairing for 1907 was paid
       for out of the tax levy, and the work on the filtration plant
       has been pushed unceasingly. Enough of the filter beds are
       finished to provide for present needs, and as soon as they are
       ‘ripened’ and the pumping machinery rearranged the city will
       have filtered water. …

       "For many years, under the old regime, Pittsburg had been free
       from many of the evils of an open city; but a syndicate of
       Councilmen and politicians had made immense sums out of the
       business. They controlled the leases of the houses, which they
       sublet at exorbitant sums. They also controlled the supplies
       which were furnished to them. The Mayor issued but one order
       for the regulation of this district. He made no attempt to
       solve the entire problem. As the law was plain about the sale
       of liquor, he declared that that must stop absolutely; and
       that no house could be run on streets on which there were
       surface cars. This order proved to be the death-blow of the
       combination that had previously existed. The politicians, when
       they heard the order, laughed. They had fooled every other
       Mayor, and they thought they could fool Guthrie. He would need
       Councils and must necessarily ‘deal’ with them. But he needed
       no one, and he ‘dealt’ with no one. He waited six weeks for
       his warning to be taken, and then he acted. One Saturday night
       the police drew a net around the district, and over one
       thousand arrests were made. Then came the final blow that
       stopped political interference. Under the old system police
       magistrates had been in the habit of holding fines or delaying
       sentences, which, under the pressure of political influence,
       were remitted or suspended. Such money as was paid in was held
       for a month before being turned over to the city treasury. …
       Mr. Guthrie established the rule that all fines and jail
       sentences, once imposed, would have to stand unless revoked by
       the county courts. Not only have the revenues of the city
       largely increased by this policy, as we have already seen, but
       one of the greatest sources of political evil has been
       removed. Since this policy was inaugurated there has been no
       political or machine interference in the administration of the
       law. Incidentally, I may mention that one Councilman went to
       jail for his complicity with the protection of the social
       evil.

    {439}

       "The situation in Pittsburg is so changed and improved that
       the Secretary of the Civic Voters' League was able to say
       recently; ‘While we have forced Councils to be good, elected
       the best Mayor in the country, put in county offices men of
       ability and honesty, forced the politicians to give us a good
       civil service measure, I am convinced that our most important
       victory has been to convince the political leaders and bosses
       that there is a new era in politics, and that for the future
       none but the best men can be elected to public office.’"

          Clinton Rogers Woodruff,
          A Mayor with an Ideal
          (The Outlook, April 25, 1908).

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT:
       Defeat of the Reforming Mayor in 1909, but no Discouragement
       of the Reforming Activity of the Voters’ League.
       Unparalleled Success in convicting Bribed Officials
       and their Bribers.

       Mayor Guthrie, nominated for reëlection in 1909, was defeated
       by the nominee of a corrupt party "machine"; but this put no
       check on the efforts of the Voters’ League behind him to hunt
       down the corrupting influences and agencies which had mastered
       the city once more. A fortunate accident gave the League a
       single clue to the hidden labyrinth of rascality, and it
       sufficed for astounding revelations. It tracked and caught,
       first, a single ex-Councilman, who had handled large sums of
       bribe-money, receiving and dividing it among his fellow
       members of a gang known as the "Big Six." This man, John P.
       Klein, when he found himself helplessly in the toils, and
       likely to be the scape-goat for all his confederates and their
       corrupters, made confessions which uncovered much, if not all,
       of the bribe-giving and bribe-taking of several past years.
       Down to the 23d of March, 1910, when the following summary was
       published, the results coming from this confession had been as
       follows:

       In penitentiary—
       W. W. Ramsey, ex-president of the German National Bank;
       William Brand, ex-president of the Common Council;
       Joseph C. Wasson, ex-Councilman, and H. M. Bolder.

       Under sentence to the penitentiary—
       John F. Klein, ex-Councilman.

       Awaiting disposition of their cases—
       E. H. Jennings, president of the Columbia National Bank, and
       F. A. Griffin, cashier, who pleaded nolo contendere.

       Under indictment—
       Forty-one Councilmen.

       Confessors of bribe-sharing—
       Twenty Councilmen, former and present, Select and Common.

       More confessors awaiting turn—
       Ten former and present Councilmen.

       As this goes to the printers, the bribe-givers, including some
       of the multi-millionaires of Pittsburg, are being dragged into
       court.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: St. Louis: A. D. 1900-1940.
       The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption
       by Circuit Attorney Folk.
       Prosecutions, Confessions, and Convictions.

       One of the most notable and effective cleansings of a
       corrupted municipality that has occurred in the United States
       was accomplished in St. Louis by Joseph Wingate Folk, using
       the powers of the office of Circuit Attorney of the City, to
       which he was fortunately elected in the spring of 1900. That
       bribery was active among the Aldermen and Councilmen of the
       two chambers of the municipal legislature, and that
       unscrupulous men of business were habitually employing it to
       secure iniquitous franchises and jobs, appears to have been a
       matter of common belief; but the belief had not roused feeling
       enough to bring about any change, until the opportunity to act
       was given to Mr. Folk.

       One notoriously suspicious transaction, which consolidated the
       street railways of the city, was outlawed for all but a single
       actor in it by the Missouri statute of limitations, which bars
       criminal proceedings after three years; but the one man had
       been absent from the State during so large a part of those
       three years that he could be reached by the law, and the
       Circuit Attorney turned the search light of a grand jury
       investigation on his case. This man, R. M. Snyder, of Kansas
       City, was indicted, arrested, and held for trial under bonds
       of $50,000. From that beginning Mr. Folk went on to the
       probing of a more recent franchise grant, and unearthed the
       fact that two deposits of cash, for sums of $60,000 and
       $75,000 were boxed in safety deposit vaults, each guarded by
       duplicate keys held on one side by a corporation agent, and on
       the other side by agents of the Council and the Aldermanic
       body respectively, waiting for distribution among the
       officials who had sold the public franchise for those sums. A
       rival corporation had, meantime, attacked the legality of the
       grant, held it up by an injunction, and so kept these
       corruption funds in suspension between the bribers and the
       bribed.

       By what resolute persistence, what shrewdness, what bold
       ventures of surmise, Mr. Folk uncovered the cunningly secreted
       facts, terrified the "boodlers" and the bribers into betraying
       one another, and fastened their crimes upon them, cannot be
       told here. Two of the wealthy buyers in the rascally trade, a
       Mr. Turner and a Mr. Stock, became witnesses for the State
       against the men whose crime they had bought. The two agents
       for Aldermen and Councilmen, who held the keys of the
       deposited bribe, J. K. Murrell and Charles Kratz, fled to
       Mexico, forfeiting their bail. Three others of the accused,
       Emil Meysenberg, Julius Lehmann and Harry Faulkner, were
       tried, convicted and sentenced to imprisonment for three and
       two years. The escape of Murrell and Kratz beyond reach of
       extradition embarrassed the prosecution of the remaining
       confederates, who seemed likely to go free for lack of
       sufficient evidence; but unexpectedly, in September, 1902,
       Murrell reappeared in St. Louis, saying that he could not
       endure exile any longer and was ready to bear the penalty of
       his wrongdoing. On his confessions eleven aldermen were
       arrested, charged with bribery in two cases and with perjury
       before the grand jury. Seven others made successful flights.

       In the course of the next year another of the refugees from
       justice returned, supposing his time of danger to have passed.
       This was Charles F. Kelly, who had been Speaker of the St.
       Louis House of Delegates and a ready tool of Edward Butler,
       the St. Louis political "Boss" and legislative broker. Butler
       had been involved in the prosecutions, and Kelly had fled to
       avoid giving testimony against him, being paid, as he
       confessed finally, $50,000 for his retirement into obscure
       foreign parts. What happened to him later, and what
       confessions he made were the subject of a brief story in THE
       OUTLOOK of November 5, 1904, in part as follows:

    {440}

       "Returning when it was believed that his patron was secure
       through the operation of the statute of limitations, Kelly was
       arrested and sentenced to two years in the penitentiary for
       perjury in his testimony in one of the boodle cases. He
       appealed to the Supreme Court, and meanwhile was rearrested on
       the charge of accepting a bribe in another deal. At, this
       juncture he complained that Butler had deserted him and had
       advised him to plead guilty. ‘It didn’t look right,’ he said
       in an interview, ‘that we should take our medicine and that he
       should go free.’ Therefore he determined to relate his
       dealings with Butler in the bribery cases. In his statement he
       says that he has reason to believe that boodling had been in
       progress in the St. Louis Municipal Assembly for the last
       twenty-five years. The boodlers did not fear exposure, because
       they ‘knew that most of the politicians and many of the large
       financiers of St. Louis’ would be with them. One prosecutor
       who attempted to bring them to justice was ‘bluffed off.’ When
       Mr. Folk began his work, there were threats of assassination,
       and finally a deliberate plot was arranged to ruin the
       prosecutor’s influence by falsehoods. ‘Prominent financiers’
       as well as the boodlers were engaged in this attempt,
       according to the confession.

       "The general scheme of the boodle ‘combine’ is already fairly
       well known, but Mr. Kelly adds some interesting details. There
       were nineteen members, and the combine was ‘not along party
       lines.’ ‘My experience,’ he remarks, ‘has been that boodlers
       line up according to their interests, and not under party
       standards.’ The members of the combine held regular meetings,
       and decided by a majority vote on the prices to be charged for
       various measures. There was a ‘fixed schedule of prices’ for
       bills in accordance with the value of the privileges to be
       given. The combine rarely sold out for less than a thousand
       dollars, though once ‘some of the boys took five dollars each,
       but were so ashamed of it they would not speak of it
       afterwards, because the price was so small.’ The combine was
       in the habit of selecting one of its members to act as agent
       in the deals, and only in one or two instances did the
       representative prove untrustworthy. ‘Among ourselves,’ says
       this frank boodler, ‘we had a high code of morals, and it was
       considered extremely dishonest for a member of the combine to
       accept bribe money without dividing it among his fellows.’ A
       particularly interesting feature of the confession is the
       warning which it gives to St. Louis of the danger of a relapse
       to the old conditions when Mr. Folk’s term as Circuit Attorney
       shall have expired. Kelly asserts that Butler advised his
       indicted friends to get continuances until a new Circuit
       Attorney should be elected, and that he promised them that the
       prosecutor should be ‘his man.’ ‘What,’ asks Kelly, ‘has been
       done in St. Louis? Nothing at all. The prosecutor has, after
       three years’ fighting, whipped us. But it seems to me, such is
       the condition of public sentiment in St. Louis, that when the
       new prosecutor, who of course will be Ed Butler’s man, takes
       charge, boodlers will be in clover again.’ In his opinion the
       great trouble is that ‘so many of the large corporations of
       the city are mixed up in boodle one way or another’ that the
       town is willing to tolerate corruption."

       Here, as in all exposed cases, the power to organize "boodle"
       or "graft" in municipal government is found to have been
       derived from the "machines" of the national political parties.

       The exhibit of character and ability made by Mr. Folk in his
       extraordinary enforcement of law in St. Louis, to the
       overthrow of the stronghold of municipal thieves and
       corruptionists, so commended him to the people of Missouri
       that they nominated and elected him Governor of the State in
       1904, despite the most desperate endeavor of the party
       organizations to defeat him. In his higher office he continued
       his work of reform.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.
       The Struggle with Political Corruption.

       "Before the enactment of the charter of 1899 the mayoralty in
       San Francisco had little power, and successive political
       bosses had ignored it. Instead of this, they aimed to control
       the municipal Board of Supervisors, which had the awarding of
       contracts and franchises. The charter of 1899 changed all
       this, by concentrating vast powers of appointment and removal
       in the mayoralty, the office being filled by biennial
       election. The office was ably and honestly administered for
       the first two years by Honorable Jas. D. Phelan.

       "During the latter portion of Phelan’s term there occurred a
       long and bitter industrial struggle, known as the ‘Teamsters’
       Strike,’ in which the sympathy of other labor organizations
       was deeply stirred. At the request of the employers Mayor
       Phelan consented to placing the city police upon drays and
       wagons as guards for non-union drivers. This action aroused
       violent denunciation on the part of the union labor leaders.
       It also served as a political object lesson. It was seen that
       to gain possession of the mayoralty in the interest of union
       labor would be a great political advantage, especially in a
       recurrence of industrial strife.

       "In the following election (1901) Eugene E. Schmitz, orchestra
       leader at the Columbia theatre and head of the musicians’
       union, the candidate of the union labor party, was elected
       mayor by 21,776 votes as against 30,365 votes somewhat evenly
       divided between the Republican and the Democratic candidates.
       Two years later (1903) Schmitz was reëlected in the same way,
       and in 1905 he was again successful, this time securing a
       large majority over the fusion candidate nominated by the
       Democratic and Republican parties combined. Throughout the
       whole period Schmitz's chief political manager was Abraham
       Ruef, a native of San Francisco, well educated, gifted and
       ambitious, an adroit politician, previously affiliated with
       the Republican party. In 1904 he was a delegate at large for
       California in the Republican national convention at Chicago.

       "Almost from the beginning of the Schmitz administration it
       became recognized throughout the city that the most certain
       way of obtaining favors from the mayor’s office was through
       the law office of Abraham Ruef, who acted as the legal and
       political adviser of Mayor Schmitz. Ruef steered a different
       course from political bosses generally. He kept his office
       open for all comers, high and low. He was thoroughly
       accessible. He welcomed all applicants and dealt out
       encouraging assurances to every request. It soon became a
       matter of general belief that under the guise of legal
       services Ruef was selling licenses, securing special
       privileges for favored clients and protecting illegal
       concerns. Ruef’s income increased enormously during the
       Schmitz regime, but to the end he maintained this pretense of
       ‘attorney’s fees,’ and only a few months before he was
       indicted for extortion he stoutly maintained before a public
       meeting that he had never made a dollar out of politics.’

    {441}

       "In 1905 the grand jury made a thorough investigation of the
       municipal administration and became convinced of the existence
       of a wide-spread system of bribery and corruption. In its
       report to the Superior Court, filed August 19, 1905, it
       stated: ‘that wholesale and wide-spread violation of law is
       open, notorious and flagrant; that it meets with the
       acquiescence of the mayor; that it receives the approval of
       the police commission; that it is aided, abetted and protected
       by police officials. … We find that vice and crime have been
       organized so systematically, and fostered with such vigilant
       attention to detail, that nothing which business acumen or
       political expediency could suggest has been neglected or
       omitted.’ For lack of legal evidence, however, or the funds
       with which to carry on an investigation for securing it, no
       indictments in these matters were returned.

       "The municipal election of 1905 gave to Ruef the control of
       the Board of Supervisors as well as the administrative
       departments of the city. The great upheaval in business
       conditions produced by the earthquake and fire of April, 1906,
       brought new and wealthier clients to his office. Evidence made
       public in the later prosecutions goes to show that Ruef was
       paid to secure from the Board of Supervisors for the United
       Railroads permission to use an overhead trolley system for
       operating its street cars instead of the cable system in use
       before the fire; that the gas company had bribed the
       supervisors to raise the price of gas from 75 to 85 cents per
       thousand feet; and that the telephone companies had used the
       same means to promote their interests.

       "The work of securing the evidence upon which criminal
       indictments could be based was performed by a few determined
       men. Rudolph Spreckels, a young man of large fortune, came
       forward with a pledge of $100,000 for the expenses of a
       searching investigation. District Attorney William H. Langdon,
       who had been elected on the same ticket with Schmitz,
       announced that he would conduct the inquiry without regard to
       party affiliations, and appointed Francis J. Heney, assistant
       district attorney. A man of courage and devotion to public
       honesty, Heney had gained distinction by the successful
       prosecution of land frauds before the Federal courts in
       Oregon. Heney requested and obtained the assistance of William
       J. Burns, a detective in the United States Secret Service.

       "Ruef and Schmitz were soon indicted by the grand jury,
       charged with extorting money from restaurant proprietors.
       During the progress of his trial Ruef changed his plea from
       ‘Not guilty’ to ‘Guilty.’ Judgment against him was delayed,
       however, by the prosecution for the purpose of gaining
       evidence against others. Schmitz was tried on a similar charge
       and with the aid of testimony given by Ruef was convicted and
       [July, 1907] sentenced to imprisonment for five years in the
       state penitentiary.

       "Meanwhile, some of the weaker supervisors having been caught
       in a trap set for them by Burns, confessions of bribery were
       obtained by the grand jury from fifteen out of eighteen
       members of the Board. In return for these confessions the
       district attorney entered into immunity contracts with the
       supervisors, and became temporarily the directing power in the
       municipal government. The office of mayor was declared vacant,
       and Honorable. Edward R. Taylor, a learned and conscientious
       man, a professor in the Hastings College of Law in San
       Francisco, was appointed to the position. Gradually the whole
       Board of Supervisors was replaced by honest and experienced
       men.

       "On the confessions of the discredited supervisors there
       followed a large number of indictments against Ruef, Schmitz
       and the various officers and employees of the public service
       corporations concerned in corrupting the city government. By
       May 25, 1907, the number of so-called ‘graft’ indictments was
       137, against 19 persons. From collateral issues the number of
       indictments later rose to 160. The indictments against a few
       of the accused were subsequently dismissed. Five of the
       original 19 accused persons had been put on trial one or more
       times previous to January, 1910,—the expiration of the term of
       office of District Attorney Langdon. These trials were carried
       on with the utmost rancor on the part of opposing counsel. The
       greatest difficulties were encountered in securing juries and
       in several cases juries failed to agree. Throughout the
       community and in the public prints there developed factional
       division and bitterness. This factional hatred culminated in
       acts of violence and terrorism. Two houses in Oakland, Alameda
       County, one occupied, the other owned by James L. Gallagher,
       former supervisor and lieutenant of Ruef, later a most
       important witness for the prosecution, were dynamited and
       nearly destroyed. For these crimes a culprit was discovered
       and sent to the state prison for life by the courts of Alameda
       County. On November 13, 1908, during the trial of Ruef on
       bribery charges, Mr. Heney was shot from behind while at his
       post in the court-room by a half-demented sympathizer with the
       accused. A day later the assassin took his own life while in
       jail. By the merest chance Mr. Heney’s wound proved not to be
       fatal, and after a few months he returned to his duties.

       "Even in the few cases in which convictions were obtained
       judgment was arrested by appeals to the higher courts, which
       uniformly resolved all technical questions in favor of the
       accused. To the end of 1909, the record of these cases is as
       follows:

       "Number of indictments 160.

       "Contracts of immunity 19.

       "Tried and acquitted twice:
       Tirey L. Ford, attorney for the United Railroads.

       "Trials in which the jury disagreed:
       Louis Glass, manager for the Pacific States Telephone Co.;
       Tirey L. Ford;
       Abraham Ruef;
       Patrick Calhoun, president of the United Railroads.

       "Judgments reversed by higher court,
       Eugene E. Schmitz and Louis Glass.

       "Plea of guilty nullified by higher court:
       Abraham Ruef.

       "Convicted, but appeals to higher court in progress:
       Abraham Ruef and M. W. Coffey, a supervisor who broke his
       immunity contract.

    {442}

       "Thus it is evident that the prosecution has so far failed to
       punish extortion and bribery by criminal procedure. The real
       results of the prosecution are to be found in the prompt
       reform of the municipal government of San Francisco in 1907,
       and, in a larger way, in an awakened public conscience and a
       strengthened sense of civic duty. These results are not
       limited to San Francisco, but are a part of the great work of
       political regeneration in which the whole country is
       concerned.

       "The question of further efforts to secure convictions in
       these ‘graft’ cases was made a political issue in San
       Francisco by the candidacy of Mr. Heney for the office of
       district attorney in 1909. That a large number of voters
       considered such continued efforts useless or hopeless was
       shown by his defeat by a decisive majority of 10,000 votes
       against him."

       The new Mayor placed at the head of the City Government by
       this election was the nominee of the same Union Labor Party
       which had seated Schmitz and his manager, Ruef, and it was
       made plain that he represented the opposition to all that had
       been done and attempted toward municipal reform.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: Spain: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Municipal Reforms.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: The Transvaal: A. D. 1909.
       Introduction of Proportional Representation.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: United States:
       The "Municipal Program," framed
       by the National Municipal League.

       "At the joint invitation of the City Club of New York and the
       Municipal League of Philadelphia, a Conference for Good City
       Government was held in Philadelphia in January, 1894. Out of
       this conference grew the National Municipal League, formally
       organized in New York City in May, 1894. The League includes
       in its affiliated membership, the leading municipal reform
       organizations of the country, and, in its associated
       membership the leading students of municipal government. At
       the annual meeting of the League in 1897 held in Louisville, a
       special committee was appointed ‘to report on the feasibility
       of a Municipal Program which will embody the essential
       principles that must underlie successful municipal government,
       and which shall also set forth a working plan or system,
       consistent with American industrial and political conditions,
       for putting such principles into practical operation; and the
       Committee, if it finds such Municipal Program to be
       feasible, is instructed to report the same with its reasons
       therefor, to the League, for consideration.’

       "The Committee appointed under this resolution made a
       preliminary report at the annual meeting of the League held in
       Indianapolis in 1898, and a final one at the annual meeting of
       the League held in Columbus in 1899. The Committee did not
       claim that its report constituted the final word upon the
       subject referred to it, but its members were convinced, as a
       result of their studies and investigations, that ‘A
       Municipal Program’ which would embody the essential
       principles that must underlie successful municipal government
       was entirely feasible, and they recommended certain
       Constitutional Amendments and a general Municipal Corporations
       Act, as setting forth a working plan or system consistent with
       American industrial and political conditions, for putting such
       principles into practical operation. The Committee’s
       recommendations were unanimously adopted by the League at its
       Columbus meeting."

          Horace E. Deming,
          The Government of American Cities,
          page 203 (G. P. Putnam’s Sons, New York).

       As originally published, the "Municipal Program" has gone out
       of print, but Mr. Deming, under an arrangement with the
       League, has reproduced it as an appendix to his book, with an
       explanatory discussion of it. The main objects sought in it
       are "to clothe the city government with such broad powers as
       will enable it to perform all the appropriate functions of a
       local government without resort to the State Legislature for
       the grant of additional power"; and to "prevent the
       interference by the State Legislature with the free exercise
       by the city of the governmental powers granted it." Beyond
       this, the designers of the "Program" have worked out what
       seemed to them the most effective plan of organization in
       municipal government for the exercise of such full powers.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: WISCONSIN:
       Organization of a Municipal Reference Bureau
       by the State University.

       Within the past year a Municipal Reference Bureau has been
       organized in connection with the Extension Department of the
       Wisconsin State University, its purpose being to offer the
       widest possible use of the material on questions relative to
       municipal government which the University has collected, by
       answering inquiries. The Bureau is under the charge of Mr.
       Ford H. MacGregor, and will work in cooperation with the very
       useful Legislative Reference Department of the Wisconsin Free
       Library Commission, which was organized a few years ago and is
       still conducted by Dr. Charles McCarthy.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

          See, also, (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES, AND SOCIAL BETTERMENT.

       ----------MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: End--------

    MURRELL, J. K.:
       Confessions.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: ST. LOUIS.

    MÜRZSTEG PROGRAMME, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.

    MUSHIR-ED-DOWLEH.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE).

    MUSTAFA FAZIL PASHA.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    MUTINY IN THE RUSSIAN NAVY.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY:
       Legislative Investigation.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    MUZZAFER-ED-DIN:
       Late Shah of Persia.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    MYTILENE, International Occupation of.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    {443}

    N.

    NABUCO, DR. JOAQUIN:
       President of Third International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    NACIONALISTAS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    NAGEL, CHARLES:
       Secretary of Commerce and Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    NAKAMURA, GENERAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    NANSHAN, BATTLE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY),
          A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    NAPOLEON I.:
       Declining Worship of his Memory in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

    NASR-UL-MULK: PRIME MINISTER OF PERSIA.
       His exile.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE), AND 1908-1909.

    NATAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA.

    NATHAN, ERNESTO: MAYOR OF ROME.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1909.

    NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

    NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
       Its notable Conference on Industrial Disputes.
       Its great Committee for Intermediation and Conciliation.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

    NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
       Its Intermediation in Coal Strike.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
       National Conference at Chicago, 1907, on Trusts
       and Combinations.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
       Its work in Promotion of Trades Agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

    NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, The:
       Its work for Uniformity in State Legislation.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

    NATIONAL CONSERVATION ASSOCIATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    NATIONAL FARMERS’ UNION.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

    NATURAL RESOURCES, The Conservation of.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    NATURALIZATION:
       Convention between American Republics.

       The following Convention was adopted and signed at the Second
       Conference of the American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro, 1906.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

       "Article I.
       If a citizen a native of any of the countries signing the
       present Convention, and naturalized in another, shall again
       take up his residence in his native country without the
       intention of returning to the country in which he has been
       naturalized, he will be considered as having resumed his
       original citizenship, and as having renounced the citizenship
       acquired by the said naturalization."

       "Article II.
       The intention not to return will be presumed to exist when the
       naturalized person shall have resided in his native country
       for more than two years. But this presumption may be destroyed
       by evidence to the contrary."

       "Article III.
       This Convention will become effective in the countries that
       ratify it three months from the dates upon which said
       ratifications shall be communicated to the Government of the
       United States of Brazil; and if it should be denounced by any
       one of them, it shall continue in effect for one year more, to
       count from the date of such denouncement."

       "Article IV.
       The denouncement of this Convention by any one of the
       signatory States shall be made to the Government of the United
       States of Brazil and shall take effect only with regard to the
       country that may make it."

    NATURALIZATION: In the British Empire:
       Proposed Uniformity of Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    NATURALIZATION: In the United States:
       The Question of Treatment of Expatriated Citizens who
       visit their Native Country.
       The Principle asserted to Germany.
       New Law of American Citizenship.-

       Consequent on an increasing disposition in Germany to curtail
       the revisiting of their native country by Germans who had
       become naturalized citizens of the United States, the American
       Ambassador to Berlin discussed the subject with the German
       Foreign Minister, on the 12th of August, 1902, and reported
       the substance of the conversation to Washington: "Statements
       were made on the part of the embassy as follows: No sympathy
       whatever is felt with the person who deliberately emigrates
       and avails himself of the American naturalization laws for the
       mere purpose of escaping military service in Germany, and
       there is no wish on the part of the American authorities to
       enable such persons to make a convenience of their American
       naturalization. The embassy has also consistently declined to
       intervene in behalf of persons whose wish was to make their
       permanent residence in Germany. It is thought, however, that
       where German emigrants have fulfilled the conditions necessary
       to entitle them to ‘be treated as American citizens’ they
       should actually be so treated, and when they have emigrated in
       good faith they should be permitted to sojourn in Germany, for
       their business or pleasure, to visit at their former homes, or
       to enjoy the benefits afforded by German watering places,
       etc., in accordance with the terms of the treaty with Prussia
       of 1828. The sovereign right of Prussia to expel persons whose
       presence is not considered desirable is not contested, but it
       is thought that the American Government has the right to know
       why the presence of any American citizen is so considered.

       "Dr. Von Mühlberg’s attention was called to a number of cases
       now pending, where naturalized American citizens have received
       orders to leave the country after a stay of a few weeks. He
       said that he would take the matter up personally and would
       communicate with the Prussian minister of the interior in
       regard to it at once."

    {444}

       In reply from the Department of State at Washington, the
       action of Ambassador White was approved, and it was said
       further: "You should lose no suitable opportunity to press and
       to emphasize the considerations which you advanced in your
       interview with Dr. Von Mühlberg. The essence of the right of
       expulsion which the German States claim is that it should be
       reasonably and justly applied in cases obviously calling for
       so extreme a measure. Expulsion should not be invoked
       indiscriminately, so as to operate as a deterrent to the
       exercise of the rights of expatriation and acquisition of new
       allegiance granted under the naturalization treaties, or so as
       to neutralize, by indirection, treatment stipulated thereafter
       regarding the recognition of the new national character."

          Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of
          the United States, 1902, page 441.

       The doctrine of citizenship stated by Ambassador White on this
       occasion was embodied subsequently in a new citizenship law,
       which came into force on the 2d of March, 1907. The new law
       was based on a report made by an official commission, one of
       the members of which has written of it as follows:

       "When a future historian shall write an account of the
       achievements of this the most remarkable administration of our
       government since the Civil War, he will give prominent place
       to the naturalization law of a year ago and the citizenship
       law which was approved last March and is now becoming
       effective; for these two measures are the culmination of a
       hundred years of effort for reform, and affect the very
       foundation of our political structure. …

       "So far as the naturalization law is concerned, the objections
       to it come chiefly from petty courts throughout the country
       which are now not permitted to naturalize, and which formerly
       derived part of their prestige and their fees from
       naturalization business. Dissatisfaction with the new
       citizenship law flows from those people who have been living
       abroad in fancied security of their American citizenship, and
       who now find themselves obliged to take positive steps to
       preserve a status which they have heretofore supposed attached
       to them indefinitely, without the performance of any
       obligations on their part. Both of these laws originated in
       the House of Representatives, but each resulted from a report
       made by executive officers, and the Senate can claim little
       agency in them. The citizenship law was based upon a report
       made to Secretary Root by a board of officers of his
       Department, the members being James Brown Scott, the Solicitor
       for the Department of State, David Jayne Hill, our Minister at
       The Hague, and the writer of this article, with Samuel B.
       Crandall, Ph. D., of the Department as Secretary. … From this
       report sprang a bill, introduced in the House by the Honorable
       James Breck Perkins of New York, which became a law on March
       2nd.

       "The law does not change or even modify the American doctrine
       of citizenship. That was already settled by the Constitution
       and the decisions of the Supreme Court. Anybody born in the
       United States, no matter what his race, unless he is an Indian
       living with a tribe, or however ineligible to our citizenship
       he may be for any other reason, is a citizen of the United
       States. …

       "Broadly speaking, an individual becomes a citizen of the
       United States by birth or naturalization, and these facts have
       been well settled; but how does he lose American citizenship?
       This was the question to which the citizenship board chiefly
       addressed itself, and which Congress settled a few months ago
       by declaring that an American shall be held to have
       expatriated himself when he becomes naturalized as a citizen
       of another country, or when he takes an oath of allegiance to
       another state, or when he lives permanently outside of the
       United States without intent to return. …

       "We have had a constantly increasing number of so-called
       American citizens living abroad—men who have lived in the
       United States for only five years and in many cases have
       fraudulently secured naturalization papers after less than
       five years of residence; who never were really domiciled
       there; who never have performed any of the duties of American
       citizenship and who never intended to do so. … Until the new
       naturalization law went into effect, it was not actually
       against the letter of the law for a man to commit this fraud;
       for, when he applied for citizenship, he was required merely
       to show that he had resided in the United States for five
       years, and no inquiry was made concerning his future
       intentions."

          Gaillard Hunt,
          The New Citizenship Law
          (North American Review, July, 1907).

    NAVAL CONFERENCE, INTERNATIONAL, AT LONDON, 1908-1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1907
          (appended to account of Second Peace Conference
          at The Hague).

    NAVIES.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    NAVIGATION LAWS:
       Proposed British Imperial Policy.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    NEERGAARD, M.: PREMIER OF DENMARK.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

    NEGRO PROBLEMS, IN THE UNITED STATES.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

    NELIDOW, M.:
       President of the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1902.
       Offer of mediation between Great Britain and the Boers.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.
       Laws against Railway Strikes.
       Failure of General Labor Strike to prevent their Enactment.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.
       Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1904.
       Military operations against the Atchinese.

       A Dutch military expedition against the long-insurgent natives
       of the old Sultanate of Atchin, in Sumatra, which was said to
       have carried death to a thousand women and children, gave rise
       to stormy scenes in the Netherlands when its session was
       opened in September. The excuse of the Government was that the
       warriors used the women and children as shields.

    {445}

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Defeat and Fall of the Calvinistic Party of the
       Reverend Dr. Kuyper.
       The Suffrage and Education Questions.
       The six principal Parties.
       Success of the groups of "the Right" in the latest Elections.

       Elections to the lower chamber of the States-General, held in
       June, overthrew the Conservative majority in that body and
       gave the Liberals a small majority of 4. An important issue
       between parties had been on the question of universal
       suffrage, but the support given to its advocates was not
       strong enough to justify immediate attempts on their part to
       carry any measure of law. A royal Commission was appointed,
       however, to investigate and report generally on the need or
       expediency of a revision of the Constitution. The defeated
       Ministry of Dr. Abraham Kuyper represented an
       ultra-Calvinistic Church element in politics, and its defeat
       appears to have been due in the main to educational laws which
       it had carried through. According to the Dutch review, De
       Gids, from which the following has been translated, the
       aim of the new laws and the objection to them were much the
       same as in the English controversy over the Education Act of
       1902, when church and clerical influences carried the day
       against the supporters of secular schools. "These educational
       laws," said De Gids, "were unanimously supported by, if
       they did not wholly originate with, the clericals, or the
       Anti-Revolutionary party, as they call themselves, of which
       Dr. Kuyper is the astute and able leader and head. They had
       the undivided support also of the Catholics, but were
       strenuously opposed by the Liberals and all the
       anti-clericals, including the Social Democrats. The
       Anti-Revolutionists and Catholics on the one hand, and the
       Liberals and their allies on the other, form, respectively,
       the Right and Left in the Chambers."

       Since 1905 there seems to have been little if any change in
       the Dutch parties. On the approach of the quadrennial general
       elections of June, 1909, a correspondent of the London
       Times wrote of "the complex grouping" of the political
       parties contending in them: "There are six which may fairly
       claim to be important. The largest is probably the Catholic.
       It is estimated that a third of the population is Catholic by
       religion, and of the Catholics a very large proportion belong
       to the Catholic political party, and vote consistently in
       accordance with the commands of its leaders. Next to the
       Catholics come the strict Calvinists, who have been organized
       by Dr. Kuyper into a compact and most formidable party,
       generally called the Anti-Révolutionnaire party. It finds its
       chief supporters among the rural population and the petite
       bourgeoisie, and owes its name to the doctrine, sedulously
       preached by Dr. Kuyper, that the Radical and Liberal parties
       are fomenting an anti-religious revolution, and that it is
       therefore necessary to choose between Christianity and
       Heathenism. This doctrine is generally known as ‘the
       antithesis,’ and, though its influence has waned somewhat in
       the towns, it still has considerable influence in the country.
       Closely allied to the Anti-Révolutionnaire party is the
       Christlijk Historisch party, which is more aristocratic, but
       less energetic, with many principles but no very definite
       programme. It not infrequently speaks against the Calvinist
       party, but as a rule joins it when it comes to voting.

       "These three parties, Catholic, Anti-Révolutionnaire, and
       Christlijk Historisch, form the Right. The Left is composed of
       the Old and United Liberals, the Radicals or Vrijzinnige
       Democraten, and the Socialists, representing all shades of
       opinion from what in England might be called Whiggism to
       extreme Socialism. The questions which really divide these
       parties, as distinguished from the party cries on which the
       election is being fought, are Clericalism and Socialism, and a
       very large proportion of the electors are not quite sure which
       enemy they most fear. There is no doubt that the
       Anti-Révolutionnaire party and the Catholics represent two
       forms of Clericalism, while the Socialists are openly
       Collectivists. The other parties, with the exception of the
       Vrijzinnige Democraten, can be better described as opposed to
       the two extremes than as presenting any clearly marked
       characteristics of their own."

       The first balloting of this election took place on the 11th of
       June and the second on the 23d. The Anti-Révolutionnaires came
       out of it with 23, the Catholics with 25, the Christlijk
       Historischs with 12, making 60 for the groups of "the Right";
       against a total of 40 in the groups of "the Left." Of this
       minority only 7 were in the ranks of the Social Democrats. Dr.
       Kuyper was among the defeated candidates.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1906.
       At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1906.
       The Second Peace Conference at The Hague convoked by the Queen.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty with Denmark, England, France, Germany, and Sweden,
       for maintenance of the Status Quo on the North Sea.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Trouble with Castro of Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    NEW BRUNSWICK: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Census.
       Reduced representation in Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    NEWCOMB, PROFESSOR SIMON.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION:
          CARNEGIE INSTITUTION, AND AERONAUTICS.

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902.
       British Colonial Conference at London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.
       Negotiation and Senatorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond
       Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

       In November, 1902, a Treaty of Reciprocity which would have
       settled the long-standing disputes over American rights of
       fishing on the Newfoundland coast, on terms of most equitable
       advantage to both countries, and especially favorable to the
       interests of the general public in the United States, was
       concluded and signed at Washington by Secretary Hay and the
       British Ambassador, Sir Michael Herbert. The Premier of
       Newfoundland, Sir Robert Bond, had taken a principal part in
       the negotiation, and the resulting document was known
       consequently as the Hay-Bond Treaty. It secured to the New
       England fishermen the coveted privilege of buying bait and
       other supplies and hiring crews in Newfoundland ports; and it
       admitted the greater part of American manufactures into the
       island duty free.
    {446}
       On the other hand, it opened the markets of the United States
       to the fish and fish products, the coal, oil, and ores of
       Newfoundland, for the benefit of the consumers of the country.
       The treaty was hailed with satisfaction by the general public
       of the United States, but opposed by a few interests whose
       gains might be lessened if any breach in their monopoly of the
       sale of salted fish and coal and oil should be permitted. The
       majority which has seldom failed of late to be retainable in
       the United States Senate for the service of such private
       interests, against the public good, was promptly organized by
       Senator Lodge, first for pocketing the Treaty throughout more
       than two years, and finally for amending it to death, in
       February, 1905. The provisions that made it advantageous to
       Newfoundland were cut out, and it was reduced to a state which
       made it insulting as an offer of reciprocity. It suffered the
       fate which, in late years, is quite certain to befall any
       project of real statesmanship that has to go through the hands
       of the United States Senate.

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1904.
       Convention between England and France touching Fishery Rights.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Renewed Disputes over American Fishing Rights
       on the Treaty Coast.
       Arrangement of a Modus Vivendi.
       Agreement on Questions to be submitted to a Tribunal
       of Arbitration at The Hague.
       Constitution of the Tribunal.

       The endless friction that has attended the exercise of
       treaty-rights by American fishermen in the Newfoundland
       fisheries was freshly roughened in the fall of 1905, by a new
       enactment of the provincial legislature, to prevent the sale
       of bait or outfits and supplies of any nature to foreign
       fishermen, and by orders from the Minister of Marine and
       Fisheries forbidding vessels of American registry to fish on
       the Treaty Coast. This reopened debate between the State
       Department at Washington and the Foreign Office at London,
       over the intentions and meanings of that first article in the
       Treaty of 1818 which has been a source of incessant dispute
       for ninety-one years. The following is the language of the
       article:

       "Article I.
       Whereas differences have arisen respecting the liberty claimed
       by the United States, for the inhabitants thereof, to take,
       dry, and cure fish, on certain coasts, bays, harbours, and
       creeks of His Britannick Majesty’s Dominions in America, it is
       agreed between the High Contracting Parties that the
       inhabitants of the said United States shall have, for ever, in
       common with the subjects of His Britannick Majesty, the
       liberty to take fish of every kind, on that part of the
       southern coast of Newfoundland, which extends from Cape Ray
       to the Rameau Islands, on the western and northern coast of
       Newfoundland, from the said Cape Ray to the Quirpon Islands,
       on the shores of the Magdalen Islands, and also on the coasts,
       bays, harbours, and creeks, from Mount Joly, on the southern
       coast of Labrador, to and through the Streights of Belleisle,
       and thence northwardly indefinitely along the coast, without
       prejudice, however, to any of the exclusive rights of the
       Hudson’s Bay Company. And that the American fishermen shall
       also have liberty, for ever, to dry and cure fish in any of
       the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks of the southern part
       of the coast of Newfoundland, here above described, and of the
       coast of Labrador; but so soon as the same, or any portion
       thereof, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said
       fishermen to dry or cure fish at such portion so settled,
       without previous agreement for such purpose, with the
       inhabitants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground. And the
       United States hereby renounced, for ever, any liberty
       heretofore enjoyed or claimed by the inhabitants thereof, to
       take, dry, or cure fish on or within three marine miles of any
       of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbours of His Britannick
       Majesty’s Dominions in America, not included within the
       above-mentioned limits: provided, however, that the American
       fishermen shall be admitted to enter such bays or harbours,
       for the purpose of shelter, and of repairing damages therein,
       of purchasing wood, and of obtaining water, and for no other
       purpose whatever. But they shall be under such restrictions as
       may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or curing
       fish therein, or in any other manner whatever abusing the
       privileges hereby reserved to them."

       With reference to the present obstruction to American fishing
       in Newfoundland waters, the contention of Secretary Root was
       set forth in the following propositions:

       "1. Any American vessel is entitled to go into the waters of
       the Treaty Coast and take fish of any kind.

       "She derives this right from the Treaty (or from the
       conditions existing prior to the Treaty and recognized by it)
       and not from any permission or authority proceeding from the
       Government of Newfoundland.

       "2. An American vessel seeking to exercise the Treaty right is
       not bound to obtain a licence from the Government of
       Newfoundland, and, if she does not purpose to trade as well as
       fish, she is not bound to enter at any Newfoundland
       custom-house.

       "3. The only concern of the Government of Newfoundland with
       such a vessel is to call for proper evidence that she is an
       American vessel, and, therefore, entitled to exercise the
       Treaty right, and to have her refrain from violating any laws
       of Newfoundland not inconsistent with the Treaty.

       "4. The proper evidence that a vessel is an American vessel
       and entitled to exercise the Treaty right is the production of
       the ship’s papers of the kind generally recognized in the
       maritime world as evidence of a vessel’s national character.

       "5. When a vessel has produced papers showing that she is an
       American vessel, the officials of Newfoundland have no concern
       with the character or extent of the privileges accorded to
       such a vessel by the Government of the United States. No
       question as between a registry and licence is a proper subject
       for their consideration. They are not charged with enforcing
       any laws or regulations of the United States. As to them, if
       the vessel is American she has the Treaty right, and they are
       not at liberty to deny it.

       "6. If any such matter were a proper subject for the
       consideration of the officials of Newfoundland, the statement
       of this Department that vessels bearing an American registry
       are entitled to exercise the Treaty right should be taken by
       such officials as conclusive."

    {447}

       On the British side, Sir Edward Grey raised two principal
       objections to these propositions of Mr. Root: First—that "the
       privilege of fishing conceded by Article I of the Convention
       of 1818 is conceded, not to American vessels, but to
       inhabitants of the United States and to American fishermen;"
       second, that "inhabitants of the United States would not now
       be entitled to fish in British North American waters but for
       the fact that they were entitled to do so when they were
       British subjects. American fishermen cannot therefore rightly
       claim to exercise their right of fishery under the Convention
       of 1818 on a footing of greater freedom than if they had never
       ceased to be British subjects. Nor consistently with the terms
       of the Convention can they claim to exercise it on a footing
       of greater freedom than the British subjects ‘in common with’
       whom they exercise it under the Convention. In other words,
       the American fishery under the Convention is not a free but a
       regulated fishery, and, in the opinion of His Majesty’s
       Government, American fishermen are bound to comply with all
       Colonial Laws and Regulations, including any touching the
       conduct of the fishery, so long as these are not in their
       nature unreasonable, and are applicable to all fishermen
       alike."

       To the first of these objections Mr. Root replied;

       "We may agree that ships, strictly speaking, can have no
       rights or duties, and that whenever the Memorandum, or the
       letter upon which it comments, speaks of a ship’s rights and
       duties, it but uses a convenient and customary form of
       describing the owner’s or master’s right and duties in respect
       of the ship. … The liberty assured to us by the Treaty plainly
       includes the right to use all the means customary or
       appropriate for fishing upon the sea, not only ships and nets
       and boats, but crews to handle the ships and the nets and the
       boats. … I am not able to discover that any suggestion has
       ever been made of a right to scrutinize the nationality of the
       crews." As for the second objection, the American Secretary
       appealed to history against it. "The qualification," he said,
       "that the liberty assured to American fishermen by the Treaty
       of 1818 they were to have ‘in common with the subjects of
       Great Britain ’ merely negatives an exclusive right. Under the
       Treaties of Utrecht, of 1763 and 1783, between Great Britain
       and France, the French had constantly maintained that they
       enjoyed an exclusive right of fishery on that portion of the
       coast of Newfoundland between Cape St. John and Cape Raye,
       passing around by the north of the island. The British, on the
       other hand, had maintained that British subjects had a right
       to fish along with the French, so long as they did not
       interrupt them. The dissension arising from these conflicting
       views had been serious and annoying, and the provision that
       the liberty of the inhabitants of the United States to take
       fish should be in common with the liberty of the subjects of
       His Britannic Majesty to take fish was precisely appropriate
       to exclude the French construction and leave no doubt that the
       British construction of such a general grant should apply
       under the new Treaty. The words used have no greater or other
       effect. The provision is that the liberty to take fish
       shall be held in common, not that the exercise of that
       liberty by one people shall be the limit of the exercise of
       that liberty by the other."

       As between these chief disputants in the matter, the first
       result of their exchange of arguments was a ready disposition
       to arrange some modus vivendi, under which peace might
       be kept on the fishing grounds until fresh undertakings could
       be planned for a lasting interpretation of the old enigmas in
       Article 1 of 1818. But the provincial Government of
       Newfoundland resented bitterly the imperial interference with
       its measures, charging that it was in violation of a pledge
       "given by the late Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords in
       1891, to the effect that the colony had been given unlimited
       power with respect to its internal affairs." They were
       promptly told, however, that what concerned action under a
       British treaty went considerably beyond the internal affairs
       of their colony.

       Considerable correspondence on the terms of the proposed
       modus vivendi brought an agreement on the 6th of
       October, 1906, set forth in the following communication from
       Ambassador Whitelaw Reid to Sir Edward Grey.

       "I am authorized by my government to ratify a modus
       vivendi in regard to the Newfoundland fishery question on
       the basis of the Foreign Office Memorandum, dated the 25th
       ultimo, in which you accept the arrangement set out in my
       Memorandum of the 12th ultimo, and consent accordingly to the
       use of purse seines by American fishermen during the ensuing
       season, subject, of course, to due regard being paid in the
       use of such implements to other modes of fishery, which, as
       you state, is only intended to secure that there shall be the
       same spirit of give and take and of respect for common rights
       between the users of purse seines and the users of stationary
       nets as would be expected to exist if both sets of fishermen
       employed the same gear.

       "My Government understand by this that the use of purse seines
       by American fishermen is not to be interfered with, and the
       shipment of Newfoundlanders by American fishermen outside the
       3-mile limit is not to be made the basis of interference or to
       be penalized; at the same time they are glad to assure His
       Majesty’s Government, should such shipments be found
       necessary, that they will be made far enough from the exact
       3-mile limit to avoid any reasonable doubt.

       "On the other hand, it is also understood that our fishermen
       are to be advised by my Government, and to agree, not to fish
       on Sunday.

       "It is further understood that His Majesty’s Government will
       not bring into force the Newfoundland Foreign Fishing-Vessels
       Act of 1906, which imposes on American fishing-vessels certain
       restrictions in addition to those imposed by the Act of 1905,
       and also that the provisions of the first part of section 1 of
       the Act of 1905, as to boarding and bringing into port, and
       also the whole of section 3 of the same Act, will not be
       regarded as applying to American fishing-vessels.

       "It also being understood that our fishermen will gladly pay
       light dues if they are not deprived of their rights to fish,
       and that our fishermen are not unwilling to comply with the
       provisions of the Colonial Customs Law as to reporting at a
       custom-house when physically possible to do so."

       To explain the stipulation relative to "purse seines" it
       should be said that the New England fishermen claimed to be
       driven to the use of them, by the local regulations which
       hampered their fishing otherwise.

    {448}

       As formulated in the note of Ambassador Reid the modus
       vivendi was accepted by the British Government and went
       into effect. In due time thereafter the two Governments
       entered upon a discussion of ways and means for accomplishing
       a definite and final settlement of the whole question of
       American rights in the Newfoundland fisheries. The outcome was
       an agreement signed at Washington on the 27th of January,
       1909, to the effect that the following questions shall be
       submitted for decision to a Tribunal of Arbitration,
       constituted as subsequent articles provide:—

       "Question 1.
       To what extent are the following contentions or either of them
       justified?

       "It is contended on the part of Great Britain that the
       exercise of the liberty to take fish referred to in the said
       Article, which the inhabitants of the United States have for
       ever in common with the subjects of his Britannic Majesty, is
       subject, without the consent of the United States, to
       reasonable regulation by Great Britain, Canada, or
       Newfoundland in the form of municipal laws, ordinances, or
       rules, as, for example, to regulations in respect of

          (1) the hours, days, or seasons when fish may be taken on
          the Treaty coasts;

          (2) the method, means, and implements to be used in the
          taking of fish or in the carrying on of fishing operations
          on such coasts;

          (3) any other matters of a similar character relating to
          fishing; such regulations being reasonable, as being, for
          instance—

          "(a) Appropriate or necessary for the protection and
          preservation of such fisheries and the exercise of the
          rights of British subjects therein and of the liberty which
          by the said Article 1 the inhabitants of the United States
          have therein in common with British subjects;

          "(b) Desirable on grounds of public order and morals;

          "(c) Equitable and fair as between local fishermen and the
          inhabitants of the United States exercising the said Treaty
          liberty and not so framed as to give unfairly an advantage
          to the former over the latter class.

       "It is contended on the part of the United States that the
       exercise of such liberty is not subject to limitations or
       restraints by Great Britain, Canada, or Newfoundland in the
       form of municipal laws, ordinances, or regulations in respect
       of

          (1) the hours, days, or seasons when the inhabitants of the
          United States may take fish on the Treaty coasts, or

          (2) the method, means, and implements used by them in
          taking fish or in carrying on fishing operations on such
          coasts, or

          (3) any other limitations or restraints of similar character—

             "(a) Unless they are appropriate and necessary for the
             protection and preservation of the common rights in such
             fisheries and the exercise thereof; and

             "(b) Unless they are reasonable in themselves and fair
             as between local fishermen and fishermen coming from the
             United States, and not so framed as to give an advantage
             to the former over the latter class; and

             "(c) Unless their appropriateness, necessity,
             reasonableness, and fairness be determined by the United
             States and Great Britain by common accord and the United
             States concurs in their enforcement.

       "Question 2.
       Have the inhabitants of the United States, while exercising
       the liberties referred to in said Article, a right to employ
       as members of the fishing crews of their vessels persons not
       inhabitants of the United States?

       "Question 3.
       Can the exercise by the inhabitants of the United States of
       the liberties referred to in the said Article be subjected,
       without the consent of the United States, to the requirements
       of entry or report at custom-houses or the payment of light or
       harbour or other dues, or to any other similar requirement or
       condition or exaction?

       "Question 4.
       Under the provision of the said Article that the American
       fishermen shall be admitted to enter certain bays or harbours
       for shelter, repairs, wood, or water, and for no other purpose
       whatever, but that they shall be under such restrictions as
       may be necessary to prevent their taking, drying, or curing
       fish therein or in any other manner whatever abusing the
       privileges thereby reserved to them, is it permissible to
       impose restrictions making the exercise of such privileges
       conditional upon the payment of light or harbour or other
       dues, or entering or reporting at custom-houses or any similar
       conditions?

       "Question 5.
       From where must be measured the ‘3 marine miles of any of the
       coasts, bays, creeks or harbours’ referred to in the said
       Article?

       "Question 6.
       Have the inhabitants of the United States the liberty under
       the said Article or otherwise to take fish in the bays,
       harbours, and creeks on that part of the southern coast of
       Newfoundland which extends from Cape Ray to Rameau Islands, or
       on the western and northern coasts of Newfoundland from Cape
       Ray to Quirpon Islands, or on the Magdalen Islands?

       "Question 7.
       Are the inhabitants of the United States whose vessels resort
       to the Treaty coasts for the purpose of exercising the
       liberties referred to in Article 1 of the Treaty of 1818
       entitled to have for those vessels, when duly authorized by
       the United States in that behalf, the commercial privileges on
       the Treaty coasts accorded by agreement or otherwise to United
       States trading vessels generally?"

       Of the remaining articles of the Agreement, IV. and V. provide
       for the determination of future questions that may arise, and
       for the composition of the Tribunal of Arbitration, which is
       to be chosen from the members of the Permanent Court at The
       Hague.

       The agreement above was formulated at a conference in
       Washington between Secretary Root, Ambassador Bryce,
       Honourable A. B. Aylesworth, Canadian Minister of Justice, and
       Attorney-General Kent of Newfoundland. In March the following
       were chosen from the general membership of the Permanent Court
       at The Hague to constitute the Tribunal for this arbitration,
       namely:
          Dr. Luis Maria Drago, Argentina;
          Jonkheer de Savornin Lohmnan, Netherlands;
          Judge George Gray, United States; and
          Sir Charles Fitzpatrick, Chief Justice of Canada, with
          Dr. H. Lammasch, of Vienna, to be umpire on points of
          disagreement.

       The case for the United States was delivered to the British
       Embassy at Washington, and that for Great Britain to the
       American Embassy at London, on the 4th of October. A little
       later it was announced that the modus vivendi of 1908
       had been renewed until the termination of the arbitration
       proceedings.

    {449}

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1907.
       Imperial Conference at London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1908-1909 (November-May).
       Six Months of Political Deadlock.

       From November, 1908, until the following May an extraordinary
       deadlock resulted from a tie between rival parties in the
       House of Assembly. The situation, as described by a
       correspondent of the London Times, was as follows:

       "Each side has 18 seats. Neither, therefore, can elect a
       Speaker, much less undertake the control of public business,
       when Parliament meets. Sir Robert Bond, who carried 32 seats
       against 4 in 1900 and 30 seats against 6 in 1904, returns with
       only half the House—18 men. In the former contests Sir Edward
       Morris, who now leads the Opposition against him, had been a
       member of his Cabinet and his ‘right-hand man,’ and the
       November results prove that Morris’s withdrawal was a serious
       injury to Bond. Morris went out a year or so previously owing
       to a disagreement as to raising the rate of wages on public
       works, and, being the leading Roman Catholic politician of the
       Island, had 14 seats, of that creed, as a solid block in
       Bond’s party during all this period. It was therefore felt,
       when he resigned, that this ‘solid 14’ would be broken, and
       this conclusion proved correct, because Morris carried half of
       them in spite of the open and avowed hostility of many of the
       priests in the diocese of St. Johns."

       Sir Robert Bond retained the Prime Ministry until the end of
       February, 1909, when, having failed to obtain a dissolution of
       Parliament and a new election from the Governor, Sir William
       Macgregor, he resigned. Sir Edward Morris then took office,
       and the continued deadlock made it necessary, in a few weeks,
       to command a dissolution and call a new election, which was
       held on the 8th of May. It broke the tie of parties
       effectually, Sir Edward Morris carrying 26 seats, against 10
       filled by the partisans of Sir Robert Bond.

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909.
       A Year of Misfortune and Depression.
       Scant earnings from the Fisheries and from Whaling.
       Attitude of the people toward Confederation with Canada.

       "The Fisheries represent fully eighty per cent. of the
       exports, and in order to understand the financial stringency
       which has now fairly settled down upon ‘Our Cousin to the
       East’ it must be borne in mind that while the catch of fish
       remains about the same from year to year, the price has been
       steadily increasing for the past ten years, until last year it
       was double what it was a decade ago. But this year the price
       has suddenly fallen to what it was at the beginning of the
       decade. In other words, the value of last season’s catch will
       be just about half what it was the season before; and, instead
       of the merchants receiving $7,800,000 for their fish, they
       will receive considerably less than $4,000,000; and the
       individual fisherman who at the former price was barely able
       to earn $350 will receive this year probably less than $175,
       on which to support himself and family for the year, and to
       provide himself with an outfit for the next season’s work.
       Many of course will not receive that much. … Although other
       industries are springing up in Newfoundland, the codfishery
       remains the great staple and dependence of the population—the
       vast majority of which are fishermen, born and bred, who do
       not readily adapt themselves to other methods of earning a
       living. The present depression is widespread and far-reaching,
       and every form of industry and trade, business and commerce in
       the Colony is suffering seriously thereby. The latest ill
       report comes from Bay of Islands, to the effect that the
       winter herring fishery on the west coast—the scene of the
       present controversy with the United States—is a failure. Last
       spring’s seal fishery was not up to the average, and owing to
       many accidents to the fleet, necessitating heavy outlay for
       repairs, the promoters have realized much less than they
       otherwise would have secured. The whale fishery, also, which a
       few years ago had assumed enormous proportions, and was
       yielding handsome returns, has now almost reached the
       vanishing point. To complete the sum of the Colony’s
       misfortunes comes the partial suspension of [iron] mining
       operations at Bell Island, during the winter months, at the
       very time when the men need employment most, and when, as a
       result of the lack of it, they will probably emigrate to other
       countries.

       "This combination of misfortune is not only causing distress
       among all classes of citizens, but the government will also
       keenly feel the loss of revenue; for a conservative estimate
       of the reduction in the customs revenue for the current fiscal
       year puts the figures at $450,000; in other words, that the
       revenue will not exceed $2,000,000.

       "The great drawback in Newfoundland institutions is the
       disproportion between the big machinery of government and the
       small population to be governed. A local politician has aptly
       described it as ‘the trappings of an elephant on the back of a
       rat.’"

          Edwin Smith,
          The Land of Baccalhos
          (Canadian Magazine, July, 1909).

       Another writer in the same number of The Canadian
       Magazine discusses the opposition in Newfoundland to union
       with the Dominion of Canada as follows: "The political leader
       who should to-day appeal to the Newfoundland electorate on the
       question of Confederation would be disastrously defeated. But
       on the day when the leader of a party in the Island Colony
       makes up his mind to risk temporary defeat for the purpose of
       accomplishing Confederation, that day brings union between
       Newfoundland and Canada within the horizon of the proximate
       future. That leader must—unless the financial exigencies of
       the Island bring him extraneous aid—face an arduous campaign
       of education, but it will be a campaign crowned with victory.

       "These are the impressions left on my mind by a visit to St.
       John’s made with the object of studying the political deadlock
       and the causes which led up to it. … The residents of the
       outports—all settlements except St. John’s are known as
       outports—are opposed to Confederation because they have been
       told that it would mean a heavy increase in their taxes; that
       their windows, all their domestic animals and all their
       personal property would be taxed. If this wrong impression
       were dispelled by a campaign of education, and they understood
       that instead of higher taxation Confederation would mean the
       opening up of the country, bonuses for the fishermen, and new
       markets for the fish in Canada and abroad through the services
       of Canadian Commercial agents, instead of opponents of union
       they would become its advocates."

    {450}

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1909. (July-August).
       The Imperial Defence Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

    NEW HEBRIDES: Arrangement between England and France.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    NEW PROTECTION, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

    NEW YORK CENTRAL RAILROAD COMPANY.:
       Fined for unlawful Rebates.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897.
       Leadership in the Administrative Control of Tuberculosis.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: TUBERCULOSIS.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1903.
       Beginning of Tenement House Reform.

       By a steady process, accelerated in the last ten years, the
       congested tenement districts of New York have become one great
       aggregation of sunless and airless rooms. Immense buildings
       have gone up by the thousands, five, six, and seven stories
       high, in which practically no provision for ventilation has
       been made; and in which the occupants are undergoing a slow
       process of asphyxiation. Nor are these disadvantages confined
       to the submerged proletariat. The New York tenement system is
       pervasive. … Two-thirds of the total population of New York,
       or 2,500,000 out of 3,500,000, live in tenement houses, a
       proportion which is increasing every day. …

       "It was not until Governor Roosevelt’s appointment of the De
       Forest Tenement House Commission in 1900 that the necessary
       remedial legislation took practical shape. This act itself was
       the result of many years’ struggle against corrupt
       politicians,—Tammany Hall, the self-appointed guardian of the
       poorer classes, has been a bitter enemy of tenement
       reform,—and against vested interests. Its long delay had
       greatly exaggerated the problem; for meanwhile the conditions
       described had accumulated in appalling Volume. The commission,
       however, was of high civic character, and was composed of men,
       several of whom had made an exhaustive study of the tenement
       problem. The law which was passed as a result of their
       investigation was the first sweeping and effective tenement
       measure since the enactment in 1867 of the first tenement
       house act. The newly elected Low administration found the
       enforcement of this statute one of its most important
       responsibilities. The law created a new branch of municipal
       service,—the tenement house department; and gave the tenement
       commission, in the shape of an elaborate code of housing laws,
       important supervision over the building of new tenements and
       the maintenance of old."

          B. J. Hendrick,
          A Great Municipal Reform
          (Atlantic Monthly, November, 1903).

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.
       Subways and Tunnels.

       It was not until 1900 that the building of subways for city
       transit in New York was begun. The first line, from the City
       Hall to Kingsbridge and the Bronx Park, was opened in 1904.
       During its construction plans for its extension southerly and
       under East River into Brooklyn were adopted, and contracts
       were let. The original work was executed under an arrangement
       with a company known as the McDonald Syndicate, whereby the
       City gave its credit to secure the requisite funds and would
       acquire the ownership of the subway and road at the end of
       fifty years. In 1902 the interests of the McDonald Syndicate
       were transferred to a new corporation, the Interborough Rapid
       Transit Company, which ultimately acquired a general control
       of the city railway service, and ran a crooked career to
       results of disaster, so far as the public was concerned. In
       1905 the Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners, then exercising
       authority in this region of municipal affairs, under the New
       York State Rapid Transit Act of 1891, approved plans for an
       extensive additional system, comprehending as many as nineteen
       routes, with various "spurs," and the Board of Estimate and
       Apportionment consented to the execution of the plan.

       The East River Tunnel to Brooklyn was finished early in 1908,
       and the first two tubes of four Hudson Tunnels, connecting
       Manhattan Island with New Jersey was opened in the last week
       of February, the same year. This first pair of the Hudson
       Tunnels realized a project which had been undertaken as far
       back as 1878 and which had undergone two financial failures,
       in 1882 and 1892. In 1902 its remains and its charter were
       passed on to a third courageous company, organized by Mr.
       William Gibbs McAdoo, who became the master-spirit of bold
       enterprise at New York in this engineering field. In 1903 Mr.
       McAdoo organized another company for the undertaking of a
       connection of the Pennsylvania Railroad in Jersey City with
       downtown New York, and also for connecting the uptown and
       downtown tunnels by means of a north and south line along the
       New Jersey water-front, so as to connect the Lackawanna, Erie,
       and Pennsylvania Railroads with the tunnel system, and thereby
       be able to give to their passengers an uptown and downtown
       railway delivery.

       The second pair of Hudson River tubes (the downtown link)
       forming this New York and Jersey City Tunnel were opened on
       the 19th of July, 1909. Writing of the event a few days before
       its occurrence, the New York Evening Post summed up the
       existing and prospective conditions of entrance to and exit
       from the island of Manhattan by under-river passages as
       follows:

       "Since the city entered its rapid transit boom and the
       practicability of sub-river tunnels was demonstrated to the
       satisfaction of the leading engineers of the world, fourteen
       such tubes have been under construction here. Four of them are
       in operation. The downtown link of the Hudson Company’s system
       will add two more, and the remaining eight are to be opened in
       the course of the next two years, according to present plans.

    {451}

       "After the opening of the downtown Hudson tunnels, the
       travelling public will look forward to the operation of the
       other eight tubes, as follows: Two Pennsylvania Railroad
       tunnels beneath the Hudson River and four under the East
       River, meeting in Manhattan at the great terminal station now
       nearing completion, between Thirty-first and Thirty-third
       Streets, along Seventh Avenue; the pair of Steinway-Belmont
       tunnels, deriving their name from the originator of the
       franchise and the present controlling influence, running from
       Forty-second Street to Long Island City and held practically
       by the same men who control the operation of the
       Manhattan-Bronx subway (the Interborough Company).

       "The Pennsylvania tubes under the North (Hudson) River are
       practically completed, and await only the finishing of the
       depot, while the East River tubes, though a little behind hand
       on account of difficulties met in the form of treacherous rock
       ledges, are within possibly a year of opening. The
       Steinway-Belmont tunnels are completed, and will be ready for
       operation as soon as the company makes a satisfactory
       arrangement with the Public Service Commission."

       An official party in a passenger car went through the
       Pennsylvania Railroad’s tubes between New Jersey and Long
       Island on the 18th of November.

       Work on a Fourth Avenue Subway in Brooklyn was begun November
       13.

       The Hudson Terminal at Cortlaudt and Church Streets is one of
       the most interesting structures in the world. Below the street
       is the terminal station, where all the trains "downtown"
       arrive and depart. This station is wholly below tide level. It
       is surrounded by a cofferdam of reinforced concrete 8 ft.
       thick, 400 ft. long, and 177 ft. wide, and is sunk 95 ft. deep
       to solid rock. Forty feet below the street is the track floor.
       Twenty feet below the street is the great "Concourse," where
       all traffic is collected and distributed to the various train
       platforms underneath. On the Concourse the Pennsylvania, the
       Lehigh Valley, and the Erie Railroads have ticket offices,
       where tickets to any part of America may be bought. This
       Concourse, which is about 1½ acres in extent, is one of the
       show places of New York. Above the street level are two great
       office buildings, each 22 stories in height, and containing
       approximately 27 acres of rentable area.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901-1903.
       Municipal Elections.
       Tammany’s Loss and Recovery of the Government.

       Tammany Hall suffered defeat in the municipal election of
       1901, the Honorable Seth Low, formerly a notable Mayor of
       Brooklyn and latterly President of Columbia University, being
       carried into the Mayor’s office by a roused movement of reform
       which fused the elements of opposition to the corrupting
       Tammany power. Unfortunately the Mayor’s term of office had
       been shortened to two years by the charter amendment of the
       previous year, and the term was too brief for much depth and
       thoroughness of reform; but the city was greatly cleansed
       during those two years. When the next election came, in 1903,
       Tammany had rallied its hungry forces and secured a highly
       respectable nominee for Mayor, in the person of Honorable
       George B. McClellan, son of the famous General of the Civil
       War. Mayor Low, renominated by a second Fusion of opponents to
       Tammany, experienced defeat.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1904 (June).
       The Burning of the Steamer Slocum.

       A catastrophe of such horror as to be historical attended the
       burning of the excursion steamer General Slocum, at New
       York, on the 15th of June, 1904. The boat left a New York dock
       in the morning with a Sunday-school picnic party aboard
       numbering about eleven hundred,—nearly all women and children.
       While passing through that part of the East River known as
       Hell Gate, within the New York City limits, fire was
       discovered in the forward part of the vessel. It was then
       flood tide, and the eddies and currents in those waters are
       very strong. The captain decided that it would be folly to
       attempt to land on either shore, or to beach his boat. He
       therefore headed the Slocum for an island two miles up
       stream. As the boat went forward at full steam, the
       fore-and-aft draught thus created fanned the flames and
       hastened her destruction. On the discovery of the fire by the
       passengers, the wildest panic ensued. It was found that the
       life-preservers with which the Slocum was equipped were
       worthless. No attempt was made to lower boats or life-rafts.
       The crew were engaged in trying to cope with the fire, but
       their efforts were futile. Within twenty minutes, the boat
       went to her doom, and of the women and helpless children who
       had embarked so gaily an hour before, more than nine hundred
       were drowned or burned to death. Hundreds were saved by the
       heroic efforts of policemen, river men, and the nurses on
       North Brother Island, the seat of New York’s hospital for
       contagious diseases, where the Slocum was finally
       beached. Most of those who met this awful death had come from
       a single densely populated district of New York’s great "East
       Side." In some cases, whole families were wiped out.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.
       Institution of the Bureau of Municipal Research.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905.
       The Municipal Election.

       Especial excitements were given to the municipal election of
       this year in New York by the appearance in it of William R.
       Hearst, proprietor of several newspapers in the country which
       are foremost representatives of the recklessly sensational
       journalism called "yellow." The methods by which these papers
       won a great circulation include much that can hardly be
       described otherwise than as demagoguism, and many groups and
       classes of people who are restlessly discontented in life,
       whether reasonably or otherwise, had learned to look on Mr.
       Hearst as a champion of human rights. This prepared material
       from which to organize a personal following that took the
       character, for a time, of a formidable political organization,
       incorporated under the name of the Independence League; and
       the great wealth which Mr. Hearst had inherited, and which his
       prosperous newspapers replenished, was spent lavishly in
       exploiting, supporting, and controlling the organization. His
       political ambitions aimed high, and the mayoralty of New York
       City, for which his Independence League nominated him in 1905,
       was by no means the contemplated end.

       The Tammany Democracy gave its nomination to George B.
       McClellan, son of the famous General, while the Republican
       party named William M. Ivins, a prominent lawyer of the city.
       The canvas was a heated one, and as it progressed the League
       of Mr. Hearst was seen to be dangerously large. As a
       consequence. Republicans who feared its control of the City
       government even more than they feared that of Tammany, threw
       their votes for McClellan, giving him a plurality of about
       3500 over Hearst, and leaving Mr. Ivins far behind.
    {452}
       Frauds were claimed and the election contested by Hearst and
       his supporters, who secured, by order of a Justice of the
       Supreme Court of the State, a recounting of the ballots in
       four election districts, with the result of a gain of
       seventeen votes for Mr. Hearst. Appeal was then taken to the
       Appellate Division of the Supreme Court for an order directing
       not only a recount but a recanvass of votes. Such an order was
       granted, but set aside by the Court of Appeals, to which the
       question went then; the court of last resort reversing, also,
       the order under which the four boxes had been recounted. The
       assertion of fraud was still maintained with vehemence, and
       the legitimacy of Mayor McClellan’s title to the office he
       filled was denied for more than a year. The Legislature then
       passed an Act directing a recanvass and recount of the entire
       ballots of the election, which had been preserved under seal.
       This was a labor of months, performed under the direction of
       Judge Lambert, of the Supreme Court. It gave a gain of 1094
       votes to Hearst and a gain of 231 to McClellan, leaving a net
       gain of 863 to Hearst, and diminishing McClellan’s plurality
       in the total vote to 2791. The validity of his election was
       thereupon declared.

       A more successful and far more notable independent candidacy
       than that of Mr. Hearst, in the New York City election of
       1905, was conducted for the purpose of retaining Mr. William
       Travers Jerome in the office of District Attorney for the
       county of New York. He had been carried into the office on a
       fusion ticket, four years before, and had performed its
       important duties with a courage, a force, an independence and
       a rectitude that were beyond praise. The machines of the
       parties would not nominate him for reëlection; but an
       extraordinary rally of the friends of good government in all
       parties put him into the field, with an emergency organization
       that sufficed to carry him triumphantly through. He was elected
       by a plurality of about 16,000. So striking a proof of the
       political popularity which a high quality of public service
       can win has not often been given.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Undertaking of Works for a Water Supply from
       the Catskill Mountains.

       In 1905 the City of New York procured authority from the
       Legislature to construct the works necessary for an adequate
       supply of water, additional to that which had been drawn for
       many years from the Croton River for old New York and from the
       Ridgewood system for Brooklyn. The source determined on was
       in the Catskill Mountains, including several streams, called
       creeks,—namely Esopus, Rondout, Schoharie, and Catskill,—
       having a total water shed of 885 square miles, and estimated
       to furnish about 770 millions of gallons daily, even in dry
       years. The plan of the project in its entirety contemplates
       the construction of eight great reservoirs for storing and
       controlling the waters derived from these streams. The first
       to be built and the largest of such reservoirs is named the
       Ashokan, on Esopus Creek, about 14 miles west of the Hudson
       River at Kingston, near Brown’s station on the Ulster and
       Delaware Railway. Work on this was begun in 1907. It is being
       constructed in the form of two basins, having a united length
       of about twelve and a half miles, lying between hills which
       are connected by numerous massive dams. The dams necessary to
       complete the enclosure of the water have a total length of
       more than five miles.

       In a straight line the distance from the Ashokan Reservoir to
       New York is 86 miles; but the windings of the course that will
       have to be given to the great aqueduct from the reservoir to
       the city will add six miles to its length. The aqueduct is to
       pass from the western to the eastern side of the Hudson at
       Storm King Mountain, through a tunnel in solid rock, far
       beneath the river bed. From Breakneck on the western shore it
       will cross a corner of the Croton watershed to a filter site,
       and to two final reservoirs, the Kensico and the Hill View. In
       connection with both Ashokan and Kensico reservoirs the plan
       of the system contemplates an aeration of the water, by
       flinging it to the air in thousands of fountain jets.

       In the parts of the great concrete aqueduct that can be built
       in an open cut its dimensions are seventeen feet of height and
       seventeen and a half feet of width. Where it traverses tunnels
       the width is reduced to thirteen feet. Its delivery of water
       to New York is calculated to add 500,000,000 of gallons daily
       to the water supply of the city. The undertaking as a whole is
       claimed to be the greatest that any city has yet engaged in,
       while the engineering work involved is said to be second only
       in magnitude to that of the Panama Canal.

          Alfred D. Flinn,
          The World's Greatest Aqueduct
          (The Century Magazine, September, 1909).

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1907 (April).
       Great Peace Congress.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
       Unearthing of Corruptions in the Custom House.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909 (June).
       The Wall Street Investigation, so-called.
       Report on the Operations of the Stock Exchange and
       other Exchanges.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
       Renewed Struggle against Tammany, with Partial
       but Substantial Success.

       Although Tammany elected its candidate for Mayor in the
       municipal election of 1909, its domination was practically
       overthrown by the defeat of its nominees for all other offices
       of importance in the City Government. A coalition of the
       Republicans with anti-Tammany Democrats and other
       organizations had presented a fusion ticket headed by a
       prominent and much-trusted business man, Mr. Otto T. Bannard.
       William R. Hearst entered the field again, as an independent
       nominee, and Tammany named Judge William J. Gaynor, who had
       been one of its opponents, as a Democrat, in the past. Judge
       Gaynor was elected by a plurality of 73,016, the vote cast for
       mayor being: Gaynor 250,678; Bannard 177,662; Hearst 153,843.
       The City Comptroller, four of the five borough presidents, and
       the President of the Board of Aldermen, were elected by the
       Fusionists. By the election of Mr. McAneny to be President of
       the Borough of Manhattan (the old New York City), a very
       eminent political reformer and one of great force, was brought
       into the City Government. As president of the energetic City
       Club, which became a power in reform politics under his lead,
       and as secretary of the National Civil Service Reform League,
       Mr. McAneny had given abundant proof of his capacity and his
       earnestness in work for good government.

    {453}

       By controlling twelve of the sixteen votes in the important
       Board of Estimate, the opponents of Tammany stripped that
       organization of all power over public "jobs." As the fact was
       expressed exultingly in one of the journals of New York on the
       day after election, "after January 1 Charles F. Murphy and his
       associates no longer will say who shall have public
       franchises; they, too, will no longer fix the budget, sell the
       city’s bonds, and pay political debts with salary increases.
       In other words, the Tiger has lost his grip on the city’s
       purse-strings, and this fact, perhaps, more than any other,
       has turned his den into a cavern of gloom."

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909.
       Proposed New Charter, not acted on in the Legislature.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: NEW YORK CITY.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1909-1910.
       The Shirtwaist Makers’ Strike.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

    NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY:
       Legislative Investigation.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    NEW YORK, NEW HAVEN AND HARTFORD RAILROAD CASE.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899-1909.
       The Barge Canal under Construction.

       On the 8th of March, 1899, Theodore Roosevelt, then Governor
       of New York, appointed a committee of private citizens, for
       service without pay, in studying and reporting on the policy
       to be adopted by the State of New York in dealing with its
       canals. The appointed chairman of the committee was General
       Francis Vinton Greene, and the following account of the
       recommendations made by the committee is taken from a paper on
       the subject contributed by General Greene to Volume XIII. of
       the Publications of the Buffalo Historical Society, published
       in December, 1909:

       "The other members were Major Thomas W. Symons of the Corps of
       Engineers, United States Army, then stationed at Buffalo in
       charge of river and harbor improvements, Honorable Frank S.
       Witherbee of Port Henry in the Champlain district, Honorable
       George E. Green, State Senator from Binghamton in the southern
       tier of counties, Honorable John N. Scatcherd of Buffalo, and
       the two state officials most intimately connected with the
       administration of canals, viz., Honorable Edward A. Bond,
       State Engineer, and Honorable John N. Partridge,
       Superintendent of Public Works.

       "The request of the Governor was simply that we should study
       the canal problem and advise him. … We devoted the greater
       part of the year 1899 to a study of the subject, and made our
       report to the Governor under date of January 15, 1900. … The
       Governor promptly transmitted the report to the Legislature,
       adopting the conclusions and recommendations which it
       contained, and advising that legislation be enacted to carry
       them into effect. This was done in successive years … ;
       finally the project was ratified and adopted by an
       overwhelming vote of the people in the election of 1903. …

       "As to our conclusions and recommendations, the first question
       to be decided was whether or not the canals should be entirely
       abandoned. It was claimed by many that canal transportation
       was antiquated and altogether out of date; that ‘the
       railroads, with their large capital and scientific management,
       their durable roadbeds, powerful locomotives, larger cars,
       greater train loads, greater speed, and more certainty of
       delivery, will be able now or in the early future to reduce
       the cost of transportation below what is possible on the
       canals.’ If it should seem probable that the railroads could
       accomplish this, then it would be manifestly unwise and
       improper to expend any more public money upon the canals.

       "From a consideration of all [the] facts we reached our first
       conclusion—which, like all the other portions of our report,
       was unanimously adopted—to wit, ‘That the canals connecting
       the Hudson river with Lakes Erie, Ontario and Champlain should
       not be abandoned, but should be maintained and enlarged.’

       "The next point to be considered was, to what extent should
       they be enlarged, what size of vessel they should be adapted
       to carry, and what would be the estimated cost of
       construction.

       "As to the proper size of the enlarged canal, widely different
       views were held by engineers and by economists. Some contended
       that the nine foot canal authorized in 1894 was sufficiently
       large; others brought forward the supposed advantages of a
       ship canal large enough to carry ocean-going steamers without
       breaking bulk from Duluth to Liverpool, or any other port;
       others contended that a canal of intermediate size would be
       found to be the most economical, would cost the least amount
       of money for the results produced, and would, in fact, produce
       a lower freight rate than either the small canal on the one
       hand, or the ship canal on the other.

       "To these questions we gave the most careful study. The ship
       canal had many glittering attractions, and there was a large
       sentiment along the lakes which had found expression in Deep
       Waterways conventions, which had been held in recent years and
       had advocated a water route of either 21 or 28 feet depth from
       Lake Erie to the Atlantic ocean. … But a careful examination
       of the facts led us to the conclusion that while a ship canal
       of 21 or 28 feet depth would cost enormously more than a barge
       canal of say, 12 feet depth, it would not produce as low a
       freight rate. …

       "Having rejected the ship canal project, we had then to
       consider what size of enlarged canal we should recommend. In
       any event, we were satisfied that the route of the canal
       should be changed so as to use the waterways of the Seneca and
       Oneida rivers, Oneida lake and the Mohawk river in place of
       the present route; but the question was whether the depth of
       the canal should be 9 feet, capable of carrying a boat with
       cargo capacity of 450 tons, or a depth of 12 feet, carrying a
       boat with a cargo capacity of about 1,000 tons. With such data
       as we could obtain in the short time at our disposal, and
       without adequate surveys, we estimated the cost of the smaller
       project at a little more than $21,000,000, and of the larger
       project at a little less than $59,000,000.

    {454}

       "Our conclusion was in these words: ‘In our judgment, arrived
       at after long consideration, and with some reluctance, the
       State should undertake the larger project on the ground that
       the smaller one is at best a temporary makeshift, and that the
       larger project will permanently secure the commercial
       supremacy of New York, and that this can be assured by no
       other means.’ …

       "We made a fourth recommendation in the following words:

       "‘That the money for these improvements should be raised by
       the issue of eighteen-year bonds in the manner prescribed by
       the State Constitution, and that the interest and principal of
       these bonds should be paid out of taxes specifically levied,
       for benefits received, in the counties bordering in whole or
       in part on the canals, the Hudson river and Lake Champlain;
       such taxes to be levied in proportion to the assessed
       valuation of the real and personal estate in such counties.
       These taxes will amount to about 10 cents per $100 of assessed
       valuation annually during the period of eighteen years.’

       "Our object in making this recommendation was to disarm the
       opposition of the non-canal counties. … We also submitted
       statistics in tabular and graphic form showing that the
       valuation of the river and canal counties was 90% of the
       entire valuation of the State. In any event, they would bear
       90% of the expense, and it was thought wise to suggest that
       they bear the entire expense so as to remove every ground of
       alleged injustice in taxing the counties which claimed to
       derive no benefit.

       "This recommendation was not adopted by the Legislature, nor
       submitted to the people. …

       "At the election the non-canal counties voted against the
       project by large majorities, St. Lawrence county, for
       instance, being 12 to 1 against it, and Steuben county, 10 to
       1 against it; but, on the other hand, the canal counties voted
       in favor of it by almost equally large majorities, New York
       being 9 to 1 in favor of it; Kings, 8 to 1; Queens, 5 to 1,
       and Erie, nearly 5 to 1. For some unexplained reason Monroe
       county, in which Rochester is situated, and Onondaga county,
       in which Syracuse is situated, voted against it. The
       overwhelming vote, however, in the counties at the two
       terminals, New York and Buffalo, made a majority of 245,312 in
       the entire State in favor of the project, and a total vote of
       1,100,708.

       "Our fifth and final recommendation was as follows:

       "That the efficiency of the canals depends upon their
       management quite as much as upon their physical size, and that
       no money should be spent for further enlargement unless
       accompanied by measures which will accomplish the following
       results:

       "(a) The removal of all restrictions as to the amount of
       capital of companies engaged in transportation on the canals,
       and the encouragement of large transportation lines for
       handling canal business, in place of hampering them, as has
       hitherto been the case.

       "(b) The use of mechanical means of traction, either steam or
       electricity, in place of draft animals; and the use of
       mechanical power in place of hand power for operating the
       gates and valves, and moving boats in locks.

       "(c) The organization of the force engaged on the public works
       of the State on a more permanent basis, so as to afford an
       attractive career to graduates of scientific institutions,
       with the assurance that their entry into the service, their
       tenure of office, and their promotion will depend solely on
       their fitness, as determined by proper and practical tests.

       "(d) A revision of the laws in regard to the letting of public
       contracts by the State, so as to make impossible a repetition
       of the unfortunate results of the $9,000,000 appropriation.

       "Legislation has already been adopted to carry into effect (a)
       and (c); the adopted plans for the canal are in accordance
       with (b); and the specific form of contract which we
       recommended in connection with (d) was not adopted, but
       another form of contract was adopted which will practically
       accomplish the same result.

       "It only remains to speak of the cost of the project. With
       such data as we had available and with such surveys as were
       possible during the year 1899, we estimated the cost of the
       project we recommended at $58,894,668 for the Erie Canal and
       $2,642,120 for the Oswego and Champlain canals, making a total
       of $61,536,788. This contemplated a canal with 12 feet depth
       and suitable locks for carrying a barge of approximately 1,000
       tons capacity from Buffalo to the Hudson river, but as to the
       Oswego and Champlain canals, it recommended only the
       completion of the work already undertaken to provide for boats
       of six feet draft. … It was ultimately determined to enlarge
       the Champlain and Oswego canals to the same size as the main
       canal between Buffalo and the Hudson river, and also to
       include the dredging of a 12 foot channel in the Hudson river,
       which we had anticipated would be done by the Federal
       Government. This enlargement of the project very materially
       increased the cost, and in the interval between the time of
       our report and the completion of the detailed report of the
       State Engineer, the prices of labor and materials had very
       largely advanced. In order to cover all possible
       contingencies, the State Engineer carried his estimate to
       $101,000,000, and this was the amount appropriated by the
       Legislature and ratified by the people at the election of
       1903."

          Francis Vinton Greene,
          The Inception of the Barge Canal Project
          (Buffalo Historical Society Publications, Volume 13).

       The first six contracts for the construction of the Barge
       Canal were let in April, 1905. The state of the work at the
       end of the year 1909 was announced by Governor Hughes in his
       Message to the next Legislature as follows:

       "The contracts in force for the Barge Canal improvement amount
       in total price to $48,229,467, and the contract value of the
       work performed to December 1, 1909, was $15,821,275. It is
       estimated by the State engineer and surveyor that during 1910
       work will be completed amounting to $16,000,000, and it is
       expected that the work for the entire length of the Barge
       Canal system will be under contract by April 1, 1910. At the
       present rate of progress, it is said that it is not
       unreasonable to expect that the Barge Canal system will be
       completed by the end of the year 1914. It is further stated
       that the work is being carried on within the original
       estimates. This enterprise should be pushed to completion as
       speedily, as economically, and efficiently as possible."

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1901-1909.
       Legislation developing the Parole System
       of dealing with Convicts.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: INDETERMINATE SENTENCES.

    {455}

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Legislative Investigation of Life Insurance Companies and the
       State Superintendency of them.
       Startling Disclosures.
       Remedial Legislation.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910.
       The Epoch of Governor Hughes.
       The Special Significance of his Administration.
       His Exemplary Fidelity to Fundamental Political Principles.
       His Public Support against Hostile Party-Managers.

       The election of 1906 is likely to be marked in the political
       history of New York as the introduction of an epoch,—the Epoch
       of Governor Hughes. The State has had a number of very notable
       Governors, in both early and late times,—Governors who left a
       deep and lasting impression of themselves on its history, and
       who have been large contributors to its prestige and influence
       as the Empire State of the American Union; but Governor Hughes
       is of a type so different from any of his predecessors, and
       his conduct of the Governor’s high office has been so
       distinctive in principle and method, that his administration
       can hardly fail, in the retrospect, to take on a special
       significance of its own.

       As counsel to the Legislative Committee which investigated the
       scandals of life-insurance management in 1905-1906 (see, in this
       Volume, INSURANCE, LIFE), the conduct of the investigation by
       Mr. Charles Evans Hughes drew public attention, and made him
       known so favorably that when in the autumn of 1906 the
       Republican Party of the State had special need of a personally
       attractive candidate for Governor, an unmistakable expression
       of popular opinion directed the choice to him. The
       Independence League which Mr. William R. Hearst had rallied
       and organized, and which had served him the previous year in
       his candidacy for the mayoralty of New York (see, above, NEW
       YORK CITY: A. D. 1905), had been recruited so successfully
       throughout the State, and had absorbed so much of some
       elements of the Democratic Party, that the latter made terms
       of combination with it, and adopted Mr. Hearst as its
       gubernatorial nominee. The combination was one which the
       ordinary forces acting for the Republican Party could hardly
       hope to overcome; but the recent prestige of Mr. Hughes might
       call out reinforcements that would save the day. It was not
       willingly that the professional managers of the party
       consented to his nomination, and it was not willingly that he
       accepted it. He was heartily a Republican in politics, but
       never active in its affairs, being devoted to his profession
       and plainly reluctant to be turned aside at all from the
       career it had just fairly opened before him. But he yielded,
       as the party managers did, to a call from the public of the
       party, and the result of the election afforded proof of the
       reality and sincerity of the call. Hughes alone on the State
       ticket of the Republicans was elected; Hearst alone on the
       ticket of the Democratic-Independence-League combination was
       defeated. Governor Hughes was thus placed, on the 1st of
       January, 1907, at the head of an administration in which every
       other elective office was filled by his political opponents.

       This political aloneness of Governor Hughes in his office
       would have mattered very little, however, if his own party
       surroundings in it had been friendly and sympathetic; but very
       quickly it was seen that he had conceptions of official duty
       which those who controlled the machine-like "organization" of
       the party, with consequent powers of influence over its
       representatives in the legislature and in other official
       places, could in no wise comprehend. With a degree of
       precision and decision hardly matched by another executive,
       this Governor had studied, constitutionally and ethically, and
       had defined to himself, the obligations and limitations of his
       office, and had resolved them into principles of action from
       which he never swerved. In one particular, especially, this
       held him to a course which some former governors had adhered
       to in the main, but none, perhaps, with a consistency as firm.
       In the use of two powers confided to the Governor, that of the
       veto in legislation and that of appointment to many State
       offices, there had always been more or less of giving and
       taking between the Executive, on one side, and the Legislature
       and the controlling leaders of party organization on the
       other. A Governor actuated by personal motives, of ambition or
       other self-interest, would use these powers freely, in
       bargaining for or enforcing his desires; and a Governor who
       cared for public interests alone would sometimes feel driven
       to secure measures needful to that end at some price of
       concession in appointments and in the approval of bills, or
       some coercive use of the veto whip. Governor Hughes would do
       neither, and his attitude in this matter stands out so
       conspicuously as to mark in itself an epoch of great example
       in the right exercise of executive power.

       No Governor has ever interested himself more earnestly in the
       work of the Legislature, with a watchful eye to the needs,
       interests, and rights of the public and to the demands of good
       government on every side. No Governor has ever taken a more
       active and effective part in the production of important
       legislation, and none has ever put his stamp on more of such
       legislation within the same time. But all that he has done in
       that line of executive duty has been strictly by
       recommendation and by argument, addressed first to the
       Legislature and then to the public behind it; never by any
       other means. Legislatures have been coerced irresistibly into
       compliance with his recommendations, by public opinion,
       wakened by the Governor’s voice; never directly by him. There
       has been no departure from the principle of action which he
       stated once in these words: "I have not attempted, through the
       use of political patronage or political machinery to coerce
       anybody, and I don’t propose to do so. But under the
       constitution, it is my privilege and my duty to recommend
       legislation. If I mean what I say when I recommend, I ought to
       be able to tell why it is recommended, and my constituency is
       not the Legislature, and not any particular part of the
       people, but my constituency is the people of the State, and I
       propose, therefore, whenever I make a recommendation, and
       there is any question about it, to tell as forcibly, as fully
       and as frankly as possible why I stand for it. If it is wrong,
       you will know it all the sooner; if it is right, you will give
       it the support it deserves. I call that American government,
       and if we had a little less trading, a little less wirepulling
       and bulldozing, we would prosper to a far greater degree."

    {456}

       The Legislature of New York has been honored by this
       highminded and respectful treatment of it, which the
       highminded among its members have appreciated; but these have
       been at most times a minority. The majority, obedient to
       resentful party "bosses," have acted sullenly with him when
       the lash of public opinion has driven them to his side, and
       defiantly against him when they dared. His obstinate
       antagonists have found a reflection hard to obtain.

       The most signal showing of the attitude of the public toward
       antagonists of Governor Hughes in the Legislature occurred in
       connection with a bill, recommended by the Governor in 1907,
       for the amendment of a disgraceful existing law relative to
       race-track gambling. The State Constitution, as revised in
       1894, prohibits all forms of gambling, and declares that "the
       Legislature shall pass appropriate laws to prevent offenses
       against any of the provisions of this section." In 1895 an
       Act (known as the Percy-Gray Law) was got through the
       Legislature, professedly in obedience to this mandate of the
       Constitution, which verbally prohibited betting on races, but
       penalized it only by providing that the loser of a race-track
       bet might sue the winner and recover twice the amount of his
       bet, while betting and gambling in other places were punished
       heavily by imprisonment and fine. This scandalous favor to the
       race-track interests carried a bribe at the same time to the
       farmers of the State, in the form of a cunning provision of
       the Act, which appropriated five per cent. of the gross
       receipts of racing associations to the benefit of agricultural
       societies. Repeated attempts to correct so contemptuous a
       violation of the Constitution had failed; but Governor Hughes
       renewed the attempt, with a feeling of reverence for Law and
       for the honor of the State which could not tolerate defeat.
       When the amending Bill that he recommended was put in suspense
       by a tie vote in the Senate, the Governor called a special
       session of the Legislature, and brought the question before
       the people in speeches which made a mighty stir. The racing
       interests in the State were so powerful that they almost
       defied defeat, and all their influence came into play.
       Meantime a special election to fill a vacancy in the Senate
       was pending in Western New York, and the issue on the
       race-track gambling bill was fought out there, with the
       Governor in the field, contending for an honest enforcement of
       the constitutional law of the State. The result of the
       election gave support to that contention, and when, at the
       special session, the Bill in question was again called up in
       the Senate, as it could be, it was passed by a majority of
       one. The Republican senators who voted against it were most of
       them retired to private life by their constituents at the
       senatorial elections of the ensuing fall.

       Almost everything of importance in New York legislation since
       Governor Hughes entered office has had its origin in his
       recommendations, and has been carried by the weight of public
       backing which belief in him calls out, against resisting
       influences that would ordinarily have prevailed. This was
       notably the fact in the case of the Public Service Commissions
       Act of 1907 (See (in this Volume) PUBLIC UTILITIES), which
       established an effective supervision and regulation of
       corporations engaged in public services, by placing over them
       two commissions, appointed by the Governor, one with
       jurisdiction in New York City, the other in the remainder of
       the State, both armed with large powers. The services covered
       are those of railways, gas and electric light and power
       companies, and the authority established over them extends not
       only to their rates, but to their capitalization, their issues
       of stock and bonds, their franchises, the labor conditions
       under them, their equipment, and the sufficiency and quality
       of the service they render. The excellence of the Act has been
       proved by its working, in the hands of the commissions
       appointed by Governor Hughes.

       In the checking of improper legislation by his vetoes,
       especially against encroachments on local rights of
       self-government, and against special enactments that intrude
       on general laws, Governor Hughes has been a teacher of
       political principles, as importantly as in the legislative
       advice which it is part of his constitutional duty to render.
       He taught a great lesson to every legislative body and every
       executive in the Union, when he disapproved a highly popular
       bill which prescribed a fixed rate of railway passenger fares
       at two cents per mile, on the ground that it was not a matter
       to be dealt with summarily,—without careful investigation and
       determination of the facts involved. So consistent, so
       forceful, so effective a teacher, in fact, by precept and high
       example, of the fundamentals of principle in political action,
       has rarely appeared in any country.

       That Governor Hughes was renominated and reelected in 1908 for
       a second term was again by reason of a public insistence which
       neither he nor the hostile manipulators of caucus-work in his
       party could resist. If the election had not been coincident in
       time with a presidential election the "bosses" of the party
       would have refused the nomination to him at any cost. They
       were able to secure a convention of delegates that would
       eagerly have made that refusal; but when the Governor was
       persuaded to say that he would accept renomination, they dared
       not imperil the national interests of the party by flouting
       demands which came from every quarter of the land. He had
       become so national a figure that interest in his reelection
       was nation-wide.

       On the powerful movement in New York to break down the
       practical exclusion of the people from the choosing of
       candidates for office, which Governor Hughes inspired.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES:
          DIRECT PRIMARY NOMINATIONS.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.
       Work of Reforestation.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.
       The Gift of Letchworth Park.

       A noble gift to the State was made in January, 1907, by the
       Honorable William Pryor Letchworth, a gentleman of distinction
       in benevolent work, officially as president for many years of
       the State Board of Charities, and privately, at the same time,
       as a profound student of and writer on, some of the gravest of
       the problems of philanthropy, especially that of the treatment
       of the insane. The home of Mr. Letchworth for many years has
       been on a great estate which embraces the finest and most
       famous scenery of the Upper Genesee River, lying on both sides
       of the cañon [canyon] down which the river plunges in three
       successive falls.
    {457}
       The thousand acres of the estate enclose all three of the
       falls. This magnificent domain, preserved in all its natural
       beauty and improved with careful taste by half a century of
       Mr. Letchworth’s care, has been conveyed in trust to the
       State, under the future custody of The American Scenic and
       Historic Preservation Society, to be forever, after the death
       of Mr. Letchworth, a Public Park. A generous citizen has thus
       saved from destructive uses a piece of scenery which has
       hardly its equal for picturesque and varied beauty in another
       part of the State.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907.
       Enactment of the Public Utilities Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC UTILITIES.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Creation of the Probation System.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
       Gas Company’s Refund.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC UTILITIES.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
       Historical Commemorations.
       The Champlain and the Hudson-Fulton.

       Three notable events of the far past were notably commemorated
       in New York during the summer and autumn of 1909. The
       tercentenary year of Champlain’s discovery, in July, 1609, of
       the Lake which bears his name, was signalized by a week of
       historical pageants, fêtes, and gatherings for speech and
       ceremony, on and around the lake, beginning on the 4th of
       July. France, England, Canada, and the United States were
       represented in the addresses and exercises of the occasion, by
       the British and French Ambassadors, the Postmaster-General of
       the Dominion, President Taft and ex-Secretary Root, Governor
       Hughes of New York and Governor Prouty of Vermont. A large
       number of Indians took part in the pageants, occupying a
       floating island constructed for the occasion on the lake, and
       representing scenes of Indian life and warfare, the story of
       Hiawatha, and other reminders of the time when men of their
       race were the lords of the region of Lake Champlain. The
       occasion was made one of great interest.

       Still more of interest was given to the double commemoration,
       in September, of Hendrick Hudson’s exploration of Hudson River
       and of Robert Fulton’s first practically successful
       undertaking of steamboating, on that river. The celebration of
       the event first named was timed appropriately on its third
       centennial anniversary. That of the second was belated by two
       years; but the two were most fitly connected. The people of
       Holland joined heartily in the Hudson commemoration, building
       and sending over to New York an exact replica of Hudson’s
       little ship, the Halve Maen, or Half Moon, in which his
       voyage was made. Fulton’s steamboat, the Clermont, was
       also reproduced for the occasion, and the two small, quaint
       vessels, strikingly in contrast with the monster battle ships
       and ocean liners that surrounded them, lent a singular
       interest to the affair. Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy,
       the Netherlands, Mexico, Cuba, and the Argentine Republic
       accepted invitations to take part in the naval parades which
       formed a grand feature of the celebration, and an imposing
       assembly of great ships of war was shown. Eight days, from
       Saturday, September 25th, until the following Saturday, were
       filled with church services, school exercises, historical
       exhibitions and processions, military and naval parades,
       aquatic sports, carnival doings, aeroplane flights, banquets
       to foreign guests, etc., at New York City, after which the
       Half Moon and the Clermont proceeded up the
       river and the celebration was continued in various towns.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909.
       Defeat of the Direct Primary Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES:
          DIRECT PRIMARY NOMINATION.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1909-1910.
       Munificent Gifts of Land on the Hudson
       for Park Purposes offered.

       In his annual Message to the Legislature, January 5, 1910,
       Governor Hughes announced the details of a munificent project
       of gifts proffered to the State for the purpose of creating a
       noble State Park on and near the Hudson River. Mrs. Mary W.
       Harriman, widow of the late E. H. Harriman, offered to convey
       to the State a tract of about ten thousand acres of land in
       Orange and Rockland counties, to be held in perpetuity as a
       State park; offering further to give the State $1,000,000 in
       trust, to be used for the purchase of land lying between the
       tract mentioned and the Hudson River, so that the park may
       have the advantage of a river frontage. Other gifts for
       similar purposes amounting to $1,625,000 were announced as a
       result of the activity of the Palisades Park Commission, from
       residents of New York, New Jersey, and Philadelphia. John D.
       Rockefeller and J. Pierpont Morgan each subscribed $500,000;
       Margaret Olivia Sage, William K. Vanderbilt, George F. Baker,
       James Stillman, John D. Archbold, Frank A. Munsey, Henry
       Phipps, E. T. Stotesbury, E. H. Gary, and George W. Perkins
       gave $50,000 each: Helen M. Gould and V. Everit Macy
       contributed $25,000 each, and Ellen F. James and Arthur C.
       James jointly gave a similar amount. These subscriptions were
       secured upon conditions stipulating, among other things, that
       New York State shall appropriate $2,500,000 for the acquiring
       of land and the building of roads and general park purposes;
       that the State of New Jersey shall contribute a fair share,
       and that the State discontinue work on the new State prison at
       Great Bear Mountain in Rockland County, where preliminary work
       on the site for a new $2,000,000 structure has been under way
       for several months.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1886-1893.
       Extension of the Suffrage to Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1896-1908.
       Twelve Years of Local Option.
       The working of the Law.
       Warning to the Liquor Trade.
       The Vote of Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: NEW ZEALAND.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1902.
       Colonial Conference at London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1903.
       The Maori King a Colonial Minister.

       The old fierce conflict of the Maoris with the English
       colonists in New Zealand would seem to have been effectually
       ended, since the Maori King accepted a seat in the colonial
       Cabinet, as a responsible Minister, in 1903.

    {458}

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.
       Government Ownership and Long-leasing of Land.
       Its working.
       Government Loans to Farmers.

       The land system of New Zealand, as it was in 1895, is
       described in Volume VI. of this work (see NEW ZEALAND). It has
       since been carried farther on social-paternalistic lines, by
       extensive expropriations or compulsory sales of large estates
       to the Government, and by the institution of public loans of
       capital to farmers at a moderate rate of interest. The
       operation and result are thus described in a recent work:

       "So far the government has lent to the farmers about
       $20,000,000, but it has saved them $20,000,000 in interest,
       because as soon as it came into the field with its cheap
       loans, interest rates dropped everywhere. You see Shylock has
       fled from these shores and will not return. The government has
       never lost a cent in these loans. Reform proceeded next, with
       a land tax graduated to an ascending scale, to discourage
       land-grabbing, and land speculation; so that the more land a
       man owns the higher is the tax-rate upon it. Thus for farms of
       ordinary size the rate is two cents in every $5 of assessed
       valuation; but on estates of more than $25,000 the rate
       increases in regular ratio to the maximum of six cents for
       every $5, except for absentee owners. They must pay fifty per
       cent. more than residents. You can see that in New Zealand the
       chance for fine old families and landed gentry is slim. No
       doubt the theory of these things is extremely reprehensible,
       but the practice is excellent. What with seizing the big
       estates, and what with the graduated land tax, the size of
       holdings has been so reduced that of 115,713 landowners in
       1905 only 22,778 came under the operations of the augmented
       land tax. The others, having small properties, paid the
       smallest rate. Under the land purchase act the government has
       seized 691,594 acres, mostly hunting fields and uncultivated
       family inheritances. These have been partitioned into small
       farms and are occupied by actual settlers. Under the operation
       of all the new land laws together, the produce of New Zealand
       has trebled, and the New Zealand farmer has become the most
       prosperous in the world."

          Charles E. Russell,
          The Uprising of the Many,
          chapter 29
          (copyright, 1907, by Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1907).

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906.
       The Democratizing of Competition.
       Labor Group Coöperation.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906-1909.
       The Liberal Party and the Liberal Ministry.
       Their years of Great Power.
       Their Strength shaken in the latest Election.
       Its Method and Result.
       The new Ministry of Sir Joseph Ward.

       In June, 1906, the Liberal Party in New Zealand experienced a
       great loss, in the death of Mr. Richard J. Seddon, its strong
       leader, and the Prime Minister of Government for some time
       past. His place was taken temporarily by Mr. Hall-Jones, until
       Sir Joseph Ward, then absent from the country, returned and
       received the chief ministerial seat. Since 1893 the Liberal
       Party had derived large majorities in Parliament from each
       triennial election. The Liberal Administration had advanced
       accordingly, says a recent letter to the London Times,
       "under the banner of labour legislation, new land laws, and
       State Socialism, and was strengthened in its position by the
       general prosperity of the country and the expenditure of large
       sums of borrowed money upon public works. At the end of last
       Session, it was still at the head of affairs with a majority
       (including the four Maori members) of no fewer than 46.

       "In the meantime, however, the guiding hand of Mr. Seddon, the
       great apostle of New Zealand democracy, had been removed from
       the scene, the harsh working of the Compulsory Arbitration Act
       had begun to alienate the sympathies of both employers and
       workers; the anti-freehold tendencies of the present
       Administration were effecting a change of feeling in the
       country constituencies, and the drop in the prices of some of
       our staple products, combined with the stringency in the local
       money market, began to act as a check on our commercial
       prosperity. Finally, the Government made some tactical
       blunders." Hence the Opposition, at the Parliamentary election
       of November, 1908, was greatly strengthened, though the
       ascendancy of the Liberals was still maintained. The conduct
       of the election and its result are described by the
       correspondent already quoted, as follows: "An election in New
       Zealand is conducted in a most orderly manner. The
       distribution of literature, the wearing of badges, and any
       touting for votes from electors on their way to the polls or
       in front of the polling booths are strictly prohibited by law.
       A half-holiday has to be observed in shops and offices, and
       factory owners must allow their employés time off to
       vote. The publichouses remain closed from noon until the polls
       are closed, the closing hour being in the country 6 P. M., and
       in the cities 7 P. M. Time was, in the very early days, when
       the polling booths were in some cases located between two
       drinking saloons that did a roaring trade, and the result was
       much loud disputation, bad language, and fighting. Nowadays
       all that is changed, and women can walk into the polling
       booths with complete unconcern. For the 76 seats 213
       candidates had been nominated. Of these 114 claimed to be
       Ministerialists and 52 Oppositionists, while 46 were
       Independents, among whom were a few Socialists and Independent
       Labourites. The result of the first ballot was that 34
       Government supporters, 16 Opposition candidates, and three
       Independents were elected by absolute majorities. In 23
       constituencies the candidates at the head of the poll failed
       to secure absolute majorities of the total votes polled, and
       it became necessary to hold second ballots, the number of
       these being practically double what was estimated by the Prime
       Minister. … Twenty-two of these were held a week later, and
       resulted in a further strengthening of the Opposition party.
       One—in a widely scattered country constituency—has yet to be
       held. The Government secured 12 of the seats, the Opposition
       nine, and Independent Labour one. …

       "The result of the elections, as a whole, is greatly to
       strengthen the Opposition, and correspondingly to weaken the
       Government. The next most noticeable feature about it is the
       unusual change it has made in the personnel of the
       House of Representatives. While not a single Opposition member
       of the last Parliament who stood has lost his seat, no fewer
       than 17 followers of the Ministry have been relegated to
       private life; while the new Parliament will contain 27 new
       members out of 76.
    {459}
       The position of parties, with one second ballot yet to be
       decided, is—Government, 45; Opposition, 25; Independent, 4;
       Independent Labour, 1. At the end of last Session (excluding
       Maori members) the Government were 59 strong, while the
       Opposition, including one Independent, numbered only 17. Thus,
       whereas in the last Parliament the Government could reckon on
       a majority of 42, they cannot now be absolutely sure of a
       majority of more than 15 of the European members on certain
       issues. There are four Maori members still to be elected, and
       as these generally vote with the party in power the assured
       Ministerial majority will be 19. This should be amply
       sufficient to enable Sir Joseph Ward to continue in power for
       the full term of the Parliament—three years."

       Early in January, 1909, the Ministry was reconstructed, the
       Premier, Sir Joseph Ward, burdening himself with the
       portfolios of Finance, Defence, Lands, Agriculture, and the
       Post Office. This was said to be made necessary by the
       inexperience in office of the new Ministers whom he called to
       his side.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
       Imperial Conference at London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Working of the Compulsory Arbitration Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: NEW ZEALAND.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1908.
       Population.

       The population of the Dominion of New Zealand on December 31,
       1908, was estimated as follows:
       Europeans 960,000;
       Maoris, 49,000;
       Cook Islanders, 12,000.
       There was an increase of Europeans during the year of 31,000,
       being at the rate of 3.36 percent. The excess of immigration
       over departures was 14,000—a record; while the natural
       increase was 17,000. The death-rate was 9.57 per thousand, as
       compared with 10.95 in 1907; and the birth-rate was 27.45 per
       thousand, as compared with 27.30.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Labor Strike caused by Legislation making "Miners’ Disease"
       a ground of Compensation from Employers.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
       Announcement of Railway-Building Policy.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: NEW ZEALAND.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
       Act establishing compulsory Military Training.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY: NEW ZEALAND.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909.
       The Prime Minister’s testimony to the good working
       of Woman Suffrage.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1909 (July-August).
       Imperial Defence Conference.
       Offer of a "Dreadnought" to the Imperial Navy.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY AND NAVAL.

    NIAGARA FALLS:
       Preservation of their "Scenic Grandeur."

       An Act of Congress, designed "to preserve the scenic grandeur"
       of Niagara Falls, approved in June, 1906, authorized the
       Secretary of War to grant permits for the diversion of water
       for the creation of power to an aggregate amount not exceeding
       15,600 cubic feet a second, and to grant permits for the
       transmission of power from Canada to an aggregate quantity not
       exceeding 160,000 horsepower. The then Secretary of War, Mr.
       Taft, since elected President of the United States, after
       careful investigations and hearings, granted permits for the
       diversion of the maximum amount of water under the act and for
       the admission of the maximum quantity of power. In reporting
       his decision Mr. Taft explained why he believed that the
       diversion authorized could be made without harm to the Falls:
       "I have reached," he said, "the conclusion that with the
       diversion of 15,600 cubic feet on the American side and the
       transmission of 160,000 horse power from the Canadian side,
       the scenic grandeur of the Falls will not be affected
       substantially or perceptibly to the eye. With respect to the
       American falls this is an increase of only 2,500 cubic feet a
       second over what is now being diverted and has been diverted
       for many years, and has not affected the Falls as a scenic
       wonder. With respect to the Canadian side, the water is drawn
       from the river in such a way as not to affect the American
       falls at all, because the point from which it is drawn is
       considerably below the level of the water, at the point where
       the waters separate above Goat Island, and the Waterways
       Commission and Dr. Clark agree that the taking of 13,000 cubic
       feet from the Canadian side will not in any way affect or
       reduce the water going over the American falls. The water
       going over the Falls on the Canadian side of Goat Island is
       about five times the Volume of that which goes over the
       American falls. … If the amount withdrawn on the Canada side
       for Canadian use were 5,000 cubic feet a second, which it is
       not likely to be during the three years’ life of these
       permits, the total to be withdrawn would not exceed ten per
       cent, of the Volume of the stream, and, considering the
       immense quantity which goes over the Horseshoe Falls, the
       diminution would not be perceptible to the eye."

          See, also, provisions of "WATERWAYS TREATY,"
          in this Volume, under CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

    NIAGARA MOVEMENT, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

    NICARAGUA.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    NICHOLAS II., TSAR OF RUSSIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA.

    NICHOLS, ERNEST FOX:
       President of Dartmouth University.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    NICOLSON, SIR ARTHUR:
       British Ambassador at St. Petersburg.
       Convention with Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

    NIEL, M.:
       The head of the Confédération Générale du Travail in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

    NIGERIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: FRENCH CENTRAL.

    NIGHT RIDERS, of the Tobacco Farmers’ Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

    NILE BARRAGE.

          See (in this Volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1902 (DECEMBER).

    {460}

    NOBEL PRIZES.

       By the will of Alfred Bernard Nobel, the distinguished Swedish
       engineer and chemist, pupil of John Ericsson and inventor of
       dynamite and other explosives, five great prizes, averaging
       nearly $40,000 each in value, were instituted, for annual
       reward to persons who shall severally have made the most
       important discovery or invention in the domain of physics,
       chemistry and physiology or medicine; to the writer who has
       produced in literature the most distinguished work of an
       idealistic tendency, and to the person who has most or best
       promoted the fraternity of nations, the abolition or reduction
       of standing armies and the formation and increase of peace
       congresses. The award of the two prizes first named to be made
       by the Royal Academy of Science in Stockholm; the third by the
       Caroline Medical-Chirurgical Institute in Stockholm; the
       fourth by the Swedish Academy in the same city; the fifth by
       the Storthing or Parliament of Norway.

       The presentation of prizes on the first award was made with
       impressive ceremonies on the 10th of December, 1901, that
       being the fifth anniversary of Mr. Nobel’s death. Each year
       since, the awards have been made on that anniversary day. The
       recipients have been as follows:

       PHYSICS.

       1901
       William Conrad Roentgen,
       professor of physics at the University of Munich.

       1902
       Divided equally between Henrik Anton Lorentz, professor
       of physics at the University of Leyden, and Peter Zeeman,
       professor of physics at the University of Amsterdam.

       1903
       Half to Antoine Henri Becquerel, professor of physics
       at the École Polytechnique and at the Museum d’Histoire
       Naturelle, Paris, France, member Institut Française, and half
       to Pierre Curie, professor of physics at the University of
       Paris (Sorbonne) and teacher in physics at the Paris Municipal
       School of Industrial Physics and Chemistry, and his wife, Marie
       Sklodovska Curie, preceptress at the Higher Normal School
       for Young Girls at Sevres.

       1904
       Lord Rayleigh, professor of natural philosophy,
       Royal Institution of Great Britain, London.

       1905
       Philippe Lenard, professor of physics at the
       physical Institute of Kiel.

       1906
       J. J. Thomson, professor of experimental physics
       at the University of Cambridge.

       1907
       Albert A. Michelsen, professor of physics at the
       University of Chicago.

       1908
       Professor Gabriel Lippman of the University of Paris.

       1909
       G. Marconi, Italy, and
       Professor Ferdinand Braun of Strassburg.

       MEDICINE.

       1901
       Emil Adolf von Behring, professor of hygiene and
       medical history at the University of Marburg, Prussia.

       1902
       Ronald Ross, professor of tropical medicine at the
       University college of Liverpool.

       1903
       Niels Ryberg Finsen, professor of medicine,
       Copenhagen, Denmark.

       1904
       Ivan Petrovic Pawlow, professor of physiology in the
       Military Academy of Medicine, St. Petersburg.

       1905
       Robert Koch, member of the
       Royal Academy of Science, Berlin.

       1906
       Professors Ramon y Cajal and Camillo Golgi of the
       Pavia university, Italy.

       1907
       Charles L. A. Laveran of the Pasteur Institute in Paris.

       1908
       Dr. Paul Ehrlich of Berlin and Professor Elie Metchnikoff
       of the Pasteur Institute, Paris.

       1909
       Professor E. T. Kocher, Switzerland.

       CHEMISTRY.

       1901
       Jakob Hendrik van’t Hoff, professor of chemistry
       in the University of Berlin.

       1902
       Emil Fischer, professor of chemistry
       in the University of Berlin.

       1903
       Svante August Arrhenius, professor at
       the University of Stockholm.

       1904
       Sir William Ramsay, professor of chemistry
       in the University college, London.

       1905
       Adolf von Baeyer, professor of chemistry at Munich.

       1906
       H. Moissan, professor of chemistry at the Sorbonne, Paris.

       1907
       Eduard Buchner, professor of chemistry in the
       agricultural high school of Berlin.

       1908
       Professor Ernest Rutherford of the
       University of Manchester, England.

       1909
       Professor W. Ostwald of Leipsic.

       LITERATURE.

       1901
       Rene Francois Armand Sully-Prudhomme,
       member of the French Academy.

       1902
       Theodor Mommsen, professor of history at
       the University of Berlin.

       1903
       Bjornstjerne Bjornson, author, Norway.

       1904
       Half to Frederic Mistral of France and
       half to José Echegaray of Spain.

       1905
       Henryk Sienkiewicz, the author of "Quo Vadis?"

       1906
       Professor Giosue Carducci of Bologna, Italy.

       1907
       Rudyard Kipling of England.

       1908
       Professor Rudolf Eucken of the University of Java.

       1909
       Selma Lagerlof, Sweden.

       PEACE.

       1901
       Divided equally between Henri Dunant, founder of the
       International Red Cross Society of Geneva, and Frederic Passay,
       founder of the first French peace association, the
       "Société Française pour l’Arbitrage Entre Nations."

       1902
       Divided equally between Elie Ducommum, secretary of
       the international peace bureau at Bern, and Albert Gobat,
       chief of the interparliamentary peace bureau at Bern.

       1903
       William Randal Cremer, M. P., secretary of the
       International Arbitration league, London.

       1904
       The Institute of International Right, a scientific
       association founded in 1873 in Ghent, Belgium.

       1905
       Baroness Bertha von Suttner for her literary work
       written in the interest of the world’s peace movement.

       1906
       Theodore Roosevelt, president of the United States,
       for the part he took in bringing the Russo-Japanese war to
       an end. Money set apart by the president for the establishment
       of a permanent industrial peace commission.

       1907
       Divided equally between Ernesto T. Moneta, president of
       the Lombardy Peace union, and Louis Renault, professor of
       international law at the University of Paris.

       1908
       K. P. Arnoldsen of Sweden and M. F. Bajer of Denmark.

       1909
       Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, Paris,
       and M. Beernaert, Holland, ex-Premier.

       [For a contemporary list see
       https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Nobel_laureates]

    NODZU, General.

       See (in this Volume)
       JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

    NOGI, GENERAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and
          1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    NOMINATIONS, Political:
       By Direct Primary Vote.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

    NOMINAVIT NOVIS CONTROVERSY.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    NORD ALEXIS, GENERAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          HAITI: A. D. 1902 and 1908.

    {461}

    NORDENSKJÖLD, DR. OTTO:
       Commanding Swedish Antarctic Expedition.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    NORDEZ, BISHOP LE.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1900.

    NORTHCOTE, LORD:
       On the Australian Land and Immigration Questions.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: AUSTRALIA.

    NORTHERN SECURITIES COMPANY CASE, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    NORTH SEA AND BALTIC AGREEMENTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, CANADIAN: A. D. 1896-1909.
       Their Rapid Settlement.
       The "American Invasion."

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

    NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, CANADIAN: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Census.
       Increased Representation in Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: 1901-1902.

    NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.
       Result of the Consular Question.
       Secession from the Union of Crowns with Sweden.
       Acceptance by King Oscar of his virtual Deposition.
       Election of Prince Charles of Denmark to the Throne.

       The discontent of Norway in its union with Sweden, especially
       because it could have no distinct national representation,
       consular or diplomatic, in foreign countries, is described in
       Volume VI. of this work.

          See (in this Volume)
          SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

       In 1902 a Swedish-Norwegian Consular Commission was appointed
       to investigate the practicability of separate consuls for each
       of the united kingdoms, with joint diplomatic representation.
       The Commission produced a report very favorable to the
       proposition. Prolonged negotiations followed, between
       representatives of the two governments, and the outlines of a
       system under which Norway should acquire a separate consular
       service were definitely settled and accepted formally by the
       King, on the 21st of December, 1903. When it came, however, to
       the definite framing of laws for carrying the plan into
       effect, irreconcilable disagreements arose. Several details of
       the arrangement which Sweden insisted on implied a precedence
       and superiority of standing for that kingdom in the union of
       crowns which offended Norwegian pride. The Norwegian
       Government objected to having its selection of consuls made
       subject to the approval of the Foreign Minister of the dual
       monarchy. It objected to having the King, in his commission to
       them, entitled "King of Sweden and Norway"; and it rejected
       the Swedish proposals on other points. When the Government of
       Sweden replied that, while it might be willing to consider
       some modifications of its proposals, it must maintain the
       important parts of them, the Norwegian Government announced
       that it had no further statements to make, indicating that
       negotiation in the matter was at an end. Thereupon, on the 7th
       of February, 1905, the King made public the following
       statement:

       "Under the present circumstances I do not see that I can
       resolve otherwise than to approve of what the Foreign Minister
       has proposed; but I cannot refrain from expressing to both my
       peoples my hearty desire that the two kingdoms, which have now
       been united for nearly a century, will never let any
       difference of opinion be hurtful to the Union itself. This
       Union is in truth the safest guarantee for the independence,
       the security and the happiness of both my peoples."

       Feeble health now compelled King Oscar to yield the functions
       of royalty to his son, and the Crown Prince visited
       Christiania, as Regent, to confer personally with the leaders
       in Norwegian affairs. The outcome of his visit was the
       resignation of the Ministry of M. Hagcrup on the 1st of March,
       the formation of a new Cabinet, under M. Michelsen, and the
       announcement by the latter that the Government would
       steadfastly maintain the sovereignty of Norway, as an
       independent kingdom, according to the words of its
       constitution, the realization of which must depend on the
       strength and will of the Norwegian people. All attempts in the
       next three months to overcome or much modify the attitude of
       Norway were unsuccessful. In May, the Storthing passed an
       independent Consular Bill and laid it before King Oscar, who
       had resumed his duties, and the King refused to sanction it,
       saying: "The Crown Prince, as Regent, in Joint Council of
       State of April 5, has already shown the only way in which this
       important question can be advanced and all difficulties most
       likely removed, viz., through negotiation. I entirely agree
       with this view, and do not for the time being find it
       expedient to sanction this law, which means an alteration of
       the existing joint consular service which cannot be severed
       except by mutual arrangement. … When I now refuse to sanction
       this law I do so in accordance with the right conferred upon
       the King."

          See in Volume I. of this work
          Section 30, Title 3, of the CONSTITUTION OF NORWAY.

       "… It is my equally great love to both nations which makes it
       my duty to exercise this right;"

       On the 7th of June, M. Michelsen, the Prime Minister, and his
       colleagues, gave their resignations to the Storthing,
       whereupon that body, by unanimous vote, adopted the following
       resolution:

       "As all the members of the Council of State have resigned
       their offices; as his Majesty the King has declared himself
       unable to give the country a new Government; and as the
       constitutional kingdom has thus ceased to function, the
       Storthing authorizes the members of the Ministry, to-day
       resigned, to exercise in the meantime, as the Government of
       Norway, the authority vested in the King, in accordance with
       Norway’s constitution and existing laws, with the alterations
       necessitated by the fact that the Union with Sweden under one
       King has ceased on account of the king having ceased to act as
       Norwegian King." This action was proclaimed to the people on
       the same day. On the 9th the Union flag was lowered from
       Norwegian forts and war ships and the Norwegian flag raised in
       its place. On the 28th of July with King Oscar’s consent, the
       Swedish Riksdag adopted a resolution assenting to the
       severance of the Union, on condition that it be approved by a
       vote of the people of Norway. Accordingly the question was
       submitted to the people on the 13th of August, and all but 184
       out of 368,392 votes were given in favor of the separation. A
       conference at Karlstadt in September arranged the future
       relations of the two kingdoms with success, and the
       dissolution was complete. It was formally acknowledged by King
       Oscar on October 26th.
    {462}
       As he made it known that he did not wish any member of his
       family to accept the crown of Norway if offered, the Storthing
       authorized the Government to open negotiations with Prince
       Charles of Denmark, with a view to its acceptance by him, if
       its proffer should be sanctioned by a popular vote. Again a
       plebiscite was polled and a large majority given in favor of
       the proffer of the crown to Prince Charles. The Prince
       accepted, with the permission of his grandfather, the Danish
       King, and proposed to take the name of Haakon VII. The name
       was well chosen for its significance, Haakon VI. having been
       the last of the old royal line of Norway, which became extinct
       at his death in 1387. The King-elect and his wife entered
       Christiania on the 25th of November and took the oath of
       fidelity to the Norwegian Constitution on the 27th. In the
       following June King Haakon was anointed and crowned with
       solemn ceremonies, in the ancient cathedral of Trondhjem, the
       capital of the first King who reigned over the whole Norse
       realm.

    NORWAY: A. D. 1903.
       Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    NORWAY: A. D. 1907.
       Treaty with Great Britain, France, Germany, and Russia
       guaranteeing the Integrity of the Kingdom.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908, and 1908.

    NORWAY: A. D. 1908.
       Parliamentary Suffrage extended to Women.
       See (in this Volume)
       ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    NORWAY: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Arbitration of the Frontier Dispute with Sweden.

       The maritime frontier dispute between Norway and Sweden,
       consequent on their separation, was referred to The Hague
       Tribunal, and decided in October, more favorably to Sweden
       than to Norway, but the decision was loyally accepted by the
       latter.

    NOVA SCOTIA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Census.
       Reduced Representation in Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    O.

    OBOLENSKI, PRINCE JOHN.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1905.

    O’CONOR, Sir N.:
       British Ambassador to Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1905-1908.

    OCTOBRISTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. and 1907.

    ODESSA, Disturbances in.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    OGDEN, Robert C.:
       Promoter of the Annual Conference for Education in the South.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1898-1909.

    OIL, PETROLEUM:
       The Supply and the Waste in the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1904.
       Marvelous Growth of Fifteen Years.

       "Oklahoma is the Minerva of the States. With her there was no
       period of slow settlement. On the day that her borders were
       opened to the settler she sprang full-fledged, a vigorous
       young commonwealth, into the Union. And on the day that
       Congress admits her to Statehood she will take rank with the
       foremost of the Western States. Her population of a million
       and three hundred thousand—which is the combined population
       of Oklahoma and Indian Territory, according to the annual
       report of Governor Ferguson for the year ending June 30, 1904,
       it is probably somewhat more than that now [1905]—will place
       her in advance of at least twenty-one of her sister States,
       several of them among the original thirteen. Not counting
       Texas, only two States west of the Missouri will be her equal
       in number of people—Kansas and California. In old New England,
       three States—New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island—could be
       combined and still not contain as great a population as this
       new commonwealth in the West will have on the first day of its
       Statehood.

       "No other State ever had such a remarkable growth and
       prosperity as Oklahoma. Sixteen years ago last March the
       prairie winds blew over wide expanses of plains with no signs
       of human habitation on them for miles at a stretch. A month
       later, on April 22, 1889, upward of one hundred thousand
       persons engaged in the most spectacular race in history--a
       race for homes.

          See, in Volume V. of this work,
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1889-1890].

       That was the day when the first Oklahoma counties were opened
       for settlement. … At nightfall of that first day of its
       history Oklahoma had a larger population than the State of
       Nevada. Towns were surveyed, and sprung up in a night, and in
       a week a new empire had been created in the Southwest. A year
       later the Iowa, Pottawatomie, and Sac and Fox reservations
       were opened for settlement."

          Clarence H. Matson,
          Oklahoma
          (American Review of Reviews, September, 1905).

    OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1906-1907.
       Joined in Statehood with Indian Territory and
       admitted to the Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.
          See, also, (in this Volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

    OKU, GENERAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

    OLD AGE HOMES, in Vienna.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

    OLD AGE PENSIONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

    "OLD BELIEVERS," RUSSIAN.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST.).

    OLDENBURG: A. D. 1906.
       Committed to Universal Suffrage.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

    OMAR JAN.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    ONTARIO: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Census.
       Reduced Representation in Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    ONTARIO: A. D. 1906-1907.
       Political Experiments.
       The Salaried Leader of Opposition, etc.

       See (in this Volume)
       CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.

    "OPEN DOOR," THE COMING OF THE EPOCH OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          WORLD MOVEMENTS.

    {463}

    OPIUM PROBLEM: China: A. D. 1900-1906.
       Progressive Tariff and Internal Taxation measures to check
       the Consumption of the Drug.

       The following is from a report on opium production and
       taxation in China prepared by Mr. Williams, Chinese secretary
       of the United States Legation at Peking, and sent to the State
       Department at Washington, in September, 1906:

       [Transcriber's note: The following paragraph includes a
       variety of spellings and possibly defective type slugs.
       The tael was said to be worth 73 cents in gold in 1905.
       The weight of the picul is 133½ pounds.]

       "Previous to 1900 native opium passing through the maritime
       customs at Ichaug had been paying a total charge of taels, 60
       per picul exclusive of taxes at the place of production. In
       July, 1900, the viceroy, Chang Chih-tung, with a view to
       cheeking the consumption of opium in the territory under his
       jurisdiction, increased this charge to taels 72 per picul, and
       near the close of 1901 increased it again, making it taels 80
       per picul. This, with the likin charged in Szechuen, made a
       total on the product coming from that province of taels 84.76.
       Opium designed for local consumption was still more heavily
       taxed, being required to pay taels 90 besides the likin of
       Szeehuen, or a total of 94.76 taels per picul. The immediate
       result of this action was to greatly increase smuggling and to
       drive legitimate traffic to the use of native junks or
       roundabout land routes controlled by the native customs or
       likin offices, and thus to reduce the receipts of the maritime
       customs. Another significant result was the importation of a
       small amount of foreign opium to a district where it had been
       unknown for many years. In view of these facts, in 1903 the
       authorities reduced the tax to a total of 76.75 taels per
       picul, including the Szcchuen likin.

       "In February, 1904, the same tax was imposed in the province
       of Hunan, also in the jurisdiction of the Viceroy Chang
       Chih-tung, and in the summer of the same year an agreement was
       made with the provincial authorities of the provinces of
       Kiangse and Anhui that one consolidated tax, to include both
       likin and customs duties, should be levied at a uniform rate
       in the four provinces, and to prevent discrimination by the
       native customs as against the maritime service it was agreed
       that the collection of this consolidated tax should be
       intrusted to the imperial maritime customs at Ichang and to
       branch offices under its control. The port of Ichang was
       chosen because it is at the head of steam navigation on the
       Yangtze, for which reason most of the opium from Yunnan and
       Szechuen was sent thither for distribution. In 1905 this
       arrangement was extended to four other provinces, Kiangse,
       Fukien, Kuangtung, and Kuangsi, and the tax increased to taels
       134.79 per picul for opium destined to the four inner
       provinces and taels 104 for that going to those on the
       seaboard. Previous to this latter arrangement, however, after
       the experience of 1902, it was seen that unless the tax on
       foreign opium should also be increased the effort to stamp out
       the vice by heavy taxation would fail, and therefore in 1903
       representations were made to the British Government by the
       Chinese minister in London looking toward the increase of the
       duty upon Indian opium. The reply of the British Government,
       as quoted in the Peking Gazette, was that the tax on the
       native drug ought to be increased by the same amount as any
       addition made to the duty on the foreign article. Upon this a
       memorial was submitted to the Imperial Chinese Government,
       asking that the customs duty and likin on foreign and native
       opium be increased by an equal amount, and the matter was
       referred to the proper boards for consideration and report. No
       further report has as yet appeared relating to the
       negotiations respecting foreign opium. As to the native drug,
       the steps to increase the taxes upon it in eight of the
       provinces have been related above. The success of this
       arrangement has been so pronounced that on the 7th of May this
       year (1906) an imperial edict appeared directing that the
       system adopted in the eight provinces mentioned above should
       be at once extended to all the provinces of China proper and
       at a later date, to be hereafter determined, to Turkestan and
       Manchuria."

    OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1906.
       Imperial Edict against the use of Opium.
       Undertaking to suppress it in Ten Years.

       By a formal edict from the throne, published in September,
       1906, the imperial Government of China undertook to eradicate
       the use of opium in that empire, and to do so by heroic
       measures within ten years. A register was ordered to be made
       of every consumer of the drug (estimated at 40 per cent. of
       the vast population of the empire) and of the quantity that he
       consumes. Those who are under 60 years of age must thereafter
       diminish their consumption by not less than twenty per cent,
       each year, till they are free of the habit and the use is
       stopped. Meantime there would be a public provision of
       medicines to assist the cure. To those beyond 60 years in age,
       and to the princes, nobles, and magnates of the empire, a
       certain relaxation of these rules would be allowed. But all
       minor officials under 60 years must drop opium entirely, at
       once, and there would be no toleration of an acquirement of
       the opium habit thereafter. No further cultivation of the
       poppy would be allowed, and, of course, the importation would
       be controlled.

       Tang Shao Yi, the special Chinese envoy who visited the United
       States and England early in 1909, had much to do with this
       measure on the part of his Government, and, in addressing a
       deputation which called on him in London, had this to say of
       the circumstances connected with it:

       "He had always taken a deep interest in the anti-opium
       movement ever since he was a student in America in the early
       seventies. He had never realized, however, that they could
       attempt to make such a movement in China till he was sent by
       his Government to India in 1905 in connexion with the Lhasa
       Convention. While there he had opportunities of studying the
       opium question, and he was fortunate enough to make the
       acquaintance of the finance secretary, Mr. Baker. From him he
       learnt that the Government of India could dispense with the
       revenue derived from opium. Nothing was more surprising to him
       and nothing gave him greater joy than to hear that. In that
       year the question was brought up in England, and when he
       returned to China in the winter of 1905 he informed his
       Government that the British public was very ‘anti-opium’ and
       also that the Indian Government was not at all anxious for the
       revenue derived from opium. Therefore, he told his Government
       that it was for the Chinese themselves to put a stop to the
       opium trade, and that they must not rely upon others. He had
       already got regulations in his head and the Government asked
       him to draw up certain rules to put a stop to the opium curse.
    {464}
       In order not to be too radical, he suggested that three years
       should be allowed for putting an end to it, but the Cabinet
       said that was too radical, and, although he suggested six
       years, the final decision of the Government was to make it ten
       years. He said that unless they put a stop to it in two or
       three years they might as well let this generation die out.
       They fully appreciated the co-operation of gentlemen in
       England, and he begged that they would keep up the agitation
       not only for their own sakes but for the sake of the Chinese
       people. The Chinese people wanted to be reminded that they
       were opium smokers and that they must give up the practice.
       Some scepticism had been expressed as to the genuineness of
       the movement in China, but he was sure that the people there
       were in earnest, and he trusted that his Government and people
       would not disappoint Great Britain."

    OPIUM PROBLEM: A. D. 1909.
       Progress in the Opium Reform.

       An official report on the progress of the opium reform in
       China, by Mr. Max Müller, Councillor of the British Legation
       at Peking, was published as a Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 4967),
       early in January, 1910. In communicating the report to the
       Foreign Office, Sir N. Jordan wrote:

       "This report shows that considerable progress continues to be
       made in the task which the Chinese Government undertook three
       years ago. There has undoubtedly been a very sensible
       diminution in the consumption and cultivation of opium, and a
       public opinion has been formed which will greatly strengthen
       the hands of the Government and the provincial authorities in
       the drastic measures which they contemplate taking in the near
       future. … That the end, however, is so near as many of the
       official pronouncements would seem to indicate is, I venture
       to think, very doubtful. We have full and reliable information
       about only two of the provinces—Shansi and Yunnan—and the
       annexes to Mr. Max Müller’s report furnish eloquent testimony
       of the good work that has been done in both. At the opposite
       extreme stand Shensi, Kansu, Hupei, and Szeehuan, in all of
       which comparatively little has been accomplished to check
       either the consumption or cultivation of the drug. The
       last-named province, which is by far the largest producing
       area in the Empire, will furnish the supreme test of the
       success or failure of the programme of total prohibition, and
       as the order has gone forth that no poppy is to be sown this
       autumn the issue on which so much depends is doubtless being
       fought out as this report is being written."

    OPIUM PROBLEM:
       International Opium Commission, in Session at Shanghai,
       February, 1909.

       On the suggestion of Bishop Brent, of the Philippines, the
       Government of the United States took the initiative in
       bringing about the appointment of an International Commission
       to investigate matters connected with the use of and traffic
       in opium. The Commission, composed of delegates from China,
       Japan, Great Britain, France, Germany, Holland, Turkey, and
       the United States, met at Shanghai on the 1st of February,
       1909, and was in session until the 26th of that month, under
       the presidency of Bishop Brent. Its study of the subject
       appears to have been made difficult and definite conclusions
       prevented by the lack of trustworthy Chinese statistics of the
       production of opium in the Empire itself, and of other
       important facts. The results of four weeks of investigation
       and discussion were embodied in nine resolutions, the first of
       which recognized the sincerity of the endeavor of the Chinese
       Government to eradicate the great evil from its dominion, in
       these words: "The Commission recognizes the unswerving
       sincerity of the Government of China in its efforts to
       eradicate the production and consumption of opium throughout
       the Empire, the increasing body of public opinion among the
       Chinese by whom these efforts are supported, and the real,
       though unequal, progress already made in a task of the
       greatest magnitude."

       Of the further resolutions, one urged upon all governments the
       importance of drastic measures to control the manufacture,
       sale, and distribution of morphia and other noxious
       derivatives of opium; another recommended scientific
       investigation of so-called opium remedies; a third said all
       countries should adopt reasonable measures to prevent the
       shipment of opium or its derivatives to any country which
       prohibits their entry. By the terms of the remaining
       resolutions the delegates were urged to influence as far as
       possible their own governments to take steps for the gradual
       suppression of opium smoking in their own territories
       respectively; to further examine into their systems for the
       regulation of the traffic, in the light of the experience of
       other countries; to enter into negotiations with China to
       insure the adoption of effective and prompt measures to
       prohibit opium traffic in those concessions and settlements.
       Finally, the conference recommended that each government apply
       its pharmacy laws to its subjects in consular districts,
       concessions, and settlements in China.

       In some quarters the outcome of the meeting was sharply
       criticised as being empty of any practical fruit, and England
       was accused of having rendered it so, under the influence of
       the Indian opium trade. But the State Department at Washington
       gave expression to a very different view. There it was pointed
       out that the Commission had been one of inquiry, only; that
       its instructions had been "to study the opium problem and
       report as to the best and most feasible means of solving it,"
       and that this programme was executed "to the entire
       satisfaction of the Governments concerned." Bishop Brent, who
       presided over the Shanghai meeting, declared in his inaugural
       address:

       "It devolves upon me to pronounce with emphasis that this is a
       commission, and as those who are informed—as all of you must
       be in matters that pertain to international affairs of this
       kind—a commission is not a conference. The idea of a
       conference was suggested, but it seemed wise to choose this
       particular form of action rather than a conference, because,
       for the present at any rate, we are not sufficiently well
       informed and sufficiently unanimous in our attitude to have a
       conference with any great hope of immediate success."

    {465}

       As between China and Great Britain there is an opium problem
       which does not affect other parties. An important part of
       British Indian revenue is derived from the opium trade, and
       the Government of India can hardly be expected to throw it
       carelessly away, not knowing with certainty that it will not
       be picked up as gain for somebody else. In 1906, when China
       opened her campaign against opium, she entered into an
       agreement with England that her own production of opium should
       be reduced to extinction within ten years, and that the
       importation from India (under former commercial treaties),
       then amounting to 51,000 chests annually, should be reduced at
       the rate of 5100 chests per year. It seems to have been the
       lack of definite evidence as to the effective fulfilment of
       this agreement which made the British attitude at Shanghai a
       halting one.

       The United States Government has not suffered the movement
       against opium to rest where it was left by the Shanghai
       Commission, but has asked the governments represented in that
       Commission to send delegates to a formal International
       Conference at The Hague.

    OPIUM PROBLEM:
       The Philippine Islands, taking Instruction from the Japanese
       in Formosa.

       A committee appointed by the Philippine Commission, to
       investigate methods of dealing with the sale and use of opium,
       included an American army officer, Major Carter, a Filipino
       physician, Dr. Albert, and the missionary bishop of the
       Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Brent. The following is
       from a summary of the committee’s report, published in The
       Outlook of March 4, 1905:

       "Although the Committee visited and studied Java, Cochin
       China, the Straits Settlements, and various places in China,
       including Hong-kong, it really found the solution of the
       question in the Japanese administration of Formosa. …

       "It is not surprising that the Committee recommend what is
       practically an adaptation of the Formosan system for the
       Philippines. For the maintenance of this system it is
       indispensable that the ‘opium and the traffic therein be made
       a strict Government monopoly immediately.’ That is the first
       provision. ‘Second, prohibition, except for medicinal
       purposes, after three years. Third, only licensees, who shall
       be males and over twenty-one years of age, shall be allowed to
       use opium until prohibition goes into effect. Fourth, all
       venders or dispensers of opium, except for medical purposes,
       shall be salaried officials of the Government. Fifth, every
       effort shall be made
       (a) to deter the young from contracting the habit by pointing
       out its evil effects and by legislation,
       (b) to aid in caring for and curing those who manifest a
       desire to give up the habit, and
       (c) to punish and, if necessary, to remove from the islands
       incorrigible offenders.’"

    OPIUM PROBLEM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.
       Act to Prohibit the Importation and Smoking of Opium.

       A stringent Act prohibitory of the importation and use of
       opium for any other than medicinal purposes passed the Senate
       of the United States on the 2d of February, 1909, having
       already been adopted by the other House. Smoking opium is
       positively forbidden; no one can bring it into the country
       without facing a fine of from fifty to five thousand dollars
       and imprisonment for two years; the mere possession of opium,
       a preparation of, or derivative therefrom, is to be deemed
       sufficient evidence to authorize conviction. For medicinal
       purposes, opium may be brought in under regulations prescribed
       by the Secretary of the Treasury.

    OPSONINS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

    ORANGE FREE STATE:
       End of the Republic.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    ORDER OF RAILWAY CONDUCTORS.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

    ORGANIC STATUTES, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ORMANIAN:
       Armenian Patriarch.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

    OSAKA, The Burning of.

       A large part of the city of Osaka, in Japan, was destroyed by
       fire in August, 1909. "Had it not been for the canals the
       region of destruction would have been even more extensive.
       Citizens by the thousand fled into the surrounding country,
       leaving the city to its fate. By the time the flames had spent
       their force more than 12,000 houses had gone up in smoke,
       leaving more than 100,000 people homeless. Most of the
       municipal, government, and other important buildings of the
       city were destroyed. Great numbers of people are ruined, as
       the Japanese carry no insurance, as a rule. The amount of
       insurance involved, however, is about 5,000,000 yen.
       Fortunately, the number of casualties was not great. About a
       dozen were killed by falling timbers, and several were more or
       less injured."

    OSCAR II., King of Sweden and Norway:
       Surrender of the Crown of Norway.

          See (in this Volume)
          NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

    OSMEÑA, SERGIO:
       President of the Philippine Assembly.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    OSTWALD, W.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES (CHEMISTRY)

    OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
       Rhodes Scholarships.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

    OXFORD UNIVERSITY:
       Tutorial Classes organized for Working People.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

    P.

    PACKING-HOUSE INVESTIGATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: UNITED STATES.

    PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:
       President of Cuba.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902 and 1902.

    PALMA, TOMAS ESTRADA:
       Resignation of the Presidency of Cuba.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    PAN-AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.

    PAN-ANGLICAN CONGRESS, 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

    PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1903.
       Secession from Colombia.
       Recognized Independence.
       Treaty with the United States for the Building
       of the Panama Canal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL.

    PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1904.
       Constitution of the Republic.
       First Election.

       The Constitution of the new Republic was promulgated on the
       16th of February, 1904, and the election of President and
       three Vice-Presidents took place, resulting in the choice of
       the following:
          President, Dr. Manuel Amador;
          first vice-president, Dr. Pablo Arosemena;
          second vice-president, Don Domingo de Obaldia;
          third vice-president, Dr. Carlos Mendoza.

    {466}

       The third article of the Constitution declares: "The territory
       of the Republic is composed of all the territory from which
       the State of Panama was formed by the amendment to the Granada
       constitution of 1853, on February 27, 1855, and which was
       transformed in 1886 into the Department of Panama, together
       with its islands, and of the continental and insular
       territory, which was adjudged to the Republic of Colombia in
       the award made by the President of the French Republic on
       September 11, 1900. The territory of the Republic remains
       subject to the jurisdictional limitations stipulated or which
       may be stipulated in public treaties concluded with the United
       States of North America for the construction, maintenance, or
       sanitation of any means of interoceanic transit.

       "The boundaries with the Republic of Colombia shall be
       determined by public treaties."

    PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.
       Visit of President Roosevelt.

       "For the first time in the history of the United States," said
       President Roosevelt, when he landed at Colon, November 14,
       1906, preliminary to a visit and inspection of the Panama
       Canal, "it has become advisable for a President of the United
       States to step on territory not beneath the flag of the United
       States." He received a most hospitable welcome and
       entertainment in the young republic.

    PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1906.
       Participation in Third International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PANAMA, REPUBLIC OF: A. D. 1909.
       Pending Tripartite Treaty with Colombia and the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1906-1909.

    PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.
       The Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States
       and Great Britain.
       Its Ratification.

       After the rejection by the British Government of the
       Amendments made by the Senate of the United States to the
       Interoceanic Canal Treaty negotiated in February, 1900, by Mr.
       John Hay, United States Secretary of State, with the British
       Ambassador at Washington, Lord Pauncefote negotiations on the
       subject were renewed, with results of success in removing
       objections on both sides.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

       The new Treaty was signed by Mr. Hay and Lord Pauncefote at
       Washington on the 18th of November, 1901, and ratifications
       were exchanged on the 21st of February, 1902. In the preamble
       of the Treaty its purpose is declared to be "to facilitate the
       construction of a ship-canal to connect the Atlantic and
       Pacific Oceans, by whatever route may be considered expedient,
       and to that end to remove any objection which may arise out of
       the Convention of the 19th April, 1850, commonly called the
       Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, to the construction of such canal under
       the auspices of the Government of the United States, without
       impairing the ‘general principle’ of neutralization
       established in Article VIII of that Convention." The
       agreements and stipulations to this end are as follows:

       "Article I.
       The High Contracting Parties agree that the present Treaty
       shall supersede the afore mentioned Convention of the 19th
       April, 1850.

       "Article II.
       It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the
       auspices of the Government of the United States, either
       directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to
       individuals or Corporations, or through subscription to or
       purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the
       provisions of the present Treaty, the said Government shall
       have and enjoy all the rights incident to such construction,
       as well as the exclusive right of providing for the regulation
       and management of the canal.

       "Article III.
       The United States adopts, as the basis of the neutralization
       of such ship canal, the following Rules, substantially as
       embodied in the Convention of Constantinople, signed the 28th
       October, 1888, for the free navigation of the Suez Canal, that
       is to say:

       "1. The canal shall be free and open to the vessels of
       commerce and of war of all nations observing these Rules, on
       terms of entire equality, so that there shall be no
       discrimination against any such nation, or its citizens or
       subjects, in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic,
       or otherwise. Such conditions and charges of traffic shall be
       just and equitable.

       "2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of
       war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within
       it. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to
       maintain such military police along the canal as may be
       necessary to protect it against lawlessness and disorder.

       "3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor
       take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly
       necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal
       shall be effected with the least possible delay in accordance
       with the Regulations in force, and with only such intermission
       as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes
       shall be in all respects subject to the same Rules as vessels
       of war of the belligerents.

       "4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions
       of war, or warlike materials in the canal, except in case of
       accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the
       transit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch.

       "5. The provisions of this Article shall apply to waters
       adjacent to the canal, within 3 marine miles of either end.
       Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such
       waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time, except
       in case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as
       possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not
       depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel
       of war of the other belligerent.

       "6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works
       necessary to the construction, maintenance, and operation of
       the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes
       of this Treaty, and in time of war, as in time of peace, shall
       enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by belligerents,
       and from acts calculated to impair their usefulness as part of
       the canal.

       "Article IV.
       It is agreed that no change of territorial sovereignty or of
       the international relations of the country or countries
       traversed by the before mentioned canal shall affect the
       genera principle of neutralization or the obligation of the
       High Contracting Parties under the present Treaty.

    {467}

       "Article V.
       The present Treaty shall be ratified by the President of the
       United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
       Senate thereof, and by His Britannic Majesty: and the
       ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London at
       the earliest possible time within six mouths from the date
       hereof."

          Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the
          United States, transmitted to Congress, December, 1902.

    PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1902.
       Undertaking of the United States endorsed by
       the Second Conference of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1903.
       Purchase of the Franchises and Property of the Bankrupt
       French Company.
       Treaty with Colombia for the Building of the Canal rejected
       by the Colombian Senate.
       Secession of Panama.
       Recognition of the Independence of Panama.
       Treaty with the new Republic for the Building and
       Control of the Canal.
       President Roosevelt’s narrative of events.

       The transactions that were preliminary to the undertaking of
       the construction of an interoceanic canal through the Isthmus
       of Panama, by the Government of the United States, are
       narrated down to March, 1901.

          See (in Volume VI. of this work)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

       At that time the proposed Nicaragua route was principally
       contemplated, for the reason that the rights in Panama held by
       the bankrupt French Company of Lesseps (see, in Volume IV.,
       PANAMA CANAL) seemed unobtainable, on any terms which the
       American Government could accept. A commission appointed by
       President McKinley to investigate the situation had reported
       to that effect in November, 1900, and had recommended the
       building of a canal on the Nicaragua route. The effect of this
       report, and of the manifest disposition of the American
       Congress to authorize the building of a Nicaragua ship canal,
       was to draw from the French company an offer of its Panama
       franchises and entire property for the sum of $40,000,000.
       After long debate this offer was accepted, and negotiations
       were opened with the Republic of Colombia for the necessary
       treaty rights. Meantime the Hay-Pauncefote treaty with Great
       Britain, which the American Senate had amended in a manner
       objectionable to the British Government, was modified to the
       satisfaction of the latter, and the enterprise was cleared of
       questions except those between Colombia and the United States.
       The next ensuing events can be told in the words of President
       Roosevelt’s report of them to Congress, in his Message at the
       opening of the session convened on the 7th of December, 1903:

       "By the act of June 28, 1902," wrote the President, "the
       Congress authorized the President to enter into treaty with
       Colombia for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of
       Panama; it being provided that in the event of failure to
       secure such treaty, after the lapse of a reasonable time,
       recourse should be had to the building of a canal through
       Nicaragua. It has not been necessary to consider this
       alternative, as I am enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty
       providing for the building of the canal across the Isthmus of
       Panama. This was the route which commended itself to the
       deliberate judgment of the Congress, and we can now acquire by
       Treaty the right to construct the canal over this route. The
       question now, therefore, is not by which route the isthmian
       canal shall be built, for that question has been definitely
       and irrevocably decided. The question is simply whether or not
       we shall have an isthmian canal.

       "When the Congress directed that we should take the Panama
       route under treaty with Colombia, the essence of the
       condition, of course, referred not to the Government which
       controlled that route, but to the route itself; to the
       territory across which the route lay, not to the name which
       for the moment the territory bore on the map. The purpose of
       the law was to authorize the President to make a treaty with
       the power in actual control of the Isthmus of Panama. This
       purpose has been fulfilled.

       "In the year 1846 this Government entered into a treaty with
       New Granada, the predecessor upon the Isthmus of the Republic
       of Colombia and of the present Republic of Panama, by which
       treaty it was provided that the Government and citizens of the
       United States should always have free and open right of way or
       transit across the Isthmus of Panama by any modes of
       communication that might be constructed, while in return our
       Government guaranteed the perfect neutrality of the
       above-mentioned Isthmus with the view that the free transit
       from the one to the other sea might not be interrupted or
       embarrassed. The treaty vested in the United States a
       substantial property right carved out of the rights of
       sovereignty and property which New Granada then had and
       possessed over the said territory. The name of New Granada has
       passed away and its territory has been divided. Its successor,
       the Government of Colombia, has ceased to own any property in
       the Isthmus. A new Republic, that of Panama, which was at one
       time a sovereign state, and at another time a mere department
       of the successive confederations known as New Granada and
       Colombia, has now succeeded to the rights which first one and
       then the other formerly exercised over the Isthmus. But as
       long as the Isthmus endures, the mere geographical fact of its
       existence, and the peculiar interest therein which is required
       by our position, perpetuate the solemn contract which binds
       the holders of the territory to respect our right to freedom
       of transit across it, and binds us in return to safeguard for
       the Isthmus and the world the exercise of that inestimable
       privilege. The true interpretation of the obligations upon
       which the United States entered in this treaty of 1846 has
       been given repeatedly in the utterances of Presidents and
       Secretaries of State. …

       "Attorney-General Speed, under date of November 7, 1865,
       advised Secretary Seward as follows: ‘From this treaty it can
       not be supposed that New Granada invited the United States
       to become a party to the intestine troubles of that
       Government, nor did the United States become bound to take
       sides in the domestic broils of New Granada. The United States
       did guarantee New Granada in the sovereignty and property over
       the territory. This was as against other and foreign
       governments.’

    {468}

       "For four hundred years, ever since shortly after the
       discovery of this hemisphere, the canal across the Isthmus has
       been planned. For two score years it has been worked at. When
       made it is to last for the ages. It is to alter the geography
       of a continent and the trade routes of the world. We have
       shown by every treaty we have negotiated or attempted to
       negotiate with the peoples in control of the Isthmus and with
       foreign nations in reference thereto our consistent good faith
       in observing our obligations; on the one hand to the peoples
       of the Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized world
       whose commercial rights we are safeguarding and guaranteeing
       by our action. We have done our duty to others in letter and
       in spirit, and we have shown the utmost forbearance in
       exacting our own rights.

       "Last spring, under the act above referred to, a treaty
       concluded between the representatives of the Republic of
       Colombia and of our Government was ratified by the Senate.
       This treaty was entered into at the urgent solicitation of the
       people of Colombia and after a body of experts appointed by
       our Government especially to go into the matter of the routes
       across the Isthmus had pronounced unanimously in favor of the
       Panama route. In drawing up this treaty every concession was
       made to the people and to the Government of Colombia. We were
       more than just in dealing with them. Our generosity was such
       as to make it a serious question whether we had not gone too
       far in their interest at the expense of our own; for in our
       scrupulous desire to pay all possible heed, not merely to the
       real but even to the fancied rights of our weaker neighbor,
       who already owed so much to our protection and forbearance, we
       yielded in all possible ways to her desires in drawing up the
       treaty. Nevertheless the Government of Colombia not merely
       repudiated the treaty, but repudiated it in such a manner as
       to make it evident by the time the Colombian Congress
       adjourned that not the scantiest hope remained of ever getting
       a satisfactory treaty from them. The Government of Colombia
       made the treaty, and yet when the Colombian Congress was
       called to ratify it the vote against ratification was
       unanimous. It does not appear that the Government made any
       real effort to secure ratification.

       "Immediately after the adjournment of the Congress a
       revolution broke out in Panama. The people of Panama had long
       been discontented with the Republic of Colombia, and they had
       been kept quiet only by the prospect of the conclusion of the
       treaty, which was to them a matter of vital concern. When it
       became evident that the treaty was hopelessly lost, the people
       of Panama rose literally as one man. Not a shot was fired by a
       single man on the Isthmus in the interest of the Colombian
       Government. Not a life was lost in the accomplishment of the
       revolution. The Colombian troops stationed on the Isthmus, who
       had long been unpaid, made common cause with the people of
       Panama, and with astonishing unanimity the new Republic was
       started. The duty of the United States in the premises was
       clear. In strict accordance with the principles laid down by
       Secretaries Cass and Seward … the United States gave notice
       that it would permit the landing of no expeditionary force,
       the arrival of which would mean chaos and destruction along
       the line of the railroad and of the proposed canal, and an
       interruption of transit as an inevitable consequence. The de
       facto Government of Panama was recognized in the following
       telegram to Mr. Ehrman:

       "‘The people of Panama have, by apparently unanimous movement,
       dissolved their political connection with the Republic of
       Colombia and resumed their independence. When you are
       satisfied that a de facto government, republican in form and
       without substantial opposition from its own people, has been
       established in the State of Panama, you will enter into
       relations with it as the responsible government of the
       territory and look to it for all due action to protect the
       persons and property of citizens of the United States and to
       keep open the isthmian transit, in accordance with the
       obligations of existing treaties governing the relations of
       the United States to that territory.’

       "The Government of Colombia was notified of our action by the
       following telegram to Mr. Beaupré:

       "‘The people of Panama having, by an apparently unanimous
       movement, dissolved their political connection with the
       Republic of Colombia and resumed their independence, and
       having adopted a Government of their own, republican in form,
       with which the Government of the United States of America has
       entered into relations, the President of the United States, in
       accordance with the ties of friendship which have so long and
       so happily existed between the respective nations, most
       earnestly commends to the Governments of Colombia and of
       Panama the peaceful and equitable settlement of all questions
       at issue between them. He holds that he is bound not merely by
       treaty obligations, but by the interests of civilization, to
       see that the peaceful traffic of the world across the Isthmus
       of Panama shall not longer be disturbed by a constant
       succession of unnecessary and wasteful civil wars.’

       "When these events happened, fifty-seven years had elapsed
       since the United States had entered into its treaty with New
       Granada. During that time the Governments of New Granada and
       of its successor, Colombia, have been in a constant state of
       flux.

       [The President then gives a list, by date, of 53 more or less
       serious disturbances of the public peace on the Isthmus which
       United States consuls had reported to the Government at
       Washington between May, 1850, and July, 1902. From this he
       proceeds:]

       "The above is only a partial list of the revolutions,
       rebellions, insurrections, riots, and other outbreaks that
       have occurred during the period in question; yet they number
       53 for the 57 years. It will be noted that one of them lasted
       for nearly three years before it was quelled; another for
       nearly a year. In short, the experience of over half a century
       has shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping order on
       the Isthmus. Only the active interference of the United States
       has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of
       sovereignty. Had it not been for the exercise by the United
       States of the police power in her interest, her connection
       with the Isthmus would have been sundered long ago. In 1856,
       in 1860, in 1873, in 1885, in 1901, and again in 1902, sailors
       and marines from United States war-ships were forced to land
       in order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect life and property,
       and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was kept open.
       In 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colombian
       Government asked that the United States Government would land
       troops to protect its interests and maintain order on the
       Isthmus. …

    {469}

       "The control, in the interest of the commerce and traffic of
       the whole civilized world, of the means of undisturbed transit
       across the Isthmus of Panama has become of transcendent
       importance to the United States. We have repeatedly exercised
       this control by intervening in the course of domestic
       dissension, and by protecting the territory from foreign
       invasion. In 1853 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian minister
       that we should not hesitate to maintain the neutrality of the
       Isthmus in the case of war between Peru and Colombia. In 1864
       Colombia, which has always been vigilant to avail itself of
       its privileges conferred by the treaty, expressed its
       expectation that in the event of war between Peru and Spain
       the United States would carry into effect the guaranty of
       neutrality. There have been few administrations of the State
       Department in which this treaty has not, either by the one
       side or the other, been used as a basis of more or less
       important demands. It was said by Mr. Fish in 1871 that the
       Department of State had reason to believe that an attack upon
       Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on several
       occasions, been averted by warning from this Government. In
       1886, when Colombia was under the menace of hostilities from
       Italy in the Cerruti case, Mr. Bayard expressed the serious
       concern that the United States could not but feel, that a
       European power should resort to force against a sister
       republic of this hemisphere, as to the sovereign and
       uninterrupted use of a part of whose territory we are
       guarantors under the solemn faith of a treaty.

       "The above recital of facts establishes beyond question:
       First, that the United States has for over half a century
       patiently and in good faith carried out its obligations under
       the treaty of 1846; second, that when for the first time it
       became possible for Colombia to do anything in requital of the
       services thus repeatedly rendered to it for fifty-seven years
       by the United States, the Colombian Government peremptorily
       and offensively refused thus to do its part, even though to do
       so would have been to its advantage and immeasurably to the
       advantage of the State of Panama, at that time under its
       jurisdiction; third, that throughout this period revolutions,
       riots, and factional disturbances of every kind have occurred
       one after the other in almost uninterrupted succession, some
       of them lasting for months and even for years, while the
       central government was unable to put them down or to make
       peace with the rebels; fourth, that these disturbances instead
       of showing any sign of abating have tended to grow more
       numerous and more serious in the immediate past; fifth, that
       the control of Colombia over the Isthmus of Panama could not
       be maintained without the armed intervention and assistance of
       the United States. In other words, the Government of Colombia,
       though wholly unable to maintain order on the Isthmus, has
       nevertheless declined to ratify a treaty the conclusion of
       which opened the only chance to secure its own stability and
       to guarantee permanent peace on, and the construction of a
       canal across the Isthmus.

       "Under such circumstances the Government of the United States
       would have been guilty of folly and weakness, amounting in
       their sum to a crime against the Nation, had it acted
       otherwise than it did when the revolution of November 3 last
       took place in Panama. This great enterprise of building the
       interoceanic canal can not be held up to gratify the whims, or
       out of respect to the governmental impotence, or to the even
       more sinister and evil political peculiarities, of people who,
       though they dwell afar off, yet, against the wish of the
       actual dwellers on the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy
       over the territory. The possession of a territory fraught with
       such peculiar capacities as the Isthmus in question carries
       with it obligations to mankind. The course of events has shown
       that this canal can not be built by private enterprise, or by
       any other nation than our own; therefore it must be built by
       the United States.

       "Every effort has been made by the Government of the United
       States to persuade Colombia to follow a course which was
       essentially not only to our interests and to the interests of
       the world, but to the interests of Colombia itself. These
       efforts have failed; and Colombia, by her persistence in
       repulsing the advances that have been made, has forced us, for
       the sake of our own honor, and of the interest and well-being,
       not merely of our own people, but of the people of the Isthmus
       of Panama and the people of the civilized countries of the
       world, to take decisive steps to bring to an end a condition
       of affairs which had become intolerable. The new Republic of
       Panama immediately offered to negotiate a treaty with us. This
       treaty I herewith submit. By it our interests are better
       safeguarded than in the treaty with Colombia which was
       ratified by the Senate at its last session. It is better in
       its terms than the treaties offered to us by the Republics of
       Nicaragua and Costa Rica. At last the right to begin this
       great undertaking is made available. Panama has done her part.
       All that remains is for the American Congress to do its part
       and forthwith this Republic will enter upon the execution of a
       project colossal in its size and of well-nigh incalculable
       possibilities for the good of this country and the nations of
       mankind.

       "By the provisions of the treaty the United States guarantees
       and will maintain the independence of the Republic of Panama.
       There is granted to the United States in perpetuity the use,
       occupation, and control of a strip ten miles wide and
       extending three nautical miles into the sea at either
       terminal, with all lands lying outside of the zone necessary
       for the construction of the canal or for its auxiliary works,
       and with the islands in the Bay of Panama. The cities of
       Panama and Colon are not embraced in the canal zone, but the
       United States assumes their sanitation and, in case of need,
       the maintenance of order therein; the United States enjoys
       within the granted limits all the rights, power, and authority
       which it would possess were it the sovereign of the territory
       to the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign rights by the
       Republic. All railway and canal property rights belonging to
       Panama and needed for the canal pass to the United States,
       including any property of the respective companies in the
       cities of Panama and Colon; the works, property, and personnel
       of the canal and railways are exempted from taxation as well
       in the cities of Panama and Colon as in the canal zone and its
       dependencies. Free immigration of the personnel and
       importation of supplies for the construction and operation of
       the canal are granted. Provision is made for the use of
       military force and the building of fortifications by the
       United States for the protection of the transit.
    {470}
       In other details, particularly as to the acquisition of the
       interests of the New Panama Canal Company and the Panama
       Railway by the United States and the condemnation of private
       property for the uses of the canal, the stipulations of the
       Hay-Herran treaty are closely followed, while the compensation
       to be given for these enlarged grants remains the same, being
       ten millions of dollars payable on exchange of ratifications;
       and, beginning nine years from that date, an annual payment of
       $250,000 during the life of the convention."

          President's Message,
          December 7, 1903.

       The text of the Treaty with Panama may be found in the Volume
       of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
       States" for 1904, pp. 543-551.

       In the view of a good many critics who are not of a captious
       disposition, the conduct of the Government of the United
       States in these transactions was not as unquestionable as it
       appeared to President Roosevelt. Professor Coolidge, of
       Harvard University, in his candid and broadly studied work on
       "The United States as a World Power" (prepared originally in
       the form of lectures delivered at the Sorbonne, in Paris),
       remarks that "to forbid the landing of Colombian troops was to
       stretch the meaning of the old American right to maintain
       order along the line of the railway to an extent hardly
       justifiable in dealing with a friendly nation, and the haste
       with which the administration at Washington recognized the
       independence of the new republic and concluded a treaty with
       it appeared to many people indecent. The truth was the
       Americans did not feel that they were dealing with a friendly
       nation."

    PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Beginning and Organization of the Work of Construction.

       "The treaty between the United States and the Republic of
       Panama, under which the construction of the Panama Canal was
       made possible, went into effect with its ratification by the
       United States Senate on February 23, 1904. The canal
       properties of the French Canal Company were transferred to the
       United States on April 23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to
       that company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission was
       reorganized, and it now consists of Theodore P. Shonts,
       chairman, Charles E. Magoon, Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear-Admiral
       Mordecai T. Endicott, Brigadier General Peter C. Hains, and
       Colonel Oswald H. Ernst. John F. Stevens was appointed chief
       engineer on July 1 last. Active work in canal construction,
       mainly preparatory, has been in progress for less than a year
       and a half. During that period two points about the canal have
       ceased to be open to debate. First, the question of route; the
       canal will be built on the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the
       question of feasibility; there are no physical obstacles on
       this route that American engineering skill will not be able to
       overcome without serious difficulty, or that will prevent the
       completion of the canal within a reasonable time and at a
       reasonable cost. This is virtually the unanimous testimony of
       the engineers who have investigated the matter for the
       Government. The point which remains unsettled is the question
       of type, whether the canal shall be one of several locks above
       sea level, or at sea level with a single tide lock. On this
       point I hope to lay before the Congress at an early day the
       findings of the Advisory Board of American and European
       Engineers, that at my invitation have been considering the
       subject, together with the report of the Commission thereon;
       and such comments thereon or recommendations in reference
       thereto as may seem necessary.

       "The American people is pledged to the speediest possible
       construction of a canal, adequate to meet the demands which
       the commerce of the world will make upon it, and I appeal most
       earnestly to the Congress to aid in the fulfillment of the
       pledge. Gratifying progress has been made during the past year
       and especially during the past four months. The greater part
       of the necessary preliminary work has been done. Actual work
       of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the
       Canal Zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work
       in. The isthmus had to be sanitated first.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: PANAMA CANAL.

       This task has been so thoroughly accomplished that yellow
       fever has been virtually extirpated from the Isthmus and
       general health conditions vastly improved. The same methods
       which converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, which
       menaced the health of the world, into a healthful place of
       abode, have been applied on the Isthmus with satisfactory
       results. There is no reason to doubt that when the plans for
       water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama and Colon and the
       large labor camps have been fully carried out, the Isthmus
       will be, for the Tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode.
       The work is so far advanced now that the health of all those
       employed in canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar
       work in this country and elsewhere.

       "In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satisfactory quarters
       are being provided for employees and an adequate system of
       supplying them with wholesome food at reasonable prices has
       been created. Hospitals have been established and equipped
       that are without superiors of their kind anywhere. The country
       has thus been made fit to work in, and provision has been made
       for the welfare and comfort of those who are to do the work.
       During the past year a large portion of the plant with which
       the work is to be done has been ordered. It is confidently
       believed that by the middle of the approaching year a
       sufficient proportion of this plant will have been installed
       to enable us to resume the work of excavation on a large
       scale."

          President's Message to Congress,
          December 5, 1905.

    PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Prosecution and progress of the work.

       Mr. John L. Stevens was in charge of the work on the Canal, as
       Chief Engineer, until April 1, 1907, when he resigned, and it
       was then determined by the Government to place it under the
       direction of an army engineer. The officer chosen for the
       service was Lieutenant-Colonel George W. Goethals, of the
       Engineer Corps, with Major Gaillard and Major Siebert as
       assistant engineers, and this arrangement has been justified
       amply by results. At the same time a final determination was
       arrived at, against the placing of any part of the work under
       contract; and this, too, has been approved by experience in
       the undertaking since. Shortly before the occurrence of these
       changes Mr. Shonts had resigned the chairmanship of the Canal
       Commission, to take the presidency of the Interborough Co. of
       New York, and Colonel Goethals became Chairman of the
       Commission as well as Chief Engineer.

    {471}

       In June, 1906, the original design of a sea-level canal
       throughout, with no locks, was dropped, after much
       consideration and under weighty engineering advice. As
       described very tersely and clearly by an English writer on the
       subject, the new plan for locks is worked out as follows:

       "Beginning at deep water in Limon Bay, on the Caribbean coast,
       there will be a tide-water channel 500 ft. wide and 6.70 miles
       long to Gatun. At Gatun there will be the vast dam, the ascent
       of which will be effected by means of two flights of locks. In
       each flight there will be three locks, each 1,000 ft. long,
       110 ft. wide, and 41.3 ft. deep on the sills. These will give
       access to a lake formed by the impounded waters of the Chagres
       river, with a surface level 85 ft. above mean tide level.
       Through this lake will extend a channel from 500 ft. to 1,000
       ft. wide for 23.59 miles to Bas Obispo, the entrance to the
       Culebra cut. Thence through that cut there will be a channel
       300 ft. wide for 8.11 miles to Pedro Miguel, the surface level
       being the same as that of the lake. At Pedro Miguel there will
       be a dam with twin locks, side by side, by which descent of 30
       ft. will be made to a smaller lake 55 ft. above tide-water.
       This lake, only 0.97 of a mile long, will be traversed by a
       channel 500 ft. wide to Miraflores, where there will be
       another dam, with twin flights of locks, two locks in each
       flight, bringing the canal down to tide level; and from
       Miraflores a channel 500 ft. wide will extend 8.31 miles to
       deep water in the Bay of Panama. The channel will nowhere,
       save on the lock sills, be less than 45 ft. deep, and the
       locks at Pedro Miguel and Miraflores will be of the same
       dimensions as those at Gatun."

       This altered plan received much persistent criticism,—so
       persistent that, in January, 1909, after the election of Mr.
       Taft to the Presidency of the United States, but before his
       assumption of the office, the President-elect, who, as
       Secretary of War, had been the responsible administrator of
       the undertaking, went to the Isthmus with a selected committee
       of engineers, who were asked to examine and report on the
       plans and methods of the work. Their reports, made in
       February, endorsed both. In communicating them to Congress the
       President characterized them as showing that "the only
       criticism that can be made of the work on the isthmus is that
       there has sometimes been almost an excess of caution in
       providing against possible trouble. As to the Gatun dam
       itself, they show that not only is the dam safe, but on the
       whole the plan already adopted would make it needlessly high
       and strong, and accordingly they recommend that the height be
       reduced by twenty feet, which change in the plans I have
       accordingly directed." Of the engineers who made the report he
       remarked that they "are of all the men in their profession,
       within or without the United States, the men who are on the
       whole best qualified to pass on these very questions which
       they examined." The membership of the committee or board was
       as follows: Frederic P. Stearns, James D. Schuyler, Arthur P.
       Davis, Isham Randolph, Henry D. Allen, John R. Freeman, and
       Allen Hazen.

       The engineers reported that "as the Gatun earth dam was the
       central point of discussion, they gave it under instructions
       from Mr. Taft first consideration in the light of all new
       evidences," and they added "that the type of dam under
       consideration is one which meets with our unanimous approval."
       Dams and locks, lock gates and all other engineering
       structures involved in the lock-canal project, are "feasible
       and safe," according to the engineers, "and can be depended
       upon to perform with certainty their respective functions."

       Considering the cost and time of construction of a sea-level
       canal as compared with the lock type, they held that "most of
       the factors which have operated to increase the cost of the
       lock canal would operate with similar effect to increase the
       cost of the sea-level canal, and at the present time there are
       additional factors of even greater importance to be considered
       as affecting the time of completion and cost of a sea-level
       canal." One of these they found in the Gamboa dam. If work on
       this were to be started as soon as possible, they asserted it
       "could not be completed until after the time required for the
       completion of the lock-canal." Further than this, they said
       that "a change in the type would result in abandoning work
       which represents large expenditure." They claimed that by the
       change the river Chagres and the rivers on the Isthmus
       tributary thereto, "instead of being allies, would be enemies
       of the canal, and floods in them would greatly interfere with
       the work."

       Replying to the criticism that "the canal region is liable to
       earthquake shocks, and that a sea-level canal would be less
       subject to injury by earthquakes than a lock canal," they
       asserted that "dams and locks are structures of great
       stability and little subject to damage by earthquake shocks,"
       but that even if they could regard earthquakes as a source of
       serious damage to any type of canal on the Isthmus, "their
       effect upon the dams, locks and regulating works proposed for
       the sea-level canal would be much the same as upon similar
       structures of the lock canal."

       Finally, they said: " We see no reason why the canal should
       not be completed, as estimated by the chief engineer, by
       January 1, 1915; in fact, it seems that a somewhat earlier
       date is probable, if all goes well."

    PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1909.
       Prohibition in the Canal Zone.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES OF SALOON SUPPRESSION.

    PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION.

          See (in this Volume)
          BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

    PAN-AMERICAN RAILWAY:
       Resolution of Third International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PANICS, Monetary, of 1903 and 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

    PAN ISLAMISM.

          See (in this Volume)
          SENUSSIA; also Egypt: A. D. 1905-1906.

    PANKHURST, MRS. EMELINE.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    PANLUNG, THE CAPTURE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    PAN-LUN-SHAN REDOUBT, CAPTURE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    {472}

       ----------PAPACY: Start--------

    PAPACY: A. D. 1902.
       Secession of the Independent Filipino Church.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (July-August).
       Death of Pope Leo XIII.
       Election of Pius X.

       The Papal seat became vacant by the death of Pope Leo XIII. on
       the 20th of July, 1903. The Conclave of Cardinals for the
       election of his successor assembled on the 31st of the month,
       and its choice of Cardinal Sarto, Patriarch of Venice, was
       made known on August 3d. The new Pope assumed the name of Pius
       X.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
       Papal Prohibition of Civil Interference with
       the Election of the Roman Pontiff.
       The Civil Veto, in all forms, denounced.

       In the first year of his pontificate, on the 20th of January,
       1904, Pope Pius X. pronounced the following denunciation and
       prohibition of every kind of intrusion of civil authority or
       influence in the election of a Roman pontiff: "When first, all
       unworthy as we are, we ascended this chair of Peter, we deemed
       it a most urgent duty of our apostolic office to provide that
       the life of the Church should manifest itself with absolute
       freedom, by the removal of all extraneous interference, as her
       divine Founder willed that it should manifest itself, and as
       her lofty mission imperatively requires.

       "Now if there is one function above all others in the life of
       the Church which demands this liberty it is certainly that
       which is concerned with the election of the Roman pontiff;
       for when the head is in question, the health not of one
       member alone but of the whole body is involved (Gregory
       XV. Constit. Aeterni Patris in proem).

       "To this full liberty in the election of the Supreme Pastor is
       opposed first of all that civil Veto which has been
       more than once brought forward by the rulers of some states,
       and by which it is sought to exclude somebody from the supreme
       pontificate. If this has happened sometimes, it has never been
       approved by the apostolic see. On the contrary the Roman
       pontiffs, in their enactments on the conclave, have been in
       nothing perhaps more emphatic or more earnest than in their
       efforts to exclude the interference of all extraneous powers
       from the sacred senate of the Cardinals summoned to elect the
       pontiff. …

       "But, and experience has shown it, the measures hitherto taken
       for preventing the civil Veto, or Exclusive,
       have not served their purpose, and on account of the changed
       circumstances of the times the intrusion of the civil power in
       our day is more clearly than ever before destitute of all
       foundation in reason or equity, therefore we, by virtue of the
       apostolic charge entrusted to us, and following in the
       footsteps of our predecessors, after having maturely
       deliberated, with certain knowledge and by our own motion, do
       absolutely condemn the civil Veto, or Exclusive
       as it is also called, even when expressed under the form of a
       mere desire, and all interventions and intercessions
       whatsoever, decreeing that it is not lawful for anybody, not
       even the supreme rulers of states, under any pretext, to
       interpose or interfere in the grave matter of the election of
       the Roman pontiff.

       "Wherefore, in virtue of holy obedience, under threat of
       divine judgment and pain of excommunication latae
       sententiae reserved in a special manner to the future
       pontiff, we prohibit all and single the Cardinals of holy
       Roman Church, and likewise the secretary of the Sacred College
       of Cardinals and all others who take part in the conclave to
       receive, even under the form of a simple desire, the office of
       proposing the Veto or Exclusive, or to make
       known this Veto in whatever manner it may have come to
       their knowledge, to the Sacred College of Cardinals either
       taken as a whole or to the individual fathers Cardinals,
       either by writing, by word of mouth, whether directly and
       proximately, or indirectly and through others. And it is our
       will that this prohibition be extended to all the
       interventions above mentioned, and to all other intercessions
       whatsoever, by which the lay powers, of whatsoever grade and
       order, endeavor to intrude themselves in the election of the
       pontiff.

       "Finally we vehemently exhort, in the same words as those used
       by our predecessors, that in the election of the pontiff,
       they pay no attention whatever to the appeals of secular
       princes or other worldly considerations … but solely with
       the glory of God and the good of the Church before their eyes,
       give their votes to him whom they judge in the Lord better
       fitted than the others to rule the Universal Church fruitfully
       and usefully. It is our will also that these our letters,
       together with the other constitutions of the same kind, be
       read in the presence of all in the first of the congregations
       wont to be held after the death of the pontiff; again after
       entrance into the conclave; also when anybody is raised to the
       dignity of the purple, with the addition of an oath binding to
       the religious observance of what is decreed in the present
       constitution."

    PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
       Amenities between the Vatican and the Quirinal.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1904.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1904.
       Increased Participation of Catholics in the Italian Elections.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    PAPACY: A. D. 1905.
       Relaxation of the Withdrawal of Italian Catholics from
       Political Action.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906 .

    PAPACY: A. D. 1905-1906.
       The Separation of Church and State in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
       Anti-Clerical Movement in Spain.
       Proposed Associations Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (February).
       Encyclical "Vehementer Nos," to the Prelates, Clergy, and
       People of France, concerning the Separation Law.

       The following are passages from the Encyclical known, from its
       opening words in the Latin text as "Vehementer Nos," which
       Pope Pius X. addressed to the French nation on the 19th of
       February, 1906, after the adoption of the Law separating the
       Church from the State:

       "To the Archbishops, Bishops, Clergy and People of France. …
       Venerable Brethren, Well-Beloved Sons, Health and Apostolic
       Benediction.

    {473}

       "Our soul is full of sorrowful solicitude and our heart
       overflows with grief when our thoughts dwell upon you. How,
       indeed, could it be otherwise, immediately after the
       promulgation of that law which, by sundering violently the old
       ties that linked your nation with the Apostolic See, creates
       for the Catholic Church in France a situation unworthy of her
       and ever to be lamented? That is, beyond question, an event of
       the gravest import, and one that must be deplored by all
       right-minded men, for it is as disastrous to society as it is
       to religion; but it is an event which can have surprised
       nobody who has paid any attention to the religious policy
       followed in France of late years. For you, Venerable Brethren,
       it will certainly have been nothing new or strange, witnesses
       as you have been of the many dreadful blows aimed from time to
       time at religion by the public authority. You have seen the
       sanctity and inviolability of Christian marriage outraged by
       legislative acts in formal contradiction with them; the
       schools and hospitals laicised; clerics torn from their
       studies and from ecclesiastical discipline to be subjected to
       military service; the religious congregations dispersed and
       despoiled, and their members for the most part reduced to the
       last stage of destitution. Other legal measures which you all
       know have followed—the law ordaining public prayers at the
       beginning of each Parliamentary session and of the assizes has
       been abolished; the signs of mourning traditionally observed
       on board the ships on Good Friday suppressed; the religious
       character effaced from the judicial oath; all actions and
       emblems serving in any way to recall the idea of religion
       banished from the courts, the schools, the army, the navy,
       and, in a word, from all public establishments. These measures
       and others still which, one after another, really separated
       the Church from the State, were but so many steps designedly
       made to arrive at complete and official separation, as the
       authors of them have publicly and frequently admitted.

       "On the other hand, the Holy See has spared absolutely no
       means to avert this great calamity. While it was untiring in
       warning those who were at the head of affairs in France, and
       in conjuring them over and over again to weigh well the
       immensity of the evils that would infallibly result from their
       separatist policy, it at the same time lavished upon France
       the most striking proofs of indulgent affection. It had then
       reason to hope that gratitude would have stayed those
       politicians on their downward path, and brought them at last
       to relinquish their designs. But all has been in vain—the
       attentions, good offices and efforts of our predecessor and
       ourself. The enemies of religion have succeeded at last in
       effecting by violence what they have long desired, in defiance
       of your rights as a Catholic nation and of the wishes of all
       who think rightly. …

       "That the State must be separated from the Church is a thesis
       absolutely false, a most pernicious error. Based, as it is, on
       the principle that the State must not recognize any religious
       cult, it is in the first place guilty of a great injustice to
       God; for the Creator of man is also the founder of human
       societies, and preserves their existence as He preserves our
       own. We owe Him, therefore, not only a private cult, but a
       public and social worship to honor Him. Besides, it is an
       obvious negation of the supernatural order. It limits the
       action of the State to the pursuit of public prosperity during
       this life only, which is but the proximate object of political
       societies; and it occupies itself in no fashion (on the plea
       that this is foreign to it) with their ultimate object, which
       is man’s eternal happiness after this short life shall have
       run its course. …

       "When the State broke the bonds of the Concordat and separated
       itself from the Church it ought, as a natural consequence, to
       have left her her independence and allowed her to enjoy
       peacefully that liberty granted by the common law which it
       pretended to assign to her. Nothing of the kind has been done.
       We recognize in the law many exceptional and odiously
       restrictive provisions, the effect of which is to place the
       Church under the domination of the civil power. …

       "With the existence of the association of worship, the Law of
       Separation hinders the pastors from exercising the plenitude
       of their authority and of their office over the faithful, when
       it attributes to the Council of State supreme jurisdiction
       over these associations and submits them to a whole series of
       prescriptions not contained in common law, rendering their
       formation difficult and their continued existence more
       difficult still; when, after proclaiming the liberty of public
       worship, it proceeds to restrict its exercise by numerous
       exceptions; when it despoils the Church of the internal
       regulation of the churches in order to invest the State with
       this function; when it thwarts the preaching of Catholic faith
       and morals and sets up a severe and exceptional penal code for
       clerics—when it sanctions all these provisions and many others
       of the same kind in which wide scope is left to arbitrary
       ruling, does it not place the Church in a position of
       humiliating subjection and, under the pretext of protecting
       public order, deprive peaceable citizens, who still constitute
       the vast majority in France, of the sacred right of practising
       their religion? …

       "In addition to the wrongs and injuries to which we have so
       far referred, the Law of Separation also violates and tramples
       under foot the rights of property of the Church. In defiance
       of all justice, it despoils the Church of a great portion of a
       patrimony which belongs to her by titles as numerous as they
       are sacred; it suppresses and annuls all the pious foundations
       consecrated, with perfect legality, to divine worship and to
       suffrages for the dead. The resources furnished by Catholic
       liberality for the maintenance of Catholic schools, and the
       working of various charitable associations connected with
       religion, have been transferred to lay associations in which
       it would be idle to seek for a vestige of religion. In this it
       violates not only the rights of the Church, but the formal and
       explicit purpose of the donors and testators. It is also a
       subject of keen grief to us that the law, in contempt of all
       right, proclaims as property of the State, departments or
       communes, the ecclesiastical edifices dating from before the
       Concordat. True, the law concedes the gratuitous use of them
       for an indefinite period, to the associations of worship, but
       it surrounds the concession with so many and so serious
       reserves that in reality it leaves to the public powers the
       full disposition of them. Moreover, we entertain the gravest
       fears for the sanctity of those temples, the august refuges of
       the Divine Majesty and endeared by a thousand memories to the
       piety of the French people. …

    {474}

       "Hence, mindful of our Apostolic charge and conscious of the
       imperious duty incumbent upon us of defending and preserving
       against all assaults the full and absolute integrity of the
       sacred and inviolable rights of the Church, we do, by virtue
       of the supreme authority which God has confided to us, and on
       the grounds above set forth, reprove and condemn the law voted
       in France for the separation of Church and State as deeply
       unjust to God, whom it denies, and as laying down the
       principle that the Republic recognizes no cult. We reprove and
       condemn it as violating the natural law, the law of nations,
       and fidelity to treaties; as contrary to the Divine
       constitution of the Church, to her essential rights and to her
       liberty; as destroying justice and trampling under foot the
       rights of property which the Church has acquired by many
       titles, and, in addition, by virtue of the Concordat. We
       reprove and condemn it as gravely offensive to the dignity of
       this Apostolic See, to our own person, to the Episcopacy and
       to the clergy and all the Catholics of France. Therefore, we
       protest solemnly and with all our strength against the
       introduction, the voting and the promulgation of this law,
       declaring that it can never be alleged against the
       imprescriptible rights of the Church."

          Pope Pius X.,
          Encyclical Letter
          (American Catholic Quarterly Review, April, 1906).

    PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
       Commands forbidding French Catholics to conform to the
       Separation Law or the Associations Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1906.
       Pacific Relations between State and Church in Mexico.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1906.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (March).
       Declaration of the new French Ministry on
       the Church Separation Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    PAPACY: A. D. 1906-1907.
       The Separation of Church and State in France.
       Further Measures and Proceedings.
       The Encyclical Gravissimo.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906-1907.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1907.
       Effects of the Separation Law in France.
       The Catholics lose all Legal Organization.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1907.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1907 (September).
       Mandates of the Encyclical on Modernism.

       The following passages contain the essential mandates of the
       Encyclical on Modernism, issued on the 8th of September, 1907:

       "The office divinely committed to us of feeding the Lord’s
       flock has especially this duty assigned to it by Christ,
       namely, to guard with the greatest vigilance the deposit of
       the faith delivered to the saints, rejecting the profane
       novelties of words and oppositions of knowledge falsely so
       called. There has never been a time when this watchfulness of
       the supreme pastor was not necessary to the Catholic body;
       for, owing to the efforts of the enemy of the human race,
       there have never been lacking ‘men speaking perverse things’
       (Acts xx., 30), ‘vain talkers and seducers’ (Tit. i., 10),
       ‘erring and driving into error’ (II. Tim. iii., 13). Still, it
       must be confessed that the number of the enemies of the
       cross of Christ has in these last days increased exceedingly,
       who are striving, by arts entirely new and full of subtlety,
       to destroy the vital energy of the Church, and, if they can,
       to overthrow utterly Christ’s kingdom itself. Wherefore we may
       no longer be silent, lest we should seem to fail in our most
       sacred duty, and lest the kindness that, in the hope of wiser
       counsels, we have hitherto shown them should be attributed to
       forgetfulness of our office.

       "That we may make no delay in this matter is rendered
       necessary especially by the fact that the partisans of error
       are to be sought not only among the Church’s open enemies;
       they lie hid, a thing to be deeply deplored and feared, in her
       very bosom and heart, and are the more mischievous the less
       conspicuously they appear. We allude, venerable brethren, to
       many who belong to the Catholic laity, nay, and this is far
       more lamentable, to the ranks of the priesthood itself, who,
       feigning a love for the Church, lacking the firm protection of
       philosophy and theology, nay, more, thoroughly imbued with the
       poisonous doctrines taught by the enemies of the Church, and
       lost to all sense of modesty, vaunt themselves as reformers, …
       not sparing even the person of the Divine Redeemer, whom, with
       sacrilegious daring, they reduce to a simple, mere man.

       "Though they express astonishment themselves, no one can
       justly be surprised that we number such men among the enemies
       of the Church, if, leaving out of consideration the internal
       disposition of soul, of which God alone is the judge, he is
       acquainted with their tenets, their manner of speech, their
       conduct. Nor, indeed, will He err in accounting them the most
       pernicious of all the adversaries of the Church. For, as we
       have said, they put their designs for her ruin into operation
       not from without, but from within; hence the danger is present
       almost in the very veins and heart of the Church, whose injury
       is the more certain, the more intimate is their knowledge of
       her. Moreover, they lay the axe not to the branches and
       shoots, but to the very root; that is, to the faith and its
       deepest fibres. And having struck at this root of immortality,
       they proceed to disseminate poison through the whole tree, so
       that there is no part of Catholic truth from which they hold
       their hand, none that they do not strive to corrupt. Further,
       none is more skilful, none more astute than they in the
       employment of a thousand noxious arts; for they double the
       parts of rationalist and Catholic, and this so craftily that
       they easily lead the unwary into error; and since audacity is
       their chief characteristic, there is no conclusion of any kind
       from which they shrink or which they do not thrust forward
       with pertinacity and assurance. To this must be added the
       fact, which indeed is well calculated to deceive souls, that
       they lead a life of the greatest activity of assiduous and
       ardent application to every branch of learning, and that they
       possess, as a rule, a reputation for the strictest morality.
       Finally, and this almost destroys all hope of cure, their very
       doctrines have given such a bent to their minds that they
       disdain all authority and brook no restraint; and, relying
       upon a false conscience, they attempt to ascribe to a love of
       truth that which is in reality the result of pride and
       obstinacy.

    {475}

       "Once, indeed, we had hopes of recalling them to a better
       sense, and to this end we first of all showed them kindness as
       our children, then we treated them with severity, and at last
       we have had recourse, though with great reluctance, to public
       reproof. But, you know, venerable brethren, how fruitless has
       been our action. They bowed their head for a moment, but it
       was soon uplifted more arrogantly than ever. If it were a
       matter which concerned them alone, we might perhaps have
       overlooked it; but the security of the Catholic name is at
       stake. Wherefore, as to maintain it longer would be a crime,
       we must now break silence, in order to expose before the whole
       Church in their true colors those men who have assumed this
       bad disguise.

       "But since the modernists (as they are commonly and rightly
       called) employ a very clever artifice, namely, to present
       their doctrines without order and systematic arrangement into
       one whole, scattered and disjointed one from another, so as to
       appear to be in doubt and uncertainty, while they are in
       reality firm and steadfast, it will be of advantage, venerable
       brethren, to bring their teachings together here into one
       group, and to point out the connection between them, and thus
       to pass to an examination of the sources of the errors and to
       prescribe remedies for averting the evil. …

       "Against this host of grave errors, and its secret and open
       advance, our predecessor, Leo XIII., of happy memory, worked
       strenuously, especially as regards the Bible, both in his
       words and his acts. But, as we have seen, the modernists are
       not easily deterred by such weapons; with an affectation of
       submission and respect they proceeded to twist the words of
       the Pontiff to their own sense, and his acts they described as
       directed against others than themselves. And the evil has gone
       on increasing from day to day. We therefore, venerable
       brethren, have determined to adopt at once the most
       efficacious measure in our power, and we beg and conjure you
       to see to it that in this most grave matter nobody will ever
       be able to say that you have been in the slightest degree
       wanting in vigilance, zeal or firmness. And what we ask of you
       and expect of you we ask and expect also of all other pastors
       of souls, of all educators and professors of clerics, and in a
       very special way of the superiors of religious institutions.

       "I.
       In the first place, with regard to studies, we will and ordain
       that scholastic philosophy be made the basis of the sacred
       sciences, it goes without saying that if anything is met with
       among the scholastic doctors which may be regarded as an
       excess of subtlety, or which is altogether destitute of
       probability, we have no desire whatever to propose it for the
       imitation of present generations (Leo XIII. Enc. ‘Aeterni
       Patris’). And let it be clearly understood above all things
       that the scholastic philosophy we prescribe is that which the
       Angelic Doctor has bequeathed to us, and we, therefore,
       declare that all the ordinances of our predecessor on this
       subject continue fully in force, and, as far as may be
       necessary, we do decree anew and confirm and ordain that they
       be by all strictly observed. In seminaries where they may have
       been neglected let the Bishops impose them and require their
       observance, and let this apply also to the superiors of
       religious institutions. Further, let professors remember that
       they cannot set St. Thomas aside, especially in metaphysical
       questions, without grave detriment.

       "On this philosophical foundation the theological edifice is
       to be solidly raised. Promote the study of theology, venerable
       brethren, by all means in your power, so that your clerics on
       leaving the seminaries may admire and love it, and always find
       their delight in it. For in the vast and varied abundance of
       studies opening before the mind desirous of truth everybody
       knows how the old maxim describes theology as so far in front
       of all others that every science and art should serve it and
       be to it as handmaidens. …

       "With regard to profane studies, suffice it to recall here
       what our predecessor has admirably said: ‘Apply yourselves
       energetically to the study of natural sciences: the brilliant
       discoveries and the bold and useful applications of them made
       in our times, which have won such applause by our
       contemporaries, will be an object of perpetual praise for
       those that come after us’ (Leo XIII. Alloc., March 7, 1880).
       But this do without interference with sacred studies, as our
       predecessor in these most grave words prescribed: ‘If you
       carefully search for the cause of these errors, you will find
       that it lies in the fact that in these days, when the natural
       sciences absorb so much study, the more severe and lofty
       studies have been proportionately neglected; some of them have
       almost passed into oblivion, some of them are pursued in a
       half-hearted or superficial way, and, sad to say, now that
       they are fallen from their old estate, they have been
       disfigured by perverse doctrines and monstrous errors (loco
       cit.). We ordain, therefore, that the study of natural
       science in the seminaries be carried on under this law.’

       "II.
       All these prescriptions and those of our predecessor are to be
       borne in mind whenever there is question of choosing directors
       and professors for seminaries and Catholic Universities.
       Anybody who in any way is found to be imbued with modernism is
       to be excluded without compunction from these offices, and
       those who already occupy them are to be withdrawn. The same
       policy is to be adopted towards those who favor modernism,
       either by extolling the modernists, or excusing their culpable
       conduct, by criticizing scholasticism, the Holy Father, or by
       refusing obedience to ecclesiastical authority in any of its
       depositories; and towards those who show a love of novelty in
       history, archaeology, Biblical exegesis, and finally towards
       those who neglect the sacred sciences or appear to prefer them
       to the profane. In all this question of studies, venerable
       brethren, you cannot be too watchful or too constant, but most
       of all in the choice of professors, for as a rule the students
       are modeled after the pattern of their masters. Strong in the
       consciousness of your duty, act always prudently, but
       vigorously.

       "Equal diligence and severity are to be used in examining and
       selecting candidates for holy orders. Far, far from the clergy
       be the love of novelty. God hates the proud and the obstinate.
       For the future the doctorate of theology and canon law must
       never be conferred on anybody who has not made the regular
       course of scholastic philosophy, if conferred, it shall be
       held as null and void. The rules laid down in 1896 by the
       Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars for the clerics,
       both secular and regular, of Italy, concerning the frequenting
       of the universities, we now decree to be extended to all
       nations. Clerics and priests inscribed in a Catholic institute
       or university must not in the future follow in civil
       universities those courses for which there are chairs in the
       Catholic institutes to which they belong. If this has been
       permitted anywhere in the past, we ordain that it be not
       allowed for the future. Let the Bishops who form the governing
       board of such Catholic institutes or universities watch with
       all care that these our commands be constantly observed.

    {476}

       "III.
       It is also the duty of the Bishops to prevent writings
       infected with modernism or favorable to it from being read
       when they have been published, and to hinder their publication
       when they have not. No book or paper or periodical of this
       kind must ever be permitted to seminarists or university
       students. The injury to them would be equal to that caused by
       immoral reading—nay, it would be greater, for such writings
       poison Christian life at its very fount. The same decision is
       to be taken concerning the writings of some Catholics, who,
       though not badly disposed themselves, but ill instructed in
       theological studies and imbued with modern philosophy, strive
       to make this harmonize with the faith, and, as they say, to
       turn it to the account of the faith. The name and reputation
       of these authors cause them to be read without suspicion, and
       they are, therefore, all the more dangerous in preparing the
       way for modernism.

       "To give you some more general directions, venerable brethren,
       in a matter of such moment, we bid you do everything in your
       power to drive out of your dioceses, even by solemn interdict,
       any pernicious books that may be in circulation there. …

       "IV.
       But it is not enough to hinder the reading and the sale of bad
       books: it is also necessary to prevent them from being
       printed. Hence, let the Bishops use the utmost severity in
       granting permission to print. Under the rules of the
       Constitution ‘Officiorum,’ many publications require the
       authorization of the ordinary, and in some dioceses it has
       been made the custom to have a suitable number of official
       censors for the examination of writings. We have the highest
       praise for this institution, and we not only exhort, but we
       order that it be extended to all dioceses."

          Pope Pius X.,
          The Doctrines of the Modernists
          (American Catholic Quarterly Review, October, 1907).

          See (in this Volume)
          TYRREL, FATHER GEORGE.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Revision of St. Jerome’s Latin Translation of the Bible,
       known as "the Vulgate."

       "In May, 1907, an announcement was made of the Pope's
       intention to revise the Latin Bible, and the work has already
       made such progress that the time has come to record not only
       the main lines upon which the revision is being carried out
       but also the actual completion of its preliminary
       preparations. … Pius X. … offered the honourable though costly
       and arduous task to the learned Order of the Benedictines, by
       whom it was accepted. A commission of revision was appointed,
       with Abbot Gasquet, the President of the English Benedictines,
       as its head, and the International College of the Order at San
       Anselmo in Rome was chosen as the headquarters of their work.
       It is here that Abbot Gasquet and his fellow-workers have
       already made a good start upon the vast labour which their
       Order has undertaken.

       "The object of the Commission, according to the Pope’s
       definite instructions, is to determine and restore as far as
       possible the original text of St. Jerome’s Latin translation
       made in the fourth century. How far St. Jerome’s translation
       represents the Hebrew or Greek is another question which may
       be the subject some day for future criticism and another
       commission. … Pius X. has made it clear to the Commission that
       he desires their work of revision to be conducted on the most
       modern and scientific lines, and that neither money nor labour
       should be spared to make it as thorough as possible. An
       exhaustive search will be made through all the libraries of
       Europe in the hope of finding hitherto unrecognized
       manuscripts of the Vulgate. Already there are 15 collaborators
       at work in different centres, collating the best-known and most
       important manuscripts with the Clementine text, while another
       commission, with its assistants, is making a thorough
       examination of the libraries and cathedral archives of Spain
       in search of fresh material. …

       "The method of work is as follows. For the purpose of
       collation copies of the Clementine text have been printed;
       each page being left blank for two-thirds of its surface, the
       text being printed on the remaining third with no capital
       letters, no stops, no word divided, so as to resemble
       manuscript as far as possible. When a reviser wishes to
       collate any manuscript he has only to correct this print like
       an ordinary proof-sheet and so reproduce every difference of
       the manuscript before him.

       "The printing of these copies of the Vulgate, which are to
       form the basis of the collations, with the preparation of the
       texts and correction of proofs—no light matter—has been the
       work of the first year. Three hundred and sixty copies have
       been printed in all, one hundred upon the best hand-made
       paper, two hundred upon ordinary book paper, and sixty upon
       thin paper for the purpose of postage abroad. The Pope himself
       has defrayed the rather heavy cost of this production. Besides
       the printing of this Bible considerable progress has been made
       during the past year with the preparation of a hand list of
       all the Latin Biblical MSS. in the libraries of Europe, which,
       when completed, will be of great use to the revisers. As the
       collators finish their work in the various libraries or
       archives where Biblical manuscripts are found, they send their
       annotated copies to San Anselmo, where they are bound up and
       added to a collection which, when complete, will form a vast
       library of all the different versions of the Bible. Seven
       important collations have already been made, and at the
       present rate of work the number of these Volumes will increase
       very rapidly."

          Rome Correspondence of the London Times,
          July 21, 1909.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
       The new Apostolic Constitution of the Curia.

       A change of far-reaching and great importance in the
       ecclesiastical constitution of the Roman Church was decreed by
       Pope Pius X. this year, by the promulgation of a new Apostolic
       Constitution of the Curia. It reorganized the numerous
       Congregations or departments of the Vatican Government which
       had exercised the judicial functions of the Curia for some
       generations past. The Pope now restores these functions to an
       ancient ecclesiastical court, the Rota, which had fallen out
       of use. The Rota is constituted as an international court,
       before which questions between priest and bishop, bishop and
       diocese, and the like, will have their hearing, and from which
    there is appeal to a tribunal of last resort, the Segnatura,
       composed of Cardinals alone.

    {477}

       The reorganization of the Congregation of the Propaganda by
       this new Constitution removes from that body the
       ecclesiastical jurisdiction it has exercised heretofore over
       the Church in Great Britain, Holland, the United States,
       Canada, and some other countries, thus taking them out of the
       Roman category of missionary lands.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1908.
       The situation of the Church in France.
       No Organization that can hold Property.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1908.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
       Increased Participation by Catholics in the Italian Elections.
       Their Gain of Seats in Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
       Church Movement of Agricultural Labor Organization.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1909.
       Demonstration against the Religious Orders in Portugal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (April).
       The Beatification of Joan of Arc.

       The ceremony of the Beatification of Joan of Arc was performed
       at St. Peter’s, in Rome, on the 18th of April, 1909.
       Proceedings which began about ten years before were brought by
       this ceremony to the end of their first stage, beyond which
       they must still be continued for possibly many years, before
       the Canonization of "the Maid" as a Saint becomes complete.
       The question of the Beatification had been under consideration
       in the Congregation of Rites for several years. The grounds on
       which that question is decided, in every case, were explained
       by The Catholic Union and Times, in connection with its
       account of the ceremony now referred to, as follows: The
       Congregation of Rites "may decide that the life of the person
       was a very worthy and very holy one, but they require much
       more than that. It must be proved to their satisfaction that
       ‘miracles’ have been performed. The Congregation of Rites
       requires evidence of not fewer than three miracles. In the
       case of ‘miraculous cures’ it must be shown that doctors have
       pronounced the cases hopeless, or that diseases have been
       cured which doctors call incurable. Usually the report
       contains particulars of a number of ‘miracles,’ from which the
       Congregation of Rites may make a selection. The three chosen
       among those attributed to Joan of Arc relate to the curing of
       nuns belonging to different communities, who are said to have
       obtained relief from their diseases by her intercession. One
       of these nuns had suffered for years from cancer and was on
       the point of death when, it was claimed, she was instantly
       cured by a prayer of Joan of Arc. When the Congregation of
       Rites has been satisfied as to the authenticity of three
       miracles they prepare their report, which is submitted to the
       Pope, who considers it. There is then a gathering at the
       Vatican, to which the public is admitted. Cardinals and
       bishops are present, and a lawyer of the papal court reads out
       the decision. After this, the ceremony of beatification
       generally takes place within a few months."

       In January, 1910, it was announced in Paris that the
       ecclesiastical process for the Canonization would begin on
       February 9.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1909 (May).
       Vote in British House of Commons for removal of remaining
       Catholic Disabilities.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D). 1909 (MAY).

       ----------PAPACY: End--------

    PAPER TRUST.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES:
          A. D. 1901-1906, and 1909.

    PARAGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International
       Conferences of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902.
       A nearly bloodless Revolution.
       Deposition of President Aceval.
       Elevation of the Vice-President.

       The following, translated from the Montevideo (Uruguay)
       Dia, of January 10, 1902, appears in the annual report
       of "Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the United
       States," 1902, as transmitted by the United States Minister to
       Uruguay, and is probably an authentic account of the
       revolution described:

       "Yesterday, at 10 o'clock in the morning, a revolutionary
       movement occurred in Asuncion del Paraguay, without bloodshed,
       without noise of arms, which immediately resulted in the
       imprisonment of the President of the Republic, Dr. Emilio
       Aceval, in the artillery barracks. A strange case—the chief
       magistrate of Paraguay has fallen, at least for the moment, on
       account of a revolution, inspired and carried into practice by
       two of his own ministers, Colonel Juan Antonio Escurra and
       Señor Fulgencio Moreno, who, although belonging to the same
       Colorado party as the President, differ in opinion at present,
       the former considering that a radical policy should be adopted
       against the liberals or civic accordists, Dr. Aceval not
       sharing this opinion, but being in favor of conciliatory
       measures, although this did not win for him the help of his
       traditional adversaries, who looked unfavorably on him, as is
       usually the way with those belonging to an opposite party."

       In his note transmitting Montevideo newspaper reports,
       Minister Finch wrote of the occurrence: "It was, as will be
       seen, a bloodless affair; but out of it grew a discussion in
       the Paraguay Congress which was followed by shooting, one
       person being killed and several wounded."

    PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.
       Successful Revolution.

       The beginning of a successful revolution was reported to
       Washington by the American Consul at Asuncion, in a despatch
       dated August 11, 1904, as follows: "I beg to confirm my
       telegram of to-day, stating that a revolution has broken out
       in this republic. … Revolutionary forces on the river and
       those of the Government have fought. … The Government forces
       were defeated, the Minister of the Interior, who led the
       forces, being taken prisoner. The state of siege as declared …
       places the entire country under military laws, and the
       Government, is amassing a large number of troops to suppress
       the revolution. It is impossible at present to say whether it
       will be of long or short duration. The revolutionary forces
       are proceeding up the river in boats, and the Government has
       placed or erected defenses along the river near the capital.

    {478}

       "Upon inquiries as to the cause of this revolution I am
       informed that the opposition to the Government is that the
       party in power is endeavoring to exclude entirely the liberal
       element from participation in the administration of affairs,
       assigning that said party, which is in power, which is
       denominated ‘Colorados,’ have not sufficient persons prepared
       for the administration of the Government. On the other hand,
       the ‘Colorados’ assign that the revolution is due to ambitious
       persons who form an opposition and are classed under the name
       ‘Azul,’ colorados meaning ‘reds’ and azul ‘blues.’"

       It was not until four months later that the Consul could
       announce the return of peace, secured by the triumph of the
       revolution. The president, Colonel Ezcurra, was compelled to
       resign, and Señor Juan Gauna was elected in his place; the
       army was reorganized; a general amnesty was proclaimed.

    PARDO, PRESIDENT JOSE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU.

    PARKER, Alton B.:
       Nominated for President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

    PARKER, Edward Wheeler:
       On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    PAROLE SYSTEM.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    PARSONS, CHARLES A.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TURBINE ENGINE.

    PARTIES:
       Agrarian Socialists.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Anti-Revolutionnaire.

          See (in this Volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Azul.

          See (in this Volume)
          PARAGUAY: A. D. 1904.

    PARTIES:
       Blues (Conservatives).

          See (in this Volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

    PARTIES:
       Boshin Club.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

    PARTIES:
       Cadets.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    PARTIES:
       Catholic Peoples’ Party.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

    PARTIES:
       Center, or Centrum.

          See
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

    PARTIES:
       Centro Catolico.

          SEE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    PARTIES:
       Christian Workmen.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Christlijk.

          See (in this Volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1905-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Civilistas.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU.

    PARTIES:
       Clerical.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903, and 1906;
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1904;
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Colorados.

          See (in this Volume)
          PARAGUAY: A. D. 1902, and 1904.

    PARTIES:
       Confederates.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).

    PARTIES:
       Conservatives.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906, and 1908-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Conservative-Unionist.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (April-December), and 1910.

    PARTIES:
       Continental.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
          AND 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Constitutional Democrats.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    PARTIES:
       Daido Club.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

    PARTIES:
       Democratas.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU.

    PARTIES:
       Democratic.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES; A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
          and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Democristiana.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

    PARTIES:
       Democratique and Gauche Democratique.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    PARTIES:
       Doshi-shukai.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

    PARTIES:
       Fabian Society.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

    PARTIES:
       Fedakiarans.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    PARTIES:
       Federal Party, Filipino.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901, and 1907.

    PARTIES:
       Free Traders.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

    PARTIES:
       Independents.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    PARTIES:
       Independent Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    PARTIES:
       Independistas.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    PARTIES:
       Inmediatistas.

          See (in this Volume)
          Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907.

    PARTIES:
       Intransigentes.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    PARTIES:
       Kossuth Party, or Independence Party.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

    PARTIES:
       Labor Party.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904, and after;
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1903, and 1905-1906; also
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

    PARTIES:
       League of Liberation.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    PARTIES:
       Liberal-Conservative Separatist.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904.

    PARTIES:
       Liberals.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after;
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER), and 1910;
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).

    PARTIES:
       Miguelistas.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Moderates.

          See (in this Volume)
          LONDON: A. D. 1909 (March);
          DENMARK: A. D. 1901, and
          CUBA: A. D. 1906, and after.

    PARTIES:
       Moderate Republicans.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

    PARTIES:
       Nacionalistas.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    PARTIES:
       National Liberty.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).

    PARTIES:
       Nationalists.

          See (in this Volume)
          France: A. D. 1906.

    PARTIES:
       Octobrists.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    PARTIES:
       Old Finns.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Peoples, or Populist.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Progresistas.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907,
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Progressists.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906;
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

    PARTIES:
       Progressives.

          See (in this Volume)
          LONDON: A. D. 1909 (MARCH);
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    PARTIES:
       Prohibition.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
          and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Protectionists.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A.D. 1903-1904, and after.

    PARTIES:
       Radicals and Radical Socialists.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    PARTIES:
       Ralliés.

          See (in this Volume)
          RALLIÉS.

    PARTIES:
       Regeneradors.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Republican.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
          and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Rikken Seiyu-kai, or Seiyu-kai.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (AUGUST); 1903 (JUNE), and 1909;

          See in Volume VI.,
          JAPAN: A. D. 1900.

    PARTIES:
       Sinn Fein.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D 1905.

    {479}

    PARTIES:
       Social Democrats.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA A. D. 1905-1907;
          GERMANY: A. D. 1903;
          DENMARK: A. D. 1906;
          SOCIALISM: GERMANY,
          SOCIALISM: FRANCE,
          SOCIALISM: ENGLAND.

    PARTIES:
       Social Revolutionists.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    PARTIES:
       Socialist, and Socialist Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
          and 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Socialists, Radical.
       Socialists, Independent.
       Socialists Unified.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    PARTIES:
       Sons of Liberal Ottomans.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    PARTIES:
       Union Republicaine.

          See (in this Volume)
          France: A. D. 1906.

    PARTIES:
       Yellows (Liberals).

          See (in this Volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

    PARTIES:
       Young Egypt.

          See (in this Volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Young Finns.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

    PARTIES:
       Young Turks.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Yushin-kai.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

    PARTIES:
       Zayistas.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

    PARTY REFORMS, Political.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

    PASSAY, FREDERIC.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    PASSIONISTS:
       Forbidden to Teach in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

    "PASSIVE RESISTANCE," OF ENGLISH NONCONFORMISTS TO THE
    EDUCATION ACT OF 1902.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902, AND 1909 (MAY).

    PASTEUR, Louis:
       Pronounced by Popular Vote to be the Greatest Frenchman
       of the Nineteenth Century.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.

    PATENTS OF INVENTION: GREAT BRITAIN: A. D. 1907.
       Patents and Designs Act.

       A requirement of the manufacture of patented articles in the
       United Kingdom, introduced in an Act of the British Parliament
       passed and approved in August, 1907, which came into force
       August 28, 1908, seriously changed the operation of patents
       issued to foreigners. It is contained in the following
       sections:

       "27.—(1) At any time not less than four years after the date
       of a patent and not less than one year after the passing of
       this Act, any person may apply to the comptroller for the
       revocation of the patent on the ground that the patented
       article or process is manufactured or carried on exclusively
       or mainly outside the United Kingdom.

       "(2) The comptroller shall consider the application, and, if
       after enquiry he is satisfied that the allegations contained
       therein are correct, then, subject to the provisions of this
       section, and unless the patentee proves that the patented
       article or process is manufactured or carried on to an
       adequate extent in the United Kingdom, or gives satisfactory
       reasons why the article or process is not so manufactured or
       carried on, the comptroller may make an order revoking the
       patent either—(a) forthwith; or (b) after such reasonable
       interval as may be specified in the order, unless in the
       meantime it is shown to his satisfaction that the patented
       article or process is manufactured or carried on within the
       United Kingdom to an adequate extent: Provided that no such
       order shall be made which is at variance with any treaty,
       convention, arrangement, or engagement with any foreign
       country or British possession.

       "(3) If within the time limited in the order the patented
       article or process is not manufactured or carried on within
       the United Kingdom to an adequate extent, but the patentee
       gives satisfactory reasons why it is not so manufactured or
       carried on, the comptroller may extend the period mentioned in
       the previous order for such period not exceeding twelve months
       as may be specified in the subsequent order.

       "(4) Any decision of the comptroller under this section shall
       be subject to appeal to the court, and on any such appeal the
       law officer or such other counsel as he may appoint shall be
       entitled to appear and be heard."

       Twelve months after the Act became effective the London
       Times gave the following account of its working:

       "During the year which has elapsed since Section 27 came into
       force, 69 applications for revocation of foreign patents have
       been made to the Comptroller-General. In 10 cases only were
       patents revoked by that official. In four of these cases the
       patentees appealed to the High Court, and in two cases
       relating to improvements in electric arc lamps, the decision
       of the Comptroller-General was reversed, evidence having been
       adduced which was not placed before the Comptroller-General,
       the effect of which was to show that the patented process was
       being adequately carried on in this country. The two other
       appeals to the High Court were unsuccessful, so that the
       number of patents finally revoked was eight. Those revoked
       related to the following articles or processes:—Artificial
       stone slabs and tiles (two patents), sewing-machines,
       umbrellas, adhesive stays or fastening straps used in
       box-making, the lubrication of gig-mills, a steam motor-car,
       and locks. In another case, that of a patent connected with
       the manufacture of china clay, the Comptroller-General made a
       conditional order of revocation.

       "It is too early, as yet, to say whether this new power of
       revocation conferred by the Act of 1907 is likely to have any
       appreciable effect in reducing the number of foreign patents
       taken out in this country. In the first seven months of this
       year there were 17,869 such patents applied for—an increase of
       1566 as compared with the corresponding period of 1908, though
       only an increase of 319 upon the larger figures for the first
       seven months of 1907. Sixteen fewer patents were taken out in
       1909 by American subjects than in 1908, and 331 fewer than in
       1907. The decrease in German patents has been consistent—2000
       in 1907, 1822 in 1908, and 1735 in 1909, and the same may be
       said of Austrian patents—253, 234, and 192 respectively.
       French patents, which were 620 in 1907 and 670 in 1908,
       decreased to 560 in 1909.

    PATENTS:
       Pan-American Convention.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PAULHAN, M.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    PAUPERISM.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY.

    PAWLOW, Ivan PETROVIE.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    PAYNE, HENRY C.:
       Postmaster-General.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    {480}

    PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    PEACE.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.

    PEACE, International:
       Awards for the Promotion of.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE, The Second International.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    PEACE TREATY, BOER-BRITISH.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

    PEARY, Robert E.:
       Exploration and Discovery of the North Pole.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION: ARCTIC.

    PEASANT INSURRECTION IN THE BALTIC PROVINCES.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    PEASANTRY, CONDITION OF RUSSIAN.

          See (in this Volume)
          Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, 1902, 1904-1905, 1905, and 1906.

    PECANHA, Nilo:
       President of Brazil.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

    PEKING: A. D. 1902.
       Return of the Imperial Court.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1902.

    PEKING-KALGAN RAILWAY.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: CHINA.

    PELLAGRA.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA.

    PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:
       President of Brazil.

          See (in this Volume )
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1906.

    PENNA, DR. ALFONSO MOREIRA:
       Sudden death.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

    PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906.
       Reform Legislation.

       The popular revolt of 1905 in Philadelphia against the
       intolerable rottenness of municipal government under the
       dominant party "machine" had prompt effects in the State.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

       "When the election, last November, and still more the reports
       made by working politicians in the best organized and informed
       machine in the land, showed that these classes wanted a
       change, the machine and its leaders changed instantly. A
       pliant governor was as prompt to call the Legislature in extra
       session as he had been to find reasons for the vilest excess
       of the political plunderers of the State. The same Legislature
       as before met, and in a brief session passed every measure for
       which reformers had been asking in vain for twenty-five
       years,—two of them in more drastic form than any one had yet
       proposed. Save that the Corrupt Practices Act is more precise
       and severe than any yet passed, except in Connecticut, and the
       separation and protection of the civil service of Philadelphia
       more complete than has yet been enacted for an American city,
       the new legislation follows the general trend of such measures
       in other States."

          Review of Reviews,
          April, 1906.

    PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906-1908.
       Frauds in the Construction of the new State Capitol.

       On the 4th of October, 1906, the new State House at Harrisburg
       was dedicated with imposing ceremonies, honored by the
       President of the United States as the principal speaker of the
       occasion. The State of Pennsylvania was then indulging more
       pride in the supposed honesty and economy with which it had
       been built than in the splendor it displayed; for announcement
       was made that the Commission charged with the work had saved
       about 10 per cent of the $4,000,000 appropriated for it. Very
       quickly, however, there came an humiliation of that honorable
       pride. Complete accountings showed that, while the naked
       structure of the building had cost but $3,600,000, a monstrous
       expenditure of more than $9,000,000 for alleged decoration and
       furnishing had been added to that sum, by the most audacious
       "graft," perhaps, that is recorded, even in the national
       history which included the exploits of the Tweed Ring. The
       arts of sculpture and painting in the decoration were dealt
       with most frugally; but royal emoluments went to gas-fitters
       and cabinet makers and their kind,—$2,000,000 for example, for
       the equipment of the building with chandeliers. For woodwork
       in one suite of rooms, which cost the contractor $16,089 the
       State had paid $94,208. For another, he had received $62,486,
       on an expenditure by himself of but $6,145.

       The investigation of these monstrous frauds, in the fruits of
       which many people must have shared, resulted in the arrest of
       fourteen men. The arrests were made in September, 1907, and
       the accused were released on bail. In the following March four
       were convicted of defrauding the State, namely J. H.
       Sanderson, a contractor, W. P. Snyder, former Auditor-General
       of the State, W. L. Mathues, former State Treasurer, and J. M.
       Shumaker, former Superintendent of Public Grounds and
       Buildings. The execution of the sentence was suspended pending
       an appeal.

       Sanderson and Mathues died (of nervous breakdown, it was
       said), while the appeal was pending. The conviction of Snyder
       and Shumaker was confirmed finally on the 7th of March, 1910,
       and their sentence to two years of imprisonment went into
       effect. At the same time suits were instituted by the State
       against all parties connected with the frauds, to recover some
       $5,000,000, estimated to be the amount of plunder taken.
       Meantime, seven in all of the alleged participants in the
       conspiracy of fraud had died.

    PENOLOGY.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME.

    PENSIONS, FOR OLD AGE AND INFIRMITY.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

    PENSIONS:
       Military.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1902.

    PENSIONS:
       United States: For Teachers.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    PENSIONS:
       For Railway Employees.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: PENSIONS.

    PEONAGE:
       In the United States.

       The following extracts are from three reports of an official
       investigation of practices of peonage, conducted by the
       Assistant Attorney-General of the United States, Mr. Charles
       W. Russell, in 1906-1907:

       "Under the criminal law as now in force the offense of peonage
       may be defined as causing compulsory service to be rendered by
       one man to another on the pretext of having him work out the
       amount of a debt, real or claimed. That is Mexican peonage
       proper, as defined by our highest court in the Clyatt case
       (197 U. S., p. 207). But, as fully explained in my report of
       October, 1907, and January, 1908, where there is no
       indebtedness either real or claimed, a conspiracy to
       cause compulsory service of citizens of the United
       States is punishable; and so, also, according to the only
       court that has directly passed upon the question, is the
       carrying or enticing any person from one place to another in
       order that he may be held in compulsory service.

    {481}

       "I use the words ‘compulsory service’ as equivalent to the
       constitutional phrase ‘involuntary servitude’ because the
       Supreme Court so treats them in the Clyatt case, and I say
       that a mere claim of debt is sufficient because several
       inferior courts have so decided, and because in the Clyatt
       case the indictment, to which no objection seems to have been
       made, alleged a mere claim of indebtedness."

       For an illustration of peonage, Mr. Russell cites the
       following from evidence produced at the trial of a case
       occurring in Alabama which he took part in:

       "It was proven that Harlan, the manager, had headquarters at
       Lockhart, where the mill was; that in his back yard were kept
       what were called bloodhounds—man-trailing dogs; that the
       object of keeping these was to send after escaping men; that
       they were so used, and men chased and brought back, one of
       them tied on the hind part of a buggy; that one of the men,
       the Bulgarian Jordmans, was unmercifully kicked and beaten by
       Gallagher for wandering off a few yards, his sore shins being
       exhibited to the jury as part of the evidence; that by means
       of telegraph, railroad, and telephone, a justice of the peace,
       and a deputy sheriff, the force of men were hemmed in so that
       escape was almost impossible; that the foremen constantly
       carried pistols and often made threats; that a rope was placed
       around the neck of one foreigner and thrown over a beam as an
       object-lesson to others and to frighten him, and that all this
       went on systematically'. …

       "I have no doubt, from my investigations and experiences, that
       the chief support of peonage is the peculiar system of State
       laws prevailing in the South, intended evidently to compel
       service on the part of the workingman.

       "It is hoped that an enlightened self-interest and the demand
       for labor made necessary by the expansion of old industries
       and the introduction of new will lead to the amendment or
       repeal of the State laws which are the chief support of
       peonage practices.

       "These State laws take various forms and are used in various
       ways to uphold peonage and other kinds of involuntary
       servitude. Some of them are vagrancy laws, some contract labor
       or employment laws, some fraudulent pretense or false promise
       laws, and there are divers others. Some few of those in
       question, such as absconding debtor laws, labor enticing, and
       board-bill laws, were not originally passed to enslave
       workmen; but in view of the use to which they are put, need
       amendment in order that they cannot be so abused.

       "These laws are used to threaten workmen who, having been
       defrauded into going to an employer by false reports as to the
       conditions of employment and the surroundings, naturally
       become dissatisfied as soon as they find how they have been
       defrauded. They are used before juries and the local public to
       hold the peons up as law-breakers and dishonest persons
       seeking to avoid their ‘just obligations’ and to convince
       patriotic juries that the defendants accused of peonage should
       not be convicted for enforcing, still less for threatening to
       enforce, the laws of their State.

       "Until we began our work in October, 1906, the chief supply of
       peons came from the slums—i. e., foreign quarters of New
       York, and from Ellis Island, through the operations of
       licensed labor agents of New York. These were reaping a rich
       harvest from the price per head for laborers supplied to
       employers at a distance, and the temptations to fill all
       orders and outdo rival agents by a total disregard of truth
       and honesty in dealing with both laborer and employer was too
       great for a number of these brokers."

    PEPPER, CHARLES M.:
       Delegate to Second International Conference of American
       Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PERDICARIS, ION:
       Ransomed from a Moorish Brigand.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

    PEREIRA, JOSE HYGINO DUARTE:
       Vice-President of Second International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PERRY, COMMODORE MATTHEW CALBRAITH:
       Monument in Japan to commemorate his Advent there in 1853.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901 (JULY).

       ----------PERSIA: Start--------

    PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
       Beginnings of the Revolutionary Movement,
       in the Life of Shah Muzaffer-ed-Din.
       The Taking of "Bast," and its effect.
       he Extortion of a Constitution and Election of
       a Representative Assembly.
       Death of the Shah.

       The following account of conditions and events which opened,
       attended and followed the late constitutional revolution in
       Persia have been derived, partly from official correspondence
       of the period, between the British Legation at Teheran (or
       Tehran) and the Foreign Office at London, as published in Blue
       Book Cd. 4581, 1909, and partly from letters and despatches to
       the leading journals of London and New York.

       The Shah, Muzaffer-ed-Din, who came to the throne in 1896, on
       the assassination of his father, Nâsr-ed-Din (see, in Volume
       VI. of this work, PERSIA), was credited with a desire to
       reform the government of his kingdom, and made considerable
       effort to that end in the early years of his reign; but the
       adverse forces controlling his court were too strong for him,
       and he seems to have yielded to them completely at last. He
       was surrounded by a corrupt ring which lived on the spoils of
       government, and piled debt upon debt. Under the last of the
       Grand Viziers (Atabegs, or Atabeks) who ruled Persia in his
       name before the outbreak of revolution, "governments were put
       up for sale, grain was hoarded and sold at extortionate
       prices, the Government domains were stolen or sold for the
       benefit of the conspirators, rich men were summoned to Teheran
       (or Tehran) and forced to disgorge large sums of money,
       oppression of every sort was countenanced for a consideration;
       the property, and even the lives, of all Persian subjects were
       at their mercy.
    {482}
       Finally, there was every reason to believe that a conspiracy
       was on foot to dethrone the foolish and impotent Shah and to
       oust the Valiahd [heir to the throne]. In their place was to
       be put the Shooa-es-Sultaneh, the Shah’s younger son, who was
       a by-word even in Persia for extortion and injustice. The
       policy of the Atabeg and his friends had thus aroused the
       opposition of all classes in Persia: of the few more or less
       patriotic statesmen, who knew to what a goal the country was
       being led; of the priests, who felt that their old power and
       independence would perish with that of their country; and of
       the great mass of the population and the mercantile classes,
       who were the daily victims of the tyranny of their oppressors.
       In December [1905] the storm broke. The Governor of Tehran,
       without any just cause, ordered an aged Seyed to be cruelly
       beaten. A large number of the prominent Mujteheds took ‘bast’
       [refuge] in the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim, near the capital."

       The "taking of ‘bast,’" or refuge, in some sanctuary or other
       place of protection, is an old Persian mode of political
       protest or demonstration, to command attention to public
       discontents. In 1848 the chief persons of the Empire had taken
       refuge with the English and Russian Legations in order to
       obtain the exile of a tyrannical Minister, Mirza Aghassi, and
       since then it had been the custom of persons who had
       grievances against their own Government to take refuge under
       the shelter of a foreign Legation. The "Mujteheds" mentioned
       in the above quotation as having resorted to this expedient in
       December, are the higher and more influential of the
       Mohammedan priests in Persia, distinguished from the Mullahs
       or common priests, whose ranks are open to any believer who
       can read the Koran and who assumes to interpret its laws.

       The Government used vain endeavors of bribery and intimidation
       to break up the "bast" at the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim. The
       refugees had stirred up the whole country by a published
       statement of grievances, appealing to the patriotism of the
       people, and the Shah surrendered to the effect produced. He
       made promises of a grant of popular representation, and of
       administrative reforms. By the end of January a promising
       state of affairs seemed to have been brought about. "The
       refugees were brought back to Tehran in the Shah’s own
       carriages, escorted by an enthusiastic crowd." But dissensions
       between the popular leaders and the Mujteheds soon arose. "No
       definite step was taken to give effect to the Shah’s promises,
       except a vague letter promising Courts of Justice and a new
       Code, and the appointment of a Council to consider the whole
       question of reforms. In this Council it soon became evident
       that the Government could control the leaders of the reform
       movement, and that the sympathies of the great Mujteheds were
       not heartily with the popular movement. All was outwardly
       quiet in Tehran, but in the provinces the people of Shiraz and
       Resht had taken violent measures to prevent the reappointment
       of the Shah’s sons as their Governors, and the movement in
       both cases was successful. In the capital itself the streets
       and the bazaars were quiet, but every day sermons were
       preached in the mosques, in which, as one of the popular party
       said, ‘What we hardly dared to think a year ago was openly
       spoken.’ The best-known preacher of Tehran, a Prince of the
       Imperial house, preached every Friday against the tyrannies
       and corruption of the Government. An order for his expulsion
       was issued. The chief Mujteheds, incited by the people,
       pressed the Government to withdraw the measure, and the
       Government had to yield."

       In the middle of May the Shah had a paralytic stroke and was
       removed to the country. For some weeks there was a lull in the
       popular agitation. Then, early in July, the principal
       Mujteheds were roused by the conduct of the Grand Vizier to a
       fresh preaching of revolt. On the 11th the Vizier ordered the
       arrest of one of the preachers; a crowd of people attempted to
       rescue him, and was fired on by the troops. General rioting in
       the capital ensued, with victory, for a time, on the side of
       the people; but in the end the Government appeared to have won
       the day. "The town was in the hands of the troops. The popular
       leaders had fled. The Shah was in the hands of their
       opponents. For the popular party the outlook was a grave one."

       In these circumstances the leaders had recourse again to the
       "bast," and this time in a Foreign Legation.

       "On the evening of the 9th fifty Mullahs and merchants
       appeared at the Legation and took up their quarters for the
       night. Their numbers soon increased, and on the 2nd September
       there were about 14,000 persons in the Legation garden. Their
       conduct was most orderly. The crowd of refugees was organized
       by the heads of the guilds, who took measures to prevent any
       unauthorized person from entering the Legation grounds. Tents
       were put up and regular feeding places and times of feeding
       were provided for. The expense was borne by the principal
       merchants. No damage of a wilful character was done to the
       garden, although, of course, every semblance of a bed was
       trampled out of existence, and the trees still bear pious
       inscriptions cut in the bark. Colonel Douglas, the Military
       Attache, kept watch over the Legation buildings, but no watch
       was needed. Discipline and order were maintained by the
       refugees themselves.

       "The Government sent answers to the popular demands, which
       they requested Mr. Grant Duff to read to the people. The
       Government communications were received with derision. At last
       there appeared to be no other resource than a personal appeal
       to the Shah. The people stated firmly that unless their
       demands were granted they would remain in the Legation, as it
       was their only place of safety, and they maintained that until
       the Shah knew what was the real situation their requests would
       never receive due consideration. Mr. Grant Duff obtained the
       consent of His Majesty’s Government, and announced to the
       Minister for Foreign Affairs that he demanded an audience. An
       audience was fixed for the 30th July. The audience, however,
       never took place. The Commander of several of the Tehran
       regiments, on whom the Minister of the Court and the Grand
       Vizier chiefly depended, made the fatal announcement that his
       troops would not serve against the people, and that they were
       on the point of themselves taking refuge in the British
       Legation. The Court party yielded. The Sadr Azam [Grand
       Vizier] resigned, and the Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar
       tribe [the tribe of the imperial dynasty], proceeded to Kum in
       order to inform the refugee Mullahs that the Shah had granted
       their demands for a National Assembly and for Courts of
       Justice.

    {483}

       "The chief difficulty which then confronted Mr. Grant Dull was
       that the people had entirely lost confidence in their own
       Government, and declined to treat with them except through the
       British Representative. When the Government made the
       announcement of the projected reforms, the people answered
       that they would not accept the promise of the Government
       unless it was confirmed and guaranteed by the Government of
       the King of England. This was naturally impossible. Acting
       under instructions, Mr. Grant Duff informed the refugees that
       he could do no more for them, and entirely declined to
       guarantee the execution of the Shah’s Decrees. The Government
       then attempted to come to an arrangement direct. It failed.
       The popular leaders rejected the Shah’s Decrees as vague or
       inadequate, and where posted up in the city they were torn
       down and trampled on. In this extremity the Government again
       appealed to Mr. Grant Duff and begged him for his assistance.
       At his suggestion a meeting took place at the residence of the
       new Grand Vizier, the late Minister for Foreign Affairs,
       between the Government and the popular leaders. After a long
       discussion, at which Mr. Grant Duff took no part except when
       questioned, an agreement was arrived at, and an amended
       Rescript published which definitely promised a National
       Representative assembly [in the Persian language a Mejlis or
       Medjliss] with legislative powers. The Rescript was read out
       in the British Legation to the assembled refugees and was
       received with enthusiasm. … On the night of the 16th the
       Mujteheds returned amid popular plaudits, and on the 18th a
       grand meeting was held in the Palace precincts as a sort of
       earnest of the National Assembly."

       The Court party, however, had only suffered an appearance of
       defeat. It spent the next week "in gradually paring down all
       the Shah’s promises, and in the production of a Rescript in
       which the original project of the Constitution was hardly
       recognizable. The late Grand Vizier, who had lingered in the
       neighborhood, suddenly returned to his country seat near the
       Shah’s residence, and the Shah absolutely refused to sign the
       Regulations for the Assembly. The popular excitement was
       intense. Notice was served on Mr. Grant Duff that the people
       would again take refuge in the Legation, if necessary, by
       force. About twenty-five of the leaders actually did take up
       their quarters there. It seemed as if the disturbances were
       about to break out anew." But now the Russian Minister came
       into cooperation with Mr. Grant Duff, in representations to
       the Shah that overcame the evil influences by which he was
       swayed. Regulations for the election of delegates to the
       Assembly were now signed; but fresh difficulties arose from
       the refusal of provincial governors to carry them out. These
       in turn were overcome and the elections were held. "Meanwhile
       it had been decided, in order to avoid delay, that the Tehran
       Members of the Council should meet at once, without waiting
       for the provincial Delegates, and the first session of the new
       Assembly was opened [October 7, 1906] by the Shah himself, in
       the presence of the priests, the Court, and the foreign
       representatives. … The provincial Members arrived one by one
       as they were elected, and as yet there are many vacant places,
       the provinces not showing much alacrity in electing their
       Members. The Assembly soon showed its power. It refused
       absolutely to consent to the Anglo-Russian advance [of a
       preferred loan] on the ground that the public revenues ought
       not to be pledged to foreigners. It announced its intention of
       instituting reforms, especially in the finances of the
       country, and of providing itself the necessary funds for
       carrying on the Government by founding and endowing a National
       Bank. But, before taking any steps of this nature, it insisted
       on having a signed Constitution. A Committee was nominated to
       consider the terms of the Constitution, and, in consultation
       with a Committee named by the Government, a Constitution was
       drawn up and submitted to the Chamber." It did not satisfy the
       popular demand and scenes of confusion followed; but in the
       end it was amended and approved, and, on the 1st of January,
       1907, the important instrument, ratified by the Shah and by
       the Valiahd—the heir to the crown—was delivered to the
       Assembly and received with joy. One week later, on the 8th of
       January, the Shah died.

       The text of the Constitution, as translated for communication
       to the British Government, is given in this Volume under the
       heading—CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA.

    PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (January-September).
       The new Shah, Mohammed Ali.
       His evil surroundings.
       Hostility between him and the Assembly.
       Prime Ministry of Atabeg-i-Azam.
       The Government without money.
       Inaction of the Assembly.
       Discouragement of the Atabeg.
       His assassination.

       The new Shah, who assumed the crown under the name or title of
       Mohammed Ali Shah, professed acquiescence in the
       constitutional change which the nation had forced his father
       to accept; but those who knew him appear to have expected that
       he would act a perfidious part. That improved conditions in
       the country were far from settled became apparent very soon.
       As early as the 30th of January, Sir C. Spring-Rice, who had
       succeeded Mr. Grant Duff as the diplomatic representative of
       Great Britain, wrote to his Government: "I regret to state
       that the prospects of a good understanding between the Shah
       and the popular party are still remote. The entourage
       of the Shah, especially his father-in-law, the
       Naib-es-Sultaneh, is personally interested in the continuance
       of the existing abuses; and their influence has certainly made
       itself felt to a regrettable extent, and has led to increasing
       agitation against the Shah himself. On the other hand the
       action of the popular Assembly has not been such as to lead to
       conciliation."

       The precariousness of the situation in the country, the
       paralysis of government and the prevalence of disorder during
       a number of months following, may be indicated sufficiently by
       a few passages from the despatches of Sir C. Spring-Rice and
       Mr. Charles M. Marling, Charge d’Affaires to the British
       Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey:

    {484}

       February 27, 1907.
       "It is clear that a national movement of a semi-political and
       semi-religious character does exist and is spreading. The
       great Mujteheds of Kerbela are now entering on the scene, and
       delegates are being sent out from the capital to the provinces
       to preach the principles of liberty. Patriotism, of a
       distinctive Persian type, has always been the characteristic
       of the Shiite believers. The present Shah of Persia has no
       religious status, and, in the view of the religious leaders,
       no fundamental right to the allegiance of the Persians, whose
       real chief is no living King, but the twelfth Imam, the coming
       Messiah, even now present on the earth, though unseen. The
       patriotism of the Shiite does not therefore centre in the
       person of the Kaliph, but is, or can be, of a highly
       revolutionary character."

       May 23.
       An "important question has arisen in relation to an addition
       to the Constitution, guaranteeing equal treatment for all
       Persian subjects, irrespective of their creed. The mullahs
       protested. Of the three great Mujteheds, only one—Seyid
       Mohamed—declared in favour of it. The others, supported by a
       large body of the clergy, maintain that Mussulman law must be
       enforced in a Mussulman country. The clerical world is divided
       on the subject. A large number of the priests, headed by Seyid
       Mohamed and the popular preacher Sheikh Jamal-ed-Din, declare
       openly that the law of Mahommed is a law of liberty and
       equality, and that those who say otherwise are traitors to
       their country and unworthy of their religion. The
       representative of the Parsees informs me that he has great
       hopes that a decision will be taken favourable to toleration;
       but the matter is still in suspense."

       "The Atabeg-i-Azam [about whom something will be told below]
       arrived at Tehran the 26th April, and was formally appointed
       President of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the
       Interior on the 2nd May. He proceeded to the National Assembly
       on the 4th May, accompanied by his whole Cabinet, and made a
       statement of policy."

       "The tone of the local press is getting more and more
       democratic, and new papers are constantly appearing. There are
       at present nearly thirty papers published in Tehran alone,
       including several dailies. Papers are also published in nearly
       all the provinces, and a Persian paper of a very anti-dynastic
       tone is published at Baku and widely circulated in Persia.
       Anonymous pamphlets are also widely spread in Tehran as
       before. A number of them are printed at Baku, and are
       remarkable for their inflammatory character. The Tehran
       pamphlets are chiefly directed against the Atabeg-i-Azam and
       the Government."

       June 18.
       "The financial condition of the Government is, if possible,
       worse than ever. The police of the capital are on strike; it
       has been found almost impossible to scrape together money
       enough to induce the Tehran troops to leave for the scene of
       the rebellion."

       "The Government would, if it dared, borrow abroad to meet its
       present liabilities. But, in view of the popular sentiment, it
       does not resort to a foreign loan. It appeals to the Assembly
       for help, in the form of subscriptions to the proposed
       National Bank. The answer it receives is that the people will
       subscribe as soon as the rich nobles, who are known to have
       large sums of money, show the way. This the rich refuse to do.
       As to raising money by taxation, the Assembly appears to be
       convinced that as soon as the Government has any money in hand
       it will use it for the destruction of the Medjliss. Any
       effective control of expenditure is regarded as quite out of
       the question. The exasperation against the Shah is rapidly
       increasing."

       "There is a considerable difference between the north and the
       south. In the south the popular movement has an almost
       farcical character; it turns on personal or pecuniary
       questions. In the north there appears to be a more or less
       definite political aim and a keen sense of patriotism. So far
       there is no sign of an anti-foreign outbreak."

       July 19.
       "The general condition of the whole country is undoubtedly
       bad, and is probably slightly worse than last month. The
       disturbances at Tehran have been chiefly brought about by
       artificial means to serve the purposes of the reactionaries.
       There seems, however, no reason to regard it as dangerous,
       though the Government has every appearance of being bankrupt,
       and artificial demonstrations are of daily occurrence. There
       is so far no reason to fear an outbreak and consequent danger
       to foreign lives or property."

       August 15.
       "The Assembly still continues to sit, and it celebrated the
       anniversary of the grant of the Constitution amid great scenes
       of popular enthusiasm. But it has done, and is doing, nothing
       of practical value. Its proceedings are disorderly, and it
       comes to no decision. The covert opposition of the Shah and
       his friends is conducted with considerable skill through a
       section of the priestly party, who are heavily subsidized.
       They have obtained some measure of success, and the
       reactionary forces show a considerable amount of vigour. But
       the popular leaders are not seriously afraid of these enemies,
       and confidently maintain that the restoration of autocracy in
       Persia is now impossible. The chief enemies of the Assembly
       are its own members."

       "The Atabeg is in a state of great depression, is afraid for
       his life, distrustful of the Shah, and professes that he is
       anxious to resign. He is useful as a man holding a middle
       position between Shah and people, and possessing great
       experience and knowledge of the country, but he is quite
       incapable of organizing or administering a Government or of
       carrying out any thorough-going reform."

       September 13.
       "On the evening of the 30th ultimo the Atabeg called on me and
       talked at length on the political situation. The general tenor
       of his observations was that the Shah would withdraw his
       opposition, the Medjliss would work with the Government, and
       that very shortly the Government would be able to put an end
       to the disorder which reigned in the country. I never saw him
       in better spirits.

       "The next day [August 31] the Atabeg and the Ministers
       repaired to the Palace and requested the Shah to accept their
       resignations unless he would solemnly pledge himself to
       cooperate with the Government and the Medjliss. They obtained
       the promise in writing, and repaired in a body to the
       Assembly. The proceedings of the Assembly on that day were on
       the whole harmonious and satisfactory. The Atabeg read the
       Shah’s statement, and explained that the Government and the
       Assembly would now be able to proceed to the serious work of
       reform. There was some opposition, but it was overruled. The
       majority of the Members showed their sympathy with the
       Government.

    {485}

       "The Atabeg left the Assembly accompanied by the principal
       Mujtehed, Seyed Abdullah. They reached the outer door of the
       Palace inclosure, and had just parted when the Atabeg was shot
       and killed. One of his assailants was captured, but wounded
       his captor and escaped; another, finding himself surrounded,
       shot himself. …

       "For some time lately rumours have been spread abroad through
       the local press and by word of mouth to the effect that the
       Atabeg was in secret collusion with the Shah, for the
       overthrow of the Assembly and the sale of the country to
       Russia. Statements to this effect reached me from Members of
       the Assembly. There can be no doubt as to the genuineness and
       intensity of the feeling against the Atabeg. A French doctor,
       who attended one of the assassins some time before the murder,
       assured Mr. Churchill that he and his friends were quiet and
       respectable persons of the middle class, imbued with the
       strongest feeling of patriotism, and ready to devote their
       lives to the service of their country. The attacks on the
       Atabeg had lately gained in virulence, and had attracted
       universal attention. … Popular sentiment approved the murder,
       and the assassins were regarded as saviours of their country.
       The streets of Tabreez were illuminated. The result of the
       Atabeg’s murder is for the time to disorganize the whole
       system of government."

       In a recent book on Persia, by W. P. Cresson, the writer, an
       American, who had visited the country during the final
       Ministry of the Atabeg Azam, and had talked with him,
       describes him with admiration, having been especially
       impressed with his liberality of views and his knowledge of
       European and American affairs. In his periods of exile from
       Persia (which occurred several times in the course of his
       public life) he had visited both Europe and America and
       studied them well.

    PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).
       Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Persia.

       See (in this Volume)
       EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

    PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (September-June).
       A series of Political Overturnings.
       The Shah deserted.
       Temporary Supremacy of the Assembly.
       Nasr-ul-Mulk Premier.
       Addition to the Constitution.
       The Shah’s attempted Coup d’État and failure.
       Attempted Assassination of the Shah.
       His successful second Coup d’Etat.
       The Assembly dispersed and its dissolution proclaimed.
       New Elections promised.

       The assassination of the Atabeg Azam was followed soon by a
       strange series of overturnings in the political situation,
       outlined, and but slightly explained in the following excerpts
       from despatches of the British Legation at Tehran:

       September 13, 1907.
       "A deputation recently called on the Mushir-ed-Dowleh [former
       Grand Vizier] and asked him to take office. He refused unless
       he was provided with money. He said that he would not take the
       dangerous responsibility of accepting a foreign loan, and that
       unless the Persian people supplied the funds necessary to
       carry on the Government, or consented to the Government
       finding funds elsewhere, all government would be shortly
       impossible."

       October 2.
       "Shah has been solemnly informed by a Committee composed of
       Princes, high military and civil officials, and great
       landlords, and including all the reactionaries of prominence,
       that, unless he maintains the Constitution and works with the
       Medjliss their support will be withdrawn from the throne. The
       usual reassuring answer was returned by His Majesty. The
       Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose position is very
       precarious owing to the strike in his own Department, is
       opposed to them, but the head of the new Government has
       promised them support. The members of the Committee yesterday
       took a solemn oath of fidelity to the Constitution in the
       Assembly, where they had repaired for the purpose. Excepting
       support of the Minister for Foreign Affairs the Shah is now
       practically isolated, though he is supposed still to entertain
       reactionary views."

       October 3.
       "Saad-ed-Dowleh has been dismissed from post of Minister for
       Foreign Affairs."

       October 10.
       "The Mushir-ed-Dowleh died very suddenly on the evening of
       the 13th September.

       "On the 27th September the Princes and civil and military
       officials of note, who had up till then formed the reactionary
       party, presented an ultimatum to the Shah declaring their
       adhesion to the Constitution and the National Assembly, and
       threatening to sever all connection with the throne should His
       Majesty not cooperate with the National party. … There was
       little on the surface to indicate the sudden volte-face
       of the reactionaries. The chief cause must undoubtedly be
       reckoned to be fear. The murder of the Atabeg … and the
       suspicion that the sudden death of Mushir-ed-Dowleh was not
       due to natural causes, had unquestionably produced a very deep
       effect. …

       "The result of the first year’s work of the Assembly has been
       on the whole rather negative, but at least it has succeeded in
       asserting its will against the influence of the Shah and
       clergy, and has now a reasonable prospect of being able to
       start on the path of reconstruction."

       October 25.
       "New Ministry has been formed under presidency of
       Nasr-ul-Mulk, reappointed Minister of Finance. Most important
       members are Mushir-ed-Dowleh, son of the late
       Mushir-ed-Dowleh, Foreign Affairs; Sanied-Dowleh, Interior;
       Mukhber-es-Sultaneh, Justice."

       November 27.
       "I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a full
       translation of the text of the Constitutional Law as passed by
       the National Assembly and signed by the Shah on the 8th of
       October.

       [This addition of articles to the Constitution signed by the
       Shah on the 30th of December, 1906, will be found, in this
       Volume, appended to that instrument, under CONSTITUTION OF
       PERSIA.]

       The Law reduces the Sovereign to practical impotence, but by
       far its most important part is that defining the powers of the
       Tribunals. Articles 71 and the succeeding Articles, though
       ambiguously worded, intentionally so, will, if carried into
       execution, deal a deadly blow at the judicial powers of the
       Mollahs."

    {486}

       December 15.
       "Disorders are threatening here. Violent speeches, denouncing
       the Shah and demanding the exile of the Shah’s Chief Adviser
       and Agent, Saad-ed-Dowleh and Amir Bahadur Jang, were made
       yesterday at a popular meeting at the principal mosque. The
       Ministry has resigned, but the Shah refuses to accept
       resignation. This morning an excited crowd gathered outside
       the Assembly, but was dispersed by armed men sent by the
       Shah."

       December 15.
       "Ala-ed-Dowleh, who was sent to the Palace by the Assembly
       with a message, and another brother of President of Assembly
       were arrested by the Shah at 3 o’clock this afternoon. Shah
       sent for Prime Minister at 5 p. m., put chains on him, and
       threatened to kill him five hours after sunset. I have sent to
       demand assurances for Nasr-ul-Mulk’s safety from the Palace,
       and am requesting co-operation of Russian Minister."

       December 16.
       "Nasr-ul-Mulk is exiled, and leaves for Resht to-day. As he
       fears Shah will attempt his life on the way, he begged me to
       send a member of the Legation with him, as was done when the
       late Atabeg was sent to Kum in 1897. This, I said, I was for
       the moment unable to do. I am, however, sending two gholams.
       On his arrest the Assembly dispersed, and the Anjumans, on
       which its real power rested, remained inactive. The other
       Ministers have all resigned. They were summoned to the Palace
       and were practically under arrest there till they also left
       the Palace when Nasr-ul-Mulk was released by my demand on his
       behalf. … Armed partisans of Shah have occupied principal
       square since midday yesterday. For the present his coup d’état
       seems to be successful. The Committees are collecting armed
       round the Assembly this morning. There is no sign of danger to
       Europeans, and there has been as yet no fighting."

       December 17.
       "More armed ruffians are being brought into the town and are
       congregating in Cannon Square, supported by troops and guns. …
       Round the Medjliss building the Anjumans [popular
       associations] are again assembling armed."

       December 18.
       "No Government has been formed. The popular party is acting
       strictly on the defensive, and the Committees are still
       guarding the Assembly. The Shah last night conceded the
       Assembly’s demands, which are moderate."

       December 22.
       "Russian Minister and I have just come back from the Palace.
       He laid the situation before the Shah with the utmost
       frankness, and the strongest assurances that he would respect
       and uphold the Constitution were given us by His Majesty.
       Steps are now being taken by us to let the Constitutionalists
       understand that it is incumbent upon the two Legations to see
       that the Shah observes the pledges he has given us."

       December 31.
       "Meantime [after the interview, above reported, with the
       Shah], the general situation had become more threatening. The
       Tabreez Anjuman [local assembly or Committee] had succeeded in
       circulating throughout Persia the threat of deposing the Shah,
       and the larger cities, where the idea of constitutional
       government has taken root, appeared to be greatly excited.
       Telegrams promising armed support against the Shah had been
       received from Shiraz, Ispahan, Resht, Kazvin, Kerman, and
       Meshed, and signs of sympathy had come in from other quarters.
       In Tehran itself, despite unmistakable signs that the Shah
       must yield, as he did late in the afternoon, the excitement
       against His Majesty was, if anything, more marked."

       "It has been difficult to find a method of conveying the
       Shah’s guarantee in a manner agreeable to the susceptibilities
       of the Assembly. However, on Friday Mushir-ed-Dowleh furnished
       M. de Hartwig with a rough draft of a declaration which we
       might each communicate to the President of the Assembly, and
       taking this as the basis we prepared a letter in French."

       January 2, 1908.
       "Although Tehran is now relatively quiet, and the provinces
       have been much less affected than might reasonably have been
       apprehended by the knowledge of what was happening at the
       capital, I fear that relief is only temporary, and that Persia
       is drifting nearer and nearer to complete anarchy. The
       struggle between the Shah and his people has resulted in a
       complete victory for the latter, but I am not sanguine that
       the prospects of the establishment of constitutional
       government on a durable basis have been much improved thereby.
       For the moment, indeed, the Shah has been completely cowed,
       and is now retired into the Anderoon [harem]."

       January 29.
       "In the early days of the month, though externally the town
       was quiet enough, it seemed as though another crisis might
       occur. The Shah, after a few days’ comparative inactivity,
       recommenced his campaign against the Assembly."

       February 28.
       "The Shah, who had not been out of the Palace since he paid
       his state visit to the National Assembly on the 12th November,
       1907, was proceeding at 3 p. m. to his country seat at
       Dochantapeh when a determined attempt was made on his life.
       The procession was formed of a motor-car in front and a
       carriage behind, with the usual escort of horsemen and running
       footmen. A little way past the house of the Manager of the
       Imperial Bank, and before reaching that of the Zil-es-Sultan,
       a fusillade was opened on the motor-car, in which it was
       supposed the Shah rode, by some persons from the adjoining
       roofs, who evidently could not see into the vehicles from
       their elevated position. Two bombs were then thrown at the
       motor-car completely shattering it, and killing two persons
       and wounding about seven others. The Shah, who was seated in
       the carriage behind the motor-car, immediately emerged and
       took refuge in a neighboring house."

       April 24.
       "While … the general condition of Persia has been more
       tranquil, at the capital all the indications show but too
       clearly that the struggle between the Shah and the Enjumens
       [Committees or Associations] has lost none of its bitterness.
       I say advisedly the Enjumens, for in the last trial of
       strength, in which the Shah was again worsted, the Assembly
       played a very small part indeed."

       May 21.
       "The condition of the country is going from bad to worse, and
       the feeble Government is absolutely unable to do anything to
       restore a decent degree of order, and even if money were
       forthcoming, it is in the last degree improbable that without
       foreign assistance any serious measure of reform can be
       undertaken."

    {487}

       June 8.
       "On Saturday morning, the 6th June, an apparent reconciliation
       between the Shah and the popular party took place, but the
       next morning it was reported to His Majesty that a telegram
       had been sent to Zil-es-Sultan [one of the royal princes, and
       an aspirant to the throne] at Shiraz by the Eujumens asking
       him to come to Tehran and assume the Regency. The same evening
       the Zil’s eldest son, also Serdar Mansur, Ala-ed-Dowleh, and
       Azad-ul-Mulk, the Head of the Kajar tribe [the imperial tribe]
       who took part in the agitation last week, were arrested by the
       Shah."

       June 23.
       "About 6 o’clock this morning twenty Cossacks were sent by the
       Shah to arrest eight persons who were in the mosque adjoining
       the Assembly House. The demand for the surrender of these
       persons met with a refusal, and a shot was fired from the
       mosque. Fighting then started, and is still continuing. The
       number of people killed is said to be large. Guns are being
       used by the Shah’s troops."

       June 23.
       "The Assembly building and the mosque have been cleared by the
       Shah’s forces, and the meeting-place of the Azerbaijan Enjumen
       has been destroyed. The Shah has arrested the Chief Mujtehed,
       Seyyid Abdullah, the Sheikh-ul-Reis, and some ten other
       alleged leaders of popular party. The Cossack Brigade has lost
       forty men. The loss on the other side is said to be very
       small, but the exact number is unknown. A state of siege has
       been proclaimed and the Enjumens have dispersed. Some shops
       and houses, including that of the Zil-es-Sultan, and the
       Assembly building, have been pillaged."

       June 25.
       "The first shot was undoubtedly fired by the people in the
       mosque and Assembly, among whom some Deputies were included. I
       believe that every preparation had been made to clear the
       mosque by force if this proved necessary. In any case, the
       Shah had reasonable ground for taking strong measures, as the
       attack was made by the popular party on the troops. …

       "Efforts are being made to catch Deputies, and several,
       including the President of the Assembly, have already been
       arrested. The Enjumens seem to be cowed; their supporters are
       falling away, and the Shah has complete mastery. Yesterday
       morning two prisoners were strangled at the Shah’s camp, and
       there are about thirty persons, other than Deputies, under
       arrest. There are now in the Legation fifty refugees.

       "There has been fighting in Tabreez between the popular party
       and the Shah’s partisans. There is no sign from the other
       provinces, and the Zil-es-Sultan is trying to dissociate
       himself from the agitation."

       June 26.
       "A Proclamation stating that the present Assembly is dissolved
       has been issued by the Shah. Proclamation announces that new
       elections will be held in three months, and a Senate will be
       formed."

    PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Final Hostilities between the Shah and the Supporters
       of the Constitution.
       Tabriz the Center of a Revolutionary Movement.
       Entrance of the Bakhtiari into the Struggle.
       Siege of Tabriz and its Relief by the Russians.
       Capture of Teheran by the Nationalists and Bakhtiari.
       Deposition of the Shah.
       A child enthroned.

       The occurrences of June, narrated above, were at the beginning
       of the final outbreak of hostilities between the partisans of
       the Shah and the supporters of the Constitution, which soon
       ran into actual civil war.

       When the Shah had established his authority at Teheran, Tabriz
       became the center of popular opinion on the side of the
       Constitutionalists, or Nationalists, and the main seat of
       their strength. Fighting began there on the 23d of June,
       simultaneously with the conflict at Teheran, and continued
       intermittently and indecisively throughout July and August, at
       the end of which time the Nationalists were said to be 10,000
       strong. On the 24th of September the Royalists began a
       bombardment of the town, with five guns, to which the
       Nationalists responded vigorously with four. October 10th the
       Nationalists assumed the offensive, attacking the camp of the
       besiegers, routing their cavalry, and securing possession of a
       desirable bridge.

       On the 24th of September, under pressure from the
       representatives of Great Britain and Russia, the Shah decreed
       that a Mejlis (National Assembly) "composed of religious and
       proper persons, will, by the help of God and the favor of the
       12th Imam, be convoked by us for the 19th Shavval"—that is,
       November 14—and that a law of elections should be made known
       by October 27. The latter date passed without producing the
       promised election law and no elections followed in November;
       but on the 8th of the latter month the Shah’s partisans
       organized a "demonstration" at Teheran against the
       Constitution, on the strength of which the mendacious
       sovereign replied to British and Russian remonstrances against
       his faithlessness by saying that "a large section of the
       population regarded a constitutional regime as contrary to
       their religion." Presently, on the 22d of November, he issued
       a rescript proclaiming that the Ulema had declared such an
       institution as a Parliament to be contrary to Islam and
       therefore he would not convoke it.

       Early in 1909 the revolt first organized at Tabriz became rife
       in many parts of the nominal Empire of the Shah, both north
       and south. On the 25th of January The Times of India,
       published at Bombay, where commercial and political interests
       in Persian affairs are equally keen, described the situation
       then existing as follows: The "news from Persia is extremely
       grave, because it indicates the collapse of the Shah’s
       authority from north to south. The Anjumans [Enjumens—a term
       which seems to be applied to local assemblies and to all
       political associations alike] of Astrabad and Lahidjan have
       repudiated the present regime. This means that the Caspian
       littoral is being lost to the Shah. What is of even greater
       consequence is that the spread of the revolt to Lahidjan may
       mean the cutting off of the trade with Teheran via Resht,
       which is now the principal route open to traffic. Then in the
       far south, almost on the Gulf littoral, the Nationalists of
       Laristan have thrown off all semblance of the Shah’s
       authority. Recently it was stated that the Bakhtiaris had
       risen in revolt, and had looted Isfahan. It was not to be
       expected that the Lars, of which the Bakhtiaris are an
       offshoot and who enjoy a modified independence, would remain
       quiescent under these conditions. Reuter is however in error
       in stating that these tribal fights ‘are interrupting’
       communications between Bushire and Shiraz.
    {488}
       These have been interrupted for many months, and as we stated
       on Friday, the muleteers who usually ply between Bushire and
       Shiraz some time ago removed their animals to the
       Resht-Teheran road. The insecurity of this route is
       illustrated by the fact that the Derya Begi, the fount of
       Persian dignity at Bushire, was held up and robbed on his way
       from Teheran to his charge on the coast. All these straws
       point to the rapidity with which anarchy is spreading."

       The Bakhtiari referred to in this account of affairs, and who
       now began to bear an important part in the Persian
       revolutionary conflict, are a semi-independent and nomadic
       tribe, occupying the region of the mountains which bear the
       same name, in western Persia, within the provinces of Luristan
       and Khuzistan. They claim, it is said, by descent from the
       Bactrians of remote antiquity, to represent the purest blood
       of ancient Iran. In connection with recent disturbances, they
       began to be mentioned in June, 1907. The head of one faction
       among them, Semsam-es-Sultaneh, had then been removed by the
       Persian provincial governor from the post of Ilkhani (a title
       surviving from the Mongol conquest of the 13th century,—see
       PERSIA: A. D. 1258-1393, in Volume IV. of this work), and his
       supporters were reported to be "out in every direction
       attacking caravans." The only mention of them in the following
       months was as pestilent bandits in the Ispahan quarter,
       holding the roads and breaking up commerce and travel; but
       they came at last into Persian history as allies of the
       Nationalists in the struggle for Constitutional Government.

       Press reports from Tabriz in February were to the effect that
       the Shah’s forces, estimated at 12,000 in number, had closely
       invested the town; that the besieged Nationalists were
       provisioned for two months, and were making sorties daily.
       Also that Resht was full of armed Caucasian revolutionaries.
       At the middle of March a correspondent of the London
       Times made his way from Teheran to Resht, and found
       that the revolutionary movement there was entirely "exotic."
       "If the Caucasian element was removed," he wrote, "nothing
       would remain. One can estimate fairly accurately that there
       are about 600 men under arms in the town and on the road. It
       is said that 5 per cent. of these are Persians. This morning I
       watched the departure of a contingent of men for the front.
       Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, Tartars, Russians—all the Caucasian
       peoples were represented, but not a single man of the race for
       the advancement of whose cause these men have taken arms."

       This correspondent was led to suspect, as others have done,
       that the religious movement in Persia known as "Babism" (see,
       in Volume I. of this work, under BAB) had much to do, in a
       secret way, with the existing revolutionary undertaking.
       "Those who are in a position to judge." he said, "estimate the
       present proportion of Babis in the population of Persia at
       from 10 to 30 per cent. I have, indeed, heard the Persians
       estimate it as high as 50 per cent."

       Before the end of March the Nationalists were in control of
       the ports of Bender Abbas and Bushire on the Persian Gulf. On
       the 30th of March the following went to the London
       Times from Teheran: "In spite of numerous defections to
       the Nationalist side during the last fortnight, the situation
       at Teheran remains practically unaltered. The Cossack Brigade
       is still the premier factor, and there seems no reason to
       doubt either its allegiance to the Shah or its ability to deal
       with any element of disturbance likely to arise in the
       capital. The bazaars remain partially closed, but the business
       of the town proceeds without interruption.

       "From outside there is nothing to apprehend for the present.
       The Bakhtiari have made no sign, though their position has
       been rendered materially more secure by the recent espousal of
       Nationalism by the most notable family at Shiraz. From Resht
       the revolutionaries continue to launch remonstrance, warning,
       and anathema at the Shah, but they are too wise to march on
       the capital without a lead from elsewhere.

       "To-day’s news from Tabriz indicates that the situation of the
       town is extremely grave. A section of the Nationalists
       advocate negotiating with the besiegers, but Satar Khan has
       decided to continue his resistance. The stores of food are to
       be appropriated for the fighting men, and when the stock
       remaining is exhausted the inhabitants will have no
       alternative but to leave the town and run the gauntlet of the
       Shah’s lambs."

       The Cossack Brigade referred to in the despatch above was a
       body of Persian Cossacks which had been for some time past in
       the service of the Shah, under the command of a Russian
       officer, Colonel Liakhoff. In the House of Commons, on the
       24th of March, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs was
       sharply questioned as to this employment of a Russian officer,
       and the alleged employment of others, in the Shah’s service,
       and asked whether they were serving the Shah or the Tsar. In
       reply he said: "It may be that in the events of the
       summer—what is called the coup d’État—Colonel Liakhoff, the
       Russian officer in command of the Persian Cossacks, who had
       been lent to the Shah for the purpose, I understand, of
       disciplining that body of Persian Cossacks, to provide a
       bodyguard for the Shah, and in case of need to preserve order
       in Teheran—it may be that he exceeded the limit of those
       purposes. If he did so I am convinced that it was not by the
       instructions, on the authority, or with the approval of the
       Russian Government; and since the coup d’Etat there has been
       no question, according to reports which we have received, that
       the Russian officers who remained in the service of the Shah
       have kept within the limits of the purposes for which they
       were lent to the service of the Shah, and have not taken part
       in anything that could be called political encounters in
       Persia. If Colonel Liakhoff exceeded the limits in Teheran, he
       acted directly under the Government of the Shah, and the
       question whether the Russian Government approve or disapprove
       his action is one between himself and them, and is not a
       matter on which we are called upon to express an opinion."

       On the 5th of April it was reported that the sufferings of
       Tabriz "are increasing daily, and it is undoubted that a great
       tragedy is approaching. If Tabriz holds out, thousands must
       die of starvation, while, if it falls, probably tens of
       thousands will be massacred." A fortnight later, on the 20th.
       the Shah yielded to the insistence of the British and Russian
       Legations that he should allow an armistice at Tabriz of six
       days and the importation into the town of sufficient food for
       that period.
    {489}
       Meantime a detachment of Russian Cossacks, under General
       Snarsky, had crossed the frontier into Persia, and was
       marching to Tabriz with supplies. This Russian relief
       expedition, approved by the British Government, reached the
       beleaguered city without resistance on the 30th, and its
       presence brought the conflict at that point to an end. A
       correspondent of The Times, who had been in Tabriz
       throughout the siege, taking some leadership in the defence
       (in company with a teacher attached to the American Mission’s
       high school, Mr. Baskerville, who met death in the fighting)
       and who gave, two months later, a graphic narrative of the
       experience, said in concluding it:

       "Tabriz was ultimately saved by the coming of the Russians.
       Their entry into the town was the direct cause of the opening
       of the roads, the dispersal of the disappointed armies of the
       Shah, the promulgation of the Constitution, and the
       appointment of a Constitutionalist Ministry. It saved Tabriz
       from a surrender which could not otherwise have been delayed
       for three days longer, and thereby it averted the complete
       collapse of the Constitutional movement."

       With victory at Tabriz snatched from him, the Shah ostensibly
       threw up his hands. On the 5th of May it was announced that he
       had "signed an Imperial rescript acknowledging that the
       disorderly condition of the country imposed the necessity of
       taking measures to reorganize the administration. The rescript
       recognizes that this can only be secured through the
       constitutional principle, and his Majesty fixes July 19 for
       the election of a representative Assembly, for the formation
       of which electoral laws will soon be promulgated."

       This revival of promises failed, however, to arrest the
       revolutionary movement. On the 7th of May the Nationalists
       expelled a royal force from Kazvin—less than a hundred miles
       from Teheran—and declared their intention to march on Teheran.
       "They are well-armed and well-mounted," said a correspondent
       who came from Kazvin, "and possessed of plenty of money. Their
       commander, a Sipahdar, and his second in command, an Afghan,
       are now at Kazvin, and everything points to the possibility of
       early action. The Bakhtiari, who have assembled at Ispahan and
       number 3,000, also declare their intention of marching on
       Teheran."

       Of the Sipahdar, who now becomes the fighting leader of the
       Nationalists, a writer in the New York Evening Post
       relates that "when a merchant in Tabriz, he offered the
       government his services in wiping out the brigands who scoured
       the provinces, and, selecting a picked band, went out to fight
       fire with fire, by the same methods of terrorizing that the
       robbers had employed. As a result, he made the provinces safe,
       at least."

       Pressed by the Russian Legation to withdraw from Kazvin,
       pending the fulfilment of the Shah’s promises, the Sipahdar,
       commanding there, declared that he could not control his men.
       The situation was complicated by the presence of the Russians
       at Tabriz. As The Times correspondent wrote: "The
       perfectly unambiguous declaration by Russia that her troops
       will be withdrawn from Tabriz the moment order is restored and
       danger to Europeans is past is valueless in the eyes of
       Persians while the troops are there."

       The framing of a new electoral law, to the satisfaction of an
       electoral committee of the Nationalists, was finished on the
       6th of June, and the Shah’s signature to it was expected in a
       few days. High hopes were placed on the coming of
       Nasr-ul-Mulk, the exiled statesman at Paris, who had been
       solicited to accept the Prime Ministry, and who seemed slow to
       take the proffered honor. But the wrecked structure of
       constitutional government could not so easily be set in
       motion. The revolutionaries at Kazvin became threatening
       again, and were in motion toward Teheran before the end of
       June, while the Bakhtiari began a simultaneous advance. On the
       29th of June the Russian Government issued orders "to assemble
       a considerable force at Baku, to be held in readiness in case
       of a coup de main against the Persian capital."
       Meantime the new electoral law had been signed, but not
       promulgated, "owing to the prevailing excitement," it was
       said.

       On the 3d of July the Russian Government addressed a Circular
       Note on the situation in Persia to the Governments of foreign
       Powers, saying, in part:

       "The Imperial Government, on consideration of the position of
       affairs, has come to the conclusion that the principle of
       absolute non-interference in the internal affairs of Persia
       and in the conflict between the Shah and the Persian people
       must remain, now as formerly, the basis of its policy in
       Persia. In this connexion we could not leave out of sight the
       fact that in the event of the Bakhtiari and revolutionaries
       entering Teheran the Russian and other European Legations and
       European institutions and subjects, as well as our road from
       Enzeli (on the Caspian Sea) to Teheran, might find themselves
       in an extremely dangerous position, and the more so because,
       according to information which has reached us, the only
       Regular troops at the Shah’s disposal consist of the Persian
       Cossack Brigade, which is at present so weakened that it is
       scarcely in a condition to maintain order in Teheran.

       "This circumstance imposes upon the Imperial Government the
       moral obligation to take all measures in order that, in case
       of necessity, it may be possible to render effective aid to
       the above-mentioned (European) establishments and subjects and
       to ensure unrestricted traffic between Teheran and Enzeli in
       all circumstances. It has, therefore, been decided to send a
       force from Baku to Enzeli consisting of one regiment of
       Cossacks, one battalion of Russian infantry, and one battery
       of artillery. The force will not advance beyond Kazvin (86
       miles from Teheran), and will ensure communication between
       Kazvin and the Caspian Sea.

       "The further advance of a portion of the force depends upon
       the course of events. It can only ensue upon the demand of the
       Imperial Legation in Teheran in the event of the dangerous
       situation aforesaid arising."

    {490}

       The Russian and British Legations attempted mediation between
       the Sipahdar and the Shah, to check the former’s advance, but
       his demands made their intervention hopeless. The Shah’s
       forces pushed out to intercept the on-coming revolutionaries,
       encountered them on the 11th, 18 miles west of Teheran, and
       fighting went on at a distance from the city for two days; but
       forces which slipped between the defensive lines made their
       way into the capital on the morning of July 13th, and there
       was fighting in the streets until the 16th. The Shah then
       sought refuge at the Russian Legation, and the Russian
       officers of the Persian Cossacks, besieged in their barracks,
       made terms with the Nationalist leaders.

       Four days later the Persian situation was stated to the
       British House of Commons by the Secretary of State for Foreign
       Affairs, Sir Edward Grey, as follows:

       "The Shah, after taking refuge in the Russian legation,
       abdicated, and his son, Sultan Ahmed Mirza [a young child] has
       been proclaimed Shah by the Nationalist Committee under the
       regency of Azad-ul-Mulk, head of the Kajar tribe, pending the
       convocation of Parliament. The commanders of the Fedai and
       Bakhtiari, as temporary chiefs of the Persian Government, have
       accepted the services of the Persian Cossack brigade under
       their Russian officers, on condition that the latter are
       completely under the orders of the Minister of War. This
       arrangement was ratified at a meeting between the commanders
       and Colonel Liakhoff. Teheran is quiet, and the Persian
       Cossacks are already fraternizing with the Fedai. The Sipahdar
       has been appointed Minister of War, and the Sirdar Assad
       Minister of the Interior." Being asked if he would represent
       to the Russian Government the undesirability of advancing
       Russian troops to Teheran, Sir Edward added: "In view of the
       declarations already made by the Russian Government as to the
       circumstances under which alone Russian troops would be sent
       to Teheran and in view of the fact that no troops have been
       sent to Teheran during the recent troubles, in spite of the
       fact that at one time some apprehension, which happily proved
       to be unfounded, was expressed for the safety of Russian
       subjects, such representations would be most uncalled for."

       On the 17th the Provisional Government gave notice to the
       Anglo-Russian legations of the selection of the new Shah, and
       asked that he should be delivered to their keeping; whereupon,
       wrote the Times correspondent, "M. Sablin announced the
       request to the Shah, who replied that he thought his mother
       would not consent. The Shah then took M. Sablin to his mother
       and an affecting scene ensued. Both the mother and father
       broke down at the thought of parting with their favourite son
       and offered their second son in his place. M. Sablin replied
       that the selection had been made by the people and that he had
       no voice in the matter. The boy wept bitterly in sympathy with
       his parents and declined to leave his mother. Finally their
       Majesties were persuaded to agree. On receiving the Shah’s
       assent, the necessary proclamation was immediately promulgated
       and it was arranged that the Regent and a Nationalist
       deputation would receive the little Shah.

       "An interested crowd witnessed his departure this morning from
       the custody of his natural guardians. During the morning
       Sultan Ahmed wept bitterly at the prospect of becoming a King,
       and it required a stern message to the effect that crying was
       not allowed in the Russian Legation before he dried his eyes.
       Then the little man came out bravely, entered a large
       carriage, and drove off alone, escorted by Cossacks, Sowars,
       and Persian Cossacks and followed by a long string of
       carriages. At Sultanatabad he was met by the Regent and the
       deputation and ceremoniously notified of his high position and
       of the hope entertained by the nation that he would prove to
       be a good ruler.

       ‘Inshallah, I will,’ replied the lad. Arrangements for the
       Coronation will be made hereafter. In the meanwhile the little
       Shah, who is guarded by a Bakhtiari, remains with his tutors
       at Sultanatabad, where his mother is free to visit him."

       At Teheran, affairs settled quickly into quiet, but disorders
       were prolonged in various parts of the provinces, being
       especially serious at Shiraz. The deposed Shah remained for
       weeks at the Russian Legation, while negotiations with him for
       a pension or allowance in return for his surrender of jewels
       and money to the State went on, and the unhappy child who
       occupied his palace had more sorrow than he.

       Early in August Colonel Liakhoff returned to Russia and was
       appointed to a regimental command. On the 1st of September a
       general amnesty, with a few exceptions, was proclaimed by the
       new government at Teheran. On the 9th of September the deposed
       Shah left the shelter of the Russian Legation and journeyed,
       with his queen, four younger children and several friends,
       under Russian escort, to a residence in Russia, at Odessa,
       which was his choice. Persia was still waiting for the able
       and much trusted constitutionalist statesman, Nasr-ul-Mulk, to
       return from his exile at Paris and accept the offered
       premiership in the government; but on the 21st of September
       the report went out that he had definitely declined the post.
       He returned to Persia, however, in October. On the 11th of
       October the Russian Government made known that it had decided
       to withdraw the greater part of the troops it had been keeping
       at Tabriz. A new Mejliss, for which the Regent had ordered
       elections, was assembled on the 15th of November. On the 7th
       of December the Mejliss unanimously approved the proposals of
       the Government with regard to borrowing abroad and the
       employment of Europeans in executive capacities for the
       reorganization of the Finance Department. This, no doubt, will
       improve the situation very greatly.

    PERSIA: A. D. 1909 (January).
       Destructive Earthquake in Luristan.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: PERSIA.

       ----------PERSIA: End--------

       ----------PERU: Start--------

    PERU: A. D. 1899-1908.
       Outline of History.

       The leading events of Peruvian history are recorded in Volume
       VI. of this work down to the election of President Eduardo de
       Romaña, in 1899. "Romaña was a member of a prominent family of
       Arequipa, and had been educated in England, at Stonyhurst. He
       further had studied for, and taken a degree as, an engineer at
       King’s College, London; and whilst he had not acquired much
       experience in politics, he nevertheless successfully filled
       the Presidential Chair throughout his term. He was alive to
       the necessity for the development of the resources of the
       country, and, fortunately, his administration was not
       embarrassed by disturbances other than some small political
       intrigues such as inevitably take place in a country which, as
       Peru, was evolving a régime of civil government.
    {491}
       During this term there was some influx of North American
       capitalists, who acquired important interests, in the copper
       mines of Cerro de Pasco, and who commenced the construction of
       a railway line thereto. … The presidency of Señor Romaña
       uneventfully expired at its natural time; elections were held,
       and Señor Manuel Candamo, who had already provisionally been
       head of the State, was chosen as president in May, 1903.
       Candamo had been successful in quieting political animosities
       after the revolt against Caceres and in consolidating the
       political situation. Peru now showed real evidences of
       advancement. The old turbulent element was passing away; those
       leaders who had placed purely personal ambition before the
       true interests of their country had given place to the natural
       talent and ability of the best citizens, whom the times were
       calling to the front. Candamo’s rule promised well for the
       country. He was surrounded by able men, among whom, as chief
       cabinet minister, was Dr. Domingo Almenard, an upright lawyer.
       The fiscal revenue was increased by taxes, against which there
       were murmurings, but which the country was able to bear, and
       the tax on tobacco was set apart for the construction of new
       railways. Unfortunately, this able administrator, Señor
       Candamo, continued but a short time in office, for he was
       overtaken by illness, and died at Arequipa in May, 1904. This
       event left the country under the temporary leadership of the
       second vice-president, Señor Calderon, for the first
       vice-president had died also. An election was at once called
       according to law, the two candidates which were put forward
       being Dr. Jose Pardo, son of the former president of the same
       name, and Señor Nicolas Piérola, who had already been at the
       head of the Government on two occasions. Rivalry between the
       partisans of these two candidates became acute, and although
       it was feared for a moment that some disturbance might occur,
       good sense prevailed, and the elections proceeded without
       interruption. Both contestants were good men—Piérola
       representing the party known as the Democratas, whilst
       Pardo headed the Civilistas. There were not very
       radical differences of principle underlying these distinctions
       of name; both were for civil government and for national
       progress. Piérola had done good work during his former term,
       whilst Pardo had the prestige of the good name and
       administration of his father, the former president of
       1872-1876, and was also held in esteem personally among the
       best element of the country. The result of the election—held,
       probably, more fairly than ever in Peru before—fell to Dr.
       Pardo, who took the presidential scarf and office in
       September, 1904, and who still guides the affairs of his
       country in a manner which has won the esteem of the nation, in
       a general sense.

       Dr. Pardo’s Cabinet was formed of some of the most capable men
       in the country, prominent among whom was the minister of
       Finance, Señor Leguia, to whose work is largely due the
       improved financial situation. At the present time—1908—the
       best elements of Peru are in the ascendant."

          G. Reginald Enock,
          Peru: Its Former, and Present Civilization,
          History and Existing Conditions,
          chapter 9 (Scribner’s Sons, New York).

    PERU: A. D. 1901.
       Broad Treaty of Arbitration with Bolivia.

          See (in this Volume)
          ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL: A. D. 1901 (NOVEMBER).

    PERU: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PERU: A. D. 1903-1909.
       Boundary disputes in the Acre region with Bolivia and Brazil.

          See (in this Volume)
          ACRE DISPUTES.

    PERU: A. D. 1905.
       Arbitration Treaties with Colombia and Ecuador.

       In a message to the Peruvian Congress, July 28, 1906,
       President Pardo communicated treaties of arbitration with
       Colombia, one general in its nature, the other special for the
       settlement of existing boundary questions. Of the latter the
       message said:

       "As in former treaties of the same character which have been
       heretofore concluded with that Republic, the controversy is
       submitted to the decision, to be based upon considerations of
       equity, of His Holiness Pope Pius X. But as our question with
       Colombia is connected with the one with Ecuador, it has been
       agreed that the arbitration with Colombia shall only take
       place after the termination of the one in which we are now
       proceeding with Ecuador, upon the adjudication by the royal
       Spanish arbitrator to Peru of territories which are likewise
       claimed by Colombia."

    PERU: A. D. 1906.
       Decree for the Encouragement of Immigration.

          See (in this Volume)
          IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION: PERU.

    PERU: A. D. 1907.
       Diplomatic Relations with Chile reëstablished.
       The Tacna and Arica questions remaining open.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1907.

    PERU: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Seating of President Leguia.
       Attempted Revolutions defeated.

       On the 27th of May, 1908, Augusto B. Leguia became President,
       succeeding Dr. Pardo. Señor Leguia had previously been Premier
       and Minister of Finance and Commerce; prior to which he had
       been managing director of a great English sugar company in
       Peru. A revolutionary movement had been attempted a few weeks
       before, in which Dr. Augusto Durand and Isaias Piérola were
       engaged, and which suffered defeat.

       A year later, on May 29, a similar attempt was announced from
       Lima, and ascribed to the same "agitators," who, said the
       despatch, "made an assault upon the palace and seized
       President Leguia. The army, however, remained loyal and came
       to his support. The revolutionists were obliged to liberate
       the President, who immediately took measures to put down the
       movement. Within an hour, although firing was still heard in
       the streets, President Leguia seemed to be master of the
       situation. Many shots were exchanged between the troops and
       the revolutionists and it is believed that the casualties will
       be heavy."

       This was contradicted a week later, so far as concerned Dr.
       Durand. "It has been proved," said the later statement, "that
       the revolutionary outbreak of last week was engineered
       entirely by the followers of the Piérola brothers. A committee
       of the Liberal party to-day visited President Leguia, and,
       declaring that neither Dr. Durand nor José Oliva had taken
       part in the movement, requested that these men be set at
       liberty. The country is quiet."

       ----------PERU: End--------

    PETER I., King of Servia: His Election.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

    {492}

    PETIT, Archbishop Fulbert.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    PETROLEUM:
       The Supply and the Waste in the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          Conservation of Natural Resources.

    PETROPALOVSK, SINKING OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-August).

    PHAGOCYTES: THEIR DEPENDENCE ON OPSONINS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

    PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1905.
       A Spasm of Municipal Reform.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1909.
       Defeat of Reform.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

       ----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: Start--------

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
       Gains to Spain from their Loss.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1908.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900-1902.
       The Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
       Second Report of the Second Philippine Commission.
       Collapse of the Insurrection.
       Peace in all but five Provinces.
       Organization of Provincial Governments.
       Native Appointments.
       Central Civil Government.
       Appointment of Governor Taft.
       Filipino Members added to Commission.

       Down to the capture of Aguinaldo, leader of the Filipino
       insurgents, on the 23d of March, 1901, and his submission to
       "the sovereignty of the United States throughout the
       Philippine Archipelago," as announced in an address to his
       countrymen on the 19th of April, the history of American rule
       in those islands is recorded in Volume VI. of this work. The
       Second Philippine Commission, with the Honorable William H.
       Taft at its head, had entered on the performance of its
       extensive legislative duties on the 1st of the previous
       September, while the Military Governor continued to exercise
       administrative powers. The Commission had begun the
       organization of provincial and municipal governments, and the
       establishing of a system of public schools, as related in the
       Volume referred to. From its second report, covering ten
       months and a half, ending on the 15th of October, 1901, the
       following statements are drawn, to continue the outline of
       principal events and most important affairs down to that date:

       "The collapse of the insurrection came in May, after many
       important surrenders and captures, including that of
       Aguinaldo. Cailles, in Laguna, surrendered in June, and
       Belarmino, in Albay, on July 4.

       "There are four important provinces in which the insurrection
       still continues, Batangas, Samar, Cebu, and Bohol. Parts of
       Laguna and Tayabas adjoining Batangas in the mountain region
       are affected by the disturbances in Batangas. In Mindoro also,
       a thinly settled and almost unexplored island, there are
       insurrectos. … Outside of the five provinces named there is
       peace in the remainder of the archipelago. …

       "The work of the commission since it began to legislate in
       September, 1900, has been constant. … We have passed since our
       last report, in addition to numerous appropriation bills, a
       municipal code, a provincial law, a school law, a law
       prescribing an accounting system, acts organizing the various
       bureaus of the central government, acts organizing the courts,
       an act to incorporate the city of Manila, a code of civil
       procedure for the islands, and a new tariff act. …

       "The general provincial law provides for a provincial
       government of five officers—the governor, the treasurer, the
       supervisor, the secretary, and the fiscal, or prosecuting
       attorney. The governing board is called the provincial board,
       and includes as members the governor, the treasurer, and the
       supervisor. The prosecuting attorney is the legal adviser of
       the board and the secretary of the province is its secretary.
       The first function of the provincial government is to collect,
       through the provincial treasurer, all the taxes, with few
       exceptions, belonging to the towns or the province. Its second
       and most important function is the construction of highways
       and bridges and public buildings. Its third function is the
       supervision, through the governor and the provincial
       treasurer, of the municipal officers in the discharge of their
       duties. Within certain limitations, the provincial board fixes
       the rate of levy for provincial taxation.

       "The governor has the power to suspend any municipal officer
       found failing in his duty, and is obliged to visit the towns
       of the province twice in a year, and hear complaints against
       the municipal officers. … Under the act the offices are all to
       be filled at first by appointment of the commission. The
       governor holds his office until February, 1902, when his
       successor is to be elected in a mass convention of the
       municipal councilors of the towns of the province. The
       secretary, treasurer, and supervisor after February next are
       brought under the civil-service act, and all vacancies
       thereafter arising are to be filled in accordance with the
       terms of that act. The fiscal is appointed for an
       indeterminate period, and is not subject to the civil-service
       law. …

       "The commission reached the conclusion that it would aid in
       the pacification of the country; would make the members of
       that body very much better acquainted with the country, with
       the people, and with the local conditions, and would help to
       educate the people in American methods, if the commission went
       to the capital of each province and there passed the special
       act necessary to create the provincial government and made the
       appointments at that time. Accordingly, the commission visited
       thirty-three provinces. …

    {493}

       "The policy of the commission in its provincial appointments
       has been, where possible, to appoint Filipinos as governors
       and Americans as treasurers and supervisors. The provincial
       secretary and the provincial fiscal appointed have uniformly
       been Filipinos. It will be observed that this makes a majority
       of the provincial board American. The commission has, in
       several instances, appointed to provincial offices former
       insurgent generals who have been of especial aid in bringing
       about peace, and in so doing it has generally acted on the
       earnest recommendation of the commanding officer of the
       district or province. We believe the appointments made have
       had a good effect and the appointees have been anxious to do
       their duty. …

       "The central government of the islands established in
       September, 1900, under the instructions of the President, with
       a military governor as chief executive and the commission as
       the legislative body with certain executive functions in
       addition, continued until the 4th of July, 1901. At that time
       Major General Adna R. Chaffee relieved Major-General MacArthur
       as commanding general of this division and military governor.
       By the order of June 21, previous, in all organized provinces
       the civil executive authority theretofore reposed in the
       military governor and in the commission was transferred on
       July 4 to a civil governor. The president of the commission
       was designated as civil governor. …

       "By an order taking effect September 1, the purport of which
       was announced the 4th day of July, there were added to the
       commission, as a legislative body, three Filipinos, Dr. T. H.
       Pardo de Tavera, Señor Benito Legarda, and Senor José
       Luzuriaga. These gentlemen, the first two of them residents of
       Manila and the last a resident of the island of Negros, had
       been most earnest and efficient in bringing about peace in the
       islands. Dr. Tavera was the first president of the Federal
       party, had accompanied the commission in its trips to the
       southern provinces, and was most useful in the effective
       speeches which he delivered in favor of peace and good order
       at every provincial meeting. Señor Legarda had been valuable
       in the extreme to General Otis and to all the American
       authorities by the wisdom of his suggestions, and the courage
       and earnestness with which he upheld the American cause as the
       cause most beneficial to his country. Señor José Luzuriaga was
       a member of the first government of the island of Negros,
       organized while there was insurrection rife throughout the
       islands, as an independent government under the supervision of
       a military governor, and was most active in preventing the
       insurrection from gaining any foothold in that important
       island. …

       "The theory upon which the commission is proceeding is that
       the only possible method of instructing the Filipino people in
       methods of free institutions and self-government is to make a
       government partly of Americans and partly of Filipinos, giving
       the Americans the ultimate control for some time to come. In
       our last report we pointed out that the great body of the
       people were ignorant, superstitious, and at present incapable
       of understanding any government but that of absolutism. The
       intelligence and education of the people may be largely
       measured by knowledge of the Spanish language. Less than 10
       per cent of the people speak Spanish. With Spaniards in
       control of these islands for four hundred years and with
       Spanish spoken in all official avenues, nothing could be more
       significant of the lack of real intelligence among the people
       than this statement. The common people are not a warlike
       people, but are submissive and easily—indeed much too
       easily—controlled by the educated among them, and the power of
       an educated Filipino politically ambitious, willing to plot
       and use all the arts of a demagogue in rousing the people, is
       quite dangerous. The educated people themselves, though full
       of phrases concerning liberty, have but a faint conception of
       what real civil liberty is and the mutual self-restraint which
       is involved in its maintenance. They find it hard to
       understand the division of powers in a government, and the
       limitations that are operative upon all officers, no matter
       how high. In the municipalities, in the Spanish days, what the
       friar did not control the presidente did, and the people knew
       and expected no limit to his exercise of authority. This is
       the difficulty we now encounter in the organization of the
       municipality. The presidente fails to observe the limitations
       upon his power, and the people are too submissive to press
       them. In this condition of affairs we have thought that we
       ought first to reduce the electorate to those who could be
       considered intelligent, and so the qualifications for voting
       fixed in the municipal code are that the voter shall either
       speak, read, and write English or Spanish, or that he shall
       have been formerly a municipal officer, or that he should pay
       a tax equal to $15 a year or own property of the value of
       $250."

          Report of the U. S. Philippine Commission,
          from December 1, 1900, to October 15, 1901,
          part 1, pages 7-20.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Report of Governor Taft.
       Civil Government established in
       all Christian Filipino Territory.
       The Moros.
       Destruction of the Carabao.
       Cholera.
       Ladrones.
       The Native Constabulary.

       "When our last report was submitted there was insurrection in
       the province of Batangas, where the insurgent forces were
       commanded by General Malvar, and in the adjacent provinces of
       Tayabas and Laguna; in the province of Samar, where the
       insurgent forces were commanded by General Lukban; in Cebu,
       where the insurgent forces were under the insurgent leaders
       Climaco and Maxilom; in Bohol, where the insurgent forces were
       commanded by the insurgent leader Samson; and in the island of
       Mindoro. Vigorous campaigns were begun in November and
       December by General Bell, in Batangas, Laguna, Tayabas, and
       Mindoro, by General Smith in Samar, and by General Hughes in
       Cebu and Bohol. In November and December the insurgents in
       Cebu and Bohol surrendered, and conditions of peace were so
       completely established that the Commission soon after received
       the province of Cebu from the military authorities, and by act
       numbered 322, passed December 20, 1901, restored the civil
       government in that province to take effect January 1, 1902; in
       Bohol the province was delivered over to the Commission early
       in 1902, and the commission, by act of March 3, 1902, restored
       civil government there to take effect April 1, 1902. General
       Lukban, in Samar, was captured in February, 1902, and the
       entire force of insurgents in that island under General
       Guevara surrendered in April following.

    {494}

       "By an act passed June 17, 1902, Number 419, the Commission
       organized the province of Samar, and established civil
       government there. In April of 1902, General Malvar surrendered
       with all his forces in Batangas, and by act passed June 23,
       1902, the Commission restored civil government to that
       province to take effect July 4, 1902. By act Number 424,
       enacted July 1, 1902, the province of Laguna was organized
       into a civil government. This completed the organization of
       all the provinces in which insurrection had been rife during
       the latter part of 1901, except Mindoro. There were, in
       addition, certain tracts of territory occupied by Christian
       Filipinos that had not received civil government, either
       because of the remoteness of the territory or the scarcity of
       population." The report then details the measures by which
       civil government was given to these tracts of territory, and
       proceeds:

       "The question what shall be done with respect to Mindanao is
       one which has not been definitely decided, first, because so
       much has had to be done with respect to the northern and
       Filipino provinces, and, second, because at present there is
       an unsettled condition in the Lake Lanao country. The
       hostility to the Americans does not reach beyond the Lake
       Lanao Moros. The Moros of the Jolo group, of Zamboanga, and of
       the Rio Grande de Mindanao Valley are all quiet, and all
       entirely willing to submit to American supervision. It is very
       possible that an arrangement can be brought about by which the
       Sultan of Jolo can be induced to part with such rights as he
       claims to have in the Jolo Archipelago, and in this way
       questions which now present very perplexing difficulties with
       respect to ownership of privileges, rights, and lands may be
       obviated. … I think it wiser on the part of the Commission to
       postpone the consideration of the Moro question until we have
       passed legislation to meet needs that are more pressing
       throughout the northern part of these possessions of the
       United States. For a great many years to come there will be no
       question of popular government in the Moro country; the Moros
       do not understand popular government, do not desire it, and
       are entirely content with the control by their dattos.
       Possibly far in the future the control by dattos will cease.
       There is room for material and industrial development among
       the Moros, and with their material improvement may come a
       change in their political views. For the present, however, it
       is necessary only to provide a paternal, strong, but
       sympathetic government for these followers of Mohammed.

       "The civil government has assumed responsibility for the
       preservation of order and the maintenance of law throughout
       the Christian Filipino territory of this archipelago at a time
       when the material conditions are most discouraging and present
       every conceivable obstacle to the successful administration of
       the affairs of 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 people. The war of six
       years since 1896 has greatly interfered with the regular
       pursuit of agriculture, which is almost the only source of
       wealth in the islands. Many years ago there was sufficient
       rice raised in the islands not only to feed the people but to
       export it to other countries. For a number of years before the
       American occupancy rice had been imported. The area of
       cultivation of the rice has been much lessened during the war
       and many fields which were formerly tilled are grown now with
       the cogon grass because of neglect.

       "The greatest blow to agriculture has been the loss of the
       carabao or water buffalo, upon which the cultivation of rice,
       according to the mode pursued in these islands, is wholly
       dependent. The war in some degree, and the rinderpest in a
       much larger degree, have destroyed about 90 per cent of the
       carabaos; and the natives—never very active in helping
       themselves—have simply neglected the rice culture, so that
       now the islands are compelled to spend about $15,000,000 gold
       to buy food upon which to live. The carabao is not so
       necessary in the cultivation of the sugar crop or in the
       cultivation of hemp. …

       "The cholera has swept over these islands with fatal effect,
       so that the total loss will probably reach 100,000 deaths.
       Whole villages have been depopulated and the necessary
       sanitary restrictions to avoid its spread have interfered with
       agriculture, with intercommunication, and with all business.
       The ravages of war have left many destitute, and a guerrilla
       life has taken away from many all habits of industry. With no
       means of carrying on agriculture, which is the only occupation
       of these islands, the temptation to the less responsible of
       the former insurgents after surrender to prey upon their
       neighbors and live by robbery and rapine has been very great.
       The bane of Philippine civilization in the past was ladronism,
       and the present conditions are most favorable for its growth
       and maintenance. … Many who were proscribed for political
       offences in the Spanish times had no refuge but the mountains,
       and being in the mountains conducted a free robber life, and
       about them gathered legions not unlike those of the Robin Hood
       days of England, so that they attracted frequently the
       sympathy of the common people. In the Spanish days it was
       common for the large estate owners, including the friars, to
       pay tribute to neighboring ladrones. Every Tagalog province
       had its band of ladrones, and frequently each town had its
       recognized ladrone whom it protected and through whom it
       negotiated for immunity. …

       "The insurrection is over. It is true that the ladrones,
       though they live on nothing but cattle and rice stealing, and
       never attack American soldiers, and prey only upon their own
       people, do masquerade as insurrectos; but they recognize no
       authority and have no characteristics other than those of
       banditti. They have stirred up in some of the provinces the
       organization of so-called secret societies for the purpose of
       securing agencies with which successfully to conduct their
       robbery and to sell the fruits of it. … The picture that I
       have given of the depressed condition of agriculture, and the
       tendency to ladronize in the Tagalog provinces and in some of
       the Visayan provinces, does not apply to those provinces in
       which hemp is the chief product. They are wealthy and
       prosperous."

          Report of Governor W. H. Taft
          (Report of the Philippine Commission, 1902, part 1).

    {495}

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902.
       Padre Aglipay’s Secession from the Roman Catholic Church.
       Organization of the Independent Filipino Catholic Church.

       "Gregorio Aglipay is an Ilocano, and was an ordained priest of
       the Roman Catholic Church in these islands before the
       insurrection. During the insurrection he continued his
       priestly functions at Mabolos and took such action as to bring
       him into conflict with the hierarchy of the Church. What the
       merits of this controversy were I do not know. Subsequently he
       assumed the leadership of the insurrecto forces in Ilocos
       Norte and carried on a very active campaign in the mountains
       of that province. He was one of the last of the leaders to
       surrender with his forces in North Luzon. Since his surrender
       he has been quite active in spreading propaganda among the
       native priests against the so-called Friar domination of the
       church in these islands. The definite refusal of the Vatican
       to withdraw the Spanish friars from the islands was made the
       occasion for the formation of the Independent Filipino
       Catholic Church. Actively engaged with Aglipay in this
       movement was Isabelo de los Reyes, the former editor of an
       insurrecto paper, published in Madrid, called Filipinas ante
       Europa, and an agitator of irresponsible and irrepressible
       character. … Padre Aglipay has secured the active and open
       cooperation of a number of native priests, 15 of whom he has
       appointed bishops, himself having the title of archbishop. He
       has held mass in many different places in and about Manila;
       his services have attracted large gatherings of people. …

       "In order to prevent constant recurrence of disturbances of
       the peace I have had to take a firm stand with the leaders of
       the movement by impressing upon them that forcible
       dispossession of a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, for
       years in peaceable possession of the church and the rector’s
       house, is contrary to law, and would be prevented by the whole
       police power. The leaders of the movement assure me that they
       have no desire to violate the law and wish to keep within it,
       but that their followers at times are hard to control. I have
       said to them that if they claim title to the churches they may
       assert it through the courts, and if successful will secure
       not only the confirmation of their title but actual
       possession. …

       "I have taken occasion to say, whenever an opportunity
       occurred, that the insular government desired to take no part
       whatever in the religious controversies thus arising; that it
       would protect Father Aglipay and his followers in worshiping
       God as they chose just as it would protect the Roman Catholic
       Church and its ministers and followers in the same rights. But
       that, if the law was violated by either party, it would become
       the duty of the government to step in and restrain such
       lawlessness."

          Governor Wm. H. Taft,
          Report, 1902, pages 39-40.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Governmental Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.

       "As early as 1898, the Peace Commission, which negotiated the
       treaty of Paris, became convinced that one of the most
       important steps in tranquilizing the islands and in
       reconciling the Filipinos to the American Government would be
       the governmental purchase of the so-called friars’
       agricultural lands in the Philippines, and the sale of these
       lands to the tenants upon long, easy payments. … The Secretary
       of War and the President concurred in the recommendations of
       the Commission. Accordingly in May, 1902, the writer, as civil
       governor of the Philippine Islands, was directed by the
       Secretary of War to visit Rome and to confer with the Pope or
       such agents as he might designate in respect to the question
       of buying the friars’ agricultural lands and other questions
       of a similar character which were pending between the Roman
       Catholic Church and the Government. The negotiations which
       were had on this subject in Rome were set forth in the
       correspondence published by the Secretary of War in his report
       to Congress for last year. In a word, the Pope approved the
       purchase of the agricultural lands of the three great
       religious orders that owned agricultural lands in the islands
       and appointed an apostolic delegate with as full powers as he
       could be invested with to bring about this result. …

       "In order to determine the value of the estates, the
       representatives of the various companies and other interests
       were invited to attend a hearing, when various witnesses were
       called to testify. The apostolic delegate was also present. …

       "In accordance with the agreement reached in Rome, I sent to
       the apostolic delegate a request for a statement of the exact
       interests retained by the religious orders in the Philippines
       in the lands which were the subject of negotiation. No formal
       answer to this letter was ever received, but informally it was
       stated to me by the delegate that the authorities in the
       Philippines had informed him that they had so disposed of
       their interests that they were unable to make a statement of
       what their interests were, if any. The value of the lands, as
       estimated according to the statements of the agents of the
       companies, aggregated a sum between thirteen and fourteen
       millions of dollars gold. The estimate of Villegas, the
       surveyor employed by the Commission, showed the valuation of
       the lands to be $6,043,000 gold, if his value in Mexican
       should be reduced to gold at the rate of two to one, which was
       the gold rate about the time of his survey and classification,
       though the Mexican dollar fell considerably after that.
       Considering the bad conditions which prevailed in agriculture,
       the loss of cattle, the dispute concerning title, and the
       agrarian question that must always remain in the management of
       these estates and embarrass the owner, I considered—and I
       believe the Commission generally agreed with me—that
       $6,043,000 gold was a full price for the lands. The sum,
       however, was scouted by the persons representing the owners,
       and there appeared to be very little prospect of reaching an
       agreement. …

       "Not discouraged, however, by circumstances that seemed most
       discouraging, the apostolic delegate bent his energies to
       bringing the parties to a settlement. After some negotiation
       the delegate first stated that he thought he could arrange a
       sale for $10,500,000 gold. I told him there was no hope of
       bringing about a purchase at that figure. … Then followed a
       long and protracted discussion between the parties who were to
       be the venders as to how this sum should be divided, and there
       was much difficulty in arriving at a solution—so great a
       difficulty, indeed, that I was informed that unless $7,770,000
       was paid there was no hope of reaching an agreement. With the
       approval of the Secretary of War and the Commission, I replied
       that $7,543,000 was our ultimatum, and that we would not give
       more than that, and this was ultimately the basis upon which
       the price was fixed."

          Report of the Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands,
          William H. Taft
          (Fourth Report of the Philippine Commission).

    {496}

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1905.
       Report of Committee on Methods of Dealing with the Sale and
       Use of Opium.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.
       Resignation of Governor Ide.
       Appointment and Inauguration of Governor Smith.
       Complete Tranquility in the Islands.
       Change in the Constitution of Provincial Boards.

       "On September 20, 1906, the resignation of the Honorable Henry
       Clay Ide as governor-general became effective, and on that
       date the Honorable James F. Smith was inaugurated as
       governor-general of the Philippine Islands. … Since April of
       this year complete tranquility has prevailed in every part of
       the archipelago, inclusive of the Moro province. In 21 of the
       provinces peace has reigned supreme during the entire year. In
       Bataan and Batangas there was some disturbance of the public
       order, caused in the case of the first-named province by the
       escape of some provincial prisoners, and in the second by the
       operations of six or seven brigands near the boundary line of
       the provinces of La Laguna and Tayabas. All of the escaped
       prisoners and all of the bandits with the exception of two in
       each party have been captured. …

       "The convention of provincial governors held in Manila in
       October, 1906, recommended that the then existing law
       providing that provincial boards shall be composed of a
       provincial governor elected by the municipal councilors and
       vice-presidents of the various municipalities of the province
       and a provincial treasurer and a third member appointed by the
       executive be so amended as to permit of the election of the
       provincial governor and third member by direct vote of the
       people. This recommendation was submitted to the Secretary of
       War, and on receiving his approval thereof the provincial
       government act was amended accordingly. This innovation in the
       constitution and selection of provincial boards has been an
       advantage both to the insular and to the local government. On
       the one hand it has removed all cause for friction between the
       provincial governor elected by the people and the two members
       of the board named by the executive. On the other it has
       imposed upon the provincial governor and the third member the
       responsibility for the well-being of the province and has
       removed from the insular government much of the responsibility
       for conditions purely of local concern."

          Report of the Philippine Commission,
          December 31, 1907
          (Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 799-807).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.
       The Philippine Election Law.
       Election of a Popular Assembly.
       Political Parties participating in it.
       The first meeting of the Assembly.
       Presence of Secretary Taft.
       His account of the Assembly and of the Parties
       represented in it.

       "In January, 1907, the Philippine Commission passed the
       Philippine election law. In framing this law the election
       codes of Massachusetts, New York, the District of Columbia,
       and California were consulted and features adopted from each,
       modified in such a way as to meet insular conditions and to
       avoid the mistakes and abuses that have arisen in some
       provincial and municipal elections in the islands. The aim has
       been to provide a law sufficiently explicit and not too
       complicated for easy comprehension. Every effort has been made
       to afford the necessary safeguards and machinery to insure
       purity, secrecy, certainty, and expedition, without causing
       too great a drain upon the resources of municipal and
       provincial governments. The prominent features of this law as
       amended are the division of those provinces not inhabited by
       Moros or other non-Christian tribes into 78 assembly
       districts, each province to constitute at least one district
       and the more populous being divided into more districts, in
       the ratio of 1 to every 90,000 of population and major
       fraction thereof remaining. In accordance with this
       apportionment there will be 80 delegates, two of whom will
       represent the city of Manila, which is considered as a
       province, within the meaning of the act of Congress, and
       divided into two districts."

          Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,
          October 31, 1907
          (Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 781).

       "On the 28th of March, 1907, the Commission by resolution,
       unanimously adopted, certified to the President that for two
       years following the publication of the census of the islands a
       condition of general and complete peace had prevailed and then
       existed in the territory of the islands not inhabited by Moros
       or other non-Christian tribes. … By virtue of this certificate
       and in accordance with the provisions of the act of Congress of
       July 1, 1902, the President on March 28, issued a proclamation
       directing the Philippine Commission to call a general election
       for the choice of delegates to a popular assembly. Accordingly
       on the 30th of March, 1907, the Commission passed a resolution
       ordering that an election be held for delegates on July 30 and
       directing the governor-general to issue a proclamation
       announcing the election for that date. The proclamation was
       issued on April 1. By a strange coincidence the day of the
       month fixed for holding the election was the same as that on
       which the first legislative body in America, the house of
       burgesses, met in the year 1619. Under the general election
       law the delegates to the assembly elected at the elections
       held on July 30th, 1907, and seated by the Philippine
       assembly, will serve until January 1, 1910. Subsequent
       elections for delegates will be held on the first Tuesday
       after the first Monday in November, 1909, and on the first
       Tuesday after the first Monday in November in each
       odd-numbered year thereafter, delegates to take office on the
       1st day of January next following their election and to hold
       office for two years, or until their successors are elected
       and qualified.

       "The basis of representation in the Philippine assembly is one
       delegate for every 90,000 of population and one additional
       delegate for a major fraction thereof: Provided, however, that
       each Christian province shall be entitled to at least one
       delegate and that the total number of delegates shall at no
       time exceed 100. Provinces entitled to more than one delegate
       are divided into districts. The law declares Manila to be a
       province within the meaning of the act of Congress authorizing
       the assembly, and, it is allowed the same representation as
       other provinces. Thirty-four provinces are represented in the
       Philippine assembly, which is composed of 80 members.

    {497}

       "The act of Congress requires that delegates to the assembly
       shall be qualified electors of the election district in which
       they may be chosen, 25 years of age, and owing allegiance to
       the United States. The act of Congress prescribes that the
       qualifications of electors shall be the same as those
       prescribed for electors in municipal elections under laws in
       force at the time of the passage of the Congressional
       enactment. As the municipal election laws in force at the time
       of the passage of the act of Congress have undergone some
       change in regard to the qualifications of electors, the
       strange anomaly is presented of having certain
       qualifications exacted from municipal and provincial officials
       which are not required for delegates to the assembly. One of
       the results is that felons, victims of the opium habit, and
       persons convicted in the court of first instance for crimes
       involving moral turpitude, but whose cases are pending on
       appeal, are not eligible for election to any provincial or
       municipal office, but may become delegates to the assembly.

       "As announced by provincial governors the elections for
       assemblymen held on the 30th of July, 1907, resulted in the
       election of 32 Nacionalistas, 4 Independistas, 7
       Inmediatistas, 16 Progresistas, 20 Independents, and 1 Centro
       Catolico. The total number of voters registered for the
       assembly elections was 104,966. The number of voters
       registered for the provincial and municipal elections will be
       very much larger than that for the assembly elections. The
       difference in registration and votes cast at the two elections
       seems to show with considerable certainty that there was far
       more interest in the elections for provincial and municipal
       officials than there was in the election for assemblymen. …

       "The delegates to the Philippine assembly, in accordance with
       the call of the governor-general as prescribed by the act of
       Congress, met at the Grand Opera House in the city of Manila
       on the 16th day of October at 9 o’clock A. M."

          Report of the Philippine Commission,
          December 31, 1907
          (Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, pages 810-811).

       The Honorable William H. Taft, United States Secretary of War,
       former Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, made the
       long journey to the Islands on this occasion for the purpose
       of opening the meeting of the Assembly and personally
       inspecting the state of affairs. After returning, in the
       following December, he made an extended report to the
       President, in which he discussed the character of the Assembly
       and of the parties represented in it at considerable length.
       Recurring to the formation of the first political party that
       arose in the Islands after they came under the control of the
       United States, he said of it:

       "It is a mistake to suppose that the war by the Filipinos
       against the Americans had the sympathy of all the Filipinos.
       On the contrary, there were many intelligent and conservative
       men who favored American control and who did not believe in
       the capacity of their people immediately to organize a
       government which would be stable and satisfactory, but in the
       face of a possible independence of the Islands, they were
       still. Upon Mr. McKinley’s second election many of these
       persons reached the conclusion that it was time for them to
       act. Accordingly, they formed the Federal Party, the chief
       platform of which was peace under American sovereignty and the
       acceptance of the American promises to govern the Islands for
       the benefit of the Filipinos and gradually to extend popular
       self-government to the people. The Federal Party received
       accessions by thousands in all parts of the Islands and in
       every province, so that the Commission was enabled during the
       year 1901, and under the auspices, and with the aid of, the
       Federal Party, to organize civil government in some 32 or 33
       provinces, or in substantially all of them. … The main purpose
       and principle of the party was peace under the sovereignty of
       the United States. In drafting a platform its leaders had
       formulated a plank favoring the organization of the Islands
       into a Territory of the United States, with a view to its
       possibly becoming a State. From this plank it took its name.
       In the first two or three years after its successful effort to
       bring on peace, many prominent Filipinos having political
       ambition became members, and in the gubernatorial elections
       the great majority of governors elected were Federals. And so
       substantially all who filled prominent offices in the
       government by appointment, including the judges, were of that
       party. Then dissension arose among prominent leaders and some
       withdrew from the party. The natural opposition to a
       government party led to the organization of other parties,
       especially among those known as Intransigentes
       [Irreconcilables]. The Federal Party had founded an organ, the
       Democracia, early in its existence. The opponents of the
       government looking to immediate independence founded a paper
       called the Renacimiento. The latter was edited with especial
       ability and with a partisan spirit against the American
       Government.

       "For two years before the election of the Assembly the
       Filipinos who sympathized with the Renacimiento were
       perfecting their organization to secure a majority in the
       assembly. Many groups were formed, but they all were known as
       the Partido Nacionalista. There was some difference as to
       whether to this title should be added the word ‘inmediatista,’
       but the great majority favored it. The party is generally
       known as the Nacionalista Party. During much of these same two
       years, the Federal Party was dormant. …

       "Some six months before the elections, there sprung from the
       ashes of the Federal Party a party which, rejecting the
       statehood idea, declared itself in favor of making the
       Philippines an independent nation by gradual and progressive
       acquisition of governmental control until the people should
       become fitted by education and practice under American
       sovereignty to enjoy and maintain their complete independence.
       It was called the Partido Nacionalista Progresista. It is
       generally known as the Progresista Party. …

    {498}

       "The campaign in the last two or three months was carried on
       with great vigor. The Nacionalistas had the advantage of being
       understood to be against the government. This, with a people
       like the Filipino people, who had been taught to regard the
       government as an entity separate from the people, taxing them
       and prosecuting them, was in itself a strong reason for
       popular sympathy and support. The Progresistas were denounced
       as a party of office-holders. The government was denounced as
       extravagant and burdensome to the people. In many districts
       the Nacionalista candidates promised that if they were
       returned immediate independence would follow. There were quite
       a number of candidates in country and remote districts where
       the controversy was not heated who did not declare themselves
       on the main question, and maintained an independence of any
       party. They were known as Independientes. Then, there were
       other Independientes who declared themselves independent of
       party, but in favor of immediate independence.

       "The total vote registered and cast did not exceed 104,000,
       although in previous gubernatorial elections the total vote
       had reached nearly 150,000. The high vote at the latter
       elections may be partly explained by the fact that at the same
       elections town officers were elected, and the personal
       interest of many candidates drew out a larger number of
       electors. But the falling off was also in part due, doubtless,
       to the timidity of conservative voters, who, because of the
       heat of the campaign, preferred to avoid taking sides. This is
       not a permanent condition, however, and I doubt not that the
       meeting of the assembly and the evident importance of its
       functions when actually performed will develop a much greater
       popular interest in it, and the total vote will be largely
       increased at the next election.

       "I opened the assembly in your name. The roll of the members
       returned on the face of the record was called. An appropriate
       oath was administered to all the members and the assembly
       organized by selecting Señor Sergio Osmeña as its speaker or
       presiding officer. Señor Osmeña has been one of the most
       efficient fiscals, or prosecuting attorneys, in the Islands,
       having conducted the government prosecutions in the largest
       province of the Islands, the province and Island of Cebu. He
       was subsequently elected governor, and by his own activity in
       going into every part of the island, he succeeded in enlisting
       the assistance of all the people in suppressing ladronism,
       which had been rife in the mountains of Cebu for thirty or
       forty years, so that to-day there is absolute peace and
       tranquillity throughout the island. He is a young man, not 30,
       but of great ability, shrewdness, high ideals, and yet very
       practical in his methods of dealing with men and things. The
       assembly could have done nothing which indicated its good
       sense so strongly as the selection of Senor Osmeña as its
       presiding officer. …

       "As a shibboleth—as a party cry—immediate independence has
       much force, because it excites the natural pride of the
       people; but few of their number have ever worked out its
       consequences, and when they have done so they have been
       willing to postpone that question until some of the immediate
       needs of the people have been met. I may be wrong, but my
       judgment is that the transfer of real power, by giving to the
       people part of the legislative control of the Christian
       provinces, sobers their leaders with the sense of
       responsibility and teaches them some of the practical
       difficulties of government I do not for a moment guarantee
       that there will not at times be radical action by the
       Assembly, which cannot meet the approval of those who
       understand the legislative needs of the Islands, but all I
       wish to say is that the organization and beginning of the life
       of the Assembly have disappointed its would-be critics and
       have given great encouragement to those who were responsible
       for its extension of political power."

          Special Report of William H. Taft, Secretary of War,
          to the President on the Philippines, January 23, 1908
          (60th Cong. 1st Session, Senate Doc. No. 200).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.
       Change in the Governor-General’s Office.

       General James F. Smith was succeeded as Governor-General
       by the Vice-Governor-General, Mr. W. Cameron Forbes, in
       November, 1909.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909.
       Philippine Tariff Act.

       A special Message, transmitting a Philippine Tariff Bill
       recommended by the Secretary of War, was sent to Congress,
       April 14, by President Taft. "This measure," wrote the
       President, "revises the present Philippine tariff, simplifies
       it and makes it conform as nearly as possible to the
       regulations of the customs laws of the United States,
       especially with respect to packing and packages. The present
       Philippine regulations have been cumbersome and difficult for
       American merchants and exporters to comply with. Its purpose
       is to meet the new conditions that will arise under the
       section of the pending United States tariff bill which
       provides, with certain limitations, for free trade between the
       United States and the islands. It is drawn with a view to
       preserving to the islands as much customs revenue as possible
       and to protect in a reasonable measure those industries which
       now exist in the islands.

       "The bill now transmitted has been drawn by a board of tariff
       experts, of which the insular collector of customs, Colonel
       George R. Colton, was the president. The board held a great
       many open meetings in Manila, and conferred fully with
       representatives of all business interests in the Philippine
       Islands. It is of great importance to the welfare of the
       islands that the bill should be passed at the same time with
       the pending Payne bill, with special reference to the
       provisions of which it was prepared."

       The Bill was passed, but certain tobacco interests secured an
       important amendment in their favor.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1909 (November).
       Success of the Nationalists in the Election.

       "Practically complete returns from the recent election
       indicate that the Assembly will be composed of sixty
       Nationalists, fifteen Progressists, and five Independents. The
       Nationalists also gained four provincial Governors over the
       number elected by that party at the last election. Similar
       gains in other offices have been made by the Nationalists.
       Some of the returns are still missing, but they are not likely
       to make any material change in the figures given."

          Press Report from Manila,
          November 5, 1909.

       ----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: End--------

    PICKETING:
       The Labor Strikers’ Right.
       Its limit.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1906 (MARCH).

    PICQUART, GENERAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    PIEROLA, NICOLAS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU.

    PINCHOT, GIFFORD:
       Chief of the United States Forest Service.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    PINCHOT, GIFFORD:
       On Threatened Water Power Trust.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    {499}

    PIOUS FUND QUESTION.
       Its Decision by the Hague Tribunal.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

    PITTSBURG: A. D. 1906-1908.
       Under a Reforming Mayor.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907.
       Enlargement and Rededication of the Carnegie Institute.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    PITTSBURG: A. D. 1907-1908.
       The Pittsburg Survey.
       A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES.

    PIUS X., POPE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY.

    PLAGUE, Bubonic.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    "PLAN OF CAMPAIGN," THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1907.

    PLATT AMENDMENT.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT, THE.

       The first convention of the Playground Association of America,
       held at Chicago in June, 1907, was a very notable gathering,
       in the character of the men and women assembled,—in the
       quality of the discussion they gave to the subject of
       child-development by wholesome play,—in the spirit imparted to
       it by the wonderful exhibit that Chicago could make of
       achievement in this new civic undertaking, and in the great
       impetus it gave to the playground movement throughout the
       country. The proceedings and incidents of the convention were
       reported very fully in the August number of Charities and
       Corrections that year.

       "From one article, ‘How They Played at Chicago,’ by Mr. Graham
       Romeyn Taylor, we learn that in connection with the convention
       there was held a festival of sport and play, in which from
       first to last ‘the play spirit was ascendant.’ More than 5000
       persons participated, and among them were President Gulick, of
       the national association, and Dr. Sargent, of Harvard. The
       play spirit, says he, captivated every one. ‘Play, according
       to students of it, means not only a good time, but from the
       child’s point of view it is serious business: moreover, it has
       vital significance in educational development.’ This meeting,
       he claims, marks the transition of playground activity from a
       more or less sporadic and disconnected series of efforts in
       our larger cities to a firmly established and well organized
       national movement. A better understanding of the playground
       issue means better citizenship and community-life.

       "President Roosevelt, honorary president, had requested that
       delegations be sent to this convention from many cities, ‘to
       gain inspiration from this meeting, and to see the magnificent
       system that Chicago has erected in its South Park section,—one
       of the most notable civic achievements of any American city.’
       They came, and returned to their home cities with photographs
       of the playgrounds and recreation centers in Chicago. On these
       the city of Chicago has expended during the last four years
       $6,500,000, and has recently appropriated $3,000,000
       additional. Moreover, it has authorized $1,500,000 for similar
       facilities for children on the north and west sides as well.
       Each center costs about $30,000 annually. These centers
       recognize that human needs transcend all other things, and
       tend to develop a social spirit that one day must permeate our
       commingled races."

          American Review of Reviews,
          September, 1907.

       "According to the new Year Book [for 1910] of the Playground
       Association of America, 336 municipalities in the United
       States are maintaining supervised playgrounds. The actual
       number of playgrounds operated in 267 of these cities last
       year was 1,535. About 56 per cent. are in the area of greatest
       density of population, in the North Atlantic States. The
       number of cities in those States maintaining playgrounds is
       149, and the number of playgrounds established in 123 of them
       is 873. Massachusetts has led in the movement.

       "In about 49 per cent. of the cities operating public
       playgrounds, the managing authority, wholly or in part, is the
       city itself, which is working through its board of education,
       its park department, or other municipal bureau—or by
       combining the activities of two or more departments. In
       fifteen cities the Mayors have appointed special commissions,
       organized, as city departments for the administration of
       playgrounds, which are no longer left to the philanthropist.

       "In fifty-five of the larger cities, local playground
       associations have been established, and many of the smaller
       towns have organized committees that will be converted into
       permanent organizations. Churches, women’s clubs, Young Men’s
       Christian Associations, Associated Charities, and
       public-spirited men and women have contributed their help.

       "An index of the interest in the movement is afforded by a
       survey of figures representing the yearly expenditures for
       sites, equipment, and the maintenance of playgrounds. In many
       cases specific information on this point is not available, but
       184 cities have sent reports stating definitely what it costs
       them to operate their grounds. The total amount expended in
       the year by these 184 cities is $1,353,114. In 18 per cent, of
       the cities the amount of money set apart for playgrounds was
       appropriated entirely by the municipality, while in 23 per
       cent. the cities combined with private organizations."

          New York Evening Post,
          January 5, 1910.

       In England, or in London, at least, the movement has been set
       on foot by an "Evening Play Centres Committee," of which Mrs.
       Humphry Ward is Chairman. The object of the Committee, as
       stated by Mrs. Ward, is "to open the school buildings in
       winter for play, exercise, and handwork, as an alternative to
       the streets, to children after school hours; and in summer to
       organize the playgrounds, as is now so largely done in America
       and Canada"; but thus far its success appears to have been
       mostly in the opening of indoor play centres for evening
       entertainment.

    PLAZA, GENERAL LEONIDAS:
       President of Ecuador.

          See (in this Volume)
          ECUADOR.

    PLEHVE, M. V. de:
       Defence of Russian Measures in Finland.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1901.

    PLEHVE, M. V. de:
       Russian Minister of the Interior.
       His atrocious administration.
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

    PLURAL VOTING, BELGIAN.

          See (in this Volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1902 and 1904.

          See in Volume VI.,
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

          See in Volume I.,
          CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM.

    {500}

    POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
       On Russian Discontent.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

    POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
       Resignation.

          See (in this Volume)
          Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.

    POBIEDONOSTZEFF, CONSTANTINE:
       Death, March 23, 1907.

    POGROMS: Massacres.

       See (in this Volume)
       RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: Arctic: A. D. 1901-1910.
       Three Expeditions of Commander Peary.
       His Final Triumph.
       The astounding Imposture of Dr. Cook, Pretender to an
       attainment of the Pole a Year in Advance of Peary.
       Other Arctic Explorations of the Decade.

       When the record of Polar Exploration was closed in Volume VI.
       of this work, on its going to press in the spring of 1901,
       Commander Robert E. Peary had been working within the Arctic
       Circle for three years, with no respite, and the Peary Arctic
       Club was sending a vessel, the Erik, to make inquiries
       about him. He was found to have proved that Greenland is
       surrounded by water at the north, and to have further
       undertakings in hand. He remained another year, in the course
       of which he made the nearest approach to the Pole that had yet
       been accomplished, going directly north from Cape Hecla and
       reaching latitude 84° 17'. Returning to the coast, he was met
       and brought home, after an absence of four years. In July,
       1905, he sailed northward again, equipped with a vessel, the
       Roosevelt, built expressly for his use. After
       wintering on the north coast of Grant Land, he started once
       more with sledges and dogs toward the Pole, and this time
       pressed his way to 87° 6' of latitude, or within a little more
       than 200 miles of the Arctic hub. Then he was forced to turn
       back, with scant supplies, killing his dogs for food. Once
       more, in July, 1908, Commander Peary set his face Arcticward,
       on the staunch Roosevelt, with two scientific
       companions, and equipped himself at Etah with Eskimos and dogs
       for another journey across the ice-fields, from some point on
       the Grant Land coast.

       Two expeditions were fitted out in 1901 and 1903, by Mr.
       Ziegler, of New York, the former under Evelyn B. Baldwin, the
       latter under Anthony Fiala. The latter reached latitude 82°
       13', remaining in the Arctic regions until the summer of 1905.
       In June, 1903, Captain Roald Amundsen, of Norway, sailed from
       Christiania in the small sloop Gjoa, beginning a voyage which
       carried him entirely through the Northwest Passage from Baffin
       Bay to Bering Strait and which occupied three years. Much of
       that time, however, was devoted to studies and searches of
       great value in determining the location of the Magnetic Pole.
       In 1905 the ranks of the Arctic explorers were joined by the
       Duke of Orleans, who sailed from Christiania in May, in the
       Belgica, commanded by Lieutenant de Gerlache. In 1907, Mr.
       John R. Bradley, of New York, supplied Dr. Frederick A. Cook
       with equipments for an attempt to reach the North Pole, and
       accompanied him in a schooner yacht to Annatok, a little north
       of Etah, in North Greenland, where the Doctor, with one white
       man, Rudolph Francke, were landed, with their supplies, to
       begin the undertaking. Several attempts were made in
       successive years by Mr. Walter Wellman to make the journey to
       the Pole from Spitzbergen by a dirigible airship. Each of
       them, down to 1909, was frustrated by misfortunes of
       circumstance or weather. A tragically ended survey of the
       northeast coast of Greenland was accomplished in 1906-1907 by Dr.
       Mylius Erichsen and Lieutenant Hagen-Hagen, who perished while
       groping their way southward in the growing darkness of the
       approaching winter. These fill out the important items of the
       record of Arctic exploration, since April, 1901, down to the
       1st of September, 1909.

       On that day the whole world was startled and excited by a
       message, flashed first to Lerwick, in the Shetland Islands,
       from a passing Danish steamer, the Hans Egede, and thence to
       all corners of the earth, saying:

       "We have on board the American traveller, Dr. Cook, who
       reached the North Pole April 21, 1908. Dr. Cook arrived at
       Upernivik (the northernmost Danish settlement in Greenland, on
       an island off the west coast) in May of 1909 from Cape York
       (in the northwest part of Greenland, on Baffin Bay). The
       Eskimos of Cape York confirm Dr. Cook’s story of his journey."

       The next day brought a cabled announcement from Dr. Cook
       himself, to the New York Herald, briefly telling of his
       triumph, "after a prolonged fight against famine and frost,"
       and describing the emotions with which he had found himself at
       the goal which so many had striven vainly to attain. "What a
       cheerless spot," he moralized, "to have aroused the ambition
       of man for so many ages! An endless field of purple snows. No
       life. No land. No spot to relieve the monotony of frost. We
       were the only pulsating creatures in a dead world of ice."

       Two days later the hero was landed at Copenhagen, and all the
       excited world devoured graphic descriptions of his reception
       by the enthusiastic Danes: by the Crown Prince, who hastened
       to welcome him before he had stepped from the ship; by the
       crowds who cheered him; by the King, who dined him; by the
       University of Copenhagen which awarded him an honorary degree,
       and whose faculty he made happy and proud by the promise that
       it should be the first to examine the record of his
       observations and the proofs in general that he had reached the
       Pole.

       Two more days passed, and then the climax of this world-spread
       excitement and astonishment was marked by another
       radio-electric flash of news out of the Arctic North,—this
       time from the American North,—proclaiming another conquest of
       the icy fortress of the Pole. It spoke "to the Associated
       Press, New York," from "Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, Nova
       Scotia," saying: "Stars and Stripes nailed to North Pole.
       Peary." It reached New York a little after noon of September
       6th, and before night, everywhere, people in all languages
       were asking each other: "Is it possible that two men have
       suddenly done what none have been able to do before?"

    {501}

       Other messages from Commander Peary which soon followed the
       first one fixed the date of his attainment of the Pole as
       having been April 6, 1909,—being fifteen days less than a year
       after Dr. Cook claimed to have planted the American flag at
       the same spot. They brought angry denunciations, too, of
       Cook’s pretension, which Peary had learned of from the
       Esquimaux in the North. "Cook’s story," he said in one
       despatch, "should not be taken too seriously. The two
       Esquimaux who accompanied him say he went no distance north
       and not outside of land. Other members of the tribe confirm
       their story." In another he declared: "Cook has sold the
       public a gold brick." Dr. Cook, meantime, gave out expressions
       as to Peary’s achievement very different in temper and tone.
       He had no doubt that Commander Peary had reached the Pole; but
       he, Cook, had been fortunately the first to enjoy the
       favorable conditions which gave success to them both. His
       magnanimity, his coolness, his easy self-confidence, in
       contrast with Peary’s words and bearing, won public admiration
       and sympathy, and the majority in most communities inclined
       strongly, for a time, to the judgment that both explorers had
       done what they said they did, but that Cook, in character, was
       the more estimable man. When he arrived in New York, on the
       21st of September, that city gave him almost as wild a hero
       worship as Copenhagen had done. Commander Peary was then just
       landing at Sydney, Nova Scotia, and it was some weeks before
       he would proceed to New York, or put himself at all in the way
       of receiving any public demonstrations of honor.

       But grounds of skepticism as to Dr. Cook were acquiring a
       rapid multiplication. When he published his story in detail,
       or told it in lectures, it started questions which people
       having critical knowledge insisted that he must answer if he
       could; but he made no attempt. He was in no haste to produce
       the records which he had insisted would prove his claims
       beyond a doubt. He required weeks of time to prepare them for
       examination, and they must go to the University of Copenhagen
       before any other tribunal of science could see them.
       Meanwhile, he was harvesting large gains from lectures and
       newspaper publications, and seemed more interested in that
       pursuit than in the vindication of his questioned honor.
       Hence, suspicion of him grew, until it made itself heard and
       felt at last with a force which drove the Doctor to put his
       professed proofs in shape and send them by the hand of his
       secretary, Mr. Lonsdale, to Copenhagen. Before they reached
       their destination he, himself, disappeared mysteriously from
       public view, nervously shattered, it was said, and seeking
       some hidden place of refuge abroad. Reports of him from
       various places in both Europe and South America have not been
       verified, and his whereabouts are still (March, 1910) a
       mystery.

       On the 21st of December the report of the scientific committee
       of Copenhagen University, to which the records forwarded by
       Dr. Cook were submitted, was made public by the University
       Council. "The report, which was sent in by the committee on
       December 18, states that the following papers were submitted
       to it for investigation:—

       "1. A type-written report by Mr. Lonsdale on Dr. Cook’s Arctic
       voyage, consisting of 61 folios.

       "2. A type written copy of 16 folios, made by Mr. Lonsdale,
       comprising the note-books brought back by Dr. Cook from his
       journey and covering the period from March 18 to June 13,
       1908, stated to have been written on the way from Svartevaag
       to the Pole and back until a place west of Heibergsland was
       reached. …

       "The committee points out as a result of its investigations
       that the aforementioned report of the journey is essentially
       identical with that published some time ago in the New York
       Herald, and that the copy of the note-books did not
       contain astronomical records, but only results. In fact, the
       committee remarks that there are no elucidatory statements
       which might have rendered it probable that astronomical
       observations were really taken. Neither is the practical side
       —namely, the sledge journey—illuminated by details in such a
       way as to enable the committee to form an opinion. The
       committee therefore considers that from the material submitted
       no proof can be adduced that Dr. Cook reached the North Pole.

       "The council of the University accordingly declares as a
       result of the committee’s report that the documents submitted
       to Copenhagen University contain no observations or
       explanations to prove that Dr. Cook on his last Polar journey
       reached the North Pole."

       That Commander Peary had accomplished at last the object of
       his indomitable striving was never in doubt. His own testimony
       to the fact had sufficed from the beginning, and the decision
       rendered on the 3d of November by a committee of the National
       Geographic Society, which examined the records of his march to
       the Pole, added nothing to the public belief. But his laurels
       had been lamentably blighted by the atmosphere of scandal,
       wrangle, and disgust with which Cook’s monstrous imposture had
       vulgarized the whole feeling that attended the exploit.

       The incidents of the final Peary expedition, from start to
       finish, were summarized by the Commander in a message from
       Battle Harbor to the London Times, September 8, as
       follows:

       "The Roosevelt left New York on July 6, 1908. She left
       Sydney on July 17th; arrived at Cape York, Greenland, on
       August 1st; left Etah, Greenland, on August 8th; arrived at
       Cape Sheridan, Grant Land, on September 1st, and wintered at
       Cape Sheridan. The sledge expedition left the Roosevelt
       on February 15th, 1909, and started north of Cape Columbia on
       March 1st. It passed the British record on March 2d; was
       delayed by open water on March 2d and 3d; was held up by open
       water from March 4th to March 11th; crossed the 84th parallel
       on March 11th and encountered an open lead on March 15th;
       crossed the 85th parallel on March 18th; crossed the 86th
       parallel on March 22d and encountered an open lead on March
       33d [23d?]; passed the Norwegian record on March 23d; passed
       the Italian record on March 24th and encountered an open lead
       on March 26th; crossed the 87th parallel on March 27th; passed
       the American record on March 28th and encountered a lead on
       March 28th; held up by open water on March 29th; crossed the
       88th parallel on April 2d; crossed the 89th parallel on April
       4th, and reached the North Pole on April 6th.

       "On returning we left the pole on April 7th; reached Camp
       Columbia on April 23d, arriving on board the Roosevelt
       on April 27th. The Roosevelt left Cape Sheridan on July
       18th, passed Cape Sabine on August 8th, left Cape York on
       August 26th and arrived at Indian Harbor.

       "All the members of the expedition are returning in good
       health except Professor Ross G. Martin, who unfortunately
       drowned on April 10th, 45 miles north of Cape Columbia, while
       returning from 86 degrees north latitude in command of a
       supporting party."

    {502}

    POLAR EXPLORATION: Antarctic:
       English, German, Swedish, and Scottish Expeditions.
       The Successes of Lieutenant Shackleton.

       When the account of Polar Exploration in Volume VI. of this
       work was closed, in April, 1901, several expeditions to the
       Antarctic region were reported as being under preparation, in
       England, Germany, and Sweden. The English expedition, for
       which the ship Discovery was being fitted out, sailed
       on the 6th of August, 1901, under the command of Captain
       Robert F. Scott, with Lieutenant Ernest H. Shackleton of the
       British Navy as second in command. Its object was a further
       exploration of the great mountainous region named Victoria
       Land, which Captain James Ross had discovered half a century
       before. This coast the Discovery reached in January,
       1902, and followed it southward, to and beyond the Erebus
       volcano, skirting the Great Ice Barrier which stretches far
       eastward, seeming to forbid a penetration of the frozen
       territory it hems in. In this survey the British explorers
       reached an unvisited section, which they named King Edward
       Land. They wintered that year near Mount Erebus, pushing
       sledge expeditions southward over the snow fields, finding a
       more upheaved and broken surface of land, less ice-capped,
       than is the common feature of the Arctic polar zone. In the
       longest of these sledge-trips the latitude of 82° 17' S. was
       attained,—far beyond any previous approach to the southern
       pole, but still more than 500 miles from that goal. Through a
       second winter the Discovery was held fast in the ice,
       with considerable sickness among officers and men,
       notwithstanding which important additions to their survey of
       the region were made. In January, 1904, they were reached by
       two relief ships, and escaped from the ice in the following
       month, arriving at New Zealand not long after.

       The German expedition commanded by Dr. Drygalski, left Kiel
       August 11, 1901, borne by the steamer Gauss, built
       specially for battling with ice. In January, 1902, it took on
       stores at Kerguelen Island, and proceeded thence to a point in
       the Antarctic Circle far eastward of that chosen by the British
       explorers, being within the region of the discoveries made by
       Captain Wilkes, about sixty years before, and indefinitely
       named Wilkes Land. It was the purpose of Dr. Drygalski to
       establish a station on the section of this unexplored
       territory known as Termination Land and from thence make
       thorough surveys. He failed, however, to find the supposed
       land in its expected place, and was unfortunately frozen in
       for a year, with sledge expeditions baffled by the violence of
       winter storms. In geographical exploration the Gauss
       party seem to have accomplished little, but they made rich
       collections of scientific data. As soon as they were freed
       from the ice they received orders from Berlin to return home.

       The Swedish expedition, under Dr. Otto Nordenskjöld, left
       Europe in October, 1901, in the ship Antarctic,
       destined for Graham Land, south of the South American
       continent. There, on the east coast of that land, in Admiralty
       Inlet, Dr. Nordenskjöld established winter quarters in
       February, 1902, and the Antarctic was sent to South
       America, to return thence some months later.

       A Scottish expedition, under Dr. W. S. Bruce, in the steamer
       Scotia, was sent out in October, 1903, for special
       oceanographic investigations in Weddell Sea,—south of the
       Atlantic Ocean.

       All previous Antarctic explorations were eclipsed, in 1908-1909,
       by that of Lieutenant Shackleton, commanding the barkentine
       Nimrod, a converted whaling vessel, much smaller than the
       Discovery, on which Lieutenant Shackleton had
       accompanied Captain Scott to the same region some years
       before. The Nimrod sailed from England in July, 1907, and from
       New Zealand on New Year Day, 1908, going to the same section
       of the Arctic Circle that the Discovery had sought.
       Winter quarters were established at a point about twenty miles
       north of the spot where Scott and Shackleton had wintered in
       1902-1903. One of the first achievements of the party was the
       ascent of Mount Erebus by six of the scientists of the
       expedition, who began their difficult climb on the 5th of
       March. Caught in a blizzard on the second day of their
       undertaking, they had to lie in their sleeping bags for thirty
       hours; but they made their way to the summit and looked down
       into the live fire of the crater. The party making this ascent
       were Lieutenant Adams, R. N. R. (geologist). Sir Philip
       Brocklehurst (surveyor and map maker), Professor David, of
       Sydney University, Mr. A. Forbes Mackay, assistant surgeon,
       Mr. Eric Marshall, surgeon and cartographer, and Mr. Marson a
       scientist of Adelaide. Early in the spring the sledging
       journeys were begun.

       Speaking at a reception given to him by the Royal Geographical
       Society, on his return to England in June, 1909, Lieutenant
       Shackleton gave a brief account of the most important of these
       journeys, led by himself, with Lieutenant Adams, geologist,
       Surgeon Eric Marshall, and a third companion named Wild. The
       march of the party was directly toward the Pole:

       "On December 3 they climbed a mountain 4,000 feet high, and
       from its summit saw what they believed to be a royal road to
       the Pole—an enormous glacier stretching southwards. There was
       only one pony left at this time, and, taking this animal with
       them, they started the ascent of the glacier, which proved to
       be seamed with crevasses. Progress became very slow, for
       disaster threatened at every step. On December 7 the remaining
       pony was lost down a crevasse, very nearly taking Wild and a
       sledge with it. Finally the party gained the inland plateau,
       at an altitude of over 10,000 feet, and started across the
       great white snow plain towards the Pole.

       "They were short of food, and had cut down their rations to an
       absolute minimum; the temperature at the high altitude
       was extremely low, and all their spare clothing had been
       deposited lower down the glacier in order to save weight. On
       January 6, [1909], they reached latitude 88' 8" south [88°
       8'?], after having taken the risk of leaving a depot of stores
       on the plateau, out of sight of all land. Then a blizzard
       swept down upon them, and for two days they were unable to
       leave their tent, while, owing to their weakened condition and
       the intense cold, they suffered from frostbite even in their
       sleeping bags. When the blizzard moderated on January 9 they
       felt that they had reached their limit of endurance, for their
       strength was greatly reduced and the food was almost done.
       They therefore left the camp standing, and pushing on for five
       hours, planted Queen Alexandra’s flag in 88' 23" south [88°
       23'?], took possession of the plateau for the King, and turned
       their faces north again.

    {503}

       "Mr. Shackleton described the difficulties of the journey back
       to the coast, when the men were desperately short of food and
       nearly worn out, and attacks of dysentery added to their
       troubles. … One day on the Barrier they were unable to march
       at all, being prostrated with dysentery, and they reached each
       depot with their food finished. On February 23, however, they
       reached a depot prepared for them by a party from the ship,
       and on March 1 Mr. Shackleton and Wild reached the
       Nimrod. Mr. Shackleton at once led a relief party back
       to get Adams and Marshall, the latter having been unable to
       continue the march owing to dysentery, and on March 4 all the
       men were safe on board."

       "Lieutenant Shackleton has essentially solved the problem of
       the position of the South Pole," said the London Times
       in comments on the expedition; "he may be said, indeed, to
       have been actually within sight of it on a dreary plateau some
       10,000 ft. above sea level. He has been as successful in
       solving the problem of the South Pole as Nansen was in solving
       that of the character of the ocean which surrounds the North
       Pole."

       An expedition to complete what Lieutenant Shackleton came so
       near to accomplishing is being prepared in Great Britain, with
       intention to sail in July, 1910. It will be commanded by
       Captain Scott, of the expedition of 1901. The British
       Government contributes $100,000 to the cost. American and
       German expeditions are also being prepared.

    POLES, THE: Germany: A. D. 1902-1908.
       Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prussia.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (MARCH-MAY), 1906-1907, and 1908.

    POLES, THE: Russia: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Revolutionary Disturbances in.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    POLES, THE: A. D. 1906.
       Their Present Condition.

       "The Polish question … resolves itself into a struggle between
       the local Russian Government, the Patriot, and the Socialists.
       The local Government though harassed and worried by the
       Socialists, is secure from any great disaster until the latter
       have won over all the troops, or the Russian soldier forgets
       his hatred for the Pole. The Socialists, well organised and
       energetic, are carrying out their programme with a tenacity
       which would be astonishing were it not for the fact that the
       Jewish element predominates in their ranks.

       "The Polish Patriot seems to be in the worst case of all; for
       his hopes are centred on the programme of a party which is
       without efficient leaders and without the slightest chance of
       obtaining its demands from the existing Russian Government.
       The one ray of light on his political horizon is the fact that
       liberal Russia has expressed sympathy for his wrongs, and
       promised to redress them as soon as circumstances will allow,
       but even the most sanguine Patriot admits that his new ally
       has many battles to win before this promise can be fulfilled.
       Meanwhile, he is engaged in an unequal struggle with the
       Socialists and their allies, the anarchists."

          B. C. Baskerville,
          The Present Condition of Poland
          (Fortnightly Review, October, 1906).

    POLK, Van Leer:
       Delegate to Third International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    POLLARD PLAN, OF JUDICIAL DEALING WITH DRUNKARDS.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.

    POLTAVA PROVINCE, Peasant Doings in.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1902.

    POOLING, OF RAILWAY RATES.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

    POOR LAWS, WORKING OF THE ENGLISH.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY.

    POPES.

          See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)
          PAPACY.

    PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Siege and Capture in the Russo-Japanese War.

          See(in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (February-July) and (February-August);
          also A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).

    PORTER, HORACE:
       Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    PORTER, HORACE:
       Search for and Recovery, at Paris, of the Remains
       of John Paul Jones.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

    PORTLAND, OREGON: A. D. 1905.
       The Lewis and Clark Exposition.

       "The Lewis and Clark Centennial and American Pacific
       Exposition and Oriental Fair" (to give its full of fecial
       title), conducted at Portland from the beginning of June until
       the middle of October, 1905, in commemoration of the first
       exploration of the American Continent from the Mississippi to
       the Pacific, was one of the most interesting and attractive of
       the undertakings of its kind in the last decade. Specially as
       an exhibit of the wonderful natural resources of the great
       Northwest, and of the more wonderful rapidity of their
       exploitation, it seemed wholly satisfying to all who visited
       it. The reclamation work of the United States Government,
       shown elaborately by models and otherwise in the Irrigation
       Building of the extensive national exhibit, afforded a feature
       of uncommon attractiveness. The associated Forestry Building,
       with its walls of mighty logs and its grand pillars of firs
       and cedars, six and seven feet in diameter, was a piece of
       unique architecture that drew all eyes. "The Oregon
       Cathedral," it came to be called. In metals, minerals, fruits
       and grains, the wealth of the Northwest was astonishingly
       displayed; and the Japanese from the farther side of the
       Pacific made the most of the opportunity to spread their
       artistic wares before American buyers.

       The scenic setting of the Exposition grounds, on the border of
       a lake and with a background of hill rising from Willamette
       River, was a theme of praise in all reports of it.

    {504}

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901-1905.
       Change of Qualifications for the Elective Franchise.

       The fundamental provisions of the Act of Congress, approved
       April 12, 1900, under which the government of Porto Rico as a
       dependency of the United States was organized, will be found
       in Volume VI of this work.

          See
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

       The Act has received amendment since, making one important
       organic change. The Executive Council which it created was
       authorized to fix the qualifications of voters for the first
       election of a Legislative Assembly. The suffrage in that
       election, held in 1900, was conferred by the Council on every
       male citizen of twenty-one years, resident in the island for
       one year and for six months in his municipal district, "who is
       able to read and write, or who, on September 1, 1900, owned
       real estate in his own right and name, or who on said date was
       a member of a firm or corporation or partnership, or who on
       September 1, 1900, owned personal property in his own right or
       name not less in value than twenty-five dollars." The results
       of the election held under that rule, and a brief summary of
       the doings of the Legislative Assembly at its first session,
       which opened on the 3d of December, 1900, and closed on the
       31st of January, 1901, are given in Volume VI.

       "At its second session, in 1902, the Legislative Assembly
       availed itself of the power given to it by the organic act and
       passed a law for the government of future elections. This act
       followed closely the provisions of the orders that had been
       issued by the executive council. The system created is similar
       to that in the American States which have adopted the
       Australian ballot. As regards the franchise, the only change
       made was that the provision which gave the right to vote to
       persons owning personal property to the value of twenty-five
       dollars was dropped and in its place was substituted the
       provision conferring the franchise upon those persons meeting
       the conditions as regards age and residence who on the day of
       registration are able to produce to the board of registry tax
       receipts showing the payment of any kind of taxes for the last
       six months of the year in which the election is held. The law
       also provided that all persons who were registered during the
       year 1900 would not be required to register anew or have to
       meet the new requirements of the law. This was the law under
       which the second election in 1902 was held. In 1904 the law
       underwent a very important alteration as regards the
       qualifications for the enjoyment of the electoral franchise.
       By this new law the three conditions—ability to read and
       write, ownership of real estate, or payment of taxes—any one
       of which qualified a male citizen of Porto Rico who had
       resided in the island one year and in the district in which he
       offered to register for six months immediately preceding, to
       vote, were until July 1, 1906, wiped out, leaving only the
       conditions regarding sex, age and residence to be met in order
       to qualify a voter. After that date the additional
       qualification of being able to read and write must be met. The
       result of this amendment to the law is to provide for
       universal manhood suffrage until July 1, 1906, after which no
       new name can be added to the registration list unless its
       owner is able to read and write. Those persons, however, who
       are properly registered before that date are not required to
       offer themselves for registration, but continue to enjoy the
       full rights of the franchise."

          W. F. Willoughby,
          Territories and Dependencies of the United States.
          page 95 (Century Company, New York, 1905).

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1905.
       Extension of Local Government asked for.

       A convention of municipal delegates, chosen by the elective
       municipal councils of the island, assembled at San Juan in
       July, 1905, formulated a request to the Government of the
       United States for a broadening of the fundamental law of 1900,
       which "would largely transfer the control of the local
       government to their own people. The Governor would remain a
       Presidential appointee, but the appointments by the Governor
       would be subject in many cases to revision by a locally
       elected Senate, except the courts, which would remain as now,
       for the most part, under our direct control. In other words,
       the legislative, and largely the administrative functions,
       subject to the limitations of the Organic Act, would be
       exercised by the Porto Ricans. The courts, of our own
       choosing, would construe limitations on these powers, and the
       Governor, with his police and militia, would be solely
       responsible for order and the lawful execution of lawful
       mandates."

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.
       Visited by President Roosevelt.
       His account of it.

       "On November twenty-first I visited the island of Porto Rico,
       landing at Ponce, crossing by the old Spanish road by Cayey to
       San Juan, and returning next morning over the new American
       road from Arecibo to Ponce; the scenery was wonderfully
       beautiful, especially among the mountains of the interior,
       which constitute a veritable tropic Switzerland. I could not
       embark at San Juan because the harbor has not been dredged out
       and cannot receive an American battle ship. I do not think
       this fact creditable to us as a nation, and I earnestly hope
       that immediate provision will be made for dredging San Juan
       Harbor.

       "I doubt whether our people as a whole realize the beauty and
       fertility of Porto Rico and the progress that has been made
       under its admirable government. …

       "I stopped at a dozen towns all told, and one of the notable
       features in every town was the gathering of the school
       children. The work that has been done in Porto Rico for
       education has been noteworthy. The main emphasis, as is
       eminently wise and proper, has been put upon primary
       education; but in addition to this there is a normal school,
       an agricultural school, three industrial and three high
       schools. Every effort is being made to secure not only the
       benefits of elementary education to all the Porto Ricans of
       the next generation, but also as far as means will permit to
       train them so that the industrial, agricultural and commercial
       opportunities of the island can be utilized to the best
       possible advantage. It was evident, at a glance, that the
       teachers, both Americans and native Porto Ricans, were devoted
       to their work, took the greatest pride in it, and were
       endeavoring to train their pupils not only in mind, but in
       what counts for far more than mind in citizenship—that is, in
       character.

       "I was very much struck by the excellent character both of the
       insular police and of the Porto Rican regiment. They are both
       of them bodies that reflect credit upon the American
       administration of the island. The insular police are under the
       local Porto Rican government. The Porto Rican regiment of
       troops must be appropriated for by the Congress. I earnestly
       hope that this body will be kept permanent. There should
       certainly be troops in the island, and it is wise that these
       troops should be themselves native Porto Ricans. It would be
       from every standpoint a mistake not to perpetuate this
       regiment. …

    {505}

       "There is a matter to which I wish to call your special
       attention, and that is the desirability of conferring full
       American citizenship upon the people of Porto Rico. I most
       earnestly hope that this will be done. I cannot see how any
       harm can possibly result from it, and it seems to me a matter
       of right and justice to the people of Porto Rico. They are
       loyal, they are glad to be under our flag, they are making
       rapid progress along the path of orderly liberty. Surely we
       should now show our appreciation of them, our pride in what
       they have done, and our pleasure in extending recognition for
       what has thus been done by granting them full American
       citizenship. …

       "The Porto Ricans have complete and absolute autonomy in all
       their municipal governments, the only power over them
       possessed by the insular government being that of removing
       corrupt or incompetent municipal officials. This power has
       never been exercised save on the clearest proof of corruption
       or of incompetence such as to jeopardize the interests of the
       people of the island; and under such circumstances it has been
       fearlessly used to the immense benefit of the people. It is
       not a power with which it would be safe, for the sake of the
       island itself, to dispense at present. The lower house is
       absolutely elective, while the upper house is appointive. This
       scheme is working well; no injustice of any kind results from
       it, and great benefit to the island, and it should certainly
       not be changed at this time. The machinery of the elections is
       administered entirely by the Porto Rican people themselves,
       the governor and council keeping only such supervision as is
       necessary in order to secure an orderly election. Any protest
       as to electoral frauds is settled in the courts."

          Theodore Roosevelt,
          Message to Congress
          (Congressional Record, December 11, 1906).

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1908.
       Ten Years of Progress.

       "Ten years ago exports from Porto Rico to the United States
       were valued at $2,414,356, while in the fiscal year ending
       June 30, 1908, they were $25,891,261. The new figures show a
       probable further increase for 1909. In 1898, less than
       $3,000,000 worth of sugar was exported, and to-day shipments
       are more than $14,000,000. In coffee, once the leading staple,
       increase is also marked, although sugar now holds first place.

       "Four hundred and thirty-five miles of macadamized roads, in
       good repair, now make communication easy between San Juan and
       Ponce and cities on the west coast. Two-thirds of the roads
       have been built since the occupation. The railroad around the
       island, projected by the Spanish, but delayed year by year, is
       now built, and harbor improvements have been made in San Juan
       and Ponce. More than a thousand public schools are educating
       the Porto Rican children—and sometimes their parents. The net
       public debt is now less than $3,000,000 or less than 21 per
       cent. of the assessed valuation, and the bulk of this money
       has been spent in public improvements."

          Porto Rico Correspondent New York Evening Post,
          March 27, 1909.

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.
       Modification of the Fundamental Act.

       In a special Message to Congress, May 10, 1909, President Taft
       called attention to the failure of the Legislative Assembly of
       Porto Rico to pass the usual appropriation bills, leaving the
       government of the island without support after the 30th of the
       next June. In his opinion, the situation indicated that the
       United States had proceeded too fast in extending political
       power to the Porto Ricans, and that the full control of
       appropriations should be withdrawn from those "who have shown
       themselves too irresponsible to enjoy it." He suggested,
       therefore, an amendment of the fundamental act, known as the
       Foraker Act, to provide that when the legislative assembly
       shall adjourn without making the appropriation necessary to
       carry on the government, sums equal to the appropriations made
       in the previous year for the respective purposes shall be
       available from the current revenues, and shall be drawn by the
       warrant of the auditor on the treasurer and countersigned by
       the Governor. Such a provision applies to the Legislatures of
       the Philippines and Hawaii and "it has prevented in those two
       countries any misuse of the power of appropriation." An
       amendatory Act was passed in accordance with the President’s
       suggestion.

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1909.
       Change in the Governorship.

       In September, 1909, Governor Regis H. Post resigned his
       office, and was succeeded by Mr. George R. Colton, who had had
       previous experience, both civil and military, in the
       Philippines and in Santo Domingo. The Secretary of the island
       underwent a change, also, Mr. Willoughby being called to
       Washington to take the duties of Assistant Director of the
       Census, and his place in Porto Rico being filled by Mr. George
       Cabot Ward.

    PORTSMOUTH, Peace Treaty of:
       Circumstances and Text.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906.
       At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.
       A "rotative" system of Party Government and its results.
       King Carlos assumes dictatorial authority.
       His Minister, Senhor Franco.
       Murder of the King and Crown Prince.
       Succession of King Manuel.
       Recent Ministries.

       For many years prior to 1906 Portugal had been governed by two
       political parties, calling themselves the Regeneradors and the
       Progressistas, who, it has been said, "relieved one another in
       office, and in the spoils of office, at decent intervals, by a
       tacit arrangement between their leaders." This regular
       ministerial rotation led to the popular nickname of Rotativos,
       applied to both parties, and significant of the contempt in
       which they were held. The rotative system of party government,
       "while ensuring a comfortable livelihood to a class of
       professional politicians, was of no conspicuous benefit to the
       country, and it was with a view to ending it that King Carlos
       summoned Senhor João Franco, in May, 1906, to form a ministry.
       Senhor Franco, who belonged to neither of the recognized
       parties, set his hand zealously to the work of reform, but his
       attempts to purge the Administration soon brought him into
       conflict with powerful vested interests; and in May, 1907, the
       politicians whose livelihoods he was reforming away united
       against him in a policy of obstruction which made
       Parliamentary government impossible.
    {506}
       He then dissolved the Cortes, and with the approval of the
       King assumed the position of dictator. His work of reform
       thenceforth proceeded apace. Drastic decrees, each aimed at
       some abuse, followed one another with amazing rapidity. Strong
       in the support of the King and of the best elements in the
       country, execrated by the politicians whom he had spoiled, and
       by the Press which he had done nothing to conciliate, he
       continued on his headlong course, and at the end of January,
       1908, he signed a decree practically amounting to a suspension
       of civil liberties."

          Lisbon Correspondence,
          London Times.

       A tragedy followed quickly. On the 1st day of February, 1908,
       the King, Dom Carlos, and the Crown Prince, Luiz Felipe, as
       they rode through the streets of Lisbon, with the Queen and a
       younger son in the same carriage, and attended by an escort,
       were attacked by a throng of assassins and killed. The younger
       prince was wounded; the Queen escaped by a miracle, one of the
       assassins having been shot at the instant his pistol was aimed
       at her. The two princes fought bravely, and the Queen threw
       herself in front of her husband, attempting vainly to shield
       him.

       Prince Manuel, whose wound was not serious, succeeded to the
       throne; but "the shots that killed Dom Carlos and Dom Luiz on
       February 1 swept away the dictatorship of Senhor Franco and
       the whole fabric which he had built up at so much cost during
       18 months. Within a few hours of the murder Senhor Franco
       resigned, under pressure, it is said, and left the country,
       declaring that he had done with politics for ever. From being
       the saviour of his country, the admiration of all enlightened
       men, both at home and abroad, he became a pariah. His
       supporters became mute and his system vanished. From that day
       to this his followers have had no more than three or four
       seats in the Chamber, where they have remained voiceless and
       without influence on the course of events.

       "That a seemingly vulgar crime should have so disproportionate
       an effect was strange, and no less strange was the attitude of
       the country. Whether owing to the widely entertained suspicion
       that the murderers of the King were the tools of more
       important personages whom it would not be safe to discover, or
       to the fear of a Republican rising felt by the moderate and
       respectable members of the community, is still a matter of
       opinion; the fact remains that society lost its nerve. No
       burst of indignation, no adequate expression of sympathy for
       the Royal Family was heard; no steps were taken to trace the
       authors of the crime. … The disappearance of Senhor Franco
       left the two old ‘rotativist’ parties in presence, the
       Progressistas under Senhor Luciano de Castro, and the
       Regeneradores under Senhor Vilhena, the recently elected
       successor of the veteran Hintze Ribeiro. Compared to these,
       neither the Republicans, whose strength was supposed to be
       considerable in the country, nor the ‘dissident’
       Progressistas, under Senhor Alpoim, were of any account as
       Parliamentary factors. A coalition Government was formed on
       March 4, under Admiral Ferreira do Amaral, consisting of two
       Regeneradores, two Progressistas, and two so-called
       Independents, personal adherents of the Premier, who resembled
       him in having no marked political ideals or convictions. The
       elections, which took place in April, returned 62
       Regeneradores and 59 Progressistas, thus starting the
       Government on its career with the handsome following of 121 in
       a House of 155. The matters with which the Government had to
       deal were mainly three—namely, the revision of the decrees
       issued by Senhor Franco as Dictator, the question of the Civil
       List and of the advances made by the nation to the Royal
       Family, and electoral reform. The Civil List was successfully
       settled, but little progress had been made with the remainder
       of the programme when the first serious defection occurred.
       During the recess the Government announced that the municipal
       elections, which had been suspended by Senhor Franco in favour
       of nominated councils, would be held again in November, a
       decision bitterly attacked by Senhor Vilhena, who announced
       that the Regeneradores could no longer support the Government.
       The elections were duly held, and, owing to the deliberate
       abstention of the Monarchist parties, the Republicans captured
       unopposed every seat on the Lisbon council. The unpopularity
       incurred by the Government on account of this unnecessary gift
       to the common enemy brought about a Government crisis. Admiral
       Amaral referred the matter to the Council of State, who, to
       his great surprise and annoyance, advised the resignation of
       the Government. The Premier and his two independents
       accordingly retired, and the Cabinet was reconstituted under
       Senhor Campos Henriques, who together with Senhor Wenceslao de
       Lima, Minister of Foreign Affairs, continued to represent the
       Regenerador party. The late Premier’s ‘Independents’ made way
       for the Progressistas, who thus held five seats in the Cabinet
       to two held by the Regeneradores. Senhor Vilhena, who had
       brought about the fall of the late Government, was not offered
       a seat in the new one, and he immediately resumed his
       opposition; but on this occasion he only carried two-thirds of
       his party with him, 22 members deciding to support the
       Government. This defection of the Regeneradores under Senhor
       Vilhena, the first serious indication of a return to the old
       system of ‘rotativism,’ was shortly followed by that of the
       late Premier and his ‘Independents,’ so that when the Cortes
       met on March 1, [1909], the imposing Government majority of a
       year before had dwindled to 10 or 15."

       Then followed daily scenes of disorder and obstruction in
       Parliament until Senhor Campos Henriques surrendered, at the
       end of March. As The Times correspondent expressed it,
       "as soon as the Opposition in the Lower House expressed its
       impatience by a banging of desks, while its leader in the
       House of Peers solemnly affirmed the ‘incompatibility’ of his
       party with the Government, Ministers determined to avoid all
       further unpleasantness by resigning." The resignation was
       accepted by the King, and three party leaders in succession
       made attempts in the next month to conduct the Government,
       without success. Senhor Sebastiäo Telles held the reins for
       three weeks, and then passed them to Senhor Wenceslao de Lima,
       who framed up a nominally non-party Ministry on the 13th of
       May. Senhor De Lima conducted the Government until the
       following December, when, on the 19th, he resigned, and a
       "Progressist Ministry" was formed, under Senhor Beirao.

          London Times Correspondence of various Dates.

    {507}

       Writing from Lisbon on the 5th of January, 1910, the
       Times correspondent said:

       "It is the Republicans who alone seem to be making progress.
       Their activities are unceasing, their newspapers the best
       informed and most ably conducted, their meetings, held all
       over the land, the most largely attended and most
       enthusiastic. At the same hour as that of the Royal reception
       on New Year’s Day the Republican municipality of Lisbon held a
       like function, not only largely and most influentially
       attended, but to the distinct diminution of the attendance in
       the Royal Palace."

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
       Demonstration against the Religious Orders.

       The following despatch to the Press was sent from Lisbon
       August 3, 1909:

       "Freethinkers from all political parties in Portugal,
       represented by a Liberal committee, to-day presented to the
       Cortes a petition for the suppression of the religious orders
       in Portugal and the abrogation of the existing laws against
       freedom of conscience. This step was an outcome of the meeting
       held in this city yesterday.

       "The committee was accompanied to the Houses of Parliament by
       an immense crowd, and some wild scenes ensued. Among other
       things the petitioners asked for the abrogation of the recent
       law permitting religious associations to acquire landed
       property, a procedure which up to the present time has been
       illegal. Senhor Camacho moved the consideration of the
       subject, and when the motion was voted down the galleries
       broke out in protestation. There was considerable violence on
       the floor of the House. The Deputies engaged in a struggle in
       which desks and chairs were overturned, and the Chamber had to
       be cleared twice. The tumult was continued in the streets, but
       without serious results."

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909.
       Offer of Dom Miguel to renounce his Claim to the Throne.

       Dom Miguel, son of the Dom Miguel who, from 1828 to 1833 held
       the throne of Portugal in defiance of the rights of Maria da
       Gloria, his elder brother’s daughter (see, in Volume IV.,
       PORTUGAL: A. D. 1824-1889), had kept up his father’s
       pretensions to the crown until the spring of 1909, when he
       offered to renounce it, if permitted to live in Portugal as a
       citizen. The permission was refused, for the reason that his
       return, with that of a number of nobles of his party, "would
       be regarded as a challenge to the rising tide of Liberalism."

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1909 (April).
       Earthquake in and around Lisbon.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: PORTUGAL.

    PORTUGUESE AFRICA.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: PORTUGUESE.

    POSTAGE, BEGINNING OF INTERNATIONAL PENNY.

       The postal treaty establishing two-cent or penny postage on
       letters between Great Britain and the United States went into
       effect October 1, 1909.

    POSTAL SERVICE, IN CHINA.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1908.

    POSTAL SERVICE STRIKE, IN FRANCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

    POSTAL AND TELEGRAPHIC STRIKE, IN RUSSIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

       ----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: THEIR PROBLEMS: Start---

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
       Old Age Homes, in Vienna.

       "In most towns there is a tendency, in this our day, to deal
       more generously with destitute children than with destitute
       men and women. In Berlin and New York, for instance, both
       money and thought are lavished on the young whom the community
       supports; while as for the aged, what is given to them is
       given only of necessity. In Vienna it is otherwise; there the
       arrangements for the relief of the old people are better—both
       more carefully considered and more liberal—than those for the
       relief of children, a fact that says more, perhaps, for the
       hearts than for the heads of the authorities.

       "If a man—or a woman—above 60 is without money wherewith to
       provide for himself, or the strength to earn the money, he
       applies to the Guardian of his ward for help. Then, if he has
       a home to live in, and someone to take care of him, or is able
       to take care of himself, he is granted out relief, a money
       allowance if he can be trusted to spend it wisely, otherwise
       relief in kind. Supposing, however, he is homeless, feeble and
       ‘alone-standing,’ he is sent to a Versorgungshaus, or old-age
       home, if there is a vacant place there; and, if not, to a
       small poor-house until there is.

       "Versorgungshäuser are the distinctive feature of the Austrian
       Poor Relief system so far as the aged are concerned. Already
       in the days of Joseph II. Vienna had two if not more of these
       homes, and at the present time it has six. One of them is
       reserved exclusively for Citizens; another, that at Mauerbach,
       is reserved for persons who, owing to their perverted notions
       as to what is seemly, cannot be accorded the full liberty the
       old people in the other homes enjoy. In all the six together
       there is space for more than 6,000 inmates. As the
       Versorgungshäuser are looked upon by classes and masses alike
       as the homes of the aged poor, the place where they have a
       right to be, no disgrace is attached to going there. …

       "Although in Vienna much is done for the poor, the burden
       entailed by Poor Relief is by no means overwhelming. In 1903
       the full cost of indoor relief, outdoor relief and sick
       relief, together with the cost of administration, was only
       £942,870, and of this £250,672 was obtained from private
       sources. At that time the town was providing 31,000 adults—old
       men and women for the most part—with allowances ranging in
       amount from 30 kronen to 6 kronen a month; it was maintaining
       6,790 more in old-age homes and other institutions; and was
       defraying the cost of the Asyl and workhouse. It was
       supporting, or contributing to the support of, 10,260 children
       who were either with their own relatives or were boarded out;
       and was maintaining 3,246 in orphanages, etc. It defrayed the
       cost of the 27,000 babies who passed through the Foundling
       Hospital, and of the 19,085 children who were temporarily in
       institutions. It also provided 77,000 boys and girls with
       school books, and contributed generously to many private
       philanthropic societies. Roughly speaking, the cost to the
       town of Poor Relief in Vienna per head of the population is
       8s. 4d."

          Edith Sellers,
          Poor Relief in Vienna
          (Contemporary Review, December, 1900).

    {508}

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
       Pensions, &c.: Denmark: A. D. 1907.
       Old Age Pensions.

       Some interesting details of the working of the Danish old-age
       pensions system are contained in a British Consular report
       issued in May, 1909. The latest available statistics show that
       on March 31, 1907, 70,445 persons over 60 years of age were in
       receipt of pensions, which amounted in the aggregate to
       £451,000 [$2,255,000] for the financial year 1906-1907. The
       number of pensioners on March 31, 1906, was 68,800, and the
       amount distributed in the financial year 1905-1906, £420,444.
       Both the number of pensioners and the average amount of the
       pensions are increasing. The ages of the "principal"
       pensioners (i. e., of the actual recipients of pensions
       apart from wives and children dependent on them) were, on
       March 31st, 1906, as follows:
          60 to 65 years of age—3,173 men, 4,239 women;
          65 to 70 years—5,831 men, 6,756 women;
          70 years and over—13,974 men and 17,037 women.

       About a quarter of the population over 60 years of age is in
       receipt of pensions, the women especially availing themselves
       of their benefits. The average amount distributed to each
       "principal" recipient was £6 5s. in 1905-1906 and £6 11s. in
       1906-1907.

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1908.
       Old Age Pensions Act.
       The Working of the Law.
       Its Pitiful and Appalling Disclosures.

       The Act of the British Parliament, "to Provide for Old Age
       Pensions" (August 1, 1908), declares in its first section that
       "the receipt of an old age pension under this Act shall not
       deprive the pensioner of any franchise, right, or privilege,
       or subject him to any disability." The second section defines
       the "statutory conditions for the receipt of an old age
       pension by any person" to be: the person must have attained
       the age of seventy; must satisfy the pension authorities that
       he has been a British subject and resident in the United
       Kingdom for at least twenty years; that his yearly means, as
       calculated under the stipulations of the Act, do not exceed
       thirty-one pounds ten shillings. But, notwithstanding the
       fulfilment of these statutory conditions, a person is
       disqualified while he is in receipt of any poor relief, other
       than medical or surgical assistance on the recommendation of a
       medical officer, or relief rendered by means of the
       maintenance of a dependent in an asylum, infirmary, or
       hospital, or any relief that by law is expressly declared not
       to be a disqualification for any franchise, right, or
       privilege. Furthermore, any person is disqualified for the
       receipt of an old age pension "if, before he becomes entitled
       to a pension, he has habitually failed to work according to
       his ability, opportunity, and need, for the maintenance or
       benefit of himself and those legally dependent upon him:
       Provided that a person shall not be disqualified under this
       paragraph if he has continuously for ten years up to attaining
       the age of sixty, by means of payments to friendly, provident,
       or other societies, or trade unions, or other approved steps,
       made such provision against old age, sickness, infirmity, or
       want or loss of employment as may be recognized as proper
       provision for the purpose by regulations under this Act, and
       any such provision, when made by the husband in the case of a
       married couple living together, shall, as respects any right
       of the wife to a pension, be treated as provision made by the
       wife as well as by the husband."

       Disqualification exists, also, during detention in a lunatic
       asylum; and not only during any penal imprisonment that has
       been ordered "without the option fine," but for ten years
       thereafter.

       Specific rules are given in the Act for "calculating the means
       of a person" who seeks the pension; and the rate of weekly
       pension to be paid is proportioned inversely to such
       ascertained means, as follows: "Where the yearly means of the
       pensioner as calculated under this Act:
       Do not exceed £21.,—5s. 0d.;
       exceed £21, but do not exceed £23, 12s. 6d.,—4s. 0d.;
       exceed £23 12s. 6d., but do not exceed £26 5s.,—3s. 0d.;
       exceed £26 5s., but do not exceed £28 17s. 6d.,—2s. 0c2.;
       exceed £28 17s. 6d., but do not exceed £31 10s.,—1s. 0d.;
       exceed £31 10s., no pension."

       The Act became operative on the 1st of January, 1909. At that
       time the persons recommended for pensions, throughout the
       Kingdom, numbered 490,028, with somewhat over 148,000 pending
       claims. The original estimate, on the discussion of the
       measure, had been that the eligible pensioners would not
       exceed 500,000, and that the cost of the undertaking, to begin
       with, would be about £6,000,000. It was evident, therefore,
       before pension payments began, that these estimates were much
       too low.

       From Ireland it was reported by the Press on the opening day
       of pension payments that "more than 4,000 persons will to-day
       receive old-age pensions in the city of Dublin. Claims
       continue to be received in large numbers, and the pension
       authorities estimate that, inasmuch as the last census of the
       city showed that there were 6,800 persons over 70 years of age
       then alive, at least 1,200 eligible persons have not yet made
       application. Yesterday afternoon it was stated that in all
       5,600 claims had been lodged.

       "Of the 209,000 claims lodged altogether in Ireland, it is
       estimated that 50,000 will be disallowed, and that £30,000
       weekly will be required to satisfy those which have been held
       to be good. So far as Dublin is concerned, less than 90 per
       cent, of the inhabitants who are over 70 years of age have
       claimed pensions, so that the rural districts are responsible
       for the larger percentage of claimants in Ireland as compared
       with England and Scotland."

       From Scotland it was reported that "in Glasgow, the number of
       persons of 70 years and over is 13,160, and fully half of
       those made claims. A rough estimate places the number of full
       pensions granted at about 5,550. In addition, a number of
       allowances of the smaller amounts, ranging from 4s. to 1s.,
       have been made."

       In London, on the 1st of January, 1908, there had been 39,043
       claims considered, of which 36,108 were allowed. Of these,
       31,327 were for 5s., 1,701 for 4s., 1,827 for 3s., 797 for
       2s., and 456 for 1s.

    {509}

       Speaking in Parliament on the 1st of March, with deep feeling,
       of the working of the Pension Act and of the revelation of
       poverty it had made, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr.
       Lloyd-George, said: "The pension officers, especially in
       Ireland, had been appalled at the amount of undisclosed
       poverty, and that was why he was not disposed to criticize too
       harshly the administration of the Act in that country, even if
       it had resulted in addition of a considerable sum to the
       estimate of the Government. The details of poverty in Ireland
       were perfectly horrifying. It was a disgrace to any civilized
       country that reasonable human beings should be allowed to live
       under such conditions. But the same condition of things was
       found in Great Britain also in many cases. He made a special
       point of investigating the matter, and pension committees and
       pension officers all told the same story of people facing
       poverty and privation for years with resignation, fortitude,
       and uncomplaining patience, and all asked the same question
       and asked it in vain—How on earth could those poor people have
       managed to keep body and soul together on such slender
       resources? They had not understated their resources; on the
       contrary, there were cases in which they had overstated them
       from a feeling of pride.

       "What struck one in such cases was how the people had fought
       against the horror of the Poor Law. There were 270,000 people
       over 70 years of age in receipt of Poor Law relief. The
       Old-Age Pensions Act had disclosed the presence in the
       community of over 600,000 people the vast majority of whom
       were living in circumstances of great poverty, and yet
       disdained the charity of the Poor Law."

       In the report of the Local Government Board for 1908, the
       inspector of poor-law administration in the eastern counties
       of England reported a substantial decrease in pauperism during
       the year, and attributed this mainly to the passing of the
       Old-Age Pensions Act. Persons verging on the age of 70 were
       doing everything possible to preserve their qualifications for
       pensions, and their sons and daughters, in the hope that the
       old folk will be able to stand alone, are maintaining them
       till the pensions are due in order that they may not be
       forfeited by parish relief.

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1909.
       State Railway Servants Pensions.

       In July, 1909, the Chamber of Deputies adopted a Bill for
       pensioning the railway employees of the State which had
       already passed the Senate. It applies to some 308,000 persons,
       who will be pensioned in several classes at ages ranging from
       50 to 60 years, and the estimated annual cost will exceed
       $5,000,000. The Minister of Public Works, M. Barthou,
       described the measure as an acknowledgment on the part of the
       country of a debt which it owed to a deserving body of public
       servants, who for the last 11 years had waited patiently for
       the fulfilment of a promise and upon various trying occasions
       during that period had not abused the confidence which had
       been reposed in their good sense and public spirit.

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: France: A. D. 1910.
       General Old-Age Pension Law.

       A general measure for the pensioning of workmen in old age,
       which had been pending in the French Parliament for nearly
       three years, became law in April, 1910. Passed in the first
       instance by the Chamber of Deputies in 1907, it was held in
       the Senate, undergoing an extensive remodeling, until the 12th
       of February, 1910, when that body gave it an unanimous vote.
       In the Chamber of Deputies its exaction of compulsory
       contributions from the wages of workmen to the pension fund
       was opposed by a section of the Socialists, but supported by
       the Socialist leader Jaures, as well as by the Briand
       Ministry, and carried by a decisive vote on April 1st.
       "Workingmen, domestic servants, clerks, and farm laborers to
       the number of nearly 12,000,000, whose annual earnings are
       below 3,000 francs, are placed under a system of compulsory
       insurance. For the farmer and small proprietor whose income
       ranges between 3,000 and 5,000 francs, an optional form of
       insurance is provided. Of this class there are nearly six
       million men and women in the country." In all, about
       18,000,000 of the population of France are beneficiaries of
       the Act.

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
       The German System of State-aided Pensions,
       compared with other systems.

       The following is from the report of a lecture on State-aided
       Pensions for the Poor, given in London, on the 3d of February,
       1909, by the Honourable W. P. Reeves, Director of the London
       School of Economics and Political Science. It is an admirable
       summary of facts that exhibit the working, down to the present
       time, of the German system of working men’s insurance adopted
       between 1883-1889.

          See (in Volume IV. of this work)
          SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889.

          See (in Volume VI. of this work)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900, in Volume VI.):

       "The subject, said the lecturer, fell into three
       groups—contributory pensions, free State universal pensions,
       and free State limited pensions. Germany, France, and Belgium
       afforded examples of the contributory pensions, and Denmark,
       Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom of the limited
       free pensions. The universal free pensions were likely to
       remain an ideal. The Belgian superannuation for the poor,
       provided by voluntary contributions on the part of the insurer
       and by State bonuses, had encouraged thrift, but it yielded an
       average pension of only £3 a year. It could not, therefore, be
       pronounced to be a success, and the State had recognized its
       failure by inaugurating a system of free old-age pensions for
       the utterly destitute. A similar superannuation scheme in
       France, also maintained principally by voluntary
       contributions, had only attracted 8 per cent. of the class for
       which it was intended, and there, too, it had been found
       necessary to introduce free old-age pensions. There was also a
       voluntary system in Germany, but that was a kind of side show
       to the great national system of insurance by compulsory
       contributions. This latter system was a gigantic experiment,
       and it really did deserve the name of national. Professor
       Ashley had shown that of the 10,700,000 men who were insurable
       under this scheme 8,857,000 actually were insured; and of the
       5,800,000 women who were qualified to provide for pensions
       4,524,000 were actually paying their contributions. The system
       had been in operation for 26 years, and the amount paid out in
       that time must have exceeded £300,000,000, while 70 or 80
       million persons had been benefited by it from first to last.
       The number of persons affected yearly by the system was
       25,000,000; and in 1907 nearly £30,000,000 was spent in the
       three divisions of the triple system—old age, sickness, and
       accidents. He had only to deal with one division—old age and
       infirmity. The accumulated funds in this division amounted to
       about £70,000,000; and the amount paid out to the insurers in
       1906 was nearly £8,300,000, and in 1907 £8,400,000. The
       population liable to insure was about 14¼ millions, and the
       number of pensions in force at the end of 1907 was 979,000.

    {510}

       "Under this German scheme the class compulsorily insured
       consisted of men and single women earning less than £100 a
       year. The funds were provided in equal contributions by
       employers and employed—the principle underlying the system
       being that of deferred wages. It was a question whether it was
       encouraging thrift to withhold from such wage-earners 2 per
       cent. of their wages. The State bore the cost of management,
       and added to every pension a bonus of £2 10s. a year. For the
       working of the system the wage-earners were divided into five
       grades:

       (1) Those who earn up to £17 10s. a year;
       (2) those who earn any sum between £17 10s. and £27 10s.;
       (3) those who earn any sum between £27 10s. and £42 10s.;
       (4) those who earn any sum between £42 10s. and £57; and
       (5) those who earn any sum between £57 and £100.

       The lowest wage-earners paid seven-eighths of a penny per week
       for their old-age pension, and the highest wage-earners about
       2¼d. No special consideration was shown for a married man. The
       five grades of pensions were:

       (1) £5 10s. a year;
       (2) £7;
       (3) £8 10s.;
       (4) £10; and
       (5) £11 10s.

       If the labourer died after subscribing for 200 weeks his wife
       and children were entitled to receive what he had subscribed,
       but nothing more.

       "The lot of the widows and orphans was one of the black
       features of the system. A married woman could not qualify for
       an old-age pension. The amount of the weekly contribution was
       fixed for ten years. In 1906 the receipts exceeded the
       expenditure by £6,000,000; the cost of administration was only
       £850,000. But that was only the minor part of the provision
       made for elderly people in Germany. The main provision was
       made under the head of infirmity or invalidity occurring
       before the pension age—70. If the insurers, after having
       subscribed for not less than four years, broke down and were
       unable to earn wages, they were entitled to more generous
       treatment. If curable they were cured in State sanatoriums and
       received temporary sickness pensions. If incurable they
       received a pension which was regulated by the number of years
       they had subscribed, and varied from a minimum of £5
       16s. in the lowest grade for four years’ subscriptions to £22
       10s. in the highest grade for 50 years’ subscriptions. The
       insurer began to pay his contributions at the age of 17, and
       for an old-age pension he had to subscribe 50 weeks a year for
       24 years—1,200 weeks in all. Though the system had not checked
       Socialism or militant trade unionism, it had attained its real
       purpose, for it had conferred an enormous boon upon the poor."

       At the time when the remark quoted above, touching the
       defective provision of the German law for widows and orphans,
       was made, the Imperial Government was preparing to amend it.
       The London Times of April 17, 1909, gave, in its
       correspondence from Berlin, the account of a draft Bill, just
       made public, which the Imperial Ministry of the Interior had
       prepared for presentation to the Federal Council, the object
       being to combine and coordinate "the seven compulsory
       insurance laws of 1883 to 1899," together with certain
       amendments and additions. "It is understood," wrote the
       correspondent, "that the Bill will not reach the Reichstag
       before the autumn of this year. Whereas many authorities …
       have favored a thorough unification of the three systems of
       invalidity and old age, accident, and sick insurance, the
       immediate proposals of the Government would leave the three
       systems separate and distinct, while codifying the law and the
       regulations which are common to all branches of compulsory
       insurance, and establishing a joint and threefold system of
       higher administration." The main purpose of the bill was to
       rectify that lack of proper provision for widows and orphans
       which was noted above. "The need of solving this problem,"
       said the correspondent, "is really the immediate occasion of
       reform, and the proposed solution is the most important
       feature of the reform scheme. An essential feature of the
       tariff law of 1902 was the ear-marking—by the so-called Lex
       Trimborn—for widows and orphans’ insurance of the surplus
       revenue from the increased Customs duties on corn and cattle.
       The Lex Trimborn takes effect on January 1, 1910, but the
       surplus revenue is lacking. For the financial year 1906 there
       was no surplus. For 1907 there was a surplus of about
       £2,000,000. For the financial year 1908 there will be no
       surplus, although £2,650,000 was estimated for. In these
       circumstances the Government—while apparently still cherishing
       the hope that, upon the average of a long period of years, the
       revised tariff will do what was expected of it—proposes to
       provide for widows and orphans insurance by a simple all-round
       extension of the system of invalidity and old-age insurance.
       That is to say, the ‘contributions’ of employers and employed
       are to be raised, and an Imperial subsidy, of fixed amount,
       without regard to the annual revenue from Customs, is to be
       added to the contributions.

       "It is at present proposed that the weekly 'contributions' to
       invalidity and old-age insurance shall, in order to provide
       funds for widows and orphans’ pensions, be increased—upon the
       mean average of the contributions of the five classes of
       wage-earners—by one-fourth, and that the Empire shall add a
       subsidy of £2 10s. a year to each widow’s pension and a
       subsidy of £1 5s. a year to each orphan’s pension."

       In February, 1909, a Parliamentary Committee of the British
       Trades Union Congress, composed of men representing the Labor
       Party in Parliament, reported the results of a visit to
       Germany which the Committee had made in the previous November,
       to examine conditions in that country, especially with
       reference to the operation of the state system of insurance.
       In their report they said: "The State assistance has acted as
       an incentive and encouragement to workmen to make additional
       provision for themselves and families through their trade
       unions and private sick clubs. This is especially the case in
       invalidity and old age. It has always been the workman’s
       complaint, as well as that of the organizations, that the
       assistance obtainable under the workman’s insurance system is
       quite out of proportion to the subscriptions paid, and quite
       insufficient for the maintenance of the pensioner.
    {511}
       In this connexion, it is interesting to note that in 1907 the
       'Free' or Socialist unions, with a membership of 1,866,000,
       granted £174,000 in sick pay and £19,000 in invalidity pay;
       the State subsidies to invalidity and old-age pensions
       amounting in 1906 to £2,437,000. The insurance pensions are
       continually increasing; and it is stated that the invalidity
       pensions will eventually reach a maximum in the lowest
       wages class of £9 5s., and in the highest one of £22 10s. The
       funds accumulated in the hands of the Invalidity Pension
       Offices amounted at the end of 1907 to about 70 million
       pounds, and the workmen maintain that the time has now arrived
       when either the pensions paid should be increased, or the
       contributions levied decreased, as provided for by law."

       "The members of the deputation were struck by the absence of
       slums in the manufacturing quarters of the towns visited.
       Nowhere did they see any quarter that could be classified
       under the heading ‘slum.’ The cleanliness prevailing
       throughout all the towns visited was also remarkable. No
       beggars, feeble or emaciated men in tatters and rags were
       encountered in the streets. Hundreds upon hundreds of
       unemployed were seen by the deputation, but they seemed to
       lack that dejection and absolute misery that is so frequently
       met with in the streets of English towns.

       "Workmen throughout Germany do not complain of any compulsory
       deductions made by their employers from their wages for the
       purpose of workmen’s insurances. Many of the largest employers
       are favourably disposed towards these laws, and pay willingly.
       On the other hand, probably the majority do complain of the
       cost, although not opposed to the laws in principle."

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Poor Laws: England: A. D. 1896-1906.
       Report of Royal Commission.
       Increasing Pauperism.

       In December, 1905, a Royal Commission, composed of nineteen
       men and women of distinguished ability and of special
       qualifications for the service, was appointed in Great
       Britain, "to inquire—(1) Into the working of the laws relating
       to the relief of poor persons in the United Kingdom; (2) into
       the various means which have been adopted outside of the Poor
       Laws for meeting distress arising from want of employment,
       particularly during periods of severe industrial depression;
       and to consider and report whether any, and, if so, what
       modification of the Poor Laws or changes in their
       administration or fresh legislation for dealing with distress
       are advisable."

       After three years of laborious investigation, making "more
       than 800 personal visits to unions, meetings of boards of
       guardians, and institutions in England, Scotland, and
       Ireland," as well as examining over 1300 witnesses, the
       Commission submitted an elaborate report in February, 1909.
       Its findings as to the present working of the poor-laws and
       the relief-systems of the United Kingdom, and its
       recommendations for reform, cannot be summarized with any
       clearness in such space as can be given to the subject here;
       but there is a startling significance in what it shows of the
       increase of pauperism and of the public cost of poor relief in
       late years.

       It appears from the returns of the Local Government Board that
       the mean number of paupers in 1906, 1907 and 1908, was at a
       higher level than it had been for 31 previous years.
       Excluding, however, these three especially bad years, it is
       found that throughout the period 1896-1906 there were 24,000
       more paupers than in the period 1888-1896, and 7000 more than
       in the period 1880-1888. In discussing the report the London
       Times remarks: "Further examination even diminishes the
       meagre consolation these figures afford as to the results of a
       generation of effort at reducing pauperism. Comparing the
       period 1896-1906 with 1871-1880, there has been a decrease of
       3.9 per cent. in the total number of paupers, but this
       decrease has been accompanied by a large increase of male
       pauperism and is due entirely to the large decrease in the
       number of children, whose numbers have decreased by 18 per
       cent., and a small reduction in the number of women, whose
       numbers have increased by 2 per cent. The decrease in these
       two classes so affects the total as entirely to conceal an
       absolute increase of 18 per cent, in the number of male
       paupers. Even in regard to the children, at any rate during
       the last 15 years, the decrease has been almost wholly in
       rural unions, and in the children of widows, and there has
       been a general increase in the number of children of
       able-bodied men.

       "Further, so far as figures are available, they show a greater
       proportionate increase in the number of paupers during the
       working years of life than in the very young or the very old.
       Taking only the able-bodied in health, we find that in the
       period 1896-1906 in metropolitan unions the indoor paupers
       have increased by 38 per cent. and the outdoor by 137 per
       cent.; in urban unions the indoor by 24 per cent. and the
       outdoor by 133 per cent.; and in the whole of England and
       Wales the indoor by 21 per cent. and the outdoor by 49 per
       cent. In London alone 15,800 more paupers are being maintained
       than in the eighties, and the rate per 1,000 of the
       population, which used to be below that for England and Wales,
       has risen above it."

       As for expenditure, it was some £8,000,000 in the year
       1871-1872, and £14,000,000 in the year 1905-1906. Summing up
       the general situation with regard to this expenditure, the
       Commission says: "We find that, whilst the expenditure per
       inhabitant has increased from 7s. ¼d. to 8s. 2£d. since
       1871-1872, and is only 7£d. less than it was in 1834, the
       expenditure per pauper has increased from £7 12s. 1d. to £15
       12s. 6d. in the same period. The country is maintaining a
       multitude of paupers not far short of the numbers maintained
       in 1871-1902, and is spending more than double the amount upon
       each individual. The increased expenditure has done little
       towards diminishing the extent of pauperism. Such advance as
       the nation has made has been accomplished at an enormous cost,
       and absorbs an annual amount which is now equivalent to nearly
       one-half of the present expenditure upon the Army. It may be
       urged that the rate of pauperism has diminished from 31.2 per
       1,000 in 1871-1879 to 22.2 per 1,000 in 1896-1905, and this is
       certainly a matter for congratulation, but it has been the
       result of the large increase in the population rather than of
       any considerable reduction in the number of paupers."

    {512}

       This discouraging result has occurred notwithstanding the fact
       that the nation is spending £20,000,000 more in education than
       in 1831, and £13,000,000 more in sanitation and the prevention
       of disease than in 1841; notwithstanding the fact "that money
       wages in the nineties were 10 per cent. above those of the
       eighties, and 30 per cent, above those of the sixties," and
       notwithstanding the fact that "there has been a considerable
       flow of the working classes from the lower paid occupations to
       the higher paid industries."

       The recommendations of the Commission include a scheme for a
       permanent system of public assistance for the able-bodied,
       which contemplates the establishment in every district of four
       coöperating organizations:

       (a) An organization for insurance against unemployment, to
       develop and secure (with contributions from public funds) the
       greatest possible benefits to the workmen from coöperative
       insurance against unemployment;

       (b) a labor exchange established and maintained by the Board
       of Trade to provide efficient machinery for putting those
       requiring work and those requiring workers into prompt
       communication;

       (c) a voluntary aid committee to give advice and aid out of
       voluntary funds especially to the better class of workmen
       reduced to want through unemployment;

       (d) a public assistance authority representing the county or
       county borough and acting locally through a public assistance
       committee to assist necessitous workmen under specified
       conditions at the public expense. The report adds that it must
       be a fundamental principle of the system of public assistance
       that the responsibility for the due and effective assistance
       of all necessitous persons at the public expense shall be in
       the hands of one, and only one, authority in each county and
       county borough—viz., the public assistance authority.

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
       Small Holdings Act of Great Britain.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
       Starvation Poverty in India.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1905-1908.

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
       Underfed School Children:
       Provision for Meals to them.
       How it is done in Various Cities.

       In March, 1905, the British Foreign Office undertook, at the
       request of the Board of Education, to obtain information
       regarding the methods adopted in the great Continental and
       American cities for dealing with ill-fed school children. The
       facts collected were tabulated and published subsequently in a
       Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 2926-1906) from which the following
       statements are derived:

       Generally, in the larger cities of Western Europe, some system
       was found to be in operation for feeding ill-fed children in
       the schools. Commonly this is conducted unofficially, by
       private charitable organizations, but sometimes in indirect
       connection with the municipality, and frequently with help
       from municipal funds. In Berlin, however, the municipality
       takes on itself the responsibility of not only feeding but
       clothing properly the necessitous children attending its
       elementary schools. This made one of the functions of a
       municipal department, the Städtisrhe Schuldeputation, which is
       assisted by a "Society for Feeding Poor Children" in the
       supplying of meals at the elementary school buildings of the
       city. The committee which conducts the work of that auxiliary
       society is appointed by the Government. As a rule, breakfasts
       only are given in Berlin, and only during the winter months;
       but four meals are supplied to such children as are thought by
       the head-masters of the schools to require them. No steps are
       taken to collect from parents any part of the cost of meals
       furnished in the schools.

       In Paris the organization which installs and conducts cantines
       scolaires in schools belonging to the city, called the
       Caisse des Écoles, is privately constituted, but
       presided over by the mayor. This connects it with the
       municipality, and in 1905 it had been receiving a municipal
       subvention of 1,000,000 francs yearly for three years, but
       this was not to be depended on as a permanent grant. It was
       necessary for the Caisse des Écoles to seek voluntary
       contributions. The City, however, undertakes to supply the
       necessary accommodations and all utensils for the school
       canteens, which are in operation throughout the year, every
       day of the week, but generally for a noon meal only; though
       soup is distributed in some arrondissements at the opening and
       closing of school. All children are entitled to feed at the
       canteen, but the meals are supplied gratis only to the
       children of poor families. The others pay a small sum which
       does not exceed 15 centimes (about 2 cents). In 1904 the total
       cost of meals furnished at the school canteens was 1,461,305
       francs, of which 359,093 francs was paid by parents, who buy
       tickets for the purpose. All meals are supplied on the
       presentation of tickets, and nothing shows whether the tickets
       have been bought or received as gifts.

       In Vienna meals for poor school children are provided by a
       central Association, indirectly connected with the
       municipality, the Burgomaster being its president, and
       financial assistance being given to it from both imperial and
       municipal funds. Dinners only are provided, on every week day
       from November 16 to March 31, partly in the school buildings,
       partly in certain restaurants and kitchens. As in Paris,
       parents can buy tickets for these meals, but it is said to be
       rarely done. The total cost is about $23,000 per year. Once a
       year, in the autumn, the Association makes an appeal for
       funds, and all classes of people respond, the Emperor giving
       4,000 crowns and the Town Council voting 8,000.

       Information on the subject was obtained by the British Foreign
       Office from thirty-eight cities, in all, of Austria, Belgium,
       Denmark, France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Norway, Sweden,
       Spain, Switzerland, and the United States. Some systematic
       provision, more or less adequate, for securing proper food to
       the children of the schools by private or public organization,
       was reported from more than thirty. The reports from New York,
       Philadelphia, and Chicago, in the United States, showed less
       undertakings in this direction than in any other cities of
       considerable size.

    {513}

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: In England:
       Provision of Meals Act.

       An order from the English Local Government Board on the
       subject of providing food for underfed school children was
       published on the 29th of April, 1905. It applied only to
       children under sixteen who were neither blind, deaf or dumb,
       and who were living with a father not in receipt of relief.
       Application in each case must be made by school managers, or
       by a teacher empowered by the managers, or by an officer
       empowered by the education authorities. The relief might be
       granted in the ordinary way or as a loan, the father being
       allowed the opportunity of making the needful provision
       himself. If he failed to do so, the poor-law guardians were
       empowered to make it and to recover the cost, as if it were a
       loan. In no case could the relief be given in money, or
       continued on a single application for more than a month. Where
       possible, arrangements should be made with local charitable
       organizations for the issue of tickets for meals.

       The above mentioned tentative order was followed, in the next
       year, by the passage of an Act which authorizes any "local
       education authority" in England and Wales to "take such steps
       as they think fit for the provision of meals for children" at
       any public elementary school, and for that purpose to
       "associate with themselves any committee on which the
       authority are represented, who will undertake to provide food
       for those children." Such education authority may aid the
       committee by furnishing necessary land, buildings, furniture
       and apparatus, and necessary officers and servants; but, "save
       as hereinafter provided, the authority shall not incur any
       expense in respect of the purchase of food to be supplied at
       such meals."

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Unemployment: Belgium: A. D. 1900-1904.
       Municipal Organizations of Insurance against Unemployment.
       The Ghent System.

       The following is abridged from a report on "Agencies and
       Methods for Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign
       Countries," made to the British Board of Trade, in 1904, by
       Mr. David F. Schloss:

       During the last few years the Public Authorities of certain
       Belgian towns and Provinces have organised a system, to which
       the name of Insurance against Unemployment is given, and under
       which the efforts of workmen to secure for themselves the
       means of tiding over periods of unemployment are assisted by
       the grant of subsidies provided out of public moneys, which
       form a supplement to the sums derived from the contributions
       of these work-people. This system is now in force at Ghent,
       Brussels, Antwerp, Bruges, Liege, Malines, and Louvain, and in
       the Provinces of Liege and Antwerp. In details it has been
       varied somewhat in different places, but the general scheme is
       the same, and it will be sufficient to give some account of it
       as organized in Ghent, where it was first worked out.

       The Unemployed Fund at Ghent was initiated as the result of
       the recommendations made by a Special Commission on the
       question of unemployment, which on April 10, 1900, presented a
       Report, advising the creation of a Municipal Unemployed Fund
       under the conditions specified in a set of rules, which they
       submitted for consideration. The annual subvention to the Fund
       by the City was fixed, for three years, at $4000. Expenses of
       the administration of the Fund to be borne by the City.
       Administration of the Fund to be entrusted to a committee of
       ten citizens named by the municipal authority, but one half of
       whom must be members of those organizations of workmen which
       affiliate themselves with the Fund. The Fund may be augmented
       by subscriptions, donations, moneys collected by fêtes, etc.
       "The intervention of the Special Fund shall consist either

       (a.) in providing a supplement to sums paid to their
       members as unemployed benefit by workmen’s organisations, or

       (b.) in supplementing any provision made by individual
       thrift for the specific case of unemployment. The Special Fund
       will supplement the unemployed benefits paid by workmen's
       organisations by the payment of a subsidy, which may be equal
       to, but shall not be greater than, the amount of such
       benefits."

       "Strikes and lock-outs, or the results attendant upon such
       disputes, sickness and physical incapacity for labour shall in
       no case give rise to the payment of an indemnity out of the
       monies of the Unemployed Fund."

       "All workmen’s organisations desiring that their members shall
       participate in the subsidies provided by the Fund will be
       required to send in each month a return showing the number and
       amount of all payments on account of benefits made by them,
       and to furnish every year their balance-sheet, also their
       rules and regulations."

       "Workmen not being members of any Trade Union which enjoys
       participation in the Fund, are at liberty to join a Thrift
       Fund specifically constituted to meet the case of
       unemployment." By this rule, it will be seen, the scheme
       provides, under distinct branches, for Trade Unionists and
       non-Unionists.

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: England: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Unemployed Workmen Act, and its operation.

       In the summer of 1905 a Bill brought into Parliament by the
       President of the Local Government Board, to provide for an
       organization to assist unemployed workmen, was carried through
       both houses with little opposition. It sought to bring about a
       careful discrimination between workmen who were accustomed to
       regular employment in ordinary circumstances, but temporarily
       unemployed through circumstances beyond their control, and the
       needy, on the other hand, who were proper objects of ordinary
       Poor Law relief. Its provisions were for the former entirely,
       and their purpose was to establish both local and central
       bodies, which should organize and maintain labor exchanges and
       employment bureaus, assist migration and emigration, and
       acquire, equip, and maintain farm colonies; the latter to
       operate continuously, for the training of persons to
       agricultural pursuits, preparing them for emigration or for
       permanent transfer from city to country life. The local bodies
       contemplated were not empowered to provide work at public
       expense. That power was entrusted discretionally to the
       central bodies, which could draw on the rates for the purpose
       to a limited extent. Voluntary contributions were to be looked
       to in part for the necessary funds. The measure was decidedly
       conservative and tentative.

       A report on the applications for relief and the relief given
       in England and Wales under this Act during the year ending
       March 81, 1909, compared with the previous year, shows as
       follows: The total number of applications received was
       196,757, of which 49,239 were made to 29 committees in London,
       and 147,518 to 95 committees in other parts of the country.

    {514}

       The applicants belonging to the general or casual labour class
       (64,773) formed as in previous years by far the largest
       section—47.4 per cent.—of the whole number. The building trade
       ranked second with 23,047, or 16.9 per cent. of the total. The
       engineering, shipbuilding, and metal trades accounted for
       17,028, or 12.5 per cent., as compared with only 8.6 per cent,
       in the previous year.

       A Bill known as the "Right to Work" Bill came before the House
       of Commons in April, 1909, with the endorsement of the trade
       unions and the Labor Party. It was opposed by John Burns, the
       former labor leader, but now speaking as President of the
       Local Government Board and member of the Cabinet, who said:
       "For three and a half years he had had intimate experience of
       relief works, and he could not exaggerate the degradation of
       the workmen, the demoralization of the honest labourer, the
       extent to which money had been wasted and character impaired
       by the relief works which he had had in the name of Parliament
       to administer. Any member had only to take up the report of
       any one of the distress committees to see that what the
       minority report said had happened would increasingly happen so
       long as these means of meeting unemployment were resorted to.
       The amount of work would be disproportionate to the wages
       paid, the wrong men would get the right work, and the best men
       would be excluded, because modesty was a characteristic of
       good workmanship and craftsmanship, and the worst men were
       always in the front line when relief works were set on foot."

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: A. D. 1909.
       Report of a Royal Commission.

       The Royal Commission on the working of the English Poor Laws,
       whose general report is referred to above, issued, in
       September, 1909, a supplementary report on Unemployment. The
       main ultimate conclusions of the Commission are the following:

       "When we consider the remedies proposed for unemployment we
       are convinced that they do not lie on the lines proposed by
       the Unemployed Workmen’s Act, which has done nothing but
       systematize Relief Works. These, whether national or
       municipal, appear to us merely to intensify the evil as far as
       the ordinary workmen are concerned. The great thing necessary,
       we believe, is to obtain a general agreement as to the need of
       regularizing labour. In this the Government and municipalities
       ought to set a good example.

       "It might be better, if any rate or State funds are to be
       spent on the unemployed, that such aid should take the form of
       supplementing trade union funds and give thereby a bonus on
       thrift. Any such supplementation of trade union funds would
       involve a Local Government Board audit, the control of the
       expenses of management, and a separation of the war and
       benefit funds. It is very doubtful whether it would be wise
       for trade unions to accept State aid if it involved loss of
       independence and an interference with their efforts to improve
       wages. There is little doubt, however, that grants of this
       kind would enormously increase their membership.

       "In order to prevent the spread of the unemployed as a class
       it is probable that drastic measures ought to be taken, such
       as those recommended to check vagrancy. For the idle and
       worthless who now form the noisy section of the unemployed it
       might be necessary to establish semi-penal colonies. …

       "The solution lies in a better organization of the workers and
       more consideration from the employers. Better organization of
       industry might at once relieve the workers and render trade
       crises less acute by steadying the supply of labour.

       "Differentiation of the unemployable from the willing workers
       and better classification of paupers would enable us to
       understand the extent of the problem and how far
       reorganization of labour must be carried. Raising the
       condition of the whole working class by better housing and
       better wages will help to keep decent but unskilled workmen
       from sinking.

       "Every effort must be made to cut off the supply of unskilled
       and unintelligent labour by training boys to enter regular and
       permanent work."

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       The Labor Exchanges Act.

       One of the most important of the recent enactments of the
       British Parliament is the Labor Exchanges Act, which
       encountered no serious opposition in either House. On
       introducing the Bill in the House of Commons, May 19, 1909,
       and in subsequent debate, Mr. Winston Churchill, President of
       the Board of Trade, gave explanations of which the following
       is a summary: It would divide the country into ten districts,
       which would have among them between 30 and 40 first-class
       labour exchanges, 45 second-class, and about 150 third-class
       for the smaller centres. The central control would be
       exercised by the Board of Trade, but it is intended that,
       following the German example, there shall be in each principal
       centre a local advisory committee composed of representatives
       of workmen and of employers in equal numbers, with a permanent
       official as chairman. It is hoped that, when permanent
       buildings are secured, and the whole scheme is in working
       order, the labour exchanges will become centres of industrial
       life, in which employers and employed will learn to know one
       another better, and to discuss in common questions now too
       much regarded from different standpoints. These exchanges
       cannot make work, they can only distribute what work is to be
       had. They can hardly be expected to make head against the
       large fluctuations of trade, which must be met by some
       insurance scheme, which Mr. Churchill announced as being under
       contemplation. But there are many irregularities of
       distribution which labour exchanges can correct, and many
       seasonal fluctuations producing much distress which they can
       deal with to the great advantage alike of employers and
       employed.

       It was not contemplated that fees should be charged to men
       applying to the labour bureaux, which were to be national
       institutions. They would strive to find men for jobs and jobs
       for men, and attention would be paid to the interests of the
       men who had been waiting longest for work. For the present
       domestic servants would not be brought within the operation of
       the Bill. No compulsion would be exercised to induce
       applicants to give evidence as to character, but of course a
       man would have a greater chance of obtaining work if he could
       give references and testimonials. In a strike the exchanges
       would be absolutely neutral as between capital and labour, and
       it would be clearly notified to all working men that there was
       a dispute and they would be left to act as they thought fit.

    {515}

       The Bill became law in September. A highly favorable report of
       its operation was made six months later by the Consul-General
       of the United States at London, who stated that "on the
       opening day nearly eighty exchanges were in operation and
       thousands of applications for work were received. The
       applicants mainly represented the better class of labor. On
       the first day of the opening in Nottingham 557 workers and 120
       employing firms registered. These were followed on the second
       day by 580 workers and 87 firms. One of the employers alone
       applied for sixty skilled hands, and though most of the
       skilled hands were placed, the registered firms were not able
       to fill all their vacancies."

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: Germany: A. D. 1909.
       Experiments of Insurance.

       Representatives from the municipal authorities of fifteen
       German cities held a joint conference at Cologne in September,
       1909, to discuss the best methods of combating unemployment.
       One or two speakers advocated compulsory insurance against
       unemployment; but the divergencies of opinion were so wide
       that no conclusion was reached. Annual conferences on the
       subject are to be held. A Press correspondent who reported the
       meeting remarked that it confirms "the German official view
       that the problem of insurance against unemployment is not ripe
       for systematic solution. Upon the strength of the experience,
       for example, of Strassburg and of Frankfurt, where the Ghent
       system of subsidies is in operation, demands are frequently
       made for the inauguration of an Imperial system of insurance.
       Apart, however, from the fact that other problems—especially
       widows and orphans insurance—have precedence, the Government
       maintains that Imperial legislation is impossible because no
       satisfactory scheme has been discovered."

       Some account of the Ghent system, here referred to, will be
       found above, under the subheading Belgium. Besides the German
       cities mentioned as having introduced that measure of
       insurance against unemployment, Cologne and Leipsic have been
       operating an organization of similar insurance for some years.
       As described in a report made in 1904 to the British Board of
       Trade by Mr. David F. Schloss, on "Agencies and Methods for
       Dealing with the Unemployed in certain Foreign Countries," the
       organization in Cologne is as follows:

       "The ‘City of Cologne Office for Insurance against
       Unemployment in Winter’ was established in 1896. The object of
       the Office is to provide, with the assistance of the Cologne
       Labour Registry, an insurance against Unemployment during the
       winter (December to March) for the benefit of male workpeople
       in the Cologne district. In order to insure with the Office, a
       man must be at least 18 years of age, must have lived for at
       least a year in Cologne, and must not suffer from permanent
       incapacity to work. He is required to pay a weekly premium,
       payment of which must commence as from April 1, and must
       continue for 34 weeks. The amount of the premium was
       originally 3d. per week for both skilled and unskilled
       workmen; in 1901 the rate of premium was fixed at 3d. for
       unskilled and 4½d. for skilled men; in 1903 the rate was
       raised to 3½d. per week for unskilled and 4¾d. per week for
       skilled workmen. …

       "In return for these payments the insured workman, if and when
       out of work in the period named above, receives, for not more
       than eight weeks in all, a daily amount, which is 2s. for each
       of the first 20 days (nothing being paid for Sundays), and
       then 1s. on each subsequent day. These payments begin on the
       third weekday after the date on which the man has reported
       himself as out of work. …

       "No money is paid in respect of unemployment caused by illness
       or infirmity, or by the man’s own fault, or by a trade
       dispute."

       At Leipsic the institution of insurance against unemployment
       is on much the same lines, but differing in some details of
       its rules. "The Leipsic Insurance Office was founded in April,
       1903, with a guarantee fund of about £5000, provided by
       benevolent persons, in addition to which it proposed to
       receive annual subscriptions from members of the public. The
       town authorities granted accommodation for the Office rent
       free for three years. The system adopted was as follows: The
       right to insure with this Office is confined to men of 16 but
       not over 60 years of age, who have lived at Leipsic for at
       least two years; the general meeting may, however, allow
       residents in the suburbs of Leipsic to insure."

    POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT:
       Employers’ Labor Exchanges.

       The Collieries Union, of colliery owners, in the Rhenish
       Westphalian coal district, was reported, in October, 1909, to
       have "decided to institute for the benefit of its members a
       system of centralized labour exchanges modelled upon the
       system which has existed for many years in the Hamburg iron
       industry. The principal objects in view are to secure a steady
       supply of permanent labour, to equalize a possible surplus of
       labour in certain districts and a corresponding deficit in
       others, and to prevent the habit on the part of miners of
       applying for employment at several collieries simultaneously.
       On the other hand, it is hoped that miners will be spared the
       frequently fruitless search for work."

       ----------POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: End--------

    PRAIRIE OIL AND GAS COMPANY.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    PREFERENTIAL TRADE:
       Discussed at the Imperial Conferences of 1902 and 1907
       in London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1902 and 1907.

    PRESS, The:
       Revived Censorship in Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

    PRESS CONFERENCE, The British Imperial.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (JUNE).

    PRETORIA:
       Peace Negotiations.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    PREVENTION OF CRIMES ACT, BRITISH.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    PRIMARY, DIRECT.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

    PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Census.
       Reduced Representation in Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    PRITCHETT, Henry S.:
       President of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement
       of Teaching.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    {516}

    PRIZE COURT, CONTEMPLATED INTERNATIONAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907
          (appended to account of Second Peace Conference
          at The Hague).

    PROBATION SYSTEM, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: PROBATION.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of Crime.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of the Intoxicants.

          See (in this Volume)

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of Labor and Capital.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION, LABOR PROTECTION,
          AND LABOR REMUNERATION.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of Municipal Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of Poverty and Unemployment.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of Race.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of Railway Regulation.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of the Trusts (so-called).

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of War and Peace.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR: PREPARATIONS FOR, AND REVOLT AGAINST.

    PROBLEMS OF THE TIME:
       Of Wealth.

          See (in this Volume)
          WEALTH.

    PROFIT-SHARING.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION.

    PROGRESISTAS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907; also
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    PROGRESSIVES.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    PROHIBITION.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

    PROTECTION, THE NEW.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

    PROTECTORATES, SOUTH AFRICAN.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
       Measures for Germanizing the Polish Provinces.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (March-May), and 1908 (January).

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.
       Denominational Education restored.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1904.

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
       Creation of a Government Bureau of Charities.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA.

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
       Defiance of Popular Demands for Suffrage Reform.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
       A Comedy of Election Reform.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1907.
       Statistics of Population.
       Birth Rate and Death Rate.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1907.

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
       Disappointing Statement by Prince Bülow about Suffrage Reform.
       Socialist Successes.
       A surprising word from the King.

       In January, Prince Bülow, as Minister-President of Prussia,
       made a statement about suffrage reform which deeply
       disappointed all friends of that movement. It was therefore
       expected, when the Diet elections approached in June, that the
       Prussian people would be awakened by a violent agitation in
       favor of more liberal election laws, but nothing of the kind
       happened. The Socialists, indeed, made this their chief issue,
       and they carried a half-dozen districts, thus securing for the
       first time a foothold in the Diet; and the Radicals, too, gave
       out manhood suffrage as their watchword, but pressed it so
       feebly as to awaken the suspicion that their demand was not
       seriously meant.

       "Nevertheless, the King’s speech from the throne in October
       surprised the country by announcing that a reform of the
       election laws was a fundamental necessity and would be
       undertaken during the present session. This announcement
       affected the country-squire element like tapping on a hornet’s
       nest. The Conservative party immediately gave it to be plainly
       understood that it would brook no tampering with the election
       laws, the stronghold of its power."

          W. C. Dreher,
          The Year in Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, January, 1909).

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (January).
       More vigorous Germanizing of the Polish Provinces.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908.

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1909-1910.
       Rejection of proposed Reforms of the Elective Franchise.
       The Offensive Bill of the following year.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: PRUSSIA.

       ----------PUBLIC HEALTH: Start--------

    PUBLIC HEALTH: AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Proposals of the Second International Conference of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    PUBLIC HEALTH: Army Sanitation:
       By the Japanese.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905—at the end.

    PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:
       In India.

       The bubonic plague, which began to terrorize the eastern
       world, especially India, in the late years of the last century
       (see PLAGUE, in Volume VI.), showed signs of abating in India
       in 1900, but regained virulence in the following years, the
       mortality from it in all India rising to about 560,000 in
       1902, exceeding 842,000 in 1903, going beyond a million in
       1904, and rising to 1,125,652 in the year from October 1,
       1904, to September 30, 1905. Its worst ravages were in the
       Presidency of Bombay and in the Punjab. In the Bombay
       Presidency the victims of 1903 numbered 343,904; in the Punjab
       they counted 210,493.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: INDIA.

    PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE:
       In the Philippines: How it was stamped out.

       Full accounts of the successful campaign against bubonic
       plague in the Philippines, in 1900-1902, are given in the
       annual reports of the Philippine Commission. From that source
       the main facts were summarized in the May number of the
       National Geographic Magazine, 1903, as follows:

       Bubonic plague was discovered at Manila on December 26, 1899,
       and slowly but steadily increased in its ravages up to
       December, 1901. "The deaths in 1900 numbered 199, and in 1901
       reached a total of 432. The disease was at its worst each year
       during the hot, dry months of March, April, and May, nearly or
       quite disappearing during September, October, November, and
       December. …

    {517}

       "On account of the important part which house rats are known
       to play in the distribution of bubonic plague, a systematic
       campaign was inaugurated against these rodents in Manila.
       Policemen, sanitary inspectors, and specially appointed
       rat-catchers were furnished with traps and poison, and both
       traps and poison were distributed to private individuals under
       proper restrictions. A bounty was paid for all rats turned
       over to the health authorities, and stations were established
       at convenient points throughout the city where they could be
       received. Each rat was tagged with the street and number of
       the building or lot from which it came, was dropped into a
       strong antiseptic solution, and eventually sent to the
       Biological Laboratory, where it was subjected to a
       bacteriological examination for plague. During the first two
       weeks, 1.8 per cent. of the rats examined were found to be
       infected. This proportion steadily increased, reaching the
       alarming maximum of 2.3 per cent. in October. At this time
       numerous rats were found dead of plague in the infected
       districts, and, in view of the fact that epidemics of plague
       among the rats of a city in the past have been uniformly
       followed by epidemics among human beings, the gravest
       apprehension was felt, the rapid spread of the disease among
       the rats after the weather had become comparatively dry being
       a particularly unfavorable symptom.

       "It was deemed necessary to prepare to deal with a severe
       epidemic, and a permanent detention camp, capable of
       accommodating fifteen hundred persons, was accordingly
       established on the grounds of the San Lazaro Hospital. Hoping
       against hope, the board of health redoubled its efforts to
       combat the disease. The force of sanitary inspectors was
       greatly increased, and under the able supervision of Dr.
       Meacham their work was brought to a high degree of efficiency.
       Frequent house-to-house inspections were made in all parts of
       the city where the disease was known to exist. The sick were
       removed to the hospital if practicable; otherwise they were
       cared for where found and the spread of infection guarded
       against.

       "Plague houses were thoroughly disinfected, and their owners
       were compelled, under the direction of the assistant sanitary
       engineer, to make necessary alterations. Cement ground-floors
       were laid; double walls and double ceilings, affording a
       refuge for rats, were removed; defects in plumbing were
       remedied; whitewash was liberally used, and, in general,
       nothing was left undone that could render buildings where
       plague had occurred safe for human occupancy. Buildings
       incapable of thorough disinfection and renovation were
       destroyed. Buildings in which plague rats were taken were
       treated exactly as were those where the disease attacked the
       human occupants. The bacteriological examination of rats
       enabled the board of health to follow the pest into its most
       secret haunts and fight it there, and was the most important
       factor in the winning of the great success which was
       ultimately achieved.

       "With very few exceptions, there was no recurrence of plague
       in buildings which had been disinfected and renovated. As
       center after center of infection was found and destroyed, the
       percentage of diseased rats began to decrease, and in January,
       1902, when, judging from the history of previous years, plague
       should have again begun to spread among human beings, there
       was not a single case. In February, one case occurred. In
       March, there were two cases, as against 63 in March of the
       preceding year, and before April the disease had completely
       disappeared. This result, brought about at a time when the
       epidemic would, if unchecked, have reached its height for the
       year, marked the end of a fight begun by the board of health
       on the day of its organization and prosecuted unremittingly
       under adverse conditions for seven months, with a degree of
       success which has not been equaled under similar conditions in
       the history of bubonic plague.

       "During 1901, plague appeared at several points in the
       provinces near Manila. Agents of the board of health were
       promptly dispatched to the infected municipalities, and
       radical remedial measures were adopted, including, in several
       instances, the burning of infected buildings, the result being
       the complete disappearance of plague in the provinces as well
       as in Manila."

    PUBLIC HEALTH: CANCER RESEARCH:
       Mr. Barnato’s Bequest.

       "We are reminded to-day that the late Mr. Harry Barnato
       bequeathed a sum of money amounting to a quarter of a million
       sterling for the establishment of a charity in memory of his
       brother, Mr. Barney Barnato, and of his nephew, Mr. Woolf
       Joel, both of whom died before him. We are now officially
       informed that the trustees under Mr. Harry Barnato’s will have
       determined to apply the bequest to the building and endowment
       of an institution for the reception of cancer patients, and to
       place its management under the control of the authorities of
       the Middlesex Hospital, where special wards for cancer
       patients have long been in operation, and where much has been
       done in devising means for the alleviation of their
       sufferings."

          London Times,
          August 9, 1909.

       Mr. George Crocker, of California, who died in December, 1909,
       bequeathed a fund amounting to about $1,500,000 to Columbia
       University for the prosecution of researches into the cause,
       prevention, and cure of cancer. Mr. Crocker, his wife, and his
       father, Charles Crocker of California, all died of the
       disease. Mr. Crocker had given $50,000 to Columbia for the
       same purpose before his death. Mr. Crocker provided that,
       should a cure for the disease be discovered, the money should
       be devoted to other medical investigations, "with a view to
       preventing and curing diseases and alleviating human
       suffering." He stipulated further that no part of the fund
       should be used for the erection of a building.

    {518}

    PUBLIC HEALTH:
       The Committee of One Hundred.
       Movement for a National Department or Bureau of Health.

       A convincing paper read by Professor J. P. Norton, of Yale,
       before the economic section of the American Association for
       the Advancement of Science at its meeting in 1906, on the
       economic advisability of a national regulation of public
       health, led to the formation in 1907 of the Committee of One
       Hundred, which has labored since that time to bring about the
       creation of a Department or a Bureau of Public Health in the
       Federal administration of Government. Under the presidency of
       Mr. Irving Fisher, and with Mr. Edward T. Devine for its
       secretary, the Committee, which includes many of the most
       eminent men and women in the country, has awakened wide
       interest in the proposition, enlisting a public support which
       seems certain to give it success. When the subject came under
       discussion in the American Association for the Advancement of
       Science at its meeting of 1908, Professor William H. Welch,
       the retiring President of the Association, described the
       existing neglect of health as shameful, and pointed out that,
       if existing hygienic knowledge were fully applied, the death
       rate might be cut in two. As examples of what a Federal Health
       Bureau might do he cited the work of Pasteur and Koch, whose
       best work was done for the national governments of France and
       Germany, though the benefits have been shared by all nations.
       In America we lack even the statistics of disease except in a
       limited area.

       In his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, President Taft
       urged the institution of the proposed National Bureau of
       Health very cogently, in these words: "For a very considerable
       period a movement has been gathering strength, especially
       among the members of the medical profession, in favor of a
       concentration of the instruments of the national government,
       which have to do with the promotion of public health. In the
       nature of things, the Medical Department of the army and the
       Medical Department of the navy must be kept separate. But
       there seems to be no reason why all the other bureaus and
       offices in the general government which have to do with the
       public health or subjects akin thereto should not be united in
       a bureau to be called the ‘Bureau of Public Health.’ This
       would necessitate the transfer of the Marine Hospital Service
       to such a bureau. I am aware that there is a wide field in
       respect to the public health committed to the States in which
       the Federal government cannot exercise jurisdiction, but we
       have seen in the Agricultural Department the expansion into
       widest usefulness of a department giving attention to
       agriculture when that subject is plainly one over which the
       States properly exercise direct jurisdiction. The
       opportunities offered for useful research and the spread of
       useful information in regard to the cultivation of the soil
       and the breeding of stock and the solution of many of the
       intricate problems in progressive agriculture have
       demonstrated the wisdom of establishing that department.
       Similar reasons, of equal force, can be given for the
       establishment of a bureau of health that shall not only
       exercise the police jurisdiction of the Federal government
       respecting quarantine, but which shall also afford an
       opportunity for investigation and research by competent
       experts into questions of health affecting the whole country,
       or important sections thereof, questions which, in the absence
       of Federal governmental work, are not likely to be promptly
       solved."

    PUBLIC HEALTH:
       The Hookworm Disease in the United States.

       "In the Old World, hookworm disease was probably known to the
       Egyptians nearly three thousand five hundred years ago, but
       its cause was not understood until about the middle of the
       nineteenth century, when it was shown to be due to an
       intestinal parasite, Agchylostoma duodenale. Until 1893
       no authentic cases of this disease were recognized as such in
       the United States, but between 1893 and 1902 about 35 cases
       were diagnosed. In 1902 it was shown that a distinct hookworm,
       Ucinaria americana, infests man in this country, and
       this indicated very strongly that the disease must be present
       although not generally recognized. It is now established that
       in addition to the few cases of Old World hookworm disease
       imported into the United States we have in the South an
       endemic uncinariasis due to a distinct cause, Uncinaria
       americana. This disease has been known for years in the
       South and can be traced in medical writings as far back as
       1808, but its nature was not understood. Some cases have been
       confused with malaria, others have been attributed to
       dirt-eating.

       "The hookworms are about half an inch long. They live in the
       small intestine, where they suck blood, produce minute
       hemorrhages, and in all probability also produce a substance
       which acts as a poison. They lay eggs which cannot develop to
       maturity in the intestine. These ova escape with the feces and
       hatch in about twenty-four hours; the young worm sheds its
       skin twice and then is ready to infect man. Infection takes
       place through the mouth, either by the hands soiled with
       larvae or by infected food. Infection through the drinking
       water may possibly occur. Finally, the larvae may enter the
       body through the skin and eventually reach the small
       intestine.

       "Patients may be divided into light cases, in which the
       symptoms are very obscure; medium cases, in which the anemia
       is more or less marked, and severe cases, represented by the
       dwarfed, edematous, anemic dirt-eater. Infection occurs
       chiefly in rural sand districts. … Economically, uncinariasis
       is very important. It keeps children from school, decreases
       capacity for both physical and mental labor, and is one of the
       most important factors in determining the present condition of
       the poorer whites of the sand and pine districts of the South.

       "The disease is carried from the farms to the cotton mills by
       the mill hands, but does not spread much in the mills;
       nevertheless, it causes a considerable amount of anemia among
       the operatives."-

          Ch. Wardell Stiles, Ph. D.,
          Report upon the Prevalence and Geographic Distribution
          of Hookworm Disease
          (Public Health and Marine Hospital Service of the
          United States: Hygienic Laboratory, Bulletin No. 10).

       In the autumn of 1909 Mr. John D. Rockefeller placed a fund of
       $1,000,000 under the control of a Commission, to be used for
       the eradication of the hookworm disease in the United States.
       The fund is allotted in annual instalments of $200,000 each.

    PUBLIC HEALTH: India: A. D. 1907-1908.
       Mortality Statistics and Birth Rate.

       According to statistics given in the "Statement Exhibiting the
       Moral and Material Progress and Condition of India during the
       year 1907-1908," in most provinces the birth-rates exceeded the
       death-rates, but in the Punjab the death-rate exceeded the
       birth-rate by no less than 21.3 per mille, mainly as a result
       of the persistence of plague and the unusual prevalence of
       other epidemics. The total number of deaths registered in the
       Dependency was 8,399,623, compared with 7,852,330 in 1906.
       This constituted a rise of the rate from 34.73 per mille to
       37.18. The mean mortality per 1,000 for the quinquennium
       ending 1906 was 33.96. The rate in the Punjab was no less than
       62.1.

    {519}

       Throughout the country as a whole cholera was responsible for
       1.81 deaths per mille, smallpox for 0.46, fevers for 19.76,
       dysentery and diarrhoea for 1.25, and plague for 5.16. In the
       previous year (1906) there was a most welcome decline in the
       plague death-rate, which fell from 4.17 in 1905 to 1.33. But
       in the year under review this malignant disease (which first
       appeared in Bombay in 1896) was responsible for the record
       number of 1,315,892 deaths. Happily in 1908 there was again a
       very rapid decline of mortality, and the preliminary figures
       for the year give a total of less than 150,000 deaths, this
       being lower than in any year since 1900. The report shows that
       plague has been curiously partial in its distribution, many
       parts of the Dependency having almost entirely escaped its
       ravages. It is shown that the civil hospitals and dispensaries
       in India (2,514 in number) treated 412,425 indoor and no fewer
       than 24,469,548 outdoor patients.

    PUBLIC HEALTH: Japan: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Army Sanitation in the War with Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905--at the end.

    PUBLIC HEALTH: Malaria:
       A Lesson in Practical Hygiene from Italy.
       Slowness in using the knowledge gained.

       The following is from a letter by Dr. William Osier to the
       London Times, dated at Rome, March, 3, 1909: "We owe
       much to the Italians for their contributions to our knowledge
       of the cause of malaria. Laveran’s great discovery was
       promptly fathered by Marchiafava and Celli and Golgi, and it
       was through their writings that we obtained the fullest
       details of the nature and structure of the malarial parasite.
       As an old student of the disease and deeply interested in the
       practical problems of its prevention, one of my first visits
       in Rome was to the Laboratories of Pathology and of Hygiene to
       find out from the Directors, Marchiafava and Celli, the
       progress of the battle. It was not enough to know the cause;
       we had to know how it worked before effective measures could
       be taken, and the demonstration by Ross of the transmission of
       the disease by the mosquito at once put malaria on the list of
       easily preventable infections. Just ten years ago the Italian
       Society for the Study of Malaria was founded, and I was able
       to get a full report of the work.

       "In Professor Celli’s lecture-room hangs the mortality chart
       of Italy for the past 20 years. In 1887 malaria ranked with
       tuberculosis, pneumonia, and the intestinal disorders of
       children as one of the great infections, killing in that year
       21,033 persons. The chart shows a gradual reduction in the
       death-rate, and in 1906 only 4,871 persons died of the
       disease, and in 1907 4,160. This remarkable result has been
       very largely due to the sanitary measures introduced by the
       society. It has long been known that malaria disappears
       ‘spontaneously.’ The Fen country is now healthy; parts of
       Canada, about Lakes Ontario and Erie, which were formerly
       hotbeds of the disease, are now free. This cannot be
       attributed altogether to cultivation and drainage. I know
       places on the shores of the lakes just mentioned in which the
       conditions today are identical with those which I remember as
       a boy. The Desjardin Canal Marsh at the extreme western end of
       Lake Ontario was a well-known focus of the disease. The marsh
       remains, the mosquitoes are there; but a case of malaria is
       almost as rare as in England. The disappearance is largely due
       to the free use of quinine. The settlers early recognized the
       important fact that malaria was a disease liable to recur, and
       it became a common practice to take Peruvian bark every spring
       and autumn for a year or two after an attack. This is a point
       in prophylaxis which the work of the Italian Society has
       brought into prominence. From the summary of the decennial
       report just issued, the following paragraphs are of interest:

       "‘The society has improved the prophylaxis of malaria, and has
       introduced into practice the new mechanical measures based on
       the defence of the habitation and the individual from the
       bites of mosquitoes. This being a relatively expensive
       procedure, the society has occupied itself chiefly with the
       improvement of the anti-plasmodic prophylaxis—the
       administration of quinine. For this purpose it has promoted
       and defended legislation for the gratuitous distribution of
       quinine to the poor and to all workers in malarial localities.
       …

       "‘The results have been that since 1902, when the law on State
       quinine was promulgated, while the consumption of quinine has
       been yearly increasing, the mortality from malaria has
       diminished from about 16,000 to about 4,000 yearly; and in the
       army, Custom House Offices, and in some communes where the new
       laws have been better applied, the morbidity from malaria has
       greatly diminished.’

       "By these measures, and ‘by means of the agricultural and
       agrarian transformation of the land and colonization, rather
       than by the destruction of mosquitoes (a thing impossible to
       be done by us on a large scale),’ Italy may be freed from the
       scourge."

       In a lecture at the Royal Institution, London, in May, 1909,
       Major Ronald Ross, one of the most notable workers in this
       field of sanitary science, spoke discouragingly of the
       progress made in applying the knowledge gained. He said:

       "The immediate success hoped for ten years ago had not been
       attained. The battle still raged along the whole line, but it
       was no longer a battle against malaria but against human
       stupidity. Those who had taken part in it had reasoned and
       been ridiculed; had given the most stringent experimental
       proofs and had been disbelieved; had protested and been called
       charlatans. … The few persons who had fought the fight and
       failed were scarcely able to continue it, and if no stronger
       influences could be excited the future of malaria prevention
       in British dominions would certainly be as barren as the past
       had been."

    {520}

    PUBLIC HEALTH: Panama Canal:
       The Sanitation of the Canal Zone.
       Extirpation of Malaria and Yellow Fever.
       Report of Secretary Taft.

       In the fall of 1905 Secretary Taft made a visit of inspection
       to the Canal, and gave, on his return, an interesting account
       of the conditions he found, in an address before the St. Louis
       Commercial Club. On the work of Sanitation in progress, under
       the direction of Dr. W. C. Gorgas, U. S. A., he gave the
       following description: "When Judge Magoon [appointed Governor
       of the Canal Zone] arrived upon the Isthmus, he found Dr.
       Gorgas battling manfully against the yellow fever, but the
       cases seemed to be increasing. Judge Magoon conceived the idea
       that the fumigation which had been confined to two or three
       houses might well be extended to all the houses in Panama, and
       at considerable expense, and after procuring a large amount of
       material, every house in Panama was fumigated once every two
       weeks. To secure increased vigilance and popular assistance he
       employed all [the respectable Panamanian physicians of Panama
       as inspectors of the districts of that city, at annual
       salaries of $1,200 a year. He also offered $50 reward for the
       discovery of any case of yellow fever not reported. By methods
       of this kind the native apathy, usually so great an obstacle
       to successful sanitation in Spanish countries, was
       neutralized.

       "The plan of fumigation is as follows: Strips of paper are
       placed across the windows, which ordinarily have no glass or
       any netting in them, and then by the fumes either of sulphur
       or pyrethrum every nook and cranny of the house is visited.
       These gases are fatal or paralyzing to the mosquito. After
       sufficient time has passed the house is opened, and then a
       corps of health employees are set to work cleaning the house
       and sweeping out the dead mosquitoes, which are found in great
       numbers upon the floors. The mosquitoes are burned to avoid
       further mischief. By these methods, for which Dr. Gorgas and
       Governor Magoon are both to be credited with great praise,
       yellow fever has been reduced to a point where during the last
       month only three cases were reported, not one of these among
       canal employees, and all originating many miles from the canal
       line. The efforts to subdue the fever, instead of being
       relaxed, are being continued. Square miles of woven-wire
       netting with interstices so small as to prevent the entrance
       of mosquitoes are spread about the piazzas of the houses of
       all Americans and foreigners who come to live under the
       auspices of the Canal Commission in the Isthmus. The windows
       inside are also screened, and then mosquito-bars on the beds
       are used as a third precaution. Whenever a case of yellow
       fever is discovered, the patient is at once either removed to
       the hospital and put under a woven-wire screen, or, if he
       prefers to remain at home, the woven-wire screen is put over
       him and an orderly placed in charge of him at his own
       residence. In this way he is prevented from furnishing a
       supply of the poison to the healthy mosquitoes, who, in turn,
       by stinging, would bring it back to man. In other words, the
       plan is to kill all the mosquitoes, well or ill, keep them as
       much as possible from stinging man, and isolate every man with
       yellow fever, not from his fellows, but from mosquitoes. …
       Little by little, and facing discouragement after
       discouragement, the two thousand employees of the sanitary
       department are winning in this fight against disease, upon
       which the whole success of the canal work depends. As Mr.
       Stevens said to me, when I crossed the Isthmus with him this
       month, ‘I take off my hat to the work which the sanitation
       department has done in this Canal Zone.’"

       A report to the London Times, in June, 1909, of
       conditions on the Canal and in the Canal Zone, shows the
       effectiveness with which this work of sanitation was done.
       More arduous than the campaign against yellow fever, says the
       writer, "was the campaign against malaria, a disease from
       which 80 per cent. of the people were suffering to some
       degree. This campaign consisted in warfare against mosquitoes
       and in the administration of quinine, and the efforts in this
       respect have also been highly successful. In 1906 the
       proportion of canal employés treated for malaria was no
       less than 821 in the thousand. In 1908 it had fallen to 282 in
       the thousand. The general effect of sanitary measures may
       best be judged from the death-rate among the tens of thousands
       of canal employés. In 1906 it was 41.73 to the
       thousand, and in 1908 it was only 13.01 to the thousand,
       making the canal one of the most healthy industrial
       establishments in the world."

    PUBLIC HEALTH: PELLAGRA:
       Lombroso’s Discovery of its Source.
       Its now recognized Seriousness.

       In 1872 Cesare Lombroso, the noted criminologist, "incurred a
       great deal of odium for a discovery which proved to be of much
       scientific and economic importance. He noted the fact that a
       large number of the inmates of asylums were suffering from
       pellagra, a curious disease, which first affected the
       skin and afterwards attacked the brain and nervous system.
       Lombroso discovered that the disorder was to be traced to a
       poison contained in diseased maize, which the Lombardian
       landowners were in the habit of doling out to the poor
       peasantry. At a time when toxins were unknown, Lombroso
       succeeded in extracting the poison from the maize and
       infecting animals with it—quite in the manner of modern
       bacteriologists. His discovery was received with much
       derision; but a friend of Lombroso, M. Alfred Maury, reported
       the facts to Berthelot, the Parisian chemist, who analysed the
       poison and established the fact that the maize contained an
       injurious substance resembling strychnine but differing from
       it in important particulars. The validity of Lombroso’s
       discovery was thus triumphantly established. He was not
       satisfied with this initial success, but for several years
       fought on the platform and in the Press for an improvement in
       the economic conditions of the peasantry whereby the ravages
       of the disease might be combated." In late years his work of
       agitation on the subject has been continued by many others.
       The disease is of recognized seriousness in Italy, France, and
       latterly in the United States. In November, 1909, the American
       Government appointed an official commission to investigate it.

    PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS:
       International Congresses.

       The first International Congress for discussion and action on
       the subject of Pure Food was assembled at Geneva in 1908, and
       attended by about 600 persons. The second was held at Paris in
       October, 1909, and much more largely attended.

    PUBLIC HEALTH: PURE FOOD LAWS: United States: A. D. 1906.
       Legislation at the end of a long struggle.

       Bulletin No. 104 of the Bureau of Chemistry, Department of
       Agriculture, entitled "Food Legislation during the year ended
       June 30, 1906," introduces the text of National and State laws
       enacted that year with the following remarks: "Food
       legislation for the year ended July 1, 1906, is the most
       important in the history of the United States. A Federal
       pure-food bill in various forms has been before Congress
       continuously for more than twenty years, and such a bill
       became a law on June 30, 1906. On the same day, as part of the
       appropriation bill of the United States Department of
       Agriculture, in the sections providing for the Bureau of
       Animal Industry, important legislation was enacted with
       reference to the inspection of meat and meat food products."

    {521}

       The Federal Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 1906, enacts in its
       first section "That it shall be unlawful for any person to
       manufacture within any Territory or the District of Columbia
       any article of food or drug which is adulterated or
       misbranded, within the meaning of this Act; and any person who
       shall violate any of the provisions of this section shall be
       guilty of misdemeanor, and for each offense shall, upon
       conviction thereof, be fined not to exceed five hundred
       dollars or shall be sentenced to one year’s imprisonment, or
       both such fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the
       court, and for each subsequent offense and conviction thereof
       shall be fined not less than one thousand dollars or sentenced
       to one year’s imprisonment, or both such fine and imprisonment,
       in the discretion of the court."

       The second section declares:

       "That the introduction into any State or Territory or the
       District of Columbia from any other State or Territory or the
       District of Columbia, or from any foreign country, or shipment
       to any foreign country of any article of food or drugs which
       is adulterated or misbranded within the meaning of this Act,
       is hereby prohibited"; and penalties are prescribed for
       violations of the law, being a fine not exceeding $200 for the
       first offense, and for the second offense a fine not to exceed
       $300, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the
       discretion of the court.

       Section 3 reads as follows:

       "That the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of
       Agriculture, and the Secretary of Commerce and Labor shall
       make uniform rules and regulations for carrying out the
       provisions of this Act, including the collection and
       examination of specimens of foods and drugs manufactured or
       offered for sale in the District of Columbia, or in any
       Territory of the United States, or which shall be offered for
       sale in unbroken packages in any State other than that in
       which they shall have been respectively manufactured or
       produced, or which shall be received from any foreign country,
       or intended for shipment to any foreign country, or which may
       be submitted for examination by the chief health, food, or
       drug officer of any State, Territory, or the District of
       Columbia, or at any domestic or foreign port through which
       such product is offered for interstate commerce, or for export
       or import between the United States and any foreign port or
       country."

       Section 4 prescribes the examination of specimens of food and
       drugs in the Bureau of Chemistry, and section 5 relates to
       prosecutions for violation of the Act. Sections 6, 7, and 8
       define adulteration and misbranding, as follows:

       "Section 6. That the term ‘drug,’ as used in this Act, shall
       include all medicines and preparations recognized in the
       United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary for internal
       or external use, and any substance or mixture of substances
       intended to be used for the cure, mitigation, or prevention of
       disease of either man or other animals. The term ‘food,’ as
       used herein, shall include all articles used for food, drink,
       confectionery, or condiment by man or other animals, whether
       simple, mixed, or compound.

       "Section 7. That for the purposes of this Act an article shall
       be deemed to be adulterated:

       "In case of drugs:

       "First. If, when a drug is sold under or by a name recognized
       in the United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary, it
       differs from the standard of strength, quality, or purity, as
       determined by the test laid down in the United States
       Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary official at the time of
       investigation: Provided, That no drug defined in the
       United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary shall be
       deemed to be adulterated under this provision if the standard
       of strength, quality, or purity be plainly stated upon the
       bottle, box, or other container thereof although the standard
       may differ from that determined by the test laid down in the
       United States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary.

       "Second. If its strength or purity fall below the professed
       standard or quality under which it is sold.

       "In the case of confectionery:

       "If it contain terra alba, barytes, talc, chrome yellow, or
       other mineral substance or poisonous color or flavor, or other
       ingredient deleterious or detrimental to health, or any
       vinous, malt or spirituous liquor or compound or narcotic
       drug.

       "In the case of food:

       "First.
       If any substance has been mixed and packed with it so as to
       reduce or lower or injuriously affect its quality or strength.

       "Second.
       If any substance has been substituted wholly or in part for
       the article.

       "Third.
       If any valuable constituent of the article has been wholly or
       in part abstracted.

       "Fourth.
       If it be mixed, colored, powdered, coated, or stained in a
       manner whereby damage or inferiority is concealed.

       "Fifth.
       If it contain any added poisonous or other added deleterious
       ingredient which may render such article injurious to health:
       Provided, That when in the preparation of food products
       for shipment they are preserved by any external application
       applied in such manner that the preservative is necessarily
       removed mechanically, or by maceration in water, or otherwise,
       and directions for the removal of said preservative shall be
       printed on the covering of the package, the provisions of this
       Act shall be construed as applying only when said products are
       ready for consumption.

       "Sixth.
       If it consists in whole or in part of a filthy, decomposed, or
       putrid animal or vegetable substance, or any portion of an
       animal unfit for food, whether manufactured or not, or if it
       is the product of a diseased animal, or one that has died
       otherwise than by slaughter.

       "Section 8.
       That the term ‘misbranded,’ as used herein, shall apply to all
       drugs, or articles of food, or articles which enter into the
       composition of food, the package or label of which shall bear
       any statement, design, or device regarding such article, or
       the ingredients or substances contained therein which shall be
       false or misleading in any particular, and to any food or drug
       product which is falsely branded as to the State, Territory,
       or country in which it is manufactured or produced.

       "That for the purposes of this Act an article shall also be
       deemed to be misbranded:

       "In case of drugs:

       "First.
       If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the name of
       another article.

    {522}

       "Second.
       If the contents of the package as originally put up shall have
       been removed, in whole or in part, and other contents shall
       have been placed in such package, or if the package fail to
       bear a statement on the label of the quantity or proportion of
       any alcohol, morphine, opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta
       eucaine, chloroform, cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or
       acetanilide, or any derivative or preparation of any of such
       substances contained therein.

       "In the case of food:

       "First.
       If it be an imitation of or offered for sale under the
       distinctive name of another article.

       "Second.
       If it be labeled or branded so as to deceive or mislead the
       purchaser, or purport to be a foreign product when not so, or
       if the contents of the package as originally put up shall have
       been removed in whole or in part and other contents shall have
       been placed in such package, or if it fail to bear a statement
       on the label of the quantity or proportion of any morphine,
       opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta eucaine, chloroform,
       cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, or acetanilide, or any
       derivative or preparation of any of such substances contained
       therein.

       "Third.
       If in package form, and the contents are stated in terms of
       weight or measure, they are not plainly and correctly stated
       on the outside of the package.

       "Fourth.
       If the package containing it or its label shall bear any
       statement, design, or device regarding the ingredients or the
       substances contained therein, which statement, design, or
       device shall be false or misleading in any particular:
       Provided, That an article of food which does not
       contain any added poisonous or deleterious ingredients shall
       not be deemed to be adulterated or misbranded in the following
       cases:

       "First.
       In the case of mixtures or compounds which may be now or from
       time to time hereafter known as articles of food, under their
       own distinctive names, and not an imitation of or offered for
       sale under the distinctive name of another article, if the
       name be accompanied on the same label or brand with a
       statement of the place where said article has been
       manufactured or produced.

       "Second.
       In the case of articles labeled, branded, or tagged so as to
       plainly indicate that they are compounds, imitations, or
       blends, and the word ‘compound,’ ‘imitation,’ or ‘blend,’ as
       the case may be, is plainly stated on the package in which it
       is offered for sale: Provided, That the term blend as
       used herein shall be construed to mean a mixture of like
       substances, not excluding harmless coloring or flavoring
       ingredients used for the purpose of coloring and flavoring
       only: And provided further, That nothing in this Act
       shall be construed as requiring or compelling proprietors or
       manufacturers of proprietary foods which contain no
       unwholesome added ingredient to disclose their trade formulas,
       except in so far as the provisions of this Act may require to
       secure freedom from adulteration or misbranding."

       There was never a harder fight in Congress than that by which
       this victory was won, over knaveries that, were not ashamed to
       insist on their right to swindle and poison the public by
       adulterations and frauds. Nothing but a thoroughly roused
       public feeling carried the measure through. The same feeling
       impelled local legislation to the same end in thirty-two
       States, during 1906, and 1907, all of which is set forth in
       the Bulletin cited above and in another of the same series
       (No. 112), published in two parts in the following year.

       Writing in January, 1908, of what the Pure Food Law had
       accomplished, the Chairman of the Food Committee of the
       National Consumers League, Alice Lakey, said: "One of the most
       important results of the Pure Food Law is the awakening of
       many consumers to their responsibilities as buyers of food
       products. They are studying labels and buying foods
       accordingly. With an intelligent consuming public to purchase
       goods, the Pure Food Law will in time accomplish its full
       purpose. Perhaps no better phrase will then be found to
       describe it than the recent utterance of the manager of one of
       the most important food firms in the country. ‘The Pure Food
       Law,’ he said, ‘passed by this Government, is the most
       important law ever passed by any government.’"

    PUBLIC HEALTH: United States: A. D. 1906.
       The Packing-House Investigation.

       One of the influences which forced the passage through
       Congress of the pure food legislation of 1906 came from the
       revelations in a report laid before the President on the 4th
       of June that year, by two commissioners whom he had appointed
       to investigate the conditions existing at the stockyards and
       packing-houses of Chicago. In communicating the report to
       Congress the President characterized its disclosures as
       revolting, and it is certain that the whole public was
       sickened by the pictures it drew of reckless filthiness
       prevailing in the establishments where meats were prepared for
       sale in the markets of the country and of the world. We shall
       not attempt to reproduce them here.

       The most important part of the report concerned the existing
       methods of official inspection of meats. The commissioners
       found it most rigorous where it is needed least, namely, at
       the time of killing. It was while the meat was being handled,
       and especially in its preparation for canning, that it
       underwent the most pollution. The cans which received it
       finally were allowed to bear labels stating that "the contents
       of this package have been inspected according to the Act of
       Congress of March 3, 1891. Quality Guaranteed." As a matter of
       fact, all that had been inspected was the carcass of the
       animal at the time of killing.

       The further legislation, respecting inspections, which
       supplemented the law quoted from above, was resisted with all
       their power by the enormously rich meat-packing companies of
       the country, who found strong supporters in Congress, but they
       had to submit to defeat.

    PUBLIC HEALTH:
       The Sleeping Sickness in Africa.

       "The most formidable enemy of both man and beast in tropical
       Africa is the tsetse, species Glossina, a genus of
       blood-sucking fly peculiar to that land, which carries a
       minute parasite, the trypanosome, from the infected to the
       healthy, resulting in the production of sleeping sickness,
       or trypanosomiasis. When it is known that in the region lying
       around Victoria Nyanza, Lake Tanganyika, and the Victorian
       Nile over 400,000 human beings have succumbed to this fatal
       malady since it appeared about ten years ago, its appalling
       nature is apparent. Vast territories of thickly populated,
       fertile country near the shores of these lakes, until the
       advent of this terrible plague the homes of a happy, contented
       people, are now almost depopulated, and thousands of little
       villages have been swept away, their inhabitants victims of
       this deadly pest.

    {523}

       "In appearance the tsetse fly bears a remarkable resemblance
       to the ordinary house-fly, but is slightly larger, with longer
       wings, which extend beyond its body and lap each other when at
       rest like the blades of a pair of scissors. It is somber gray,
       nearly black in color, almost like the honey-bee, and has a
       prominent proboscis ensheathed in the palpi which project
       horizontally in front of its head. The abdomen is marked by
       four distinct yellowish bands, with a pale spot over the upper
       segment. It is wonderfully active, and evades every attempt at
       capture except in the cool of the morning or evening, when its
       movements are sluggish and it can be caught in the hand. …

       "Sleeping sickness has been known in Sierra Leone, in the
       Congo, and on the west coast of Africa since the earliest
       history of those lands. In 1870 a fossil tsetse fly (Glossina
       morsitans) was discovered in Colorado, and the theory has been
       advanced that the absence of wild horses on the American
       continent was due to the ravages of the disease carried by
       these flies.

       "The malady was described as early as 1803, and later most
       accurately by Livingstone, the great missionary explorer. He
       also advocated arsenic in its treatment. This remedy, after
       half a century of research and investigation, still retains
       its place as the best one known for prolonging life. …

       "The period of the incubation of the disease after the bite of
       the infected fly varies from a month to several years,
       depending upon the resisting power of the patient. In its
       earlier stages the first noticeable symptoms are irregular
       fever. … This stage may continue a year, or even longer.

       "In the following stage the symptoms are due to the
       trypanosomes reaching the cerebrospinal fluid, giving rise to
       cerebral manifestations; drowsiness, stupor, dullness of
       hearing, slowness in perception and of answering questions,
       with incapacity for mental exertion, and somnolence, the
       patient sometimes sleeping the entire day. This condition may
       continue several years, during which time epileptiform
       convulsions develop, with marked tremulousness of the muscles
       of the face and tongue, the patient becoming maniacal and the
       whole symptomatology resembling that of general paresis of the
       insane. …

       "Previous to 1901 sleeping sickness was unknown in Uganda. How
       the present epidemic originated is not positively known. The
       most generally accepted theory is that the soldiers of Emin
       Pasha and their followers introduced it, as some ten thousand
       of them settled in Busoga after the Sudan campaign. …

       "The duration of the sleeping sickness in man is very
       variable. Occasionally cases linger six or even eight years,
       and until the expiration of this period they are constant foci
       of infection.

       "Recognizing the fatal nature of the disease, the various
       nations whose territories are most seriously affected, notably
       England, Germany, Portugal, France, and Belgium, appointed
       commissioners, with competent assistants, to ascertain methods
       for its control. The enormous amount of investigation and
       research accomplished by these self-sacrificing men, among
       whom may be mentioned Bruce, Koch, Hodges, Broden, Tullock,
       Kopke, Martin, Hardy, and Kleine, two of whom forfeited their
       lives in the work, entitles their names to be enrolled among
       the benefactors of mankind."

          Louis L. Seaman,
          The Sleeping Sickness
          (The Outlook, January 15, 1909).

    PUBLIC HEALTH: Tuberculosis:
       The Organized Warfare for its Eradication.

       After the discovery of the all important fact that the most
       destroying of the diseases of the human race, tuberculosis
       (the dread "consumption" of the older-fashioned nomenclature
       of pathology), is in its nature one so propagated from victim
       to victim that the propagation is needless, and may absolutely
       be ended by right precautions universally applied, there were
       ardent workers soon engaged in eager efforts to bring such
       measures into use. The beginning of a hopefully inspired
       warfare against the disease dates, therefore, from the
       identification of the bacillus of tuberculosis by Dr. Robert
       Koch, in 1882; but, for nearly two decades after that
       inspiration it was little more than a guerrilla undertaking,
       by scientifically benevolent individuals and groups, here and
       there in the world. It was not until the latest years of the
       nineteenth century and the earliest of the twentieth that more
       public risings appeared in the movement, and it began to
       acquire the momentum of a crusade.

       Germany appears to have been earliest in the fundamental
       organization of measures to instruct its people in the nature
       of the disease, and in the means by which it may be stamped
       out; as well as in the provision of special sanatoria and
       hospitals for the new open-air treatment of those attacked.
       But the Health Department of the City of New York has the
       credit of being the first official body to bring the disease
       under efficient administrative control. On this subject Dr.
       Hermann M. Biggs, in an address delivered, February 16, 1904,
       under the auspices of the Henry Phipps Institute and published
       in the first annual report of the Institute, said:

       "Notwithstanding all that has been said and written,
       notwithstanding the popular education and agitation,
       notwithstanding the formation of antituberculosis societies
       and antituberculosis leagues, notwithstanding the organization
       of many associations for the erection of sanatoria, and the
       foundation of institutions for the study of tuberculosis,
       notwithstanding the measures adopted for the prevention of the
       disease in animals, still only a very small percentage of the
       governmental, municipal and state sanitary authorities of this
       country, Great Britain and the Continent have adopted
       provisions which can be regarded as in any way comprehensive,
       or effective in dealing with this disease.

    {524}

       "If we seek for an adequate explanation for this attitude, it
       is not, after all, difficult to find. In speaking of this
       matter several years ago, Koch said in substance to the
       writer: ‘The adoption in Germany of such measures as are
       already in force in New York City will not be possible until
       the generation of medical men now in control have passed away.
       Not until a younger generation has appeared, which has had a
       different scientific training, and holds views more in harmony
       with the known facts regarding the etiology of tuberculosis,
       will it be possible in my opinion to bring about an
       intelligent supervision of this disease. … Notification is a
       necessary preliminary to any plan of supervision, and yet only
       five years ago a special commission of the Academy of Medicine
       of Paris reported against a proposition to place tuberculosis
       in the class of notifiable diseases. … Sir Richard Thorne, the
       Medical Officer to the Local Government Board of Great
       Britain, in the Harben lecture in 1898 on ‘The Administrative
       Control of Tuberculosis,’ after a careful consideration of the
       various problems presented under the English law relating to
       infectious diseases, pronounced definitely against this
       proposition, on the ground that the hardship to the
       individual, which would follow notification and the
       enforcement of proper regulations, would be so great as to
       render this measure unjustifiable. … The compulsory
       notification and registration of all cases is essential. The
       fundamental importance of this measure is so evident that its
       consideration seems hardly necessary. It must of course appear
       at once that unless there is a system of compulsory
       notification, and registration, the enforcement of any uniform
       measures for prevention is impossible. Practical experience
       with this procedure has made it perfectly clear that the
       objections which have been urged against it are without force
       or foundation.

       "In New York City in 1893 a system of partially voluntary and
       partially compulsory notification was adopted. Public
       institutions were required to report cases coming under their
       supervision; private physicians were requested to do this.
       Under this provision the Department of Health carried on this
       work for three and a half years, and then adopted in 1897
       regulations requiring the notification of all cases. … The
       mere fact of notification and registration has in itself a
       very powerful educational influence. During the year 1902 more
       than sixteen thousand cases were reported to the Department of
       Health in New York City, of which forty-two hundred were
       duplicates, and in 1903 more than seventeen thousand cases
       were reported.

       "To facilitate the early and definite diagnosis of all cases
       of pulmonary tuberculosis, the sanitary authorities should
       afford facilities for the free bacteriological examination of
       the sputum in all instances of suspected disease. … The
       Department of Health of New York City provided facilities for
       such examinations in 1894, early in the history of its attempt
       to exercise control over the disease, and this procedure has
       proved of very great value to the medical profession, to the
       sick, and to the authorities. Following the example of New
       York City, other sanitary authorities have adopted similar
       measures."

          H. M. Biggs,
          The Administrative Control of Tuberculosis
          (First Annual Report, Henry Phipps Institute, 1905).

       In 1895 a Central Committee was organized in Germany to
       establish special hospitals for the disease.

       In 1898 the first National Congress for discussion and better
       organization of action relative to tuberculosis was held at
       Paris, with some attendance from outside of France. The second
       National Congress was at Berlin in the following year, with
       similar attendance from other countries, and the third at
       Naples in 1900. At the Naples Congress a "Central
       International Committee for the Prevention of Tuberculosis"
       was organized, and it held its first Conference in Berlin,
       under the auspices of the Central German Committee, in 1902.
       The succeeding meetings of the Central International Committee
       were at Paris, 1903, at Copenhagen, 1904, at Paris again,
       1904, and there, at that time, the First International
       Congress on Tuberculosis was held.

       In 1901 the first National Congress in Great Britain for the
       discussion of Tuberculosis and for organizing preventive
       undertakings was held at London. There were said to be then
       fifty sanitaria for its treatment in Germany; in France a
       dozen private and two public institutions for the purpose; in
       France and Belgium a number of public dispensaries specially
       provided for the disease. In that year the State of New York
       made its first appropriation for a Tuberculosis Hospital in
       the Adirondacks, and a National Sanitarium Association at
       Toronto, Canada, secured the site for a hospital.

       In 1902, at the annual meeting of the Canada Association for
       the Prevention of Tuberculosis, held at Ottawa, Dr. A. S.
       Knopf, of New York, speaking of the progress of the
       anti-tuberculosis movement, said of the United States: "We
       have but a few small societies striving to do the same work
       you are doing. They are the Pennsylvania, the Colorado, the
       Ohio, the Maine, the Minnesota and the Illinois." Besides
       these State Associations the speaker mentioned a few
       cities,—Baltimore, Buffalo and Erie County, Cleveland, and St.
       Louis,—as having some organization for the work. No national
       organization had yet been formed. In this year, however, some
       advances of importance within the United States were begun.
       Henry Phipps, of New York, pledged the means for supporting a
       free Clinic for Tuberculosis at Philadelphia, which expanded
       within a year into the Henry Phipps Institute, founded on the
       1st of February and incorporated September 1st, 1903, the
       purposes of which, as set forth in its charter, are: "The
       study of the cause, treatment, and prevention of tuberculosis,
       and the dissemination of knowledge on these subjects; the
       treatment and the cure of consumptives"; its benefits to be
       "administered without regard to race, creed or color." In this
       year, too, an active educational work, by weekly free lectures
       in the Assembly Hall of the United Charities Building, by
       distributing pamphlets, district nursing, etc., was opened in
       the City of New York and conducted by a Committee for the
       Prevention of Tuberculosis. Massachusetts was now
       appropriating money for its second sanatorium. In Great
       Britain, Sir Edward Cassell placed £200,000 at the disposal of
       the King for Tuberculosis hospitals and Sanatoria.

    {525}

       The year 1903 witnessed an important meeting at Paris of the
       Central International Tuberculosis Committee, which was
       stirred by an appeal from Casimir-Perier, ex-President of
       France, for "a mobilization of all social forces" against the
       devastating disease. The Government of Sweden instituted a
       free distribution of pamphlets on the subject of Tuberculosis
       throughout the kingdom. In Great Britain a national committee,
       representing all important friendly societies and trade
       unions, was formed to promote the establishing of sanatoria
       for workers. In Belgium, Madame Rene Gauge started the
       movement for Open Air Schools. At Baltimore a Tuberculosis
       Exhibition which awakened wide interest was arranged by a
       Commission appointed by the Governor of Maryland in the
       previous year, in cooperation with the Maryland Public Health
       Association. State and City organizations for dealing with the
       disease and for educating the people to a right understanding
       of the means by which it might be stamped out were now
       multiplying rapidly throughout the United States.

       In 1904 the United States obtained their first comprehensive
       organization for the work. The National Association for Study
       and Prevention of Tuberculosis was formed at a large meeting
       at Atlantic City in June, with Dr. Edward Trudeau of Saranac,
       founder of the Saranac cottage sanatoria and pioneer in
       America of the open air treatment of the disease, for its
       President, and Drs. William Osier, of Baltimore, and Hermann
       M. Biggs for Vice Presidents. In Boston, that year, no less
       than eighty-one free lectures on Tuberculosis were given in
       schools, churches, social settlements, before trade unions and
       clubs, under the auspices of the Boston Association, and
       70,000 instructive leaflets were distributed. In France a
       special Society for the Protection of Children from
       Tuberculosis was formed. The Garment-makers Union and the
       Typographical Union of New York entered jointly into
       undertakings of educational work among their members, and the
       Central Federated Union was soon enlisted with them. A
       Directory of Institutions and Societies dealing with
       Tuberculosis in the United States, published in January, 1905,
       described 125 then existing hospitals and sanatoria in which
       consumptives may receive treatment, and 32 special
       dispensaries; recounting, also, special measures for the
       treatment of the disease in penal institutions and hospitals
       for the insane.

       The most important campaign of 1905 in the crusade, within the
       American field, was probably that connected with the great
       Tuberculosis Exposition in New York City, prepared and
       conducted by the National Association, in cooperation with the
       Committee of the New York Charity Organization Society. New
       York City, in this year, appropriated $250,000 for a Municipal
       Tuberculosis Hospital, located in the Catskill Mountains.

       In 1906 a duplication of the Tuberculosis Exposition of the
       previous December in New York was carried, as a travelling
       exhibit, to different parts of the city, with impressive
       effect; and similar exhibits were given in eleven cities of
       the United States. It was reported in this year that about
       fifty local commissions and associations were actively in
       operation in the United States; and that the American
       Federation of Labor, as well as the American Federation of
       Women’s Clubs, were enlisted with earnestness in the work. The
       Fifth International Conference was held this year at The
       Hague.

       From this time the public awakening to recognition of the
       measureless importance and the inspiring hopefulness of the
       struggle to extinguish the deadly "white plague" spread
       rapidly everywhere, and each year made increasing records of
       gains in the work and its effects. Fourteen of the American
       States were reported in 1907 as having founded State hospitals
       for the disease, supported from public funds, while measures
       were in progress to that end in a number of other States.

       In 1908 a most powerful impulse to the crusade in America was
       imparted by the meeting at Washington, that year, of the
       International Congress on Tuberculosis, with a large
       attendance of the most distinguished captains of the warfare
       from abroad. The local interest aroused was beyond
       expectation. As one writer described the meetings of the seven
       sections of the Congress, from September 28 to October 3,
       "scientists of international reputation and doctors from
       country villages, clubwomen, architects, social workers,
       manufacturers, teachers, labor men, Socialists, literary men,
       lawyers and lawmakers, society women, and the clergy, were all
       there, not only to listen, but to take part."

       The subjects which received the most discussion at the
       Congress were the compulsory notification of pulmonary
       tuberculosis, the cooperation between official and
       non-official agencies for the prevention of the disease, the
       relationship between dispensaries, sanatoria, and hospitals
       for advanced cases, and the difference between the human and
       the bovine types of the bacillus. On this latter subject Dr.
       Koch, who was present, maintained his belief that bovine
       tuberculosis is not communicable to mankind, but failed to
       convince the majority of the scientists present. The British
       delegates to the Congress in their subsequent report of it,
       published in April, 1909, attached particular importance to
       the discussions on the subject of the compulsory notification
       of cases of tuberculosis, and pointed out that in New York the
       notifications were shown to be four times as numerous as the
       deaths, which indicated a more complete system than any yet
       operative in Great Britain. It appeared from their report,
       however, that, since the Washington meeting, the system of
       voluntary notification already practised in many parts of
       England had been extended by order of the Local Government
       Board, and rendered compulsory in the case of all patients
       suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, who came under the
       official care of a parochial medical officer.

       Statistics quoted in the New York Evening Post of May
       8, 1909, from the Imperial Gazette, show that in recent
       years there has been a steady decrease in the number of deaths
       in Germany from tuberculosis, and especially from tuberculosis
       of the lungs. The figures are based upon the monthly reports
       of deaths in 350 of the largest centres of population in the
       empire, and upon annual reports as to the causes of deaths
       from nearly all districts, as supplied to the Imperial Board
       of Health. The average of deaths per 100,000 in 1905 was
       226.6. In 1908 the average had fallen to 192.15. For the rural
       and urban population combined statistics are forthcoming for
       97 per cent. of the total population, divided into two
       classes—persons below the age of fifteen, and persons between
       fifteen and sixty.
    {526}
       In the latter class the average number of deaths annually
       between 1898 and 1902 from tuberculosis in all forms was
       268.5, and from tuberculosis of the lungs, 255.7 per 100,000.
       During the period 1903-1907 the annual averages decreased to
       242.8 and 228.8 per 100,000, respectively. The figures,
       however, for tuberculosis of all kinds among children between
       the ages of one year and fifteen show an average annual
       increase in deaths per 100,000 from 77.9 during the period
       1898-1902 to 81.1 during the period 1903-1907. Yet during the
       latter period of five years the actual number of deaths among
       children has gradually decreased from 16,250 in 1905 to 14,283
       in 1907. For the two classes together the annual average of
       deaths per 100,000 was as follows: From 1898-1902—from
       tuberculosis in all forms, 214.1, and from tuberculosis of the
       lungs 195.2; from 1903-1907—from tuberculosis in all forms
       197.8, and from tuberculosis of the lungs 174.2.

       According to a bulletin published in October, 1909, by Cressy
       L. Wilbur, Chief Statistician of the division of Vital
       Statistics in the United States Census Bureau, the warfare
       against tuberculosis has begun to show general effects in the
       United States. The statistics given are based on the annual
       returns of deaths from the death-registration areas of the
       country, which are far from comprehending the whole. The total
       number of deaths from all forms of tuberculosis returned in
       1908 was 78,289, exceeding those of any previous year of
       registration, but the death rate per 100,000 for 1908 is
       considerably less than that for 1907. In all registration
       States the death from tuberculosis showed a decline, except in
       Colorado, Rhode Island, and Vermont.

       A Press despatch from Washington, August 9, 1909, announced
       that "a plan for the organization of negro anti-tuberculosis
       leagues in the various States, proposed recently by the United
       States Public Health and Marine Hospital Service, has met with
       a quick response. Already five State organizations have been
       formed, and the movement has received the endorsement of the
       last conference of the State and Territorial boards of health.
       State leagues have been formed in Georgia, Louisiana,
       Mississippi, North Carolina, and Virginia. One of the
       principal features of the plan is the issuance of a large
       certificate of membership to each supporter of the movement.
       Branches of the State leagues are to be established in the
       various negro churches."

       In July, 1909, the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company made
       application to the New York State Insurance Department for
       permission to purchase a tract of land, 3000 acres or more,
       and erect thereon a sanatorium for the treatment of its
       employees, and possibly of its policy-holders who suffered
       from tuberculosis. The company was said to have ascertained
       that among the holders of its 9,000,000 policies there
       occurred, on the average, a death every thirty-two minutes
       from tuberculosis, and that, regarded wholly from the economic
       standpoint, it would be more than justified in applying its
       funds to such a measure for saving or prolonging life in that
       body of people. The Superintendent of Insurance was unable,
       however, to find any warrant in law for authorizing the
       undertaking, and felt required to deny the application. The
       company appealed from his decision to the courts, and the
       Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the State handed
       down a decision early in January, 1910, declaring the plan to
       purchase real estate to be used as a hospital for the care and
       treatment of its employees who are afflicted with tuberculosis
       does not violate that provision of the law which prohibits
       insurance companies from acquiring real estate for any purpose
       other than that of the transaction of their own business. "The
       court passes lightly over the question of the possibility of
       the hospital being used, in case vacancies exist in it, for
       the accommodation of selected cases from among the
       policy-holders. This possibility, it seems, had been indicated
       in the original petition, but ‘the briefs of counsel upon
       either side,’ says the court, ‘have practically eliminated
       that question.’ In such a use of the hospital there might be
       serious question of a precedent that would be open to grave
       objection."

       Gifts to the amount of $700,000 for the establishment of a
       tuberculosis preventorium for children were announced from New
       York, through the Associated Press, November 9, 1909. The
       further statement was made that, "in connection with the
       tuberculosis preventorium a movement has been organized which
       purposes to take from New York tenements children who have
       been affected with tuberculosis and restore them to normal
       health before it is too late. The plan was formally organized
       at a meeting this afternoon in the Fifth avenue residence of
       Henry Phipps. A contribution to the work by Nathan Straus
       includes a $500,000 cottage and estate at Lakewood, New
       Jersey, occupied by the late Grover Cleveland just before his
       death. There the new institution will have its home. Miss
       Dorothy Whitney contributed a $100,000 endowment fund."

    PUBLIC HEALTH: Yellow Fever:
       Eradication in Cuba, at Rio Janeiro,
       and in French Western Africa.

       "Three signal victories have been gained over yellow fever
       during these later years—in Cuba, in Brazil, and in Dakar, in
       West Africa. The first is the most memorable of these events.
       It is the purification of the endemic center at Habana. This
       occurred in 1901, during the United States occupation. The
       daily press in countless articles has spread the details. We
       know that Brigadier General Leonard Wood, governor of Habana,
       decreed one fine day that the plague should be wiped out and
       the mosquitoes destroyed throughout the entire city of Habana
       and its suburbs, and we know that it was done. …

       "The theory was that the mosquito is the sole disseminator of
       the disease. This is precisely what the United States
       commission, appointed the year before, had just proven. It had
       shown that all the other supposed cases of contagion were
       imaginary. …

       "The yellow fever Stegomya does not breed in swamps. It has
       not the habits of the Anophele of the marsh, the malaria
       mosquito. It does not live like that one, in the open country,
       but dwells in houses. It is a domestic insect. It stays at
       home, is wary, and is sensitive to the weather. Like many
       other mosquitoes, it never goes more than 500 or 600 yards
       away from its breeding place and journeys only when its home
       —a vessel or a carriage—journeys. There is no need to fear
       that the insect may be carried far by the wind, for it dreads
       the wind. It does not trust itself outdoors when there is the
       slightest breeze. The problem is thus simplified.
    {527}
       It is no longer a question of protecting immense areas. It is
       enough to protect the house and its immediate environs—the
       city and a limited surrounding zone. Still it would be useless
       to capture the insect on the wing or at rest. It is permitted
       to complete its short life, but is not allowed to have
       offspring . The female is prevented from laying its eggs. This
       is accomplished by draining stagnant water left in so many
       gardens and household utensils where the mosquito seeks a
       breeding place. Hence the efficacy of the measures which
       forbade the people of Habana from keeping water in any other
       way than in covered receptacles or with a coat of oil or
       petroleum on top.

       "The success of the measures taken by the American physicians,
       Gorgas, Finlay, and Guiteras, in Habana, was complete. Yellow
       fever has disappeared from there. On April 4, 1904, the
       President of the Republic of Cuba, in his message to the
       Congress, spoke thus:

       "‘There has not been in Cuba since 1901 a single case of
       yellow fever not imported. The country should know of this
       excellent sanitary condition, which is due to the perfection
       of prophylactic measures and the vigilance of the health
       authorities.’

       "Events happened in the same way in Brazil. Dr. Oswald Cruz,
       in charge of the organization of the campaign against yellow
       fever, with equal success repeated at Rio de Janeiro what had
       been done in Habana. The enforcement of the measures began
       April 20, 1903. The mortality which before had averaged 150
       deaths a month fell to 8 in the month of April and to 4 in
       June. In January, 1904, there were recorded only 3 deaths.

       "France decided to follow these encouraging examples. The
       governor-general of French Western Africa, M. Roume, adopted
       an administration analogous to that of Habana and Rio de
       Janeiro, and he knew how to profit by these examples."

          A. Dastre,
          The Fight against Yellow Fever
          (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,
          1904-1905, pages 348-350).

       ----------PUBLIC HEALTH: End--------

    PUBLIC UTILITIES, Regulation of:
       The New York and Wisconsin Laws.

       The most comprehensive and well-prepared legislation yet
       directed in the United States to the control and regulation of
       corporations which render services to the public, of the
       nature described by the term "public utilities," is
       undoubtedly embodied in the New York and Wisconsin laws,
       enacted in 1907. Both States, and many others, had
       experimented previously with measures for establishing a
       certain degree of supervision and regulation over railway
       corporations, gas companies, and the like, dealing separately
       with them; but, excepting perhaps, in the case of
       Massachusetts, this had not been satisfactorily effective.
       Governor Hughes, of New York, was the real author of the
       Public Utilities Law enacted in that State in 1907, and his
       influence was the impelling force which carried it through the
       Legislature.

          See(in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910).

       Almost equally, ex-Governor La Follette must be credited, not
       immediately, but primarily, with the organization of the
       forces which brought out the Wisconsin Law.

       The two enactments are compared by Professor John R. Commons
       in an article published in the American Review of
       Reviews, of August, 1907, from which the following
       passages are quoted:

       "The Wisconsin and New York laws are alike in that both State
       utilities like railroads and municipal utilities like gas are
       brought under the regulation of the same commission. They
       differ from the laws of Massachusetts, which provide a
       separate commission for railways. These three States, however,
       are the only ones that regulate municipal utilities through a
       State commission. Many other States have railroad commissions,
       but they leave whatever regulation they have of local
       utilities to the local governments. … A significant feature of
       the Wisconsin legislation is its disregard of stocks and bonds
       and its reliance on the physical valuation of the property as
       the first step in regulation. The New York law and the
       Street-Railway law of Massachusetts attack the problem of
       regulation through the control of future capitalization. The
       New York commissions have power to prohibit the issue and
       transfer of stocks, bonds, and other evidence of indebtedness,
       and to prevent the transfer of shares to holding companies.
       The Wisconsin law begins at the other end of the problem and,
       for the purpose both of regulation and of publicity, inquires
       into the present structural value of the property. This does
       not mean that the commission shall disregard other elements of
       valuation,—in fact, it is required by the law to take all
       elements into account, as indeed the courts would require if
       it did not. But the physical valuation is necessary in order
       that the public and the courts may know exactly how much is
       allowed for the other elements. The commission is required to
       value all of the properties in the State and to publish both
       the actual value ascertained when all elements are taken into
       account and the physical value ascertained by its engineers. …

       "The [Wisconsin] law as finally adopted consists really of
       three laws: First, an amendment to the Railway law of 1905,
       placing telegraph companies and street railways under the same
       provisions as steam railways and interurban electric lines;
       second, the Public-Utilities law proper, regulating heat,
       light, water, power, and telephone companies; third, a
       Street-Railway law providing for indeterminate permits similar
       to those of the Public-Utilities law. A fourth bill, requiring
       physical connection and prohibiting duplication of telephone
       exchanges, was defeated by a vote of the Assembly."

       The New York Law created two Public Utilities Commissions of
       five members each, one having jurisdiction in a district
       comprising New York City alone, the district of the other
       (known as the Up-State Commission) comprehending the remainder
       of the State. The five-year terms of the Commissioners expire
       in successive years. Appointed by the Governor, they are
       intended to be men of the highest character and
       qualifications, and receive salaries of $15,000 each. The
       appointments by Governor Hughes for the New York City
       Commission were of ex-Postmaster William R. Wilcox, William
       McCarroll, Edward M. Bassett, Milo R. Maltbie, John E. Eustis.
       For the Up-State Commission he named originally Honorable
       Frank W. Stevens, of Jamestown, Charles H. Keep, of Buffalo,
       Thomas M. Osborne, of Auburn, James E. Sague and Martin S.
       Decker. Mr. Keep resigned subsequently to accept the
       presidency of an important New York City bank, and John B.
       Olmsted, of Buffalo, was appointed in his place.

    {528}

    PUBLIC UTILITIES:
       New York City Gas Company.

       In 1906 the New York Legislature passed a bill reducing the
       price of gas in New York City to 80 cents per thousand feet.
       The gas companies claimed that this rate was confiscatory.
       Pending final decision of the matter the citizens were
       compelled to pay the old rate of $1.00 per thousand.
       Ultimately the law was sustained, and the gas companies
       refunded over eight millions of dollars in 1909 to the
       consumers of the past three years.

       See, also (in this Volume),
       RAILWAYS.

    PUNJAB: The Plague.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: BUBONIC PLAGUE.

    PUNJAB:
       Terrific Earthquake.

          See(in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: INDIA: A. D. 1905.

    PURE FOOD LEGISLATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    PU-YI (Hsuan-Tung):
       Child Emperor of China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    Q.

    QUEBEC, City of: A. D. 1908.
       Tercentenary Celebration of its Founding.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1908 (JULY).

    QUEBEC, Province of: A. D. 1901.
       Census.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    R.

       ----------RACE PROBLEMS: Start--------

    RACE PROBLEMS: In Australia:
       Between Europeans and Asiatics.

       "Australia occupies a unique position among the nations. It is
       an island, lying far from the populated centres of the Old
       World and in close proximity to Java and the teeming millions
       of Southern and Eastern Asia, who at any time may bear down in
       flood upon the scanty forces of the defenders. These pent-up
       myriads are at present in a state of unrest, and there are
       evidences of a distinct inclination on their part to break
       bounds and descend upon the coasts of the great southern land.
       On the north-eastern shores of the continent they have already
       broken through the thin red line of the British, and have
       firmly established themselves in the country beyond. Thursday
       Island, which stands at the northern entrance of the passage
       between the Great Barrier Reef and the shores of Queensland,
       has been styled the Gibraltar of Australia, and large sums of
       money have been spent by the Imperial and Australian
       Governments in fortifying it. Since it became open to the
       Eastern nations, the Japanese have discovered twenty different
       channels through the reef, by any one of which they could
       avoid the forts and gain an entrance to the sea within the
       barrier. A few years ago there were 2000 Europeans on Thursday
       Island, engaged in the pearl-shelling industry; but they were
       gradually elbowed out until to-day they number less than 100.

       "The late Professor C. H. Pearson, at one time Minister for
       Education in Victoria, and one of the most intellectual
       statesmen who ever resided in Australia, in his National
       Life and Character, admirably summarised the dangers to
       which his adopted country was exposed by reason of its
       situation, and the motives which actuated the various colonial
       Governments in passing enactments designed to place some
       restriction on the wholesale flooding of their territories.

       "‘The fear of Chinese immigration which the Australian
       democracy cherishes, and which Englishmen at home find it hard
       to understand, is, in fact, the instinct of self-preservation,
       quickened by experience. We know that coloured and white
       labour cannot exist side by side; we are well aware that China
       can swamp us with a single year’s surplus of population; and
       we know that if national existence is sacrificed to the
       working of a few mines and sugar plantations, it is not the
       Englishmen in Australia alone, but the whole civilised world
       that will be the losers. Transform the northern half of our
       continent into a Natal, with thirteen out of fourteen
       belonging to an inferior race, and the southern half will
       speedily approximate to the condition of Cape Colony, where
       the whites are indeed a masterful minority, but still only as
       one in four. We are guarding the last part of the world in
       which the higher races can live and increase freely for the
       higher civilisation. It is idle to say that if all this should
       come to pass our pride of place will not be humiliated. We are
       struggling among ourselves for supremacy in a world which we
       thought as destined to belong to the Aryan race and to the
       Christian faith, to the letters and arts and charm of social
       manners which we have inherited from the best times of the
       past. We shall wake to find ourselves elbowed and hustled,
       perhaps even thrust aside by peoples whom we looked down upon
       as servile and thought of as bound always to minister to our
       needs.’ …

       "The Greater Britain that is to be may be the best security
       for the Mother Land in years to come, and her natural ally and
       friend. Australian statesmen claim that they are not only
       safe-guarding British interests, but also legislating for
       posterity and looking forward to the time—perhaps a century
       hence—when the population of the Commonwealth may be one
       hundred millions or even more.

    {529}

       "At the present the Australian race is in a plastic condition,
       and whether it will become, as Marcus Clarke predicted, ‘a
       fierce and turbulent democracy, sweeping contemporary
       civilisation before it,’ or, as seems more probable, a
       practical and enlightened people, troubles it little. Leaders
       and followers of every political cast, Conservatives,
       Liberals, and Radicals, have now but one national ideal—Purity
       of Race. They recognise that hybrids cannot make a great
       nation; that an infusion of Chinese, Japanese, or Indo-Chinese
       blood must result in race deterioration; and that, if they are
       to live happily and prosperously, it must be with no strangers
       within their gates other than those of Caucasian descent who
       are able to conform to the conditions and customs of civilised
       communities."

          O. P. Law, W. T. Gill,
          A White Australia
          (Nineteenth Century, January, 1904).

       "The great Australian Commonwealth has indeed gone very far in
       many directions in its war against workers of other races than
       the white. Thus, no contract can be made for the carrying of
       Australian mails with any steamship line which allows a
       colored man to work on any of its ships. This is a new
       measure, and it has been of late the subject of a lively
       controversy between the Australian government and the two
       Chamberlains in London,—namely, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, the
       colonial secretary, and his son, Mr. Austin Chamberlain, who
       is now serving as British postmaster-general.

       "The fact is that mail-carrying steamship companies which have
       hitherto performed the service of carrying mails back and
       forth between Great Britain and the Australian ports have been
       largely manned by dark-skinned British subjects who are
       natives of India, and the British Government is under a
       special obligation not to discriminate against these Indians
       in view of certain clauses in what is known as the Mutiny Act
       in India. These same ships, it is to be remembered, will
       carry, also, the Indian mails, and it would be manifestly
       impossible for Lord Curzon’s government of India to join in
       mail contracts containing clauses excluding dark-skinned men
       from employment."

          American Review of Reviews,
          September, 1903.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1909.

    RACE PROBLEMS: In Canada:
       Hostility to Asiatic Labor.
       Restriction of Chinese Immigration.
       Riotous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu
       Laborers in British Columbia.

       The opposition of organized labor to Asiatic immigration, on
       the Canadian Pacific Coast, directed first against an influx
       of Chinese, brought about, in 1904, the imposition of a
       head-tax of $500 on every person of Chinese origin entering
       Canada thereafter, with the following exceptions:

       "(a) The members of the diplomatic corps, or other government
       representatives, their suites and their servants, and consuls
       and consular agents;

       "(b) The children born in Canada of parents of Chinese origin
       and who have left Canada for educational or other purposes, on
       substantiating their identity to the satisfaction of the
       controller at the port or place where they seek to enter on
       their return;

       "(c) Merchants, their wives and children, the wives and
       children of clergymen, tourists, men of science and students,
       who shall substantiate their status to the satisfaction of the
       controller, subject to the approval of the Minister, or who
       are bearers of certificates of identity, or other similar
       documents issued by the government or by a recognized official
       or representative of the government whose subjects they are,
       specifying their occupation and their object in coming into
       Canada."

       This was an effective restriction; but left the door open to
       other "coolie" laborers, so-called, from Japan and India,
       whence large numbers were soon coming into British Columbia,
       and the labor agitation was directed against them, on the
       Canadian as well as the United States side of the line in the
       farther Northwest. It came to its climax of violence in the
       fall of 1907, when serious riots broke out at Vancouver,
       British Columbia, and at Bellingham, in the State of
       Washington. Many hundreds of Japanese, Chinese, and Hindus had
       been employed in the lumber mills and canneries of the
       Washington and British Columbia coast towns, displacing white
       labor. "In each case a mob of white men raided the mills where
       the foreigners were employed, battered down the doors of their
       lodging houses, dragged the Hindus from their beds, and drove
       them with violence from the town. The Hindus of Bellingham
       fled northward to the protection of the British flag. At
       Vancouver the rioters also attacked Chinese and Japanese
       merchants and laborers, breaking into their shops and
       pillaging and destroying $20,000 worth of property. Two
       thousand Chinese and Japanese were driven from their homes.
       Later, a number of Japanese immigrants, just landed from a
       steamer, were attacked and in the riot that followed Baron
       Ishii, chief of the Japanese Bureau of Foreign Commerce, was
       severely injured. The Orientals, under the leadership of the
       Japanese, immediately organized for defense, and, having
       secured firearms and other weapons, the situation took on a
       very serious aspect."

       The situation was made especially embarrassing to the British
       and Canadian Governments by the relations of alliance existing
       between Great Britain and Japan, and by the fact that the
       Hindus attacked are British subjects, having their established
       rights as such. But skilful and careful handling of the matter
       was successful in quieting the trouble, possibly in a lasting
       way. The Japanese Government, on its own part, has undertaken
       to restrict the emigration of its laboring classes to Canada
       as well as to the United States.

       Important changes in the regulations governing the immigration
       of Chinese were announced in a despatch from Ottawa, July 11,
       1909:

       "While the poll-tax of £100 on coolies is retained, the
       restrictions applicable to students and the sons of Chinese
       merchants are considerably modified. Students who already
       possess a liberal education, but desire to pursue a higher
       course of study in any Canadian University or college, are
       exempt from the tax. Students who intend to pursue their
       studies in the Dominion but are unable to produce proof of
       their status on entry are required to deposit the amount of
       the tax, but the money will be refunded on production of a
       certificate that they have passed two scholastic years at some
       seat of learning. The present law permits all Chinese visiting
       China to return to Canada within a year without a second
       payment. This has been a hardship to Chinese who have been
       ill. The new regulation, therefore, extends the time of
       exemption in such cases to 18 months, provided that
       satisfactory proof be furnished."

    {530}

    RACE PROBLEMS: In Jamaica: Between White and Black:
       The Problem Non-existent.
       Solved by Good Sense, Right Feeling, and Just Law.

       In the International Journal of Ethics for May, 1906,
       Professor Royce reports of several visits to Jamaica,—where
       14,000 or 15,000 white inhabitants are living with about
       650,000 black and mulatto people,—that he had found no race
       problem existing—no racial antagonism—no public discussion of
       race equality or superiority. He accounts for this untroubled
       relation between colored and uncolored fellow citizens and
       neighbors as follows:

       "When once the sad period of emancipation and of subsequent
       occasional disorder was passed, the Englishman did in Jamaica
       what he has so often and so well done elsewhere. He organized
       his colony; he established good local courts, which gained by
       square treatment the confidence of the blacks. The judges of
       such courts were Englishmen. The English ruler also provided a
       good country constabulary, in which native blacks also found
       service, and in which they could exercise authority over other
       blacks. Black men, in other words, were trained,—under English
       management, of course,—to police black men. A sound civil
       service was also organized; and in that educated negroes found
       in due time their place, while the chiefs of each branch of
       the service were and are, in the main, Englishmen. The excise
       and the health services, both of which are very highly
       developed, have brought the law near to the life of the
       humblest negro, in ways which he sometimes finds, of course,
       restraining, but which he also frequently finds beneficent.
       Hence, he is accustomed to the law; he sees its ministers
       often, and often, too, as men of his own race; and in the main
       he is fond of order, and respectful toward the established
       ways of society. The Jamaica negro is described by those who
       know him as especially fond of bringing his petty quarrels and
       personal grievances into court. He is litigious just as he is
       vivacious. But this confidence in the law is just what the
       courts have encouraged. That is one way, in fact, to deal with
       the too forward and strident negro. Encourage him to air his
       grievances in court, listen to him patiently, and fine him
       when he deserves fines. That is a truly English type of social
       pedagogy. It works in the direction of making the negro a
       conscious helper toward good social order.

       "Administration, I say, has done the larger half of the work
       of solving Jamaica’s race problem. Administration has filled
       the Island with good roads, has reduced to a minimum the
       tropical diseases by means of an excellent health service, has
       taught the population loyalty and order, has led them some
       steps already on the long road ‘up from slavery,’ has given
       them, in many cases, the true self-respect of those who
       themselves officially cooperate in the work of the law, and it
       has done this without any such result as our Southern friends
       nowadays conceive when they think of what is called ‘negro
       domination.’ Administration has allayed ancient irritations.
       It has gone far to offset the serious economic and tropical
       troubles from which Jamaica meanwhile suffers.

       "Yes, the work has been done by administration,—and by
       reticence. For the Englishman, in his official and
       governmental dealings with backward peoples, has a great way
       of being superior without very often publicly saying that he
       is superior. You well know that in dealing, as an individual,
       with other individuals trouble is seldom made by the fact that
       you are actually the superior of another man in any respect.

       The trouble comes when you tell the other man too stridently
       that you are his superior. Be my superior, quietly, simply
       showing your superiority in your deeds, and very likely I
       shall love you for the very fact of your superiority. For we
       all love our leaders. But tell me that I am your inferior, and
       then perhaps I may grow boyish, and may throw stones. Well, it
       is so with races. Grant, then, that yours is the superior
       race. Then you can afford to say little about that subject in
       your public dealings with the backward race. Superiority is
       best shown by good deeds and by few boasts."

    RACE PROBLEMS: In South Africa:
       Between White and Black.

       "The native population of Africa south of the Zambesi is ten
       millions. The white population is under one million. To-day
       the majority of the natives are in a semi-savage condition.
       But the day may come when they shall have emerged from that
       condition, and have attained the degree of civilisation which
       prevails amongst the negroes, their kindred, in the United
       States. The process of evolution has begun. When it is
       completed, the relative position of the black and white
       populations in South Africa will be—what? Look to the United
       States and you shall find some hint of the answer.

       "The native population of Cape Colony, including the
       territories, is, in round numbers, 1,200,000, and the white
       population 377,000. Day by day the power of the native grows.
       The gate of the political arena stands wide open to him, and
       he is not slow to enter. With the exception of natives
       occupying lands under tribal tenure (an important exception,
       but one that is constantly diminishing), every male person,
       irrespective of colour, race, and creed, and above the age of
       twenty-one years, and born or naturalised a British subject,
       is entitled to the full franchise after one year’s residence
       in the Colony, provided he occupies property of the value of
       £75 or is in receipt of wages of not less than £50 annually,
       and is able to sign his name and state in writing his address
       and occupation. Such a franchise would horrify the average
       American in the South, and unquestionably it will have to be
       radically amended unless the colonists are prepared to endure
       political annihilation. At present neither Bondsman nor
       Progressive will face the situation. Neither wishes to
       alienate the substantial aid which his party gets from the
       natives. …

       "Bitter as the feud between Englishman and Dutchman is to-day,
       it will pass when both realise, as they are bound sooner or
       later to realise, that only by presenting a solid front to the
       oncoming hordes of superficially civilised blacks can they
       escape complete annihilation. For generations, if not for all
       time, the natives in South Africa must enormously outnumber
       the whites. In the olden days, tribal wars and wars with the
       white man, to say nothing of famines, and pestilence, served
       to counterbalance the prolificness of the native. These checks
       are no more."

          Roderick Jones,
          The Black Peril in South Africa
          (Nineteenth Century, May, 1904).

       On the suffrage question for natives, connected with the Union
       of South African States.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    {531}

    RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.
       Between Boers and British Indians.

       The British Government has many troublesome problems to deal
       with, as the consequence of its having drawn the reins of its
       sovereignty over the necks of a motley multitude of races; but
       none among them, perhaps, has been more delicately difficult
       than one which arose between its native subjects in India, who
       pressed with eagerness into South African fields of trade, and
       its Boer subjects in South Africa, who have been stubbornly
       opposed to their doing so. Great Britain has had the most
       pressing reasons for avoiding offence to either of these
       peoples, and no controversy could have arisen more
       unfortunately in its circumstances and time.

       Before the Boer-British War, there had been Indian complaints
       of ill-treatment in the Transvaal, which added something to
       the controversies of Great Britain with the South African
       Republic. After the war, when British authority had become
       supreme at Pretoria, it found a legacy of existing law which
       was embarrassing at once. The situation was described in a
       despatch of May 11, 1903, from Viscount Milner, the British
       High Commissioner, to the Colonial Secretary at London, Mr.
       Chamberlain, in which he attempted to exhibit, as he said,
       "the difficulty which besets any kind of action on this thorny
       question." The Government, he wrote, is "between two fires. On
       the one hand, it is accused of not enforcing the present law
       with sufficient strictness and is called upon to legislate in
       the direction of a complete exclusion of Asiatics, except as
       indentured labourers. Even in that capacity, their
       introduction meets with strenuous opposition. On the other
       hand, the Asiatics, of whom British Indians form by far the
       most numerous section, not only protest against any fresh
       legislation but demand the repeal of the existing law.

       "The position which the Government of the Transvaal have taken
       up in the matter is one of which I entirely approve. They are
       unwilling, without the previous approval of His Majesty’s
       Government, to embark on any legislation on this subject, to
       the difficulties of which they are fully alive, and have
       accordingly decided that, pending fresh legislation, they have
       no option but to carry out the existing law. They are anxious,
       however, to do so in the manner most considerate to the
       Indians already settled in the country, and with the greatest
       respect for vested interests, even where these have been
       allowed to spring up contrary to law. This is in accordance
       with the principle on which they have proceeded throughout,
       namely, that the laws of the late Republic, imperfect as they
       are in many respects, and contrary, very often, to British
       ideas, must, nevertheless, be enforced until they can be
       replaced by more satisfactory legislation."

       The desired new legislation on this "thorny question" does not
       seem to have been attempted during the period in which local
       self-government in the Transvaal was entirely suspended; but
       in 1906, after the first step toward its restoration had been
       taken, the semi-autonomous authority then organized there
       adopted an ordinance on the subject of Asiatic residence in
       the Colony which Lord Elgin, who had succeeded Mr. Chamberlain
       in the Colonial Office, disapproved. In the next year,
       however, when the full measure of colonial autonomy had been
       conferred by the Imperial Government (see, in this Volume,
       SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907), essentially the same
       provisions were embodied in an enactment by the new Transvaal
       Legislature, entitled "The Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907,"
       and Lord Elgin could not venture to disapprove them again, for
       the reasons which he stated thus to the Colonial Governor:

       "The Act which is now submitted has behind it a very different
       weight of authority. It has been introduced by the first
       responsible Ministry of the Colony, and has been passed
       unanimously by both Houses of the new Legislature. I consider
       it my duty to place it on record that His Majesty’s Government
       do not consider the position of Asiatics lawfully resident in
       the Transvaal, as settled by this Act, to be satisfactory;
       that they adhere to the opinions which have been expressed by
       successive Secretaries of State as to the desirability of
       relaxing the restrictions to which Asiatics are at present
       subject; and that they commend this view to the Transvaal
       Government in the hope that it may be carefully considered how
       far practical effect can be given to it. But they feel that
       they would not be justified in offering resistance to the
       general will of the Colony clearly expressed by its first
       elected representatives; and I have accordingly to inform you
       that His Majesty will not be advised to exercise his power of
       disallowance with respect to the Act." This measure was
       followed presently by an "Immigrants’ Restriction Act, 1907,"
       which accentuated still further the inhospitality of Transvaal
       legislation, and made more serious trouble for the British
       Government, not only with its Indian subjects, but with the
       Chinese. On the effect of the two acts upon British Indians
       Lord Elgin wrote to Mr. Morley, Secretary of State for India
       (October 10, 1907):

       "The practical effect of Section 2 (4) will be to prevent the
       further immigration into the Transvaal of British Indians or
       other Asiatics. As Mr. Morley is aware, throughout the
       correspondence which has passed on this subject, His Majesty’s
       Government have practically limited themselves to endeavouring
       to secure more favourable treatment for those Asiatics who
       have already acquired a right to reside in the Colony, and the
       competence of the Colonial Legislature and Government to
       restrict further immigration by means of legislation similar
       to that already adopted in other self-governing Colonies has
       not been disputed. … Moreover, in the interests of British
       Indians themselves, it is probably desirable, in view of the
       state of Colonial feeling, that further immigration should be
       restricted. Lord Elgin does not, therefore, propose to raise
       any objection to this provision.

       "Section 6 (c) must be considered in connection with the
       recent Asiatic Law Amendment Act. Under that Act, Asiatics
       failing to register may be ordered to leave the Colony; and
       failure to comply with such an order is punishable by
       imprisonment. The object of this section, as explained by the
       Attorney-General in his report is to enable the Government to
       deport, in lieu of imprisoning, Asiatics who fail to register
       under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act.
    {532}
       While Lord Elgin feels that the free exercise of so drastic a
       power would be greatly to be deprecated, he doubts whether His
       Majesty’s Government can consistently object to a provision
       the object of which is to enable the Colonial Government to
       enforce the observance of the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, which
       His Majesty’s Government have allowed to become law, and to
       which the British Indian community appears at present to be
       disposed to offer an organised resistance. He therefore
       proposes, subject to any representation which Mr. Morley may
       wish to make, to accept this provision also."

       The India Office could only say in reply:

       "Since the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907, has received His
       Majesty’s sanction, Mr. Morley recognizes that it would be
       inconsistent to object to a clause framed merely in order to
       ensure the efficient administration of that Act so far as it
       affects persons already in the Transvaal. … It is true that
       under the Asiatic Law Amendment Act of 1907, the Colonial
       Government may grant temporary permits. Mr. Morley presumes
       that this power will, if the occasion arise, be used to
       prevent such a gross scandal as the exclusion from the Colony
       of ruling chiefs, Indians of distinguished position, and high
       officials of Asiatic descent on the ground that they are
       ‘undesirable immigrants.’ But he thinks that it would be
       satisfactory to obtain a definite assurance that in framing
       the present Bill the Colonial Government had no intention of
       refusing access to Asiatics of this type, and he trusts that
       such an assurance will be obtained and placed on record before
       the Royal Assent is given to the measure.

       "It is unnecessary to point out to Lord Elgin the unfortunate
       effect upon public opinion in India which must be produced by
       the present Bill. The very peculiar circumstances of the
       Transvaal have been held to justify, during the period of
       administrative reconstruction, exceptional measures for
       dealing with the influx of immigrants; but Mr. Morley did not
       understand, when the provisions of the Asiatic Law Amendment
       Act were under discussion, that the forthcoming Immigration
       Restriction Bill would be so framed as to perpetuate the
       exclusion from the Colony of all future Asiatic immigrants
       without distinction.

       "For these reasons I am to say that Mr. Morley trusts that
       Lord Elgin will find it possible to impress upon the
       Government of the Transvaal the very strong objections, from
       an Imperial point of view, which stand in the way of the
       acceptance of Section 2 (4) of the Bill."

       The most obnoxious features of the two offensive acts were an
       educational qualification, which required applications for
       admission to the colony and for trading licenses in it, and
       other connected documents, to be written by the applicants in
       a European language, Yiddish being recognized as European, and
       a prescribed registration which required finger-prints as a
       means of identification. Both of these provisions of law were
       felt to be insulting and degrading by the Hindus of the better
       class, who organized a refusal of submission to them, and
       tested them without avail in the courts. Their language was
       treated contemptuously in the educational qualification,
       while, personally, they were classed with criminals by the
       fingerprint identification. The agitators of disaffection in
       India made much of these indignities, and the matter was
       extremely embarrassing to the British administration there.
       For months there seemed no prospect of a solution of the
       difficulty; but patient persuasion and tactful pressure
       brought, at last, what appeared to be a successful compromise,
       announced to the rejoicing Colonial Office at London by the
       following telegram from the Governor, January 30, 1908:

       "Gandhi and other leaders of Indian and Chinese communities
       have offered voluntary registration in a body within three
       months, provided signatures only are taken of educated,
       propertied, or well-known Asiatics, and finger-prints of the
       rest, and that no question against which Asiatics have
       religious objection be pressed. Government have accepted this
       offer and undertaken pending registration not to enforce the
       penalties under Act against all those who register. Sentences
       of all Asiatics in prison will be remitted to-morrow. This
       course agreed to by both political parties."

       Fresh discontents arose subsequently, when amendatory
       legislation was brought out, which did not open the colony to
       any fresh immigration of Asiatics, even if they could pass an
       educational test in a European language; but this has not
       appeared to have any of the seriousness of the former
       agitation, so far as India is concerned.

       Of the intensity of feeling in India, a newspaper
       correspondent, writing from Bombay, December 29, 1909, said:

       "There is no mistaking the depth of feeling regarding the
       protest against the treatment of Indians in the Transvaal.
       Every Indian, no matter what may be his politics, feels that
       his self-respect is insulted, and demands retaliation by
       refusing indentured labour to Natal. Extraordinary scenes
       followed Mr. Surendranath Banerjee’s appeal for funds for the
       Transvaal sufferers; jewels and money were thrown at his feet
       and rupees were poured into his hat. A thousand pounds was
       collected. The question is creating profound feeling among all
       classes."

    RACE PROBLEMS:
       The Labor Question as a Race Question.

       At a meeting of the Native Labor Association at Johannesburg,
       in April, 1909, the President of the Association stated that
       the present labor supply was entirely adequate, and that the
       mines were not likely to be faced with serious difficulty in
       this respect in the immediate future. In the course of 1908
       the number of Chinese laborers had decreased in the natural
       course by repatriation by 23,303. On the other hand, the
       native complement had increased in the same period by 47,766,
       giving a net gain of 24,373, which had been further increased
       during the first three mouths of the present year. In
       explanation of the sudden expansion of the native labor
       supply, Mr. Perry pointed, first, to the collapse of the
       diamond market; secondly, to the emigration of Kaffirs from
       the Cape owing to failure of employment there. The De Beers
       Mines, as he was able to show, were actually employing 50,000
       fewer hands than before, which, allowing for the difference in
       the periods of contract, probably meant a gain to the Rand of
       at least 25,000. Similarly, the native statistics published by
       the Cape Government indicated an enormous diversion of
       labourers to the Rand.

       In January, 1909, the London Times, reporting the
       output of gold from the Transvaal in 1908 as having been
       £29,957,610,—an increase of £2,553,872 over 1907, gave the
       following statement of labor conditions at that time:

    {533}

       "The increase has been gradual and quite regular, and may be
       expected to continue. The expansion in the gold production has
       resulted in the employment of nearly 1,800 more whites than
       were at work in January, but coloured labourers are some 4,000
       less. The increase in the number of natives employed in gold
       mines has been 24,000, while the complement of Chinese coolies
       has been depleted by 20,000. At the beginning of the year some
       17,500 whites, 133,500 coloured, and 33,800 Chinese were
       employed by gold mines; for October the figures read:—Whites
       18,300, coloured 157,500, and Chinese 14,300. Native labour is
       perhaps the one serious problem which will place limitations
       on further expansion. Few of the Chinese will be left by the
       end of next year, and they will all have left before the
       expiry of 1910. Natives, however, are showing more tendency to
       work regularly, and the habit doubtless will grow. It is due
       to the Chinese to recognize that they have been useful
       workmen, for the improved efficiency of the coloured workman
       all round is largely due to the example which they set the
       native."

       In March, 1909, Colonel Seely, Under Secretary for the
       Colonies, in reply to questions in the British House of
       Commons, gave the following figures: January, 1907, Chinese
       employed, 53,856; whites employed on gold mines, 17,874;
       December, 1908, Chinese employed, 12,275; whites employed on
       gold mines, 19,605. For 'Witwatersrand, taking natives and
       Chinese together the numbers were:—January, 1907, 148,077;
       December, 1908, 166,405. The corresponding figures for whites
       are:—January, 1907, 17,198; December, 1908, 18,687.

       A Johannesburg letter of July 26 to the London Times
       reported a change in the situation, saying:

       "For the half-year upon which we have just entered it requires
       no prophet to foretell a more rapid rate of progress, which,
       however, may to some extent be limited by a scarcity of native
       labour, signs of which have begun to loom on the horizon.
       After 18 months or more of steady increase in the number of
       native labourers available for work in mines, an increase
       which more than counterbalanced the outflow of Chinese labour
       through repatriation, the pendulum has begun to swing the
       other way, and already the pinch is beginning to make itself
       felt in certain mines. During the last two months the excess
       of time-expired natives and wastage over the number recruited
       has been more than 8000, and repatriated Chinese brings the
       total up to 10,000. Considering that the total coloured labour
       force employed on the Witwatersrand was over 180,000 in April,
       this comparatively small decline under normal conditions
       should hardly make itself felt at all. But the conditions are
       not normal. An era of expansion set in some 18 months ago
       which has been steadily growing, and which has called for an
       ever-increasing labour force and in the near future must
       require still more and more. How that demand is to be met is
       by no means clear."

    RACE PROBLEMS: In the United States:
       Between its White and Black Citizens:
       Booker T. Washington’s solution in progress at Tuskegee.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

    RACE PROBLEMS:
       The "Niagara Movement."
       A National Committee for the Advancement of the Negro Race.

       In July, 1905, a conference of colored men from North and
       South, among whom Professor W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, of
       Atlanta, appeared to be the leading spirit, was held at
       Buffalo, New York. Its outcome was an organization which has
       taken the name of "The Niagara Movement," and which has had
       some growth. At the latest annual meeting of the organization,
       in Sea Isle City, New Jersey, in August, 1909, ten States were
       reported to be represented, and the total membership of the
       "Movement" was said to be three hundred, distributed in forty
       States. Its objects are indicated in the following passages
       from an Address which this meeting adopted:

       "For four years the Niagara Movement has struggled to make ten
       million Americans of negro descent cease from mere apology and
       weak surrender to aggression, and take a firm, unfaltering
       stand for justice, manhood, and self-assertion. We are
       accumulating property at a constantly accelerating rate; we
       are rapidly lowering our rate of illiteracy; but property and
       intelligence are of little use unless guided by the great
       ideals of freedom, justice, and human brotherhood.

       "As a partial result of our effort we are glad to note among
       us increasing spiritual unrest, sterner impatience with
       cowardice, and deeper determination to be men at any cost. …

       "That black men are inherently inferior to whites is a
       wide-spread lie which science flatly contradicts, and the
       attempt to submerge the colored races is one with world-old
       efforts of the wily to exploit the weak. We must, therefore,
       make common cause with the oppressed and down-trodden of all
       races and peoples; with our kindred of South Africa and the
       West Indies, with our fellows in Mexico, India, and Russia,
       and with the cause of the working classes everywhere.

       "On us rests to no little degree the burden of the cause of
       individual freedom, human brotherhood, and universal peace in
       a day when America is forgetting her promise and destiny. Let
       us work on and never despair because pigmy voices are loudly
       praising ill-gotten wealth, big guns, and human degradation.
       They but represent back eddies in the tide of time."

       Programme of future work adopted included the publication of a
       series of small tracts and an almanac, the founding of a
       monthly publication, and the purchase of a permanent place of
       meeting where an annual Chautauqua will be held.

       A Conference of people of both races who are desirous of
       organizing more effective endeavors to better the status of
       the negro citizens of the United States was held in New York
       in May, 1909. It adopted a resolution providing for the
       "incorporation of a national committee to be known as a
       committee for the advancement of the negro race, to bring that
       race from slavery to full citizenship with all the rights and
       privileges appertaining thereto," and another resolution for a
       Committee of Forty charged with the organization of the
       national committee, with power to call the convention in 1910.

    {534}

       Among other resolutions discussed and adopted were the
       following:

       "As first and immediate steps toward remedying … national
       wrongs, so full of perils for the whites as well as the blacks
       of all sections, we demand of Congress and the Executive:

       "(1.) That the Constitution be strictly enforced and the civil
       rights guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment be secured
       impartially to all.

       "(2.) That there be equal educational opportunities for all
       and in all the States, and that public school expenditure be
       the same for the negro and white child.

       "(3.) That in accordance with the Fifteenth Amendment the
       right of the negro to the ballot on the same terms as other
       citizens be recognized in every part of the country."

    RACE PROBLEMS:
       Anti-Negro Riot at Atlanta.

       "On the 22d and 23d of September [1906] anti-negro riots broke
       out in Atlanta, resulting in the death of twelve or more
       negroes and the injury of a great many. There had been an
       unusual number of reports of attacks upon white women and
       girls by brutal and criminal negroes in the vicinity of
       Atlanta during the previous days and weeks. Every report of
       this kind had been flaunted with great headlines in a
       sensational afternoon newspaper of Atlanta, as if to arouse
       the less orderly and thoughtful element of the white
       population not merely to the lynching of offenders but to an
       attack upon innocent and law-abiding colored people. For a
       time the riot was furious and negroes were indiscriminately
       assailed. It would seem that most of those who were killed
       were absolutely innocent of any offense whatsoever. Their
       crime consisted merely in belonging to the negro race. It
       would be the height of silliness for criticism to take on a
       geographical character. White people in the North are no more
       considerate of people against whom they may have a grievance
       or a prejudice than are white people in the South. The problem
       of adjusting the relations of two races so totally different
       as the white race and the negro race where they have to live
       together in the same communities is difficult under any
       circumstances, and it becomes increasingly so where the
       inferior race is present in large numbers and where many of
       its members are ill-disciplined, idle, and of criminal
       instincts."

          American Review of Reviews,
          November, 1906.

       "Wherever a colored man was seen he was attacked. The mobs
       closed in upon the trolley-cars and dragged the colored
       passengers, unprepared for the onslaught, from their seats. A
       riotous crowd broke into a shop where there were two negro
       barbers, beat them to death and mangled their bodies. One
       negro was killed in the shadow of a monument; another was
       stabbed to death on the post-office steps. The Governor
       mobilized the militia, but the mobs, taking it for granted
       that the militiamen were in sympathy with them, showed little
       fear of the soldiers. The Mayor of the city remonstrated with
       the rioters, but with little result. He called out the fire
       department, which cleared the streets by turning the hose on
       the mobs. But this only resulted in diverting the riot from
       one place in the city to another. Only a rain on Sunday
       dampened the ardor of the rioters. Order was outwardly
       restored by Sunday evening, but even thereafter negroes were
       killed. Even though the riot differed from the Russian variety
       in that it was not instigated and abetted by the Government
       and the military, it brings nothing but shame to this Nation."

          The Outlook,
          September 29, 1906.

    RACE PROBLEMS:
       The Georgia Railroad Strike.

       One of the meanest of recent exhibitions of race animosity was
       presented in May and June, 1909, on the occasion of a strike
       of white men employed as firemen on the Georgia Railroad
       against the employment of blacks in the same capacity.
       Generally, the southern railroads have employed, for years,
       both white and black firemen. On the Georgia Railroad there
       were about sixty of the former and forty of the latter. The
       white firemen were eligible to promotion to be engineers; the
       blacks were not. By an unwritten law they were excluded from
       the higher and better paid service; but as firemen the best
       among them had gradually won promotion to the better trains
       and better "runs" on the road. It was this fact which caused
       the strike of their white associates. As a labor strike it
       would have caused little trouble; as a race and color question
       it inflamed the State and the South, and disturbed the country
       at large for several weeks. The conflict of the railroad
       company was not with its own employees but with mobs along its
       line, always ready to be maddened by the thought of a negro in
       any place which a white man wanted.

       A mediation in the matter undertaken, at the instance of
       President Taft, by the United States Commissioner of Labor,
       Dr. Charles P. Neill, and the Chairman of the Interstate
       Commerce Commission, Mr. Martin A. Knapp, succeeded, with much
       difficulty, in arranging a reference of the dispute to
       arbitration. The chosen arbitrators were Hilary A. Herbert,
       named by the railroad company, T. W. Hardwick, named by the
       employees, and Chancellor David C. Barrow, of the University
       of Georgia, selected by these two. This board of arbitration
       gave hearings to both parties and rendered its award on the
       27th of June. The main proposition submitted to it by the
       employees was in these words: "That the Georgia Railroad
       Company and its terminals at Atlanta will not use negroes as
       locomotive firemen on the road or in the yards, nor as
       hostlers nor assistant hostlers."

       On this its decision was as follows: "The Georgia Railroad,
       when using negroes as locomotive firemen on the road or in the
       yards, or as hostlers, or as hostlers’ helpers, shall pay them
       the same wages as white men in similar positions." But the
       representative of the employees dissented from this decision
       in part, explaining his view, as follows: "In so far as the
       above finding permits the continued employment of negro
       firemen by the Georgia Railroad, I dissent therefrom, because
       I believe from the evidence that such employment is a menace
       to the safety of the travelling public. In so far as such
       finding requires that when negroes are so employed they shall
       receive wages equal to those paid white men, I concur therein,
       believing that such requirement, by removing the principal
       incentive for their employment, will result in the speedy
       elimination of this cheaper labor, and a consequent
       improvement of the service."

       On most of the minor points in controversy the arbitrators
       were agreed in their conclusions, and the settlement of the
       whole matter was complete.

    {535}

    RACE PROBLEMS:
       Oriental Labor in Competition with Western Labor.
       The Force of the Economic Objection to it in
       a Country under the Protective System.

       "Behind the economic antipathy to Oriental laborers there is
       a justifiable feeling. Where there is established a system of
       protection, it is only just that it benefit not only the
       capitalist but also the laborer. If the American laborer must
       contend as best he can with the laborer whose standard of life
       is lower, then the American manufacturer, in fairness, ought
       to be let alone in his contest with the foreign manufacturer
       who does not pay so much for his labor. The Outlook
       believes that a condition of such open competition as has
       prevailed between the States of the Union would be wholesome
       between the nations of the world. But at present the
       protective system prevails and apparently is firmly
       established in America. So long, therefore, as American
       capital is protected, it is a benefit for the whole country to
       have American labor protected. And certainly if there is any
       body of laborers against which the working people of America
       need protection, it is the coolie labor of Asia. The fact that
       the Japanese and Chinese laborers enter industries in which
       there is a scarcity of whites does not affect the case, for it
       is not the direct loss of jobs, but the lowering—or at least
       the changing—of the standards of living that brings injury to
       the mass."

          The Outlook,
          September 21, 1907.

    RACE PROBLEMS:
       Existing Treaties between the United States and China
       concerning the Admission of Chinamen.
       Enactments of Law on the Subject.
       Correspondence of Wu Ting-fang with Secretary Hay.

       For a proper understanding of the questions of national honor
       and official civility that are involved in the existing laws
       and regulations of the United States which govern the
       admission of Chinamen to the country, either as visitors or
       immigrants, some attention must be given to a series of
       engagements by solemn treaty between the Governments of China
       and the United States, respecting the hospitality which each
       has pledged itself to give to the citizens of the other. Three
       of those treaties remain partly or wholly in force. The
       abrogation of the fourth one has a significance of its own.

       The earliest of these treaties, negotiated in 1858,
       superseding one of 1844, provided very carefully for the good
       treatment of American citizens in China, but contains nothing
       on the subject of Chinamen in America, probably for the reason
       that few of that people had yet travelled so far abroad. The
       rights it stipulated for the American who visited or sought
       residence in the Celestial Empire were as follows:

       "Article XI.
       All citizens of the United States of America in China,
       peaceably attending to their affairs, being placed on a common
       footing of amity and good will with the subjects of China,
       shall receive and enjoy for themselves and everything
       appertaining to them the protection of the local authorities
       of government, who shall defend them from all insult or injury
       of any sort. If their dwellings or property be threatened or
       attacked by mobs, incendiaries, or other violent or lawless
       persons, the local officers, on requisition of the consul,
       shall immediately despatch a military force to disperse the
       rioters, apprehend the guilty individuals and punish them with
       the utmost rigor of the law. Subjects of China guilty of any
       criminal act towards citizens of the United States shall be
       punished by the Chinese authorities according to the laws of
       China. And citizens of the United States, either on shore or
       in any merchant vessel, who may insult, trouble or wound the
       persons or injure the property of Chinese or commit any other
       improper act in China, shall be punished only by the Consul or
       other public functionary thereto authorized according to the
       laws of the United States. Arrests in order to trial may be
       made by either the Chinese or the United States authorities."

          Treaty of Peace, Amity, and Commerce, 1858
          (Compilation of Treaties in Force, 58th Congress,
          2d Session, Senate Document Number 318, page 138).

       Ten years later, in 1868, another treaty was negotiated, not
       to supersede that of 1858, but to supplement it; and in this
       agreement the reciprocation of hospitalities is pledged in the
       following distinct and cordial terms:

       "Article V.
       The United States of America and the Emperor of China
       cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable right of man
       to change his home and allegiance, and also the mutual
       advantage of the free migration and emigration of their
       citizens and subjects, respectively, from the one country to
       the other, for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as
       permanent residents. The high contracting parties, therefore,
       join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary
       emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to pass
       laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United
       States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to
       the United States or to any other foreign country, or for a
       Chinese subject or citizen of the United States to take
       citizens of the United States to China or to any other foreign
       country, without their free and voluntary consent,
       respectively.

       "Article VI.
       Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China
       shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities or exemptions in
       respect to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the
       citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. And,
       reciprocally, Chinese subjects visiting or residing in the
       United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and
       exemptions in respect to travel or residence, as may there be
       enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most favored
       nation. But nothing herein contained shall be held to confer
       naturalization upon citizens of the United States in China,
       nor upon the subjects of China in the United States.

       "Article VII.
       Citizens of the United States shall enjoy all the privileges
       of the public educational institutions under the control of
       the Government of China, and, reciprocally, Chinese subjects
       shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational
       institutions under the control of the Government of the United
       States, which are enjoyed in the respective countries by the
       citizens or subjects of the most favored nation. The citizens
       of the United States may freely establish and maintain schools
       within the Empire of China at those places where foreigners
       are by treaty permitted to reside, and reciprocally, Chinese
       subjects may enjoy the same privileges and immunities in the
       United States."

          Treaty of Trade, Consuls, and Emigration, 1868
          (58th Congress, 2d Session,
          Senate Document Number 318, pages 157-158).

    {536}

       That this treaty, as well as that of 1858, is still obligatory
       in its hospitable spirit and intent, is a fact certified by
       the language of the preamble of the treaty negotiated next, by
       President Angell, of Michigan University, and other
       Commissioners, in 1880. The recital in that preamble of the
       purpose of the new agreement was this:

       "Whereas, in the eighth year of Hsien Feng, Anno Domini 1858,
       a treaty of peace and friendship was concluded between the
       United States of America and China, and to which were added,
       in the seventh year of Tung Chih, Anno Domini 1868, certain
       supplementary articles to the advantage of both parties,
       which supplementary articles were to be perpetually
       observed and obeyed: and Whereas the Government of the
       United States, because of the constantly increasing
       immigration of Chinese laborers to the territory of the United
       States, and the embarrassments consequent upon such
       immigration, now desires to negotiate a modification of the
       existing Treaties which shall not be in direct contravention
       of their spirit: Now, therefore," &c. The following are
       the four articles of the treaty thus explained:

       "Article I.
       Whenever in the opinion of the Government of the United States
       the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States, or their
       residence therein, affects or threatens to affect the
       interests of that country, or to endanger the good order of
       the said country or of any locality within the territory
       thereof, the Government of China agrees that the Government of
       the United States may regulate, limit, or suspend such coming
       or residence, but may not absolutely prohibit it. The
       limitation or suspension shall be reasonable, and shall apply
       only to Chinese who may go to the United States as
       laborers, other classes not being included in the
       limitations. Legislation taken in regard to Chinese laborers
       will be of such a character only as is necessary to enforce
       the regulation, limitation, or suspension of immigration, and
       immigrants shall not be subject to personal maltreatment or
       abuse.

       "Article II.
       Chinese subjects, whether proceeding to the United States as
       teachers, students, merchants or from curiosity, together with
       their body and household servants, and Chinese laborers who
       are now in the United States shall be allowed to go and
       come of their own free will and accord, and shall be accorded
       all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemptions which
       are accorded to the citizens and subjects of the most favored
       nation.

       "Article III.
       If Chinese laborers, or Chinese of any other class, now either
       permanently or temporarily residing in the territory of the
       United States, meet with ill treatment at the hands of any
       other persons, the Government of the United States will exert
       all its power to devise measures for their protection and to
       secure to them the same rights, privileges, immunities, and
       exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of
       the most favored nation, and to which they are entitled by
       treaty.

       "Article IV.
       The high contracting powers having agreed upon the foregoing
       articles, whenever the Government of the United States shall
       adopt legislative measures in accordance therewith, such
       measures will be communicated to the Government of China. If
       the measures as enacted are found to work hardship upon the
       subjects of China, the Chinese minister at Washington may
       bring the matter to the notice of the Secretary of State of
       the United States, who will consider the subject with him; and
       the Chinese Foreign Office may also bring the matter to the
       notice of the United States minister at Peking and consider
       the subject with him, to the end that mutual and unqualified
       benefit may result.

       This is the latest of the still obligatory engagements by
       treaty that bear on the admission of visitors or immigrants
       from China to the United States. A fourth treaty, pressed on
       the Chinese Government in 1894, permitted the United States,
       during a period of ten years, to prohibit entirely the coming
       of Chinese laborers within its territory; but the concluding
       article of that treaty was as follows:

       "This Convention shall remain in force for a period of ten
       years beginning with the date of the exchange of
       ratifications, and, if six months before the expiration of
       said period of ten years, neither Government shall have
       formally given notice of its final termination to the other,
       it shall remain in full force for another like period of ten
       years." The Chinese Government did give the formal notice of
       termination within the stipulated time, and the treaty became
       void on the 7th of December, 1904.

       Hence the Government of the United States is now under the
       engagements which it made with the Government of China in
       1880, which included an engagement to be faithful to the
       hospitable spirit of the compact of 1868. When one has looked
       over those engagements of national honor, it seems hard to
       harmonize them in spirit, or even in letter, with some of the
       enactments which are regulating, at the present day, the
       treatment of people from China who venture to approach the
       entry ports of the United States. Such, for example, as the
       following, from "the Act of May 6, 1882, as amended and added
       to by the Act of July 5, 1884," which, according to a recent
       official publication of "Laws and Regulations governing the
       Admission of Chinese," was "continued in force for an
       additional period of ten years from May 5, 1892, by the act of
       May 5, 1892, and was, with all laws on this subject in force
       on April 29, 1902, reënacted, extended, and continued without
       modification, limitation, or condition by the act of April 29,
       1902, as amended by the act of April 27, 1904":

       "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
       the United States of America in Congress assembled, That from
       and after the passage of this act, and until the expiration of
       ten years next after the passage of this act, the coming of
       Chinese laborers to the United States be, and the same is
       hereby suspended, and during such suspension it shall not be
       lawful for any Chinese laborer to come from any foreign port
       or place, or having so come to remain within the United
       States."

       "Section 2.
       That the master of any vessel who shall knowingly bring within
       the United States on such vessel, and land, or attempt to
       land, or permit to be landed any Chinese laborer, from any
       foreign port or place, shall be deemed guilty of a
       misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by
       a fine of not more than five hundred dollars for each and
       every such Chinese laborer so brought, and may also be
       imprisoned for a term not exceeding one year." …

    {537}

       "Section 6.
       That in order to the faithful execution of the provisions of
       this act, every Chinese person, other than a laborer, who may
       be entitled by said treaty or this act to come within the
       United States, and who shall be about to come to the United
       States, shall obtain the permission of and be identified as so
       entitled by the Chinese Government, or of such other foreign
       government of which at the time such Chinese person shall be a
       subject, in each case to be evidenced by a certificate issued
       by such Government, which certificate shall be in the English
       language, and shall show such permission, with the name of the
       permitted person in his or her proper signature, and which
       certificate shall state the individual, family, and tribal
       name in full, title or official rank, if any, the age, height,
       and all physical peculiarities, former and present occupation
       or profession, when and where and how long pursued, and place
       of residence of the person to whom the certificate is issued,
       and that such person is entitled by this act to come within
       the United States.

       "If the person so applying for a certificate shall be a
       merchant, said certificate shall in addition to above
       requirements, state the nature, character, and estimated value
       of the business carried on by him prior to and at the time of
       his application as aforesaid: Provided, That nothing in
       this act nor in said treaty shall be construed as embracing
       within the meaning of the word ‘merchant,’ hucksters,
       peddlers, or those engaged in taking, drying, or otherwise
       preserving shell or other fish for home consumption or
       exportation.

       "If the certificate be sought for the purpose of travel for
       curiosity, it shall also state whether the applicant intends
       to pass through or travel within the United States, together
       with his financial standing in the country from which such
       certificate is desired.

       "The certificate provided for in this act, and the identity of
       the person named therein shall, before such person goes on
       board any vessel to proceed to the United States, be viséd by
       the indorsement of the diplomatic representatives of the
       United States in the foreign country from which such
       certificate issues, or of the consular representative of the
       United States at the port or place from which the person named
       in the certificate is about to depart; and such diplomatic
       representative or consular representative whose indorsement is
       so required is hereby empowered, and it shall be his duty,
       before indorsing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine
       into the truth of the statements set forth in said
       certificate, and if he shall find upon examination that said
       or any of the statements therein contained are untrue it shall
       be his duty to refuse to indorse the same.

       "Such certificate viséd as aforesaid shall be prima facie
       evidence of the facts set forth therein, and shall be produced
       to the Chinese inspector in charge of the port in the district
       in the United States at which the person named therein shall
       arrive, and afterward produced to the proper authorities of
       the United States whenever lawfully demanded, and shall be the
       sole evidence permissible on the part of the person so
       producing the same to establish a right of entry into the
       United States; but said certificate may be controverted and
       the facts therein stated disproved by the United States
       authorities."

       It will be observed that Article IV. of the Treaty of 1880
       provides that, if measures enacted in the United States "are
       found to work hardship upon the subjects of China, the Chinese
       minister at Washington may bring the matter to the notice of
       the Secretary of State of the United States, who will consider
       the subject with him." One who consults the annual reports
       that are published, of "Papers relating to the Foreign
       Relations of the United States," will find that the Chinese
       Minister at Washington has had occasion very often to bring
       cases of the kind thus referred to in the Treaty to the notice
       of the Secretary of State, and discovered, when he did so,
       almost invariably, that under the enactments complained of the
       Secretary of State had no power even to "consider the subject"
       of complaint with him. The highly intelligent and keenly
       logical Mr. Wu Ting-fang, who represented China at Washington
       in 1900-1902, had much correspondence on such matters with
       Secretary Hay, whose sympathetic friendliness to China was
       well proved; but Mr. Hay could never do more than refer Mr.
       Wu’s representations to the Treasury Department and its
       officials, who held all authority in the matter, and politely
       return to the Chinese Minister such responses as they put into
       his hands. The following is one example of Mr. Wu Ting-fang’s
       communications. It is dated at Washington, December 26, 1900:

       "I have received from the imperial consul-general and from
       reputable Chinese merchants in San Francisco such urgent
       complaints that I feel it my regrettable duty to again address
       you on the subject of the manner in which the immigration laws
       of Congress are being enforced against Chinese subjects. They
       represent what I set forth in my note of the 30th ultimo, that
       under the rulings of the authorities of the port of San
       Francisco Chinese students holding certificates in conformity
       to the treaty and law of Congress are virtually debarred from
       entering the United States, it being held by the said
       authorities that such students must come here with a knowledge
       of the English language and with an education that will permit
       them to forthwith enter a college or take up an advanced
       professional course of study. They further represent that
       under the act of November 3, 1893, the Government of the
       United States issued certificates of residence to a large
       number of Chinese persons, not laborers—merchants and others—
       and that the rights acquired under these certificates are
       being entirely ignored. Holders of such certificates desiring
       to make a temporary visit to China are denied the privilege,
       and persons who have departed holding such certificates are
       denied the privilege of reentering the United States. They
       state that merchants returning to San Francisco after a
       temporary visit to China are often imprisoned in the detention
       dock for weeks and months pending their landing. Their
       Caucasian witnesses are put to all sorts of inconveniences and
       annoyances and treated with suspicion and discourtesy. When
       present to sign identification papers they are compelled to
       await the pleasure of the Chinese bureau for examination, and
       are plied with all sorts of immaterial questions from an
       inspector, who assumes the character of an inquisitor.
    {538}
       The result of this is that it is now very difficult for
       Chinese desiring to visit their native land to obtain the
       necessary signatures for their identification papers, thus
       causing them untold mental and financial suffering. They
       report that it has been heretofore the custom in San Francisco
       for years to allow the attorney for the persons desiring to
       enter the United States to be present at the Chinese bureau
       pending the taking of evidence on their behalf, thus affording
       a protection to the Chinese applicants and operating as a
       restraint upon overzealous subordinate officials. It has just
       been ordered by the port authorities that henceforth no
       attorneys shall be allowed to be present at the taking of such
       testimony, or of any testimony on behalf of Chinese desiring
       to enter that port. They assert that this action makes the
       immigration inspector, whose avowed policy is to cause the
       return to China of every Chinese he possibly can, the master
       of the situation and throws all Chinese applicants at his
       feet."

          Minister Wu to Secretary Hay, December 26, 1900
          (Foreign Relations, 1901, page 64).

       In a previous communication the Chinese Minister had expressed
       the opinion that the matter demanded the attention of the
       President; to which Secretary Hay replied that "in the
       Department’s view the immigration acts do not confer upon the
       President any power to interpose in the matter. The act of
       August 18, 1894, provides that ‘in every case where an alien
       is excluded from admission into the United States under any
       law or treaty now existing or hereafter made, the decision of
       the appropriate immigration or customs officers, if adverse to
       the admission of such alien, shall be final, unless reversed
       on appeal to the Secretary of the Treasury." On this statement
       Mr. Wu now remarked:

       "I beg to say that I was aware of the law which is quoted in
       your note of the 5th instant, when I suggested the
       interposition of the President of the United States, but I am
       advised that it can hardly be interpreted as a prohibition
       against the exercise by that supreme official of the nation of
       his influence with one of his own Secretaries, if he was
       convinced, upon examination of the facts, that a solemn treaty
       guaranty was being violated and a great wrong being done to
       subjects of a friendly Government. I am further advised that
       it was not the intent of Congress, by the act cited, to take
       from the President the duty, which I have understood was
       imposed on him by your great and wise Constitution, to ‘take
       care that the laws be faithfully executed,’ and by the same
       instrument the treaties with foreign nations are declared to
       be ‘the supreme law of the land.’ I feel persuaded that if you
       will lay the questions presented in the present note and that
       of the 30th ultimo before the President, he will be inspired
       by his high sense of justice to induce the honorable Secretary
       of the Treasury to revise the decisions which have been made
       by the official of his Department, or that he will at least
       submit the question to the Attorney-General for a construction
       of the treaty and the laws depending thereon."

          Foreign Relations,
          1901, page 65.

       Any fair-minded reader of the correspondence between Chinese
       and American officials, relative to the treatment of Chinamen
       in the United States, is likely to find himself quite
       generally in sympathy with the former, and compelled to doubt
       whether the subjects of China would lose anything if all the
       treaty engagements supposed to be in force, between their
       Government and the Government of the United States, were
       cancelled to-morrow.

    RACE PROBLEMS:
       Anti-Japanese Agitation in California.
       Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.
       Japanese Resentment.
       The Labor Question at the Bottom.
       State Rights and Treaty Rights.

       "The events noted in this article belong mostly to San
       Francisco, but to a very considerable extent the agitation is
       one of state and national importance.

       "In November, 1904, the American Federation of Labor held its
       annual meeting in San Francisco. It adopted a resolution
       demanding that the terms of the Chinese Exclusion Act should
       be so extended ‘as to permanently exclude from the United
       States and its insular territory all classes of Japanese and
       Coreans other than those exempted by the present terms of the
       act.’"

       "In February, 1905, the San Francisco Chronicle, a
       daily newspaper of state-wide reputation, began to publish a
       series of articles having the general object of representing
       the immigration of Japanese, particularly of Japanese
       laborers, as a menace to the interests of the people of
       California and of the nation as well. On the date of the first
       publication, February 23, 1905, the purpose of the series was
       thus announced editorially:

       "‘With this issue we summon the attention of the public to a
       matter of grave import, a matter that no longer admits of
       delay if we are to preserve the integrity of our social life
       not only in California but throughout the Union. The Japanese
       invasion with which we are confronted is fraught with a peril
       none the less momentous because it is so silent, none the less
       attended with danger to American character and to American
       institutions because it is so peaceful. … It will be well for
       us to choose now the line of least resistance, to determine
       now and forever whether this State and this country are to be
       American or whether they are to be Asiatic, whether they are
       to continue under the sway of American thought and aspiration
       or whether they are to become a seminary, an abiding place,
       and an inheritance for the Oriental peoples. … This is a
       matter first for California and for the Pacific Coast and
       secondly for the whole Nation. California stands to-day as an
       open door for Japan and for Asia and when these portals have
       been passed the road to the Atlantic is unbarred.’

       "The series of articles printed conspicuously on the front
       page at intervals of two or three days sought to establish as
       fact a rapidly increasing inflow of Japanese laborers, ready
       to work at wages far below the white standard, and sending
       native-born white men into the ranks of the unemployed.

       "By a unanimous vote in each House, and with only few
       absentees, the California Legislature on March 1 and 2, 1905,
       placed itself on record with respect to Japanese immigration
       in the adoption of a concurrent resolution. After a lengthy
       preamble, the Legislature—

       "‘Resolved, that in view of the facts and reasons
       aforesaid, and of many others that might be stated, we, as
       representatives of the people of the State of California, do
       earnestly and strenuously ask and request, and in so far as it
       may be proper, demand for the protection of the people of this
       State and for the proper safe-guarding of their interests,
       that action be taken without delay, by treaty, or otherwise,
       as may be most expeditious and advantageous, tending to limit
       within reasonable bounds and diminish in a marked degree the
       further immigration of Japanese laborers into the United
       States.

    {539}

       "‘That our Senators and Representatives be, and they are
       hereby, requested and directed to bring the matters aforesaid
       to the attention of the President and the Department of
       State.’

          California Statutes, 1905,
          Concurrent & Joint Res. chapter xxiv.

       "On Sunday May 7, 1905, there was held in Lyric Hall, San
       Francisco, a sort of convention of representatives of various
       Labor organizations and Improvement Clubs of San Francisco and
       near-by cities,—such as the Building Trades Council, District
       Council of Painters, Carpenters’ Union No. 22, Federation of
       Mission Improvement Clubs, et al. After much speech-making of
       a demagogic character, committees were appointed and an
       adjournment taken to the following Sunday. On that day, May
       14, organization was perfected by the election of the usual
       officers. All of these were men active in the promotion of
       labor organization.

       "On May 6, 1905, the San Francisco Board of Education adopted
       a resolution expressing its determination ‘to effect the
       establishment of separate schools for Chinese and Japanese
       pupils … for the higher end that our children should not be
       placed in any position where their youthful impressions may be
       affected by association with pupils of the Mongolian Race.’
       But finding itself without sufficient funds for equipment of a
       separate school, the Board did not pursue the matter at this
       time. Its zeal in the matter was not abated by the vast amount
       of labor required to reëstablish the schools after the great
       fire of April, 1906, and on October 11, 1906, it adopted and
       put into effect the following resolution:

       "‘Resolved, That in accordance with Article X, Section
       1662, of the School Law of California, principals are hereby
       directed to send all Chinese Japanese or Corean children to
       the Oriental public school, situated on the south side of Clay
       street, between Powell and Mason streets, on and after Monday,
       October 15, 1906.’

       "The Consul of Japan in San Francisco at once addressed
       protests to the Board of Education, urging that the
       requirement would work great hardship upon Japanese children,
       by reason of distance and the difficulties of travel,
       street-car transportation at the time being very uncertain on
       account of the derangements produced by the great
       conflagration of April, 1906. Protests and appeals were alike
       turned aside in California, but they received instant
       attention in Washington by President Roosevelt, who sent
       Honorable V. H. Metcalf, the Secretary of Commerce and Labor,
       to San Francisco to investigate on the ground.

       "There seemed to be a possible solution of the school question
       by securing a judicial determination of the matter as a
       violation of treaty rights. Upon these points Secretary
       Metcalf reported to the President substantially as follows:

       "1st.
       There is no ‘favored nation’ clause in any treaty between the
       United States and Japan which clearly guarantees the right of
       education. The action of the San Francisco School Board is
       therefore not the denial of a treaty right.

       "2nd.
       Two points remain upon which the validity of the resolution of
       the School Board might be questioned, as follows:

       "a. May the sovereign State of California delegate legislative
       rights to district school boards or other municipal or local
       bodies?

       "b. Are the Japanese Mongolians, and as such covered by the
       state statute governing the establishment of schools?

       "Suit upon these points is inadvisable for the reason that in
       case of a favorable decision, the next legislature would
       hasten to enact legislation especially singling out the
       Japanese for discrimination.

       "In December, 1906, however, the United States District
       Attorney was summoned from San Francisco to Washington for
       conference with the President and Attorney-General, and upon
       his return to San Francisco two suits were commenced. One was
       a petition for a writ of mandate in the Supreme Court of
       California, the other was a suit in equity in the United
       States Circuit Court for the Northern District of California.
       Neither suit was prosecuted, and both actions were
       subsequently dismissed.

       "The influence of the Japanese Consul and of the leaders among
       the Japanese resident in San Francisco was strongly exerted
       toward allaying excitement and preventing any acts that might
       give ground for complaint. However, it was impossible to
       conceal the fact that the effort of the School Board toward
       segregation was a stinging blow to Japanese national pride.

       "The San Francisco school question was suddenly lifted into
       national prominence by President Roosevelt, who included
       pointed criticism of the San Francisco authorities in his
       annual message to Congress, as follows:

       "‘Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat
       with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under
       the law. … Especially do we need to remember our duty to the
       stranger within our gates. … I am prompted to say this by the
       attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the
       Japanese in this country. … It is most discreditable to us as
       a people and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences
       to the nation. … Here and there a most unworthy feeling has
       manifested itself toward the Japanese—a feeling that has shown
       itself in shutting them out from the common schools in San
       Francisco, and in mutterings against them in one or two other
       places, because of their efficiency as workers. To shut them
       out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there
       are no first-class colleges in the land, including the
       universities and colleges of California, which do not welcome
       Japanese students and on which Japanese students do not
       reflect credit.’ The president then specifically recommended
       to Congress the enactment of legislation for the
       naturalization of Japanese and for the enlargement of the
       powers of the federal government for the better protection of
       resident aliens against infringement of treaty rights.

    {540}

       "The effect of the president’s utterances was to raise new
       questions and to bring new and powerful influences to the
       support of the San Francisco authorities. In California the
       San Francisco School Board received at once the credit of
       heroic defense of the principle of state sovereignty.
       Expression of the same sentiment in Congress was immediate and
       direct.

       "Early in 1907, President Roosevelt invited the San Francisco
       Board of Education to come to Washington. This invitation was
       accepted, and the Board, accompanied by the Mayor of San
       Francisco, journeyed across the continent. Several conferences
       were held, and after their return to San Francisco, public
       statements of results were made both by the Board of Education
       and by the Mayor. On March 13, 1907, the offending resolution
       of the previous October was repealed.

       "The action of the San Francisco authorities aroused very
       general comment throughout the country. The actual facts in
       regard to the Japanese in the schools were not inquired into
       by the San Francisco press, nor in fact were they accurately
       known at the time even to the school authorities of the city.
       The exact facts were published by The Outlook on June
       1, 1907, from accurate investigation on the ground. The
       Superintendent of Schools had given as the main reason for
       segregation, that 95 per cent. of the Japanese pupils were
       young men and ‘we object to an adult Japanese sitting beside a
       twelve year old girl.’ The facts were that on December 8,
       1906, in all schools of primary and grammar grade there was an
       enrollment of 28,736 pupils. Of these there were 93 Japanese,
       nearly one-third of whom were born in the United States. There
       were 28 girls and 65 boys. Of the 65 boys 34 were under 15
       years of age, and of the remaining 31 only 2 were 20 years. 25
       of the boys over 15 years were in the grammar grades, leaving
       but 6 to justify the objection of adults ‘sitting beside
       children of tender years.’ The conclusion of the
       Outlook inquiry was that there was nothing in the
       situation that could not have been met by simpler remedies
       than the attempted segregation, and that the underlying motive
       in the whole matter was a desire to win the political support
       of the labor unions.

       "The great fire in San Francisco in 1906 drove the Japanese
       from their established quarters. Their attempts to gain new
       locations in districts previously occupied wholly by white
       residents tended to draw attention to them. For a time the
       policing of the city was inadequate, and cases of bodily
       violence toward Japanese were not infrequent. Anything like
       organized action took the form of boycotts directed against
       Japanese restaurants that sought white patronage and
       subsequently against the Japanese laundries.

       "The biennial sessions of the legislature since 1905 have
       regularly furnished a large supply of anti-Japanese
       resolutions and bills, introduced for effect and without
       sufficient support for enactment. However, in 1909 legislation
       was attempted looking toward prohibiting Japanese from
       becoming owners of real property. It was only the strenuous
       protests of President Roosevelt actively supported by the
       governor of the state that prevented for this session the
       enactment of some such measure. The legislature finally
       contented itself with making an appropriation for a state
       census of Japanese.

       "This census was intrusted to the state commissioner of labor,
       and is now (July, 1909) in progress. It may be regarded as a
       step toward an authoritative inquiry as to facts upon which
       later action may be based, if deemed necessary.

       "The Japanese on the Pacific Coast uniformly exercise a most
       commendable self-restraint, and their officials take advantage
       of every opportunity to display a spirit of friendliness. This
       is illustrated by liberal contributions to the city’s fund for
       the entertainment of the sailors of the Atlantic Fleet during
       its visit to San Francisco in May, 1908, and by an invitation
       extended by the Chambers of Commerce of the large cities of
       Japan in July, 1908, to similar bodies in the Pacific Coast
       states to visit Japan as guests of the country. This
       invitation was accepted by numerous commercial representatives
       of the cities from Los Angeles northward to Seattle."

          Frederick H. Clark,
          Head of History Department,
          Lowell High School, San Francisco.

       "'If you provide a system of education which includes alien
       children you must not exclude these particular alien
       children.'"

       Inasmuch as the Constitution and the laws of the United States
       made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under the
       authority of the United States, are declared to be the supreme
       law of the land, and that the judges in every State shall be
       bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any
       State to the contrary notwithstanding, this prohibitory power
       was shown to be incontestable.

    {541}

       The common-sense ground of opinion and feeling on the whole
       subject in America could not be set forth more indisputably
       than it was by Mr. Roosevelt, after he had ceased to be
       President, when he wrote as a private citizen, in his
       editorial connection with The Outlook, on the 8th of
       May, 1909, this:

       "The Japanese are a highly civilized people of extraordinary
       military, artistic, and industrial development; they are
       proud, warlike, and sensitive. I believe that our people have,
       what I personally certainly have, a profound and hearty
       admiration for them; an admiration for their great deeds and
       great qualities, an ungrudging respect for their national
       character. But this admiration and respect is accompanied by
       the firm conviction that it is not for the advantage of either
       people that emigrants from either country should settle in
       mass in the other country. The understanding between the two
       countries on this point should be on a basis of entire
       mutuality, and therefore on a basis which will preserve
       unimpaired the self-respect of each country, and permit each
       to continue to feel friendly good will for the other. Japan
       would certainly object to the incoming of masses of American
       farmers, laborers, and small traders; indeed, the Japanese
       would object to this at least as strongly as the men of the
       Pacific Coast and Rocky Mountain States object to the incoming
       in mass of Japanese workmen, agricultural laborers, and men
       engaged in small trades. The Japanese certainly object to
       Americans acquiring land in Japan at least as much as the
       Americans of the far Western States object to the Japanese
       acquiring land on our soil. The Americans who go to Japan and
       the Japanese who come to America should be of the same general
       class—that is, they should be travelers, students, teachers,
       scientific investigators, men engaged in international
       business, men sojourning in the land for pleasure or study. As
       long as the emigration from each side is limited to classes
       such as these, there will be no settlement in mass, and
       therefore no difficulty."

       That the emigration from Japan has been thus closely limited
       was shown in September, 1909, by the issue of a statistical
       circular from the office of the Japanese Consul-General at San
       Francisco, dealing in tabulated form with the arrivals and
       departures from Japan for the year 1908 and for the first six
       months of the year 1909. It shows that the number of the
       excess arrivals in Japan over the departures for 1908 was
       1807, and for the first six months of the present year 737,
       making a total excess of arrivals in Japan over departures for
       the 18 months of 2544. The circular states that "no new
       labourers are now leaving Japan for American territory," and
       this may be taken as the official Japanese reply to the
       continued assertions of the California labour unions that
       large numbers of coolies are still reaching the country by way
       of the Canadian and Mexican frontiers.

    RACE PROBLEMS:
       Exclusion of Chinese.
       The Law and its Administration.
       The Chinese Resentment expressed in a Boycott.
       President Roosevelt’s Vain Appeal to Congress.
       Opinion of Secretary Straus.

       Resentful feeling aroused in China by the immigration and
       exclusion laws of the United States, in their special
       application to incoming Chinese and in the harshness of their
       administration, began to have expression at Shanghai in May,
       1905, when resolutions were adopted at a meeting of the
       merchant guilds of that city which initiated an extensive
       boycotting of American goods and of everything connected with
       America. A report of the meeting and of its recommendations
       was sent to all parts of the Empire and elicited a quick and
       general response. The undertaking of the movement was to stop
       the buying of American goods; to socially ostracise tradesmen
       who continue to handle them, and to render no service to
       Americans in China, except for higher pay than is demanded
       from others. This boycotting attitude of large numbers in
       China was persisted in throughout the year, and not only made
       itself felt seriously in commercial circles, but impressed the
       American public with a proper sense of the indignities they
       were allowing to be imposed on a people who deserve their
       respect. The President, in his Message to Congress at the
       opening of the session in December, dealt justly with the
       subject, as follows:

       "The conditions in China are such that the entire Chinese
       coolie class, that is, the class of Chinese laborers, skilled
       and unskilled, legitimately come under the head of undesirable
       immigrants to this country, because of their numbers, the low
       wages for which they work, and their low standard of living.
       Not only is it to the interest of this country to keep them
       out, but the Chinese authorities do not desire that they
       should be admitted. At present their entrance is prohibited by
       laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose. These laws
       have been, are being, and will be, thoroughly enforced. …
       But in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese
       laborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been
       done by this Nation to the people of China, and therefore
       ultimately to this Nation itself. Chinese students, business
       and professional men of all kinds—not only merchants, but
       bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors, travelers, and
       the like—should be encouraged to come here and treated on
       precisely the same footing that we treat students, business
       men, travelers, and the like of other nations. Our law's and
       treaties should be framed, not so as to put these people in
       the excepted classes, but to state that we will admit all
       Chinese, except Chinese of the coolie class, Chinese skilled
       or unskilled laborers. There would not be the least danger
       that any such provision would result in any relaxation of the
       law about laborers. These will, under all conditions, be kept
       out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see that both
       justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown, to
       other Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above
       suggested. Examinations should be completed at the port of
       departure from China. For this purpose there should be
       provided a more adequate consular service in China than we now
       have. The appropriations, both for the offices of the consuls
       and for the office forces in the consulates, should be
       increased.

    {542}

       "As a people we have talked much of the open door in China,
       and we expect, and quite rightly intend to insist upon,
       justice being shown us by the Chinese. But we can not expect
       to receive equity unless we do equity. We can not ask the
       Chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to do to them. They
       would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men if our
       laboring men threatened to come into their country in such
       numbers as to jeopardize the well being of the Chinese
       population; and as, mutatis mutandis, these were the
       conditions with which Chinese immigration actually brought
       this people face to face, we had and have a perfect right,
       which the Chinese Government in no way contests, to act as we
       have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration.
       That this right exists for each country was explicitly
       acknowledged in the last treaty between the two countries. But
       we must treat the Chinese student, traveler, and business man
       in a spirit of the broadest justice and courtesy if we expect
       similar treatment to be accorded to our own people of similar
       rank who go to China."

          President's Message to Congress,
          December 5, 1905.

       No effective impression on the moral sense or the rationality
       of Congress was made by the President’s appeal, and the laws
       which are contemptuous of national treaties and indifferent to
       the national honor remain on the statute books unchanged. That
       others than the President in the Federal Administration felt
       the wrong and the shame of the law which it had to administer,
       was shown by an article from the pen of the Secretary of
       Commerce and Labor, published in the spring of 1908. The
       following are some passages from the article:

       "It is not the policy of the Government with reference to
       Chinese immigration, but the manner in which it is, of
       necessity, carried out, by reason of the way in which the laws
       are framed, that causes constant friction and dissatisfaction.
       … The attitude of the Chinese Government may be inferred from
       the fact that in 1904, after the convention of 1894 had been
       in force ten years, China availed herself of her reserved
       right and formally denounced the treaty, refusing longer to be
       a party to an arrangement which, as carried into effect, was
       offensive to her national pride. …

       "For proof of the feeling of the Chinese people it is only
       necessary to refer to the boycott of American goods,
       inaugurated by various trade guilds and business and
       commercial associations of the Empire during the summer of
       1905. At that time China held first rank among Oriental
       countries as a consumer of American products. In that year,
       her total commerce amounted to $497,000,000, of which
       $329,000,000 were imports; $57,000,000, or more than seventeen
       per cent., being supplied by the United States. The exports
       from the United States to China had grown to these proportions
       by rapid strides. They were less than $3,000,000 in the
       seventies. They only reached $7,500,000 in 1886, $12,000,000
       in 1897, $15,000,000 in 1900, $24,000,000 in 1902, $57,000,000
       in 1905. It was reasonable to believe that American trade
       would continue to progress in something like the same ratio,
       and a larger and larger share of the foreign trade of China
       accrue to the United States. Instead of that, the exports of
       the United States to China, according to our statistics, fell
       to $44,000,000 in 1906, and to $26,000,000 in 1907.

       "It is not necessary to attribute the decline wholly to the
       boycott of 1905, but a drop in our exportations to that
       country of fifty per cent. in two years is sufficiently
       startling to challenge attention. But on higher grounds than
       those of mere commercial interest should the frame of the laws
       be changed. …

       "I would not suggest a change in the established policy of
       rigidly excluding Chinese laborers of every description, both
       skilled and unskilled. The policy has been and will continue
       to be as effectively enforced as circumstances will permit.
       But, at a time when this policy of exclusion has been so
       thoroughly applied that there remain in the United States only
       about 70,000 Chinese—less than one-tenth of one per cent, of
       our population—little danger need be apprehended from a full
       and fair reconsideration of the subject and a recasting of the
       laws upon a juster basis. …

       "By making admission the rule, and exclusion the exception, we
       could easily preserve the present policy in all its integrity,
       and even strengthen the real prohibitory features thereof, at
       the same time entirely removing a material cause of friction,
       dissatisfaction and unnecessary humiliation to the people of a
       friendly nation."

          Oscar S. Straus
          (Secretary of Commerce and Labor),
          The Spirit and Letter of Exclusion
          (The North American Review, April, 1908).

       A much stronger expression was given to the shamed feeling of
       honorable Americans on this subject by the veteran diplomatist
       and former Secretary of State, Honorable John W. Foster, in an
       article written in 1906. The following is a passage from the
       article:

       "I do not know how I can better illustrate the kind of
       protection, or want of protection, extended to the Chinese, as
       guaranteed by the Constitution, the treaties, and the solemn
       promises of the government of the United States, than by
       recalling a notorious case which occurred, not on the sand
       lots of California, not under the auspices of labor agitators,
       but in the enlightened city of Boston and under the conduct of
       Federal officials.

       "The following narrative is condensed from the newspapers of
       that city. At about half past seven o’clock on the evening of
       Sunday, October 11, 1902, a number of United States officials
       of Boston, New York, and other cities charged with the
       administration of the Chinese exclusion laws, assisted by a
       force of the local police, made a sudden and unexpected
       descent upon the Chinese quarter of Boston. The raid was timed
       with a refinement of cruelty which did greater credit to the
       shrewdness of the officials than to their humanity. It was on
       the day and at the hour when the Chinese of Boston and its
       vicinity were accustomed to congregate in the quarter named
       for the purpose of meeting friends and enjoying themselves
       after a week of steady and honest toil. The police and
       immigration officials fell upon their victims without giving a
       word of warning. The clubs, restaurants, other public places
       where Chinese congregated, and private houses were surrounded.
       Every avenue of escape was blocked. To those seized no warrant
       for arrest or other paper was read or shown.

       "Every Chinese who did not at once produce his certificate of
       residence was taken in charge, and the unfortunate ones were
       rushed off to the Federal Building without further ceremony.
       There was no respect of persons with the officials; they
       treated merchants and laborers alike. In many cases no demand
       was made for certificates, the captives were dragged off to
       imprisonment, and in some instances the demand was not made
       till late at night or the next morning, when the certificates
       were in the possession of the victims at the time of their
       seizure.

    {543}

       "In the raid no mercy was shown by the government officials.
       The frightened Chinese who had sought to escape were dragged
       from their hiding-places, and stowed like cattle upon wagons
       or other vehicles, to be conveyed to the designated place of
       detention. On one of these wagons or trucks from seventy to
       eighty persons were thrown, and soon after it moved it was
       overturned. A scene of indescribable confusion followed, in
       which the shrieks of those attempting to escape mingled with
       the groans of those who were injured. …

       "About two hundred and fifty Chinese were thus arrested and
       carried off to the Federal Building. Here they were crowded
       into two small rooms where only standing space could be had,
       from eight o’clock in the evening, all through the night, and
       many of them till late in the afternoon of the next day. There
       was no sleep for any of them that night, though some of them
       were so exhausted that they sank to the floor where they
       stood. Their captors seemed to think that they had to do with
       animals, not human beings. Some of them were released during
       the night, when relatives brought their certificates or
       merchants were identified. But the greater part were kept till
       the next day, when the publicity of the press brought friends,
       or relief through legal proceedings. …

       "So strong was the indignation of the respectable citizens of
       Boston, that a large public meeting was held in Faneuil Hall
       to denounce the action of the immigration officials and the
       police. … It was announced by the immigration officials that
       their raid was organized under the belief that there were a
       number of Chinese in Boston and its vicinity unlawfully in the
       United States, and this method was adopted for discovering
       them. The official report of the chief officer soon after the
       event showed that two hundred and thirty-four Chinese were
       imprisoned, that one hundred and twenty-one were released
       without trial or requirement of bail, and that only five had
       so far been deported, but that he hoped that he might secure
       the conviction and deportation of fifty; as a matter of fact,
       however, the deportations fell much below that number."

          J. W. Foster,
          The Chinese Boycott
          (Atlantic Monthly, January, 1906).

       In the same article Mr. Foster recalled facts connected with
       the negotiation of the Treaty of 1880 which deepen the shame
       to the United States of what followed: "In communicating to
       the Secretary of State," he said, "the signature of the treaty
       of 1880, the American commissioners wrote: ‘In conclusion, we
       deem it our duty to say to you that during the whole of this
       negotiation the representatives of the Chinese Government have
       met us in the fairest and most friendly spirit. They have
       been, in their personal intercourse, most courteous, and have
       given to all our communications, verbal as well as written,
       the promptest and most respectful consideration. After a free
       and able exposition of their own views, we are satisfied that
       in yielding to the request of the United States they have been
       actuated by a sincere friendship and an honorable confidence
       that the large powers recognized by them as belonging to the
       United States, and bearing directly upon the interests of
       their own people, will be exercised by our government with a
       wise discretion, in a spirit of reciprocal and sincere
       friendship, and with entire justice.’

       "But even this treaty, which had been obtained from China so
       reluctantly, yet with the generous exhibition of friendship on
       her part just described, did not prove satisfactory to the
       increasing demands of the labor unions. Before ten years were
       passed, under the spur and excitement of the presidential
       campaign of 1888, and upon the hesitation of the Chinese
       government to make a further treaty modification, the Scott
       Act was passed by Congress, which was a deliberate violation
       of the treaty of 1880, and was so declared by the Supreme
       Court; but under our peculiar system it became the law of the
       land. Our government had thus flagrantly disregarded its
       solemn treaty obligations. Senator Sherman, then chairman of
       the Committee on Foreign Relations, stated in the Senate that
       we had furnished China a just cause for war."

       ----------RACE PROBLEMS: End--------

    RACE-TRACK GAMBLING.

          See (in this Volume)
          GAMBLING.

    RADIO-TELEGRAPHY.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL: TELEGRAPHY, WIRELESS.

    RADIUM, and Radio-activity.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM;
          See also
          PHYSICAL.

    RADOLIN, Prince de:
       Arrangement with France for the Algeciras Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    RAIGOSA, Don Genaro:
       President of Second International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

       ----------RAILWAYS: Start--------

    RAILWAYS

    RAILWAYS: Abyssinia:
       French Projects.

          See (in this Volume)
          ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902.

    RAILWAYS: Africa: A. D. 1909.
       Progress of the Cape to Cairo Line.

       A telegram from Broken Hill, Northern Rhodesia, November 10,
       1909, announced that the Cape-to-Cairo Railroad had reached
       the Congo frontier on the 16th.

    RAILWAYS: Argentina-Chile: A. D. 1909.
       The Transandine Railway Tunnel.

       The great work, of boring a tunnel through the chain of the
       Andes at an altitude of over 10,000 feet above sea level for
       the trains of the Transandine Railway was practically
       completed in the fall of 1909. "Early in April next the rails
       will be laid, and from then onward the journey from Buenos
       Ayres, on the eastern side of the South American continent, to
       Valparaiso, on the Pacific Coast, may be undertaken in comfort
       in a railway carriage all the year round. Up to the present
       time passengers from the east have had to leave the rail at
       Las Cuevas and proceed by a zigzag road over the mountains on
       mule-back or in coaches to Caracoles, the rail head on the
       Chilian side—a journey which occupies about two hours; but
       this route is only open during the summer months. In the
       winter, when the pass is closed by snow, travellers have to go
       round by sea. The route under the Andes will effect a saving
       of about twelve days. The work of boring the two-mile tunnel
       was begun four years ago and has presented exceptional
       difficulties."

    {544}

    RAILWAYS: Australia:
       Government Ownership.
       Difference of Gauge.
       Each State having its own.

       "Warfare against monopoly is easier in Australia than in some
       other countries for the reason that in Australia the close
       relation between monopoly and transportation is generally
       understood and is not an issue. Some few and for the most part
       small railroad projects, including mining and timber lines,
       are still in private hands. All the other railroads are
       publicly owned and publicly operated. So far the ownership is
       vested in the several states, each having its own system. In
       the good old conservative days before the Labor demon raised
       its head, there was much childish jealousy among the different
       governments. In the conservative view the destiny of Australia
       was not to be a nation but a handful of nice little colonies
       vying with one another in expressing loyalty to the
       monarchical idea and the established order. When these came to
       build railroads each colony established its own gauge and
       stuck thereto. A more preposterous notion never bewitched the
       human mind, but the truth is that a gauge of 4 feet 8½ inches
       in New South Wales actually seemed a reason (to the
       conservative intellect) for a gauge of 5 feet 3 inches in
       Victoria and a gauge of 3 feet 6 inches in Western Australia.
       The annoyance, delay, and expense resulting to through traffic
       make the thing seem like a section of Bedlam. Between
       Melbourne and Sydney, for instance, a line with an immense
       business and with otherwise excellent accommodations, you must
       change cars on the frontier and all the freight must be
       transferred. Eventually the federal Government is to take over
       and unify the systems of the different states. Considering the
       multiplicities of systems and gauges, the task that will then
       confront the federal Government will not be for a holiday."

          Charles E. Russell,
          The Uprising of the Many, chapter 27
          (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York, 1907).

    RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1903-1909.
       The Grand Trunk Pacific Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1903-1909.

    RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1904.
       Establishment of the Board of Railway Commissioners
       with large Regulative Powers.

       In Moody’s Magazine of January, 1906, the Honorable
       Robert Bickerdike, M. P., of Montreal, gave a favorable
       account of the operation of the Canadian Act of two years
       before which created a Board of Railway Commissioners, taking
       the place of the former Railway Committee of the Privy
       Council, and exercising large powers of control over rates,
       construction of road, and speed of trains. "No toll" (that is,
       freight rate), he said, "may be charged which unjustly
       discriminates between different localities. The board shall
       not approve any toll which for like goods or passengers,
       carried under substantially similar conditions in the same
       direction over the same line, is greater for a shorter than a
       longer distance, unless the board is satisfied that, owing to
       competition, it is expedient to do so. Where carriage is
       partly by rail and partly by water, and the tolls in a single
       sum, the board may require the company to declare, or may
       determine, what portion is charged in respect of carriage by
       rail, to prevent discrimination. Freight tariffs are governed
       by a classification which the board must approve, and the
       object is to have this classification uniform. Railways shall,
       when directed by the board, place any specified goods in any
       stated class. Tariffs shall be in such form and give such
       details as the board may prescribe. The maximum mileage tariff
       shall be filed with the board and be subject to its approval;
       when approved, the company shall publish it in the Canadian
       Gazette, the official publication. As respects this act,
       the board is invested with the rights, privileges, and powers
       of a superior court. None, therefore, may oppose it."

    RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1906.
       Government Ownership and Operation of a Railway Line.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1906-1907.

    RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Projected Railway from the Canadian Northwest to Hudson Bay.

       In a speech at Niagara Falls, in September, 1908, the Canadian
       premier, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, announced positively that his
       government had undertaken the construction of a railway from
       the Canadian Northwest to Hudson Bay; that surveyors are in
       the field determining the route, and that plans for the
       construction of the road are being prepared. For a few weeks
       in the year this will give another outlet to the greatest
       wheat region of the continent for its harvests; and even a few
       weeks will afford important relief, no doubt, to the pressure
       of its need. Unfortunately, the passage from Hudson Bay to the
       ocean, through Hudson Strait, is sealed up with ice during
       much the greater part of the year. Quite recently there were
       reports of the return of a vessel from the strait which had
       found it blocked in July.

       Notwithstanding the limit thus put on the usefulness of the
       Hudson Bay route, the Northwest is counting on immediate
       advantages from it. The Manitoba Free Press exclaims:
       "To bring uncounted millions of acres of wheat in Western
       Canada a thousand miles nearer to the market in Europe, and
       make a saving of many millions of dollars every year in
       transportation charges, thereby ensuring higher prices to the
       farmers of the Prairie Provinces—this is what the opening up
       of the Hudson Bay outlet will achieve. It will mean a
       revolution in traffic routes and traffic rates. The immense
       amount of territory within the cost-saving reach of Hudson
       Bay, the New-World Mediterranean, will make this route one of
       the greatest trade arteries of the world. It will place the
       grain-growers of Western Canada in control of the markets of
       the world by making possible a great reduction in the cost of
       transportation. This saving will be brought about because the
       Hudson Bay route is by a very considerable distance the
       shortest route, and the saving is in the rail haul. … The
       total cultivable area in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta is
       some 175,000,000 acres. Even estimating the as yet
       uncultivated area as being only one-half as productive as that
       which has already come under the plow, a tenfold increase of
       the present production is to be counted upon."

    {545}

       "Roughly speaking," says a magazine article on the subject,
       "Churchill [one of the proposed Hudson Bay terminals] is just
       1000 miles from the grain areas of Hill’s roads. New York is
       2000 miles. Churchill is 1500 miles from Oregon. New York is
       nearly 3000. … The harbor itself could not have been better if
       it had been made to order. It is a direct 550-mile plain, open
       deep-water sailing from the west end of the Straits,—no
       shoals, no reefs, deep enough for the deepest-draft keel that
       ever sailed the sea."

       Tentative surveys of two routes from Winnipeg were undertaken
       in October, 1908, and a report of them made in the following
       spring. They were favorable to the project on either line.
       That to Fort Churchill would have 465 miles of length and its
       cost was estimated at $11,608,000. The alternative line, to
       Fort Nelson, at the mouth of Nelson River, would be 397
       miles long, and have an estimated cost of $8,677,000; but
       harbor construction at Fort Nelson would cost heavily. The
       report, however, recommended the latter route. Moreover,
       abundant water power is waiting development along the Nelson
       River, which might result in an economical electrification of
       the road. Furthermore, the report suggested possibilities of a
       canal along the river from Hudson Bay to Lake Winnipeg, and
       from the latter to Winnipeg city, through which ocean craft
       might ultimately reach the Manitoba metropolis.

       In connection with this projected opening of a commercial
       route from America to Europe through Hudson Bay, a Danish
       writer has lately urged the Danish Government to bring
       Greenland into touch with it.

    RAILWAYS: Canada: A. D. 1909.
       Important Ruling by the Railway Commission,
       affecting American Railways.

       In June, 1909, an important decision of the Canadian Railway
       Commission was announced, "in the case of the Dawson Board of
       Trade against the Yukon and White Pass Railway Company, an
       English Corporation, laying down that by the amendment of the
       Railway Act passed last session all railways, whether
       originating in the United States or not, are under the
       jurisdiction of the Canadian board. The point involved is the
       question of rates on the White Pass, as to which counsel
       asserted that if ordinary rates were ordered to prevail it
       would be impossible to pay dividends. The board takes time to
       consider the question of rates in view of the details
       involved, but orders both the American and Canadian sections
       of the line to file figures before the board. It is probable
       that the rates of all American railways crossing Canada will
       by this decision come under the jurisdiction of the board.
       This will affect the Vanderbilt lines, which cross the Niagara
       peninsula, also the Hill lines, which enter Canada from
       Washington, Oregon, and other States. Railway men regard the
       decision as the most important in the history of Canada,
       because it gives the Canadian Commission power to regulate
       rates on American railways entering Canada."

    RAILWAYS: Central Africa: A. D. 1909.
       Lines to Katanga.

       In March, 1909, the Temps, of Paris, published
       information according to which the work of constructing the
       railway from the Upper Congo to the great Central African
       lakes was making such progress that communication with the
       Katanga mine fields would probably be established by the end
       of 1910. The British South Africa lines, also, are being
       pushed toward Katanga.

    RAILWAYS: Chile-Bolivia: A. D. 1909.
       The Arica-La Paz Railway.

       According to a Press despatch from Santiago de Chile, April 5,
       1909, a contract for the great railway to be made across the
       Andes from Arica, in Chile, to La Paz, in Bolivia, attaining
       an elevation of upwards of 12,000 ft. and having a length of a
       little over 300 miles, had just been given to an English firm.
       The actual money voted for the scheme was said to be
       £3,000,000.

    RAILWAYS: China:
       Extent of Railway Travel.
       Unused Concessions.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1904.

    RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1904-1909.
       The Hankau-Sze-chuan Railway Loan.
       American participation.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

    RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
       The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung-Mukden Railway
       questions between China and Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
       The Chinese Eastern Railway.
       New Russo-Chinese Agreement.
       Municipalities on the Line.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

    RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909.
       Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Line.
       A purely Chinese undertaking.

       The opening, October 2d, 1909, with grand ceremonies, of the
       Peking-Kalgan Railway, was an event of especial pride and
       satisfaction to the Chinese people. It has been, wrote a
       newspaper correspondent, "a purely Chinese undertaking, the
       chief engineer of which, Jeme Tienyow, a member of the
       Institute of Civil Engineers, and every employé are Chinese;
       but the rails and rolling stock are foreign. It has been paid
       for from the earnings of the Northern Railways, without
       foreign financial assistance.

       "The line, the length of which is 122 miles, joins Peking with
       the important trade mart of Kalgan, piercing the Nankau Pass
       by four tunnels, the longest, under the Great Wall, being
       3,580 ft. It taps extensive coalfields and is well and
       economically laid. Already the traffic is astonishing and will
       add to the wealth of the province and increase the earnings of
       the Northern Railways.

       "The construction of the line has given training and
       experience to a body of young Chinese engineers, who will find
       ready employment in the future. The line will now be continued
       westwards through populous country to Kwei-hua-cheng and the
       Yellow River, a distance of 275 miles, the route for which was
       surveyed last year. This line will also be paid for from the
       earnings of the Northern Railways."

    RAILWAYS: China: A. D. 1909-1910.
       Proposal to neutralize Manchurian Railways and
       to internationally finance a Chinchow-Aigun Line.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

    RAILWAYS: England: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Adopted System in Great Britain for pacific Settlement
       of Labor Disputes in the Railway Service.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1909.

    RAILWAYS: England: A. D. 1908.
       No Passengers killed by Train Accidents.

       The British public had the happiness of being informed that no
       passenger was killed by a train accident on the railways of
       Great Britain in 1908, and also that the number of passengers
       injured—283—was not only 251 less than in 1907 and 345 less
       than in 1906, but, like the number of killed, was less than
       any previously recorded.

    {546}

    RAILWAYS: France: A. D. 1908.
       Government purchase of the Western Railway.

       In June, 1908, the French Government secured legislation
       authorizing it to purchase the Western Railway of France,
       which adds 3100 miles to the previous 2500 miles of
       State-owned railways. The purchase is said to have been made
       with the expectation "that sufficient pressure will be brought
       on the other railway companies to make them adopt the methods
       of management applied by the State to its railways."

    RAILWAYS: France: A. D. 1909.
       The Pensioning of State Railway Employés.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: FRANCE.

    RAILWAYS: Mexico: A. D. 1906.
       Nationalizing of the Mexican Railway System.
       Opening of the Tehuantepec Railway.

       "1906 was a year of railway consolidations in Mexico. In March
       last, the National Railway of Mexico bought the Hidalgo
       Railway, which starts from the capital, passes through the
       important mining camp of Pachuca, and will ultimately reach
       the port of Tuxpam on the Gulf of Mexico. But by far the most
       important operation of the year along these lines was
       announced by Finance Minister Limantour on December 14. The
       Minister, in an address to Congress, informed that body that
       the negotiations, which for some time past had been in
       progress, for the reorganization of the finances of the
       Mexican Central Railway, had culminated in a plan for the
       consolidation of that property with the Mexican National, and
       the incorporation of a new company, with headquarters in the
       City of Mexico, to own and operate the merged system.
       Moreover, the Minister informed the legislature that the
       Mexican government, which had owned a controlling interest in
       the Mexican National, would hold an absolute majority of the
       stock of the new corporation.

       "The transaction is an important one, as by it the Mexican
       government gains unquestioned control of the transportation
       system of the Republic."

          F. R. Guernsey,
          The Year in Mexico
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1907).

       Early in November, 1906, President Diaz formally opened the
       Tehuantepec Railway. The event marks the completion of the
       plan first proposed by Cortez four hundred years ago, when he
       wrote to the king of Spain concerning the feasibility of a
       canal from the Atlantic to the Pacific by this route, though
       he little dreamt of a railway.

    RAILWAYS: Mexico: A. D. 1909.
       Extended Governmental Control of Railways.

       "The most important step ever taken by the Mexican Government
       in connexion with transportation was completed on February 1,
       when the amalgamation of the National lines and the Mexican
       Central Railway became operative. With this achievement the
       Government secured control of 7,012 miles of railway, thus
       possessing a majority of the stock of the national lines and
       70 per cent. of the stock of the Mexican Central. The
       combination includes, apart from the Mexican Central, the
       National, International and Interoceanic lines. The Government
       likewise controls the Vera Cruz and Pacific Railroad, with 265
       miles, and the Tehuantepec National, with 206 miles."

          Correspondence London Times,
          July 16, 1909.

    RAILWAYS: Mono-Rail System, The Brennan Gyroscopic.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RAILWAYS.

    RAILWAYS: Netherlands:
       Laws against Railway Strikes.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1903.

    RAILWAYS: New York: A. D. 1907.
       The Public Service Commissions Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1906-1910; and
          PUBLIC UTILITIES.

    RAILWAYS: New Zealand: A. D. 1909.
       No more building by the Government of Railways not
       likely to pay Interest on Cost.

       A despatch from Wellington, New Zealand, to the English Press,
       October 18, 1909, reported that "the Premier has made an
       important announcement regarding his future railway
       construction policy. He said that the Government would not
       undertake the building of any more lines that were likely not
       to pay. If the people wanted such lines they would have to
       guarantee their earnings up to 3 per cent."

    RAILWAYS: Nigeria: A. D. 1909.
       Rapid development of the Railway System.

       Early in 1909 Press despatches to London announced that "a
       junction had been effected between the rails proceeding
       northwards from Lagos and the rails proceeding southward from
       Jebba on the Niger River. This places the Niger River, at a
       point some 500 miles from its mouth, in direct communication
       by rail with the town of Lagos, the capital of Southern
       Nigeria, and fulfils the wishes of the inhabitants of Lagos
       that ‘the iron horse should drink of the waters of the
       Niger.’"

       "The completion of the southern branch of the Nigerian railway
       system," said a correspondent, "as far as Jebba on the Niger
       is an event of considerable significance in the history of
       British action in West Africa. The Anglo-French Agreement of
       1898 secured us in the possession of what is undoubtedly the
       most interesting portion of West Africa; interesting above all
       from the character of its varied inhabitants—the agricultural
       Yoruba, the keen Hausa trader and manufacturer, the Fulani, by
       turn statesman and ruler or wandering herdsman. To this
       region—to many parts of it at least—Islam has brought its
       schools, its literature, and an effective system of
       administration."

    RAILWAYS: Rhodesia:
       Rapid Extension of Railways.

          See (in this Volume)
          RHODESIA.

    RAILWAYS: Switzerland: A. D. 1905.
       Completion of the Tunnel under the Simplon Pass.

       The tunnel under the Simplon Pass, between Brigue,
       Switzerland, and Iselle, Italy, was finished February 24th,
       1905, after seven years work and at a cost of $14,000,000. It
       is twelve miles long,—two and three-quarters miles longer than
       the St. Gothard tunnel. It opens direct railway communication
       between Paris and Milan.

    RAILWAYS: Switzerland: A. D. 1909.
       Government Purchase of the St. Gothard Railway.

       The St. Gothard Tunnel and Railway were built under an
       agreement (1879) with the Swiss Government under which the
       latter reserved the right of buying the St. Gothard within
       thirty years, and the price arranged was twenty-five times the
       amount of the net profits of the line during the last ten
       years of working. The right was exercised in the spring of
       1909, and thus the last of the principal Swiss lines passed
       into the possession of the Government. The St. Gothard Company
       at first demanded 215,800,000 francs, but eventually accepted
       212,500,000 francs. The Confederation took over the debt of
       the company--117,090,000 francs ($23,418,000) with 3½ per
       cent. interest, and paid six million francs for expenses of
       the issue of the company’s loans.

    {547}

    RAILWAYS: Turkey: A. D. 1899-1909.
       The Bagdad Railway.

       In January, 1902, the Turkish Sultan signed a convention which
       provides a guarantee, to the extent of 12,000 francs per
       kilometre for the undertaking of the Bagdad Railway, to build
       which a concession had been obtained by a German syndicate in
       1899.

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899--NOVEMBER).

       The new railway was to be an extension of the existing
       Anatolian Railway, starting from the terminus of the latter at
       Konieh and running, via Bagdad, to some point on the Persian
       Gulf, the selection of which was left for future arrangement.
       The line, with its branches, was to have a length of 2,500
       kilometres or about 1550 miles.

       A further convention respecting this project was signed in
       March, 1903, concerning which the following statement was made
       in the British Parliament on the 23d of that month by the
       Premier, Mr. Balfour: "A copy of the convention, concluded
       March 5, 1903, between the Turkish Government and the
       Anatolian Railway Company is in our possession. It leaves the
       whole scheme of railway development through Asia Minor to the
       Persian Gulf entirely in the hands of a company under German
       control. To such a convention we have never been asked to
       assent, and we could not in any case be a party to it."

       Mr. David Fraser, a young traveller of experience, was
       commissioned by the Times of India in 1907 to follow
       the proposed route of the Bagdad Railway and report on its
       prospects. He started from Constantinople, and traversed the
       completed portion of the line to where it breaks off suddenly
       some ten kilometres east of Eregli, "with its pair of rails,"
       he wrote, "gauntly projecting from the permanent way and
       pointing in dumb amazement where the Taurus shares the horizon
       with the very skies." "They have now," said the London
       Times not long since, "been pointing thus for nearly five
       years, to the bewilderment of those who, not knowing the
       country, imagined, in 1904, that with Germany determined and
       Turkey desirous to push ahead, the Bagdad line would go
       forward with inevitable march towards its distant goal."

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908.
       Damascus to Mecca.
       The Pilgrims’ Road.

       "The Damascus to Mecca Railway has many remarkable features
       which distinguish it from other lines. Its principal object is
       to provide a means for faithful Moslems to perform their
       pilgrimage to the holy places of Mecca and Medina with a
       greater degree of comfort than formerly. Its inception is due
       to the initiative of the present Sultan, and the enthusiasm
       created by its first announcement brought in subscriptions
       from the faithful in all parts of the Islamic world."

       The length of the line from Damascus to Mecca is 1097 miles.

       "The gauge of the line is the somewhat curious one of 1.05
       meter (3 feet 5¼ inches), which was necessary, when the line
       was first commenced, to correspond with the gauge of the
       Beirut-Damascus line, over which the rolling stock had to be
       brought."

          Colonel F. R. Maunsell,
          National Geographic Magazine,
          February, 1909.

       The line was opened to Medina early in the autumn of 1908.

    RAILWAYS: United States of America: A. D. 1870-1908.
       Railway Rate Regulation.
       Its slow Development.
       "Granger" Legislation in the Middle West.
       State Commissions.
       Defiant Rebating.
       Tardy Federal Legislation.
       The Interstate Commerce Act, 1887, 1906.
       President Roosevelt on the subject.

       The creation of largely capitalized and therefore powerful
       corporations was first developed in a rapid and extensive way
       by the modern enterprise of railway building; and the railways
       became soon so essentially related to every kind of interest,
       personal or general, that they naturally gave rise to the
       earliest of the specially modern problems of public policy
       concerning corporations which required to be solved. For a
       long period society had no call to defend itself against
       monopolistic combinations among its railway corporations;
       because it was long before seriously competitive lines of rail
       could be built. Each served its own belt of country; but each
       company owning and managing a line held therefore, in itself,
       a monopoly of the transportation agency it had created, and
       could, in an unchecked management of that agency, either wrong
       its whole clientele by excessive rates of charge, or wrong one
       part of it by some favoritism of unequal rates. Those were the
       original abuses of opportunity and power which provoked
       defensive measures of law. Naturally the earlier undertakings
       of defence in the United States were by State legislation,
       since nearly all charters of incorporation for business
       purposes have been derived from the States. Wherever the
       operations of business conducted under such charters extend
       over more than a single State, the constitutional power of
       Congress to "regulate commerce … among the several States"
       gives it an undoubted right to take part in the regulation of
       them; but it was slow to exercise that right. The following
       abridgment of an excellent sketch of the slow development of
       railway-rate regulation gives the essential facts. It is
       quoted from extensively by kind permission of its authors and
       of The Boston Evening Transcript for which it was
       prepared:

       "Perhaps the most remarkable fact in the whole history of
       interstate transportation is that, despite flagrant abuses,
       Federal regulation was held off until 1887. Within the States
       themselves railroad rates had been often subjected to severe
       regulation: yet even the public excitement which accompanied
       the ‘granger’ legislation between 1870 and 1880 did not result
       in Federal legislation. In several States, notably in the
       Middle West, during that epoch, detailed statutes were passed
       fixing maximum rates which by no present standard could be
       said to be anything but outrageous. In those times the Federal
       courts held that they would not consider legislation as
       confiscatory if it left to the railroad one cent of net profit
       above operating expenses. But even with this rule, now almost
       incredible, it was found in the next decade that much of the
       rate-fixing under the State statutes was unconstitutional.
    {548}
       Nor was the situation much ameliorated by the later
       establishment of State commissions, for many of them,
       according to the present standards, flagrantly abused their
       powers. … After the first outburst more conservative counsels
       generally prevailed. The movement met much opposition in its
       progress throughout the country, and although commissions were
       generally created in the East, they were given no final powers
       over rates. Then a reaction set in, due in part to the
       prostration of the Western roads. … Much wise legislation
       dates from this period, and many State commissions acted in a
       moderate spirit. The history of railroad legislation in these
       seventeen years illustrated, however, the slow process by
       which a popular movement culminates in Federal legislation;
       and good law or bad, proper action or improper action, the
       legislation of the States supplied experience in view of which
       Congress could act wisely when, in 1887, Federal legislation
       became inevitable. That this legislation had become inevitable
       was due very largely to the continued abuse of their
       commercial power by the railroad managers. For several years
       public opinion as to railroad discrimination had become so
       well settled as to work a real change in the common law, yet
       the railroad officials persistently defied it. Rebating,
       which, as late as 1875, was at common law merely a doubtful
       practice, by 1885 had become generally accepted as an illegal
       business; but this change the railroads refused to recognize
       in any other way than to make their practices more secret. It
       was public indignation against long continued illegal
       discrimination and undue preference which brought down upon
       the railways the inter-State commerce legislation in 1887. The
       wonder is, in view of the railway practices, that it did not
       come sooner. But however well behaved the railways might have
       been, Federal regulation would have come inevitably long
       before the end of the nineteenth century, in accordance with
       the general current of public opinion that public services
       could no longer go without governmental regulation. Still the
       act itself as finally passed was really very conservative,
       when the nature of the crisis is considered. … By the
       principal provisions of the Interstate Commerce act the
       railways were forbidden: (1) To charge unreasonable rates; (2)
       To discriminate between persons; (8) To give preference
       between localities; (4) To charge less for a long haul than
       for a shorter haul included within it ‘under substantially
       similar circumstances.’ These provisions were undoubtedly
       intended by the majority of those who framed the act as rather
       radical legislation, which should materially affect the
       practice of the railroads; but the conservative force of
       judicial decision soon modified the intended force of the act.
       From the outset the commission claimed that it not merely had
       power under the act to forbid any unreasonable rate upon
       complaint made, but that also, in giving relief, it might
       indicate to the railroad what should be the reasonable rate
       thenceforth. But within ten years the Supreme Court decided
       that the commission had no power to fix rates at all. This was
       a famous victory for the railroad bar, for without an
       authoritative statement by the commission of what rate it
       would regard as reasonable, even a railroad which yielded
       obedience to the decree of the commission without appeal to
       the courts, could make a slight reduction in the rate, and any
       dissatisfied shipper would be obliged to enter again into an
       expensive and dilatory litigation. In this way the railroads
       tired out objecting shippers; but in the process they
       stimulated a widespread demand for a power in the commission
       to fix rates similar to that given to many State commissions
       and to the corresponding body in Great Britain. The long and
       short haul clause provided that exceptions to it must be by
       special dispensation from the commission. … But tucked away in
       the section was the vague phrase, ‘under substantially similar
       circumstances,’ which proved its destruction. At first the
       commission began to enforce the act according to its obvious
       reading, and to grant dispensations from its operation on
       petition of the railroad in proper cases. But the whole effort
       of the railway counsel was concentrated upon the courts, and
       it was finally held that wherever there was competition at the
       distant points, the conditions were dissimilar with those at
       the intervening points of any benefit from the clause. Water
       competition was first held an excuse for a lower rate for the
       longer haul. Then rail competition was recognized. Next
       potential competition over existing routes was held enough.
       But finally the courts refused to consider the mere
       possibility of new routes. … Commercial cities and towns were
       left at the mercy of the railways, as they had been before the
       act, and the long and short-haul clause became a dead letter.
       This was a cause of most bitter complaint; yet, singularly
       enough, when the amendments of 1906 were adopted, no attempt
       was made to amend this clause. … Further action by the Federal
       Government was foreshowed as before by a very considerable
       body of legislation throughout the United States, between 1900
       and 1905. In many States there was an unfortunate
       recrudescence of the ill-advised ‘granger’ legislation, by the
       passing of statutes fixing maximum rates; but this time it was
       passenger rates which were chiefly attacked, while before it
       had been freight rates. The two-cent fare was a popular
       programme in this period, and it all but swept the country.
       Some legislatures, however, defied it, and some governors
       stood out against the legislatures. … The legislation of this
       period had, however, another branch which was well-advised. It
       is the general characteristic of this legislation that it
       confers on the railroad commission the power, while setting
       aside unreasonable rates, of fixing a maximum rate. The giving
       of such power to the interstate Commission was the principal
       point in the programme for further Federal legislation. One
       other general power that has been given to State commissions
       in the legislation since 1900 is the authority to compel
       railroads to furnish proper facilities, together with power of
       supervision of management in other respects, which is adopted in
       the Federal legislation of 1906 in an experimental way. Those
       who would understand the Federal legislation in its latest
       form should study the most recent railroad regulation in
       Minnesota and Wisconsin, Indiana and New York. … As finally
       adopted, the act of 1906 [known as the Hepburn Act] is in form
       of a series of amendments to the original act of 1887. … The
       main object in most of the legislation was to strengthen still
       further the power of the commission over rates and rebates.
    {549}
       In regard to these, the amendments affected change chiefly
       along these two lines. (1) Power is given to the commission to
       fix maximum rates in cases where, upon complaint, the rates
       fixed by the railroad were found to be excessive. This
       includes the power to fix joint through rates. (2) Rebating is
       forbidden under heavy penalties, civil and criminal, both to
       the railroad and to the shipper; and the cases in which a
       reduced rate can be given are enumerated."

          Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman,
          Two Years of the Railroad Rate Law
          (Boston Evening Transcript, October 10, 1908).

       It was through no fault of the President that effective
       legislation to suppress secret rebates and other practices of
       favoritism to large shippers by the railways came so tardily
       from Congress, as appears above. In his first Message, of
       December, 1901, he began urging the needed amendments to the
       Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, saying:

       "That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown the
       wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly, that
       some of its requirements are wrong, certainly that the means
       devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective. …
       The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant.
       Its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike.
       The Government should see to it that within its jurisdiction
       this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and
       effective remedy to that end. At the same time it must not be
       forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the
       commercial life-blood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be
       more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would
       unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of
       these commercial agencies. The subject is one of great
       importance and calls for the earnest attention of the
       Congress."

       For five years after this reasonable and most just
       recommendation was addressed to Congress, the special
       interests opposed to public interests in the matter were
       represented so controllingly in that body that the impotences
       of the law remained uncured. In the Presidential Message of
       1904 a more imperative language on the subject was used. "It
       is necessary," said the Chief Magistrate, "to put a complete
       stop to all rebates. Whether the shipper or the railroad is to
       blame makes no difference; the rebate must be stopped, the
       abuses of the private car and private terminal-track and
       side-track systems must be stopped, and the legislation of the
       Fifty-eighth Congress which declares it to be unlawful for any
       person or corporation to offer, grant, give, solicit, accept,
       or receive any rebate, concession, or discrimination in
       respect of the transportation of any property in interstate or
       foreign commerce whereby such property shall by any device
       whatever be transported at a less rate than that named in the
       tariffs published by the earner must be enforced. … The
       Government must in increasing degree supervise and regulate
       the workings of the railways engaged in interstate commerce;
       and such increased supervision is the only alternative to an
       increase of the present evils on the one hand or a still more
       radical policy on the other. In my judgment the most important
       legislative act now needed as regards the regulation of
       corporations is this act to confer on the Interstate Commerce
       Commission the power to revise rates and regulations, the
       revised rate to at once go into effect, and to stay in effect
       unless and until the court of review reverses it."

       Still Congress did nothing in response to this demand, which
       was the demand of the American public, uttered by its chief
       and truest representative. Another year passed, and when the
       next annual communication of counsel from the national
       executive to the national legislature came forth, all other
       topics in it were overshadowed by this. The force of argument,
       admonition, and pleading in the Message was fairly
       overpowering, and it went to a newly chosen Congress in which
       the people had represented themselves with somewhat better
       effect. The result was the amending act of 1906.

       In the energy of the President’s advocacy of this legislation
       there was nothing of animosity to the railway corporations.
       His most impressive arguments, for example, were such as
       these: "I believe that on the whole our railroads have done
       well and not ill; but the railroad men who wish to do well
       should not be exposed to competition with those who have no
       such desire, and the only way to secure this end is to give to
       some government tribunal the power to see that justice is done
       by the unwilling exactly as it is gladly done by the willing.
       Moreover, if some Government body is given increased power the
       effect will be to furnish authoritative answer on behalf of
       the railroad whenever irrational clamor against it is raised,
       or whenever charges made against it are disproved. I ask this
       legislation not only in the interest of the public but in the
       interest of the honest railroad man and the honest shipper
       alike, for it is they who are chiefly jeoparded by the
       practices of their dishonest competitors."

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1890-1902.
       Application of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law of 1890 to
       Railway Combinations and Poolings of Rates.
       The Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case.
       Decision of the Supreme Court.
       Remarks of the Industrial Commission.

       In the period between 1870 and 1880 the widening of
       combination and organization in all fields of heavily
       capitalized industry began, especially in America, to attain
       proportions that could be dangerous to social interests in
       many ways, by its concentration of the power that money
       commands. Alarming possibilities of monopoly, of oppression to
       labor, of political corruption, of commercial tyranny
       exercised in many forms, were all involved. At the same time
       the processes working in this matter were wholly those of a
       natural evolution, and were shaping human industry, very
       plainly and surely, to perfected economic conditions and
       results. Serious problems in government were thus pressed on
       public attention for the first time. How to realize the
       economic benefits which industrial organization on the large
       scale can produce, and which are unattainable without it, and
       be at the same time securely defended in all social and common
       interests against selfishly hostile uses of the power so
       engendered, became then a subject of anxious debate, and the
       satisfying answer to it has not yet been found.

    {550}

       Railway companies were now no longer alone, as corporations
       that challenge the exercise of public authority to control
       their performance of the public service for which they were
       chartered. The growth of mammoth organisms of business in
       other fields—such, for example, as the Standard Oil
       Company—had reached startling proportions, and the power of
       oppression in them was being displayed. Economists, jurists,
       and thoughtful legislators were giving earnest study to the
       problems they raised. The difficulty of the problem, in the
       United States more than in other countries, because of the
       divided jurisdictions in government under the federal system,
       is made plain by Mr. E. Parmalee Prentice, in the seventh
       chapter of his treatise on "The Federal Power over Carriers
       and Corporations." Before Congress attempted legislation for a
       general control of commercial combinations that were operative
       in the country at large, there was much searching for an
       adequate ground of constitutional power. In the first instance
       it was sought for, not in the authority to regulate commerce,
       but in the taxing power, or the right of government to protect
       itself from injury to the operation of its revenue laws. When
       this was given up there were efforts to frame an act "in
       restraint of competition in the production, manufacture or
       sale of goods ‘that in due course of trade shall be
       transported from one State’ to another." But, says Mr.
       Prentice, "a statute of this nature could be sustained only on
       the ground of an anticipating and continuing jurisdiction over
       every article which, at any period in its history—from
       production commenced to consumption completed—had ever
       crossed, or would cross, State lines, and over every buyer and
       every seller of such article." This, too, was abandoned, as
       "an attempt to do the impossible." "The clause relating to
       diversity of citizenship was stricken out, and the bill once
       more rested upon the narrow power to regulate commerce." As it
       finally passed the two houses of Congress and was approved by
       the President, July 2d, 1890, this much discussed and much
       litigated piece of legislation, known as the Sherman Act,
       embodied its purpose in the first two sections, which read as
       follows:

       "Section 1.
       Every contract, combination in the form of trust or otherwise,
       or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or commerce among the
       several States, or with foreign nations, is hereby declared to
       be illegal. Every person who shall make any such contract or
       engage in any such combination or conspiracy, shall be deemed
       guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be
       punished by fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by
       imprisonment not exceeding one year, or by both said
       punishments, in the discretion of the court.

       "Section 2.
       Every person who shall monopolize, or attempt to monopolize,
       or combine or conspire with any other person or persons, to
       monopolize any part of the trade or commerce among the several
       States, or with foreign nations, shall be deemed guilty of a
       misdemeanor, and, on conviction thereof, shall be punished by
       fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment
       not exceeding one year, or by both said punishments, in the
       discretion of the court."

       "In a number of early cases," says the writer already quoted,
       "the act was applied to combinations of laborers to interrupt
       the free passage from State to State, the defendants in most
       instances being railroad employees. At this point in the
       process of judicial construction the case of the Freight
       Association [United States v. Trans-Missouri Freight
       Association] presented to the Supreme Court the question
       whether the act applied to interstate carriers. Of the
       intention of Congress there is probably little doubt. Railroad
       transportation had been covered in 1887 by the Interstate
       Commerce Act. The Sherman Act of 1890 was intended to cover
       not transportation, but trade."

       The suit of the United States against the Trans-Missouri
       Freight Association, the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe
       Railroad Co., and others, was brought for the dissolution of
       an association or combination alleged to be in restraint of
       trade, and in violation therefore of the Act of July 2, 1890,
       called the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. It was tried originally in
       November, 1892, before United States District Judge Riner, of
       the Kansas District, who ruled that the law did not apply, and
       dismissed the case. On appeal it was tried again with the same
       result the next year before Circuit Judge Sanborn and District
       Judges Shiras and Thayer. Judges Sanborn and Thayer affirmed
       the judgment of the District Court, while Judge Shiras
       dissented. The question then went for final adjudication to
       the Supreme Court, where it was argued on the 8th and 9th of
       December, 1896, and decided on the 22d of March, 1897. The
       opinion of the Court, delivered by Justice Peckham, reversed
       the judgment of the courts below, affirming that the
       Anti-Trust Act applies to railroads, and that it renders
       illegal all agreements which are in restraint of trade. The
       case was accordingly remanded to the Circuit Court "for
       further proceedings in conformity with this opinion." Justices
       White, Field, Gray, and Shiras dissented from the opinion of
       the majority.

       "In the Final Report (transmitted to Congress in February,
       1902), of the Industrial Commission, created by Act of
       Congress in 1898, this case of the Trans-Missouri Freight
       Association, and the general status at that time of questions
       involved in it, are discussed at length, and partly as
       follows:

       "It is of peculiar interest to note that this leading case was
       decided, not upon interpretation of the interstate commerce
       act itself, but under the provisions of the Sherman anti-trust
       law of 1890. … Two questions were plainly before the court:
       First whether the Sherman anti-trust law applied to and
       covered common carriers by railroad; and secondly, whether the
       Trans-Missouri Freight Association violated any provision of
       that act by being an unreasonable restraint upon trade. The
       court itself acknowledged that it was doubtful whether
       Congress originally intended to include railroads under the
       prohibitory provisions of the anti-trust law. Counsel for the
       carriers showed, it would seem conclusively, that an amendment
       proposed by Mr. Bland to include railroads in the prohibition
       was rejected. The dissenting Supreme Court justices maintained
       that in the absence of a specific application of the
       anti-trust law to railroads, inasmuch as the anti-trust law
       was a general act, while the act to regulate commerce,
       antedating it by three years, was specific, the latter
       exempted the railroads, in any case, from the drastic
       provisions of the Sherman Act against combinations in
       restraint of trade. The court refused to consider other than
       mere questions of law, holding that if pooling were excepted
       it was the province of Congress to take appropriate action. …

    {551}

       "It has very frequently been asserted that a primary cause of
       the notable tendency toward railroad consolidation since 1898
       was the definitive prohibition of all varieties of traffic
       contracts or agreements by the Trans-Missouri Freight
       Association decision of 1897. This decision, as has already
       been indicated, was rendered upon the basis of the Sherman
       anti-trust law, without contemplation of the prohibitive
       provision of the Act to regulate commerce of 1887. According
       to the opinion of many jurists, in fact, the latter act could
       not reasonably have been construed to prohibit many of the
       traffic agreements which have been customary between carriers.
       It has been urged with great force that coöperation among the
       railroads having been finally adjudged illegal, it became
       necessary to have recourse to a more drastic remedy, namely,
       consolidation in some of its various forms. … The first
       difference to be noted between pooling and consolidation is
       that the latter is much more comprehensive in its scope. …
       Agreements for the division of traffic constitute but the mere
       machinery by which a certain result is to be attained. …
       Experience has abundantly shown that it is possible for
       railroads to maintain a large part of their identity, even
       reserving to themselves the power to make rates independently,
       under a pool, in exceptional cases, without thereby entirely
       nullifying the steadying influences of such traffic
       agreements. Consolidation, however, necessarily involves the
       unification of all interests as between railroads. … In brief,
       pooling may still permit competition in respect to facilities.
       It may merely eliminate the ruinous phases of competition in
       rates, leaving still in force the healthful influences of
       reasonable rivalry. Consolidation proceeds to the uttermost to
       stifle competition of all kinds, whether in respect of rates
       or of facilities. … A second point to be kept in mind as
       between the effects of consolidation and pooling lies in the
       fact that consolidation can never hope to accomplish the
       steadying influence upon rates which is claimed for railroad
       pools, until such time as every railroad within a given
       competitive territory shall have been bought up and absorbed.
       … A division of territory into a number of specific groups,
       each absolutely monopolized by one interest, seems to be the
       only logical outcome of the consolidations which have been
       already accomplished. …

       "Pools and pooling still exist: although outwardly called
       gentlemen’s agreement or disguised in some other way, it is
       incontestable that in every case where consolidation has not
       proceeded to its uttermost limits, as in New England, traffic
       agreements exist. Railroad men are almost unanimous in the
       expression of their desire to have the inhibition removed.
       Representatives of commercial interests have, in the main,
       acceded to this opinion. As has been shown, the prohibition
       was not contemplated originally. It was included in the act
       only as a concession to certain opponents of pooling in the
       House of Representatives. … On the other hand, it is
       universally recognized that certain dangers to the shipper are
       incident to such action. Railroad pools may, and certainly
       have, in some instances, operated either to raise rates, or to
       maintain them in face of a tendency to decline. As a
       consequence, the majority of these appeals for remedial
       legislation are accompanied by a demand that pooling, if once
       more permitted by law, shall be subject to governmental
       approval and supervision."

          Final Report of the Industrial Commission,
          pages 338-348.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1901-1905.
       The Northern Securities Case.
       Another test of the Sherman Act.
       The question of the Legality of Combination
       between Corporations through a "Holding Company."

       At about the time when the Industrial Commission was producing
       its final report, from which the above is taken, the courts of
       the United States were called on to give attention to another
       mode, distinctly different from either "pooling" agreements or
       corporate consolidation, by which an effective combination of
       railway lines could be secured. It came to the consideration
       of the courts in the case of the Northern Securities Company,
       which was famous in its day. Briefly related, the case arose
       as follows:

       Although the Great Northern Railway and the Northern Pacific
       Railway traverse the same Northwestern section of the United
       States, from the Mississippi River and the western extremity
       of the Great Lakes to the Pacific Coast, at no great distance
       apart, there was not rivalry, but a community of interest
       between them, in 1901, when the corporations to which they
       belong became joint purchasers of the Chicago, Burlington and
       Quincy Railway system, in order to secure for each of them a
       direct connection with Chicago, under their joint control.
       This achievement of the powerful railway interests controlled
       by James J. Hill was followed by what is known in Wall Street
       as a "raid" on the stock of the Northern Pacific, by the Union
       Pacific interests, headed by E. H. Harriman, with the object
       of securing votes to elect the next board of directors in that
       corporation, and thus control the whole Northern
       transcontinental combination. The outcome of the fierce
       struggle was a compromise, from which issued the famous
       "holding company" known as the Northern Securities Company,
       incorporated on the 12th of November, 1901, under the
       accommodating laws of the State of New Jersey. The term
       "holding company" describes precisely the function which this
       corporation was created to perform. In the language of its
       charter, "the objects for which the corporation is formed are:
       To acquire by purchase, subscription or otherwise, and to hold
       as investment, any bonds or other securities or evidences of
       indebtedness. … To purchase, hold, sell, assign, transfer,
       mortgage, pledge, or otherwise dispose of, any bonds or other
       securities or evidences of indebtedness created or issued by
       any other corporation. … To purchase, hold … etc., shares of
       capital stock of any other corporation … and, while owner of
       such stock, to exercise all the rights, powers and privileges
       of ownership, including the right to vote thereon."

    {552}

       The specific plan of operation was set forth in a circular
       issued by the Northern Securities Company, on the 22d of
       November, 1901, to holders of the stock of the Great Northern
       Railway Company, which said: "The Northern Securities Company,
       incorporated under the laws of the State of New Jersey, with
       an authorized capital stock of $400,000,000, and with power to
       invest in and hold the securities of other companies, has
       commenced business, and has acquired from several large
       holders of stock of the Great Northern Railway Company a
       considerable amount of that stock. A uniform price has been
       paid of $180 per share, in the fully paid stock of this
       company, at par. This company is ready to purchase additional
       shares of the same stock at the same price, payable in the
       same manner, and will accept offers made on that basis if made
       within the next sixty days."

       "It seems," says Professor Meyer, in his "History of the
       Northern Securities Case," "that the capitalization of
       $400,000,000 was fixed at that figure in order to cover
       approximately the combined capital stock of the Northern
       Pacific and Great Northern at an agreed price apparently based
       upon earning capacity. The par value of the outstanding
       capital stock of the Great Northern was $123,880,400, and that
       of the Northern Pacific amounted to $155,000,000. The Northern
       Securities Company purchased about seventy-six per cent. of
       the former and ninety-six per cent. of the latter, on the
       basis of $115 per share of $100 of Northern Pacific and $180
       per share of $100 of the Great Northern."

       From the side of the railway interests concerned, this holding
       together of the stocks of the two corporations which owned
       between them the connecting Burlington line to Chicago was a
       necessary business transaction. Their view of it was stated
       subsequently by Mr. Hill, in testimony given during
       proceedings which tested the legality of the holding company,
       when he said: "With the Northern Pacific as a half-owner in
       the shares of the Burlington and responsibility for one-half
       of the purchase price of these shares, the transfers of the
       shares of the Northern Pacific or the control of the Northern
       Pacific to an interest that was adverse or an interest that
       had greater investments in other directions, the control being
       in the hands of companies whose interests would be injured by
       the growth and development of this country would, of course,
       put the Great Northern in a position where it would be almost
       helpless, because we would be, as it were, fenced out of the
       territory south which produces the tonnage we want to take
       west and which consumes the tonnage we want to bring east, and
       the Great Northern would be in a position where it would have
       to make a hard fight—either survive or perish, or else sell
       out to the other interests. The latter would be the most
       business-like proceeding."

       On the other hand, from the standpoint of public interests,
       the combination looked dangerous to the Northwestern States,
       as being a suppression of competition and a creation of
       monopoly in railway transportation, and it was quickly
       announced that the Governor of Minnesota had determined to
       invite the Governors of States affected by the transaction to
       a conference, for the purpose of considering "the best methods
       of fighting the Northern Securities Company’s propositions in
       the courts and by new legislation, if necessary." The result
       of the conference was a suit undertaken by the State of
       Minnesota, at first in the Supreme Court of the United States,
       where it was found to be impracticable, but finally begun in
       the United States Circuit Court. This State action was soon
       followed by proceedings taken by the Federal Government.
       Attorney-General Knox was asked by the President for an
       opinion as to the legality of the procedure involved in the
       formation of the Northern Securities Company, and replied
       that, in his judgment it violated the provisions of the
       Sherman Act of 1890. The President then "directed that
       suitable action should be taken to have the question
       judicially determined." Suit was begun accordingly on the 10th
       of March, 1902, by the United States, in the United States
       Circuit Court at St. Paul, against the three companies,
       —Northern Securities, Great Northern, and Northern Pacific.
       Testimony was taken in St. Paul and New York, and the case was
       argued in March, 1903, at St. Louis, before a special trial
       court, composed of four circuit judges. The decision rendered
       by this court, the four judges concurring, declared the
       transaction illegal, and enjoined the Northern Securities
       Company from performing the acts that it was intended to
       perform. This decision was contradicted, however, by one given
       at about the same time in the suit of the State of Minnesota,
       which had its trial in the United States Circuit Court for the
       District of Minnesota. There the legality of the formation of
       the Northern Securities Company was affirmed.

       Appeals from both decisions were taken to the Supreme Court,
       and that of the special trial court, in the suit of the
       Federal Government, which declared the procedure involved in
       the formation of the Northern Securities Company to be in
       violation of the Sherman Act of 1890, was fully sustained by a
       majority of the Court, in March, 1904. In the opinion of the
       majority of the justices, "if Congress has not, by the words
       used in the Act, described this and like cases, it would, we
       apprehend, be impossible to find words that would describe
       them."

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

       The Court below was authorized accordingly to execute its
       decree against the Securities Company. A little later the
       Supreme Court decided in the Minnesota State suit that it had
       no jurisdiction, and sent the case back, to be remanded to the
       State court from which it had been originally removed. With
       this case nothing further was done.

       In connection with the undoing of the Northern Securities
       Company’s operations, to reconvey the property for which it
       had issued its stock, fresh litigation arose, over questions
       that touched the construction to be put on the court’s decree.
       This, too, went up to the Supreme Court of the United States,
       and was decided there in March, 1905; but it has no important
       bearing on the questions involved in the original case.

    {553}

       In the final chapter of his history of the case, Professor
       Meyer has this to say of it: "The chief interest of the
       Northern Securities case lies in the magnitude of the
       interests involved and in the variety of the economic and
       legal problems which were incidentally drawn into the
       controversy. From the point of view of railway organization
       the case presents little of consequence, except that railway
       corporate organization, in the process of metamorphosis or
       evolution, must, avoid the technicality of the particular type
       of holding company which the Northern Securities Company
       represented. From the point of view of railway regulation and
       the relations between the general public interests and private
       railway management, the case has no significance whatsoever,
       in spite of the fact that action against the Securities
       Company arose out of alleged injurious consequences to the
       public. It was assumed that competition had been stifled,
       without first asking the question whether competition had
       actually existed; and whether, if competition could be
       perpetuated, the public would profit by it."

          Balthazer Henry Meyer,
          A History of the Northern Securities Case
          (Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, Number 142).

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1901-1909.
       The Harriman System.
       Its Creation.
       Its Magnitude.
       The Rapid Rise of the late E. H. Harriman to Financial Power.

       On the death of the late Edward H. Harriman, which occurred on
       the 9th of September, 1909, it was said that he was the
       absolute dictator of 75,000 miles of railroad in the United
       States—about one-third of the country’s total mileage of
       railways—besides being a leading director in four ocean
       steamship lines, two trust companies, and three banks. Some
       time previously the Interstate Commerce Commission, in the
       report of its investigation of the Union Pacific Railroad
       management, said of him: "Mr. Harriman may journey by
       steamship from New York to New Orleans, thence by rail to San
       Francisco, across the Pacific Ocean to China, and, returning
       by another route to the United States, may go to Ogden by any
       one of three rail lines, and thence to Kansas City or Omaha,
       without leaving the deck or platform of a carrier which he
       controls, and without duplicating any part of his journey."

       In the same report, referring to one of the most questionable
       of Harriman’s financial operations, the Commission remarked
       that it was "rich in illustrations of various methods of
       indefensible financing," but added that it was no part of the
       Harriman policy to permit the properties under the Union
       Pacific control to degenerate. "As railroads," it was said,
       "they are better properties to-day, with lower grades,
       straighter tracks, and more ample equipment than they were
       when they came under that control. Large sums have been
       generously expended in the carrying on of engineering works
       and betterments which make for the improvement of the service
       and the permanent value of the property."

       On the occasion of Mr. Harriman’s death, the New York
       Evening Post, reviewing his career, said of him that
       "his worst enemies are forced to admit that as a railroad
       executive he had no peer. What he found on taking charge of
       the Union Pacific was two dirt ballasted streaks of rust. The
       stations along the mountain grades were tumbled-down shacks,
       and most of the equipment was fit only for the scrap pile.
       Moreover, there was no organization. From top to bottom of the
       staff the men had lost heart. In 1898 the Union Pacific was
       suffering from bankruptcy, brought on by years of political
       and financial intrigue. But when Harriman got his grip on the
       property he said to his associates: ‘We will rebuild it and do
       it right away.’

       Harriman’s plans called for hundreds of millions of dollars
       for new rails, lower grades, and modern cars, locomotives, and
       terminals. After a struggle the Union Pacific directors came
       around to his way of thinking."

       "It is necessary to remember," said the Post, in
       another article, "in summing up the Wall Street side of Mr.
       Harriman’s history, that fifteen years ago he was hardly
       known, even in railway circles; that ten years ago, his name
       would have conveyed no meaning or association to the general
       public; that even at the inception of the celebrated Northern
       Pacific fight of 1901 [see above, under date of 1901-1905], in
       which he was actually a chief protagonist, Wall Street
       mentioned his name only incidentally in connection with it.
       The fight, as the Stock Exchange and the newspapers then saw
       it, was waged between the ‘Standard Oil interest,’ and the
       ‘Morgan interest,’ and the Union Pacific’s chairman cut little
       individual figure in the public view."

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1903 (February).
       Act of Congress to Further Regulate Commerce with Foreign
       Nations and among the States, known commonly
       as "the Elkins Law."

       The following are the essential provisions of the Act,
       approved February 19, 1903, which is commonly referred to as
       the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law:

       "The willful failure upon the part of any carrier subject to
       said Acts to file and publish the tariffs or rates and charges
       as required by said Acts or strictly to observe such tariffs
       until changed according to law, shall be a misdemeanor, and
       upon conviction thereof the corporation offending shall be
       subject to a fine not less than one thousand dollars nor more
       than twenty thousand dollars for each offense; and it shall be
       unlawful for any person, persons, or corporation to offer,
       grant, or give or to solicit, accept, or receive any rebate,
       concession, or discrimination in respect of the transportation
       of any property in interstate or foreign commerce by any
       common carrier subject to said Act to regulate commerce and
       the Acts amendatory thereto whereby any such property shall by
       any device whatever be transported at a less rate than that
       named in the tariffs published and filed by such carrier, as
       is required by said Act to regulate commerce and the Acts
       amendatory thereto, or whereby any other advantage is given or
       discrimination is practiced. Every person or corporation who
       shall offer, grant, or give or solicit, accept or receive any
       such rebates, concession, or discrimination shall be deemed
       guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction thereof shall be
       punished by a fine of not less than one thousand dollars nor
       more than twenty thousand dollars. In all convictions
       occurring after the passage of this Act for offences under
       said Acts to regulate commerce, whether committed before or
       after the passage of this Act, or for offenses under this
       section, no penalty shall be imposed on the convicted party
       other than the fine prescribed by law, imprisonment wherever
       now prescribed as part of the penalty being hereby abolished.
       Every violation of this section shall be prosecuted in any
       court of the United States having jurisdiction of crimes
       within the district in which such violation was committed or
       through which the transportation may have been conducted; and
       whenever the offense is begun in one jurisdiction and
       completed in another it may be dealt with, inquired of, tried,
       determined, and punished in either jurisdiction in the same
       manner as if the offense had been actually and wholly
       committed therein.

    {554}

       "In construing and enforcing the provisions of this section
       the act, omission, or failure of any officer, agent, or other
       person acting for or employed by any common carrier acting
       within the scope of his employment shall in every case be also
       deemed to be the act, omission, or failure of such carrier as
       well as that of the person. Whenever any carrier files with
       the Interstate Commerce Commission or publishes a particular
       rate under the provisions of the Act to regulate commerce or
       Acts amendatory thereto, or participates in any rates so filed
       or published, that rate as against such carrier, its officers
       or agents in any prosecution begun under this Act shall be
       conclusively deemed to be the legal rate, and any departure
       from such rate, or any offer to depart therefrom, shall be
       deemed to be an offense under this section of this Act."

          Statutes at Large of the United States,
          Fifty-seventh Congress, Session II, chapter 708.

       In comment on the above Act, Professor Ripley wrote, sometime
       after its passage:

       "Two years ago, at the instance of the railways, which were
       desirous of stopping large leakages of revenue due to rate
       cutting, Congress enacted the so-called Elkins law. This was
       distinctly a railway measure. Hence the ease and quiet of its
       passage. It roused none of the corporate watch dogs of the
       Senate, ostensibly guardians of the public welfare. Nor was it
       a compromise. There was no need of compromise. Both railways
       and shippers were agreed in the wish to eliminate rebates.
       Section 3 of this law of 1903 recites ‘that whenever the
       Interstate Commerce Commission shall have reasonable ground
       for belief that any common carrier is engaged in the carriage
       of passenger or freight traffic between given points at less
       than the published rates on file, or is committing any
       discriminations forbidden by law’ (our italics), it may
       petition any circuit judge for the issuance of an injunction
       summarily prohibiting the practice. Such a remedy would seem
       to be prompt, efficient, and adequate. It is the basis of the
       universal railway testimony that no further legislation on the
       subject is needed, but that the Interstate Commerce Commission
       should quit talking and get down to business. …

       "That the Elkins law adds nothing to the original statute of
       1887 is indisputable. It deals with means, not ends. It
       provides motive power, but not intelligent direction, for the
       wheels of justice. The law remains absolutely unchanged in its
       definition of rights and wrongs."

          W. Z. Ripley,
          President Roosevelt’s Railway Policy
          (Atlantic Monthly, September, 1905).

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1905.
       International Railway Congress.

       The International Railway Congress had its meeting of 1905 at
       Washington, on the invitation of the American Railroad
       Association. Between three and four hundred American railroad
       men were in attendance during the Congress, which lasted from
       May 4 to May 13. The delegates from oversea numbered three
       hundred and twenty, and included representatives from every
       country in the world. Germany, for the first time, was
       adequately represented in the Congress; while at no previous
       Congress were there so many delegates from Great Britain and
       from British colonies.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1906.
       Reconstruction of the Interstate Commerce Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1906-1909.
       Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States on
       the Constitutionality of the "Commodities Clause" of
       the Hepburn Act.
       The Railroad Monopoly of the Anthracite Coal Trade.

       The Act of 1906 (known commonly as the Hepburn Act) which
       amended the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887 (see above, under
       date of 1870-1908), contains an important provision which was
       specially intended to dissolve the monopolistic combination by
       which a group of railroads operating in Pennsylvania have
       established control of the mining and marketing, as well as
       the transportation of anthracite coal. This was inserted in
       the Act on motion of Senator Elkins and is sometimes referred
       to as the "Elkins Clause," sometimes as the "Commodities
       Clause" of the Railway Rebate Act. This clause declared it to
       be unlawful "for any railroad company to transport from any
       State to any other State or to any foreign country any article
       or commodity other than timber manufactured, mined, or
       produced by it, or under its authority, or which it may own in
       whole or in part, or in which it may have any interest, direct
       or indirect, except such articles or commodities as may be
       necessary and intended for its use in the conduct of its
       business as a common carrier."

       Since 1874 the Constitution of Pennsylvania had declared that
       "no incorporated company doing the business of a common
       carrier shall, directly or indirectly, prosecute or engage in
       mining or manufacturing articles for transportation over its
       works; nor shall such company directly or indirectly engage in
       any other business than that of common carrier, or hold or
       acquire lands, freehold or leasehold, directly or indirectly,
       except such as shall be necessary to carry on its business."
       But this constitutional prohibition had not sufficed to
       restrain the owners of the railways which tap the anthracite
       coal district from acquiring practical ownership of so large a
       part of its mines as to be able, by combinations and
       understandings among their managers, to monopolize the market
       of that most important commodity. It was thought that the
       power vested in the General Government to regulate the
       commerce in coal between Pennsylvania and other States might
       be brought into exercise against this anthracite monopoly with
       more effect.

       On the 1st of May, 1908, the "commodities clause" of the
       Hepburn Act became operative, and soon thereafter a suit was
       brought in the United Slates Circuit Court for the Eastern
       District of Pennsylvania, to test its constitutionality. In
       this trial of the question the Government met defeat. Two of
       the three Judges of the Court, namely Gray and Dallas, filed
       opinions against the constitutionality of the enactment, their
       colleague, Judge Buffington, dissenting. The case went then on
       appeal to the Supreme Court, and there, by a judgment so
       nearly unanimous that Judge Harlan alone dissented on a single
       point, the decision of the Circuit Court was reversed and the
       constitutionality of the law upheld.

    {555}

       The following summary of its opinion was given out by the
       Supreme Court at the time of the announcement, May 3, 1909:

       "(1.) The claim of the government that the provision contained
       in the Hepburn act, approved June 29, 1906, commonly called
       the Commodities Clause, prohibits a railway company from
       moving commodities in interstate commerce because the company
       has manufactured, mined, or produced them, or owned them in
       whole or in part, or has had an interest direct or indirect in
       them, wholly irrespective of the relation or connection of the
       carrier with the commodities at the time of transportation, is
       decided to be untenable. It is also decided that the provision
       of the commodities clause relating to interest, direct or
       indirect, does not embrace an interest which a carrier may
       have in a producing corporation as the result of the ownership
       by the carrier of stock in such corporation irrespective of
       the amount of stock which the carrier may own in such
       corporation, provided the corporation has been organized in
       good faith.

       "(2.) Rejecting the construction placed by the government upon
       the commodities clause, it is decided that that clause, when
       all its provisions are harmoniously construed, has solely for
       its object to prevent carriers engaged in interstate commerce
       from being associated in interest at the time of
       transportation with the commodities transported, and therefore
       the commodities clause only prohibits railroad companies
       engaged in interstate commerce from transporting in such
       commerce commodities under the following circumstances and
       conditions:

       "(a) When the commodity has been manufactured, mined, or
       produced by a railway company, or under its authority, and at
       the time of transportation the railway company has not in good
       faith before the act of transportation parted with its
       interest in such commodity;

       "(b) When the railway company owns the commodity to be
       transported in whole or in part;

       "(c) When the railway company at the time of transportation
       has an interest direct or indirect in a legal sense in the
       commodity, which last prohibition does not apply to
       commodities manufactured, mined, produced, owned, etc., by a
       corporation because a railway company is a stockholder in such
       corporation.

       "Such ownership of stock in a producing company by a railway
       company does not cause it as the owner of the stock to have a
       legal interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by the
       producing corporation.

       "(3.) As thus construed the commodities clause is a regulation
       of commerce within the power of Congress to enact. The
       contentions elaborately argued for the railroad companies that
       the clause, if applied to preexisting rights, will operate to
       take property of railroad companies and therefore violate the
       due process clause of the Fifth Amendment, were all based upon
       the assumption that the clause prohibited and restricted in
       accordance with the construction which the government gave
       that clause and for the purpose of enforcing which
       prohibitions these suits were brought.

       "As the construction which the government placed upon the act
       and seeks to enforce is now held to be unsound, and as none of
       the contentions relied upon are applicable to the act as now
       construed, because under such construction the act merely
       enforces a regulation of commerce by which carriers are
       compelled to dissociate themselves from the products which
       they carry and does not prohibit where the carrier is not
       associated with the commodity carried, it follows that the
       contentions on the subject of the Fifth Amendment are without
       merit.

       "(4.) The exemption as to timber, etc., contained in the
       clause is not repugnant to the Constitution.

       "(5.) The provision as to penalties is separable from the
       other provisions of the act. As no recovery of penalties was
       prayed, no issue concerning them is here presented. It will be
       time enough to consider whether the right to recover penalties
       exists when an attempt to collect penalties is made.

       "(6.) As the construction now given the act differs so widely
       from the construction which the government gave to the act,
       and which it was the purpose of these suits to enforce, it is
       held that it is not necessary, in reversing and remanding, to
       direct the character of decrees which shall be entered, but
       simply to reverse and remand the case with instructions to
       enforce and apply the statute as it is now construed.

       "(7.) As the Delaware and Hudson Company is engaged as a
       common carrier by rail in the transportation of coal in the
       channels of interstate commerce, it is a railroad company
       within the purview of the commodities clause, and is subject
       to the provisions of that clause as they are now construed."

       Six railway companies, namely, the Delaware and Hudson, the
       Erie, the Central of New Jersey, the Lackawanna, the
       Pennsylvania and the Lehigh Valley, were involved in the test
       suit on which this decision was given; but the ruling will
       affect all roads engaged in coal mining. Justice Harlan
       dissented from that part of the decision which relates to the
       ownership of stock in a producing company; otherwise the
       opinion, announced by Justice White, was the opinion of the
       entire Bench.

       By ruling that "ownership of stock in a producing company by a
       railway company does not cause it as the owner of the stock to
       have a legal interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by
       the producing company," the court appears to have made further
       legislation necessary, if the companies are to be barred from
       controlling the production and marketing of the coal through
       subsidiary corporations.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
       Regulative Legislation in the States.

       "Never in the history of railroad legislation have our
       transportation systems run counter to a campaign so
       comprehensive, wide-spread, and disturbing as the general
       trend of ‘regulation’ in almost every State Legislature in
       session during 1907. It seems as if a legislative tempest
       against the railroads had been unloosed simultaneously in more
       than thirty States upon a given signal. The welcome accorded
       it by our lawmakers is inexplicable, unless we are prepared to
       admit that our Government, as has been charged frequently, is
       one of impulse. On this hypothesis it is readily understood.

    {556}

       "Thirty-five States, in all, attempted to enact laws reducing
       freight or passenger rates, establishing railroad commissions,
       increasing the powers of existing commissions, regulating car
       service, demurrage, safety appliances, block signals, free
       passes, capitalization, liability for accidents to employees,
       hours of labor, blacklisting, strikes, etc. … Uniformity was
       sought without discrimination or foresight. Railroads in
       densely populated districts and those in sparsely settled
       rural localities were given alike a two-cent rate. Worse than
       this: roads of different earning power in the same State were
       assigned a level rate. The prosperous and well-established
       road and the struggling pioneer were bracketed,—to sink or
       swim.

       "But all of their work was not wasted. Real constructive
       legislation was enacted in many States in regard to corporate
       control, safety appliances, block signals, working hours,
       rights of employees, railroad mergers, valuation,
       capitalization, publication of rate schedules, etc., while in
       the States of South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, and
       Wisconsin the rate question was given fair and temperate
       consideration. …

       "An analysis of the general results shows that passenger fares
       were either actually reduced or affected in twenty-one States:
       Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas,
       Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, Missouri,
       Nebraska, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma,
       Pennsylvania, South Dakota, Virginia, West Virginia, and
       Wisconsin. Two-cent rates now prevail in Arkansas, Indiana,
       Illinois, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, Pennsylvania, and
       Wisconsin; and in Ohio, since 1906; two-and-one-half-cent
       rates in Alabama and North Dakota. North Carolina has
       established a two-and one-quarter-cent rate; West Virginia, a
       two-cent rate for railroads over fifty miles in length; Iowa,
       a sliding scale of from two to three cents per mile; Michigan,
       a two, three, and four cent rate; Kansas, Maryland, and
       Mississippi, two-cent rates for mileage books; the railroad
       commissions of Georgia and South Dakota have been authorized
       to establish a two-cent and a two-and-one-half-cent rate,
       respectively; and Oklahoma specifies in its new constitution a
       maximum charge of two cents for passenger fare. Virginia’s
       Corporation Commission has adopted a two-cent rate for trunk
       lines, a three-cent rate for minor roads and a
       three-and-one-half-cent rate on one or two lines.

       "Freight charges were lowered in many States. The Commodity
       Freight Rate law of Minnesota is probably the most scientific
       and equitable, and is being used by many Western roads as a
       basis. Commissions in other States have adopted it as a model.

       "Laws prohibiting free passes were enacted in Alabama,
       Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, New
       Hampshire, New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, and
       Texas.

       "Eleven States created railroad commissions: Colorado,
       Indiana, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Jersey, New York,
       Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, and Vermont. Sixteen others
       gave increased power to existing commissions, apart from rate
       regulation: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Iowa,
       Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North
       Carolina, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Washington, and
       Wisconsin."

          Robert Emmett Ireton,
          The Legislatures and the Railways
          (Review of Reviews, August, 1907).

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
       Limitation of Working Hours for Trainmen.

       An Act of Congress passed in January, 1907, prohibits railways
       engaged in interstate and foreign commerce from requiring or
       permitting those of their employés who have to do with the
       movement of trains to work more than sixteen hours
       consecutively, or more than an aggregate of sixteen in each
       twenty-four hours, and requires that when an employé shall
       have worked for sixteen hours there shall follow a period of
       rest of not less than ten hours before he shall resume his
       duties. Certain exceptions are made to provide for accidents,
       the failure of trains to make their regular schedules,
       connections, etc. Violation of the act is declared to be a
       misdemeanor punishable by a fine of from $100 to $1,000, and
       the Interstate Commerce Commission is charged with the duty of
       enforcing the law.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907.
       Strike on roads west of Chicago averted
       by Federal Intermediation.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1907-1908.
       Limitation of State Authority in matters
       of Interstate Commerce.

       Serious collisions between Federal and State authority which
       occurred in 1907, in the States of Alabama, North Carolina,
       and Minnesota, on questions relating to interstate railways
       and their commerce, were cleared by important decisions of the
       Supreme Court of the United States, rendered in the spring of
       1908. The States in question had enacted laws which had the
       effect of intimidating railway companies and their agents from
       appealing to Federal courts, by the severity of the penalties
       they imposed. Suits undertaken in consequence against the
       State officials acting under these laws raised the question
       which was carried to the Federal Supreme Court. The bearing of
       the judgment rendered by that Court in the Minnesota case,
       Justice Harlan alone dissenting, is indicated by two passages
       from it, as follows:

       "The provisions of the acts relating to the enforcement of the
       rates, either for freight or passengers, by imposing such
       enormous fines and possible imprisonment as a result of an
       unsuccessful effort to test the validity of the laws
       themselves, are unconstitutional on their face, without regard
       to the question of the insufficiency of those rates."

       "If the act which the State Attorney-General seeks to enforce
       be a violation of the Federal Constitution, the officer in
       proceeding under such enactment comes into conflict with the
       superior authority of that Constitution, and he is in that
       case stripped of his official or representative character and
       is subjected in his person to the consequences of his
       individual conduct. The State has no power to impart to him
       any immunity from responsibility to the supreme authority of
       the United States."

    {557}

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908.
       Decision in Armour Packing Company Case.

       A decision by the United States Supreme Court in the case of
       the United States vs. the Armour Packing Company covered cases
       in which identical proceedings were pending against three
       other packing companies and the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy
       Railroad Company. The packing company had contracted with the
       railway company for a rate from the Mississippi to New York,
       to continue for seven months, soon after which the railway
       company filed, published, and posted a much higher rate,
       continuing, however, to give transportation to the packing
       company, on through bills of lading to foreign ports for the
       lower rate of the contract. The Supreme Court sustained the
       Circuit Court in deciding this to be in violation of the law
       against discrimination in rates, since that law, being in
       force when the contract was made, was necessarily "read into
       the contract" and "became part of it."

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Passage of Act relating to the Liability of Common Carriers
       by Railroad to their Employés in Certain Cases.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908 (November).
       Supreme Court Decision in Case of Virginia Railroads
       vs. the State Corporation Commission of Virginia.

       "Justice Holmes today [November 30, 1908] announced the
       decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case
       of the Virginia railroads versus the state corporation
       commission of Virginia, calling into question the order of the
       commission fixing a uniform rate of two cents a mile for
       carrying passengers in the state. The decision reversed the
       decision of the United States circuit court for the eastern
       division of Virginia on the technical ground that the
       railroads should have appealed from the commission’s order to
       the supreme court of Virginia before seeking the intervention
       of the federal courts. In effect the court directs that the
       railroad companies take their case to the state court of last
       resort and that in order to prevent injustices through the
       possible application of the statute of limitations, the case
       be retained on the docket of the United States circuit court,
       by which it was originally decided favorably to the roads."

          Washington Despatch to the Associated Press.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1908-1909.
       The Missouri River Rate Case.
       Permanent Injunction against
       the Interstate Commerce Commission.

       By an order made on the 24th of June, 1908, the Interstate
       Commerce Commission forbade the charging of a through rate on
       first class matter, by the railroads, from the Atlantic
       seaboard to the Missouri River ($1.47 per hundred pounds),
       which equalled the rate charged from the Atlantic to the
       Mississippi (87 cents) plus the rate from the Mississippi to
       the Missouri (60 cents). In other words, the Commission sought
       to impose a through rate to the Missouri which would be nine
       cents per hundred pounds less than the sum of the rates
       charged on two parts of the same distance. The western railway
       companies affected by the order applied to the United States
       Circuit Court, at Chicago, for a permanent injunction to
       restrain its enforcement. The injunction was granted on the
       24th of August, 1909, Judges Grosscup and Kohlsaat
       concurring in the decision, Judge Baker dissenting.

       "The question raised," said Judge Grosscup, in rendering the
       opinion, "in its larger aspects is not so much a question
       between the shippers and the railroads as between the
       commercial and manufacturing interests of Denver and of the
       territory east of the Mississippi River on the one side, and
       the commercial and manufacturing interests of the Missouri
       River cities on the other. …

       "We are not prepared to say the commission has not the power
       to enter upon a plan looking toward a system of rates wherein
       the rates for longer and shorter hauls will taper downward
       according to distance, providing such tapering is both
       comprehensively and symmetrically applied—applied with a
       design of carrying out what may be the economic fact, that, on
       the whole, it is worth something less per mile to carry
       freight long distances than shorter distances.

       "But it does not follow that power of that character includes
       power, by the use of differentials, to artificially divide the
       country into trade zones tributary to given trade and
       manufacturing centres, the commission in such cases having as
       a result to predetermine what the trade and manufacturing
       centres shall be; for such power, vaster than any one body of
       men has heretofore exercised, though wisely exerted in
       specific instances, would be putting into the hands of the
       commission the general power of life and death over every
       trade and manufacturing centre in the United States."

       In the dissenting opinion of Judge Baker he said: "The
       question is not whether a lawful power or authority has been
       shown to have been wrongly exercised, but whether there is any
       law at all for the power or authority claimed and exercised."
       He found the necessary law, and added: "If Congress cannot
       constitutionally make a general declaration that the rates
       shall be reasonable and not unjustly discriminatory and then
       trust an executive body to hear evidence and decide questions
       of fact respecting reasonableness and just discrimination, the
       power of Congress over rates would be worthless."

       In September it was announced that the Commission would appeal
       from the injunction to the Supreme Court.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909.
       The Seventh Transcontinental Line.

       The seventh transcontinental line of railway in America, the
       Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system, was announced as
       completed on the 1st of April, 1909. As its name indicates, it
       is an extension of the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system
       by a line fourteen hundred miles long from Mobridge, South
       Dakota, to Seattle and Tacoma, in the State of Washington.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909.
       Fines imposed on the New York Central Railroad Company.

       Fines aggregating $134,000, imposed on the New York Central
       Railway Company by the United States Circuit Court for the
       Southern District of New York for rebates granted to the
       American Sugar Refining Company in violation of law, were
       affirmed in February, 1909, by the Supreme Court of the United
       States, and were paid on the 12th of May.

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1909 (May-June).
       The Georgia Railroad Strike.

       See (in this Volume)
       RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    {558}

    RAILWAYS: A. D. 1910.
       Special Message of President Taft
       touching Interstate Commerce.

       The important Special Message addressed to Congress by
       President Taft on the 7th of January, 1910, recommending
       amendatory legislation on the two subjects of interstate
       commerce and the combinations called "trusts," opened with the
       following statement:

       "In the annual report of the Interstate Commerce Commission
       for the year 1908 attention is called to the fact that between
       July 1, 1908, and the close of that year sixteen suits had
       been begun to set aside orders of the commission (besides one
       commenced before that date), and that few orders of much
       consequence had been permitted to go without protest; that the
       questions presented by these various suits were fundamental,
       as the constitutionality of the act itself was in issue, and
       the right of Congress to delegate to any tribunal authority to
       establish an interstate rate was denied; but that perhaps the
       most serious practical question raised concerned the extent of
       the right of the courts to review the orders of the
       commission; and it was pointed out that if the contention of
       the carriers in this latter respect alone were sustained, but
       little progress had been made in the Hepburn act toward the
       effective regulation of interstate transportation charges. In
       twelve of the cases referred to, it was stated, preliminary
       injunctions were prayed for, being granted in six and refused
       in six.

       "‘It has from the first been well understood,’ says the
       commission, ‘that the success of the present act as a
       regulating measure depended largely upon the facility with
       which temporary injunctions could be obtained. If a railroad
       company, by mere allegation in its bill of complaint,
       supported by ex-parte affidavits, can overturn the results of
       days of patient investigation, no very satisfactory result can
       be expected. The railroad loses nothing by these proceedings,
       since if they fail it can only be required to establish the
       rate and to pay to shippers the difference between the higher
       rate collected and the rate which is finally held to be
       reasonable. In point of fact it usually profits, because it
       can seldom be required to return more than a fraction of the
       excess charges collected.’

       "In its report for the year 1909 the commission shows that of
       the seventeen cases referred to in its 1908 report, only one
       had been decided in the Supreme Court of the United States,
       although five other cases had been argued and submitted to
       that tribunal in October, 1909.

       "Of course, every carrier affected by an order of the
       commission has a constitutional right to appeal to a Federal
       Court to protect it from the enforcement of an order which it
       may show to be prima facie confiscatory or unjustly
       discriminatory in its effect; and as this application may be
       made to a court in any district of the United States, not only
       does delay result in the enforcement of the order, but great
       uncertainty is caused by contrariety of decision. The
       questions presented by these applications are too often
       technical in their character and require a knowledge of the
       business and the mastery of a great Volume of conflicting
       evidence which is tedious to examine and troublesome to
       comprehend. It would not be proper to attempt to deprive any
       corporation of the right to review by a court of any order or
       decree which, if undisturbed, would rob it of a reasonable
       return upon its investment or would subject it to burdens
       which would unjustly discriminate against it and in favor of
       other carriers similarly situated. What is, however, of
       supreme importance is that the decision of such questions
       shall be as speedy as the nature of the circumstances will
       admit, and that a uniformity of decision be secured so as to
       bring about an effective, systematic, and scientific
       enforcement of the commerce law, rather than conflicting
       decisions and uncertainty of final result.

       "For this purpose I recommend the establishment of a court of
       the United States composed of five judges designated for such
       purpose from among the circuit judges of the United States, to
       be known as the ‘United States Court of Commerce,’ which court
       shall be clothed with exclusive original jurisdiction over the
       following classes of cases:

       "(1.) All cases for the enforcement, otherwise than by
       adjudication and collection of a forfeiture or penalty, or by
       infliction of criminal punishment, of any order of the
       Interstate Commerce Commission other than for the payment of
       money.

       "(2.) All cases brought to enjoin, set aside, annul, or
       suspend any order or requirement of the Interstate Commerce
       Commission.

       "(3.) All such cases as under section 3 of the act of February
       19, 1903, known as the ‘Elkins Act,’ are authorized to be
       maintained in a circuit court of the United States.

       "(4.) All such mandamus proceedings as under the provisions of
       section 20 or section 23 of the Interstate Commerce law are
       authorized to be maintained in a circuit court of the United
       States.

       "Reasons precisely analogous to those which induced the
       Congress to create the Court of Customs Appeals by the
       provisions in the tariff act of August 5, 1909, may be urged
       in support of the creation of the Commerce Court."

       Further recommendations of the Message are summarized in the
       following:

       Pooling arrangements as to rates to be allowed under direct
       supervision of the commission.

       The commission to be empowered to pass upon freight
       classifications.

       The commission to be empowered to hold up new rates or
       classifications by railroads until an inquiry can be made as
       to their reasonableness. If found to be unreasonable, the
       commission may forbid the increase.

       Shippers to be given the choice of established routes on
       through freight.

       From and after the passage of the amendments, it is provided
       that no railroad shall acquire any stock or interest in a
       competing line, except that where a road already owns 50 per
       cent, or more of the stock of another road, it may complete
       the purchase of all the stock. Also in cases where one road is
       operating another under a lease of more than twenty-five
       years’ duration, it shall have a right to acquire the demised
       road. Allowing these acquisitions of stock does not exempt any
       road from prosecution under the Anti-Trust law.

       Stocks must be issued at par value for money paid in or for
       property or services, rates at full value, under an inquiry by
       the Federal authority, who shall supervise all stock and bond
       issues.

       ----------RAILWAYS: End--------

    RAISULI, The Moorish Brigand.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

    RALLIÉS.

       A political party in France said to be made from fragments
       from the former Bonapartists, Orleanists, and Boulangerists.

    RAMSAY, Sir William.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also,
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    RATE REGULATION, Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

    {559}

    RAYLEIGH, Lord.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    REBATE RESTRICTION, Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908,
          and 1903 (February).

    RECIPROCITY TREATY: United States and Newfoundland:
       The Hay-Bond Treaty.
       Its Amendment to Death by the United States Senate.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

    RECLAMATION OF ARID LANDS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    RED CROSS SOCIETY, The American National.

       By an Act of Congress passed in 1904, the American National
       Red Cross was incorporated under the laws of the District of
       Columbia and brought directly under Government supervision.
       Its charter provided that five members of its Board of
       Incorporators were to be chosen from the Departments of State,
       War, Navy, Treasury, and Justice. Its accounts were to be
       audited by the disbursing officer of the War Department. The
       entire support, however, aside from the income from a small
       endowment, comes from the dues of individual members and
       voluntary contributions. The election of Mr. Taft, then
       Secretary of War, as the first president of the reorganized
       Red Cross, emphasized its new relationship to the Federal
       Government and its new position as a body of really National
       scope. At the annual meeting of the Society in December, 1908,
       Mr. Taft, then President-elect of the United States, consented
       to be reelected to the presidency of the Red Cross
       organization in the United States.

       Throughout all the many calamities of the past decade, from
       earthquake, volcanic eruption, fire, flood, war, famine, and
       pestilence, the Red Cross Society has always been instant in
       readiness for effective humane service, from almost every
       civilized country of the world, and for any call to any
       quarter of the globe. In the United States it has lately
       undertaken a continuous and permanent service in connection
       with the anti-tuberculosis crusade.

    RED CROSS SOCIETY:
       In Japan, before and during the Russo-Japanese War.

       "The Red Cross Society of Japan is by no means merely a copy
       of the Red Cross societies of Europe, as its name would seem
       to indicate; for the idea of assisting the wounded soldiers
       and allaying the suffering caused by war arose spontaneously
       in Japan. …

       "In 1867, two years before the Restoration, when Japan was
       considered a savage country by the West, and when she
       possessed neither railways nor telegraphs, machinery, etc.,
       Count Sano, an enthusiastic humanitarian, was sent by the
       Shogun to the Exhibition in Paris, where he had the
       opportunity of studying the Red Cross societies of various
       countries. Again, in 1873, when this gentleman was ambassador
       in Vienna, he carefully observed the Red Cross Society, and
       especially its activity during the Franco-German War of 1870.
       When the Civil War of 1877 broke out in Japan, Count Sano was
       back in his native country, and he conceived the idea of
       forming a society after the model of the European Red Cross
       societies. The nobility of Japan received his ideas most
       favourably, and a society was founded which was called
       Hakuaisha (Benevolent Society). …

       "The Mikado countenanced the objects of the Society and
       assisted it in every way. From 1887 onward he gave it a yearly
       contribution of 5,000 yen, to which in 1888 a gift of 100,000
       yen was added. After the Chino-Japanese War, the Mikado’s
       yearly contribution was increased to 10,000 yen, in
       recognition of the progress which the Society had made and of
       the great assistance which it had given during that campaign.
       Besides this sum he contributes yearly 5,000 yen to the Red
       Cross Society for the patients, and from time to time makes
       generous gifts to the Society. The motto of the Japanese Red
       Cross Society is ‘Pay your debt to your country by helping its
       soldiers’; and this motto has quickly made the Society
       immensely popular throughout the country. …

       "The war with China of 1894-1895 demonstrated the excellence
       of the Japanese Red Cross Society, and proved at the same time
       its best advertisement, for at the end of 1895 there were more
       than 160,000 members. Since the Society had proved its immense
       practical utility, the number of its members rose by leaps and
       bounds, and at the end of 1898 there were 570,000 members, and
       the yearly receipts had reached 1,582,622 yen; at present it
       must count about 1,000,000 members, and must have an income of
       at least 3,000,000 yen, or about £300,000 per annum, a truly
       enormous sum for a country like Japan, where a yen goes about
       as far as ten shillings go in Great Britain. The latest
       available figures give the following record: Number of
       members, 920,000; funds in hand, £794,000; annual income,
       £231,000."

          O. Eltzbacher,
          The Red Gross Society of Japan
          (Contemporary Review, September, 1904).

    REDEMPTORISTS: Forbidden to teach in France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

    REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall:
       In Switzerland.

       According to a report on the subject made to the State
       Department at Washington, in June, 1902, by the United States
       Minister to Switzerland, the Honorable Arthur S. Hardy, down
       to that time, "since the referendum has been in force, 226
       Federal laws and resolutions have been enacted, of which 40
       were submitted to the people, 14 by the compulsory and 26 by
       the optional referendum. The people have exercised the
       initiative five times since its adoption in 1891, rejecting
       the measures proposed four out of five times."

    REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall:
       In the United States.

       "The first State to adopt a constitutional amendment providing
       for the initiative and referendum was South Dakota in 1898.
       Next came Utah (1900) with an amendment which is not
       self-executing, and the Legislature has not so far passed the
       necessary enabling act. Oregon followed in 1902, Montana in
       1906, and Oklahoma in 1907. South Dakota, Oregon, and Oklahoma
       have also extended the constitutional amendments so as to
       provide for the initiative and referendum in municipal
       corporations. Maine, Missouri, and North Dakota are soon to
       vote upon constitutional amendments embodying the initiative
       and referendum for State matters; and Maine proposes to extend
       this right to municipal corporations concerning their local
       affairs.

    {560}

       In 1907 Iowa and South Dakota each enacted a general law under
       which cities may, if they so choose, have charters embodying
       the general features of the ‘commission plan of government,’
       and acquire with them the right to have the initiative, the
       referendum, and the recall. In South Dakota the Constitution
       specifically gives to the people the right of the initiative
       and referendum, but in Iowa no mention thereof is made in the
       Constitution. The Supreme Court of Iowa, however, has held
       that the statute conferring the right upon cities of a certain
       class to adopt a commission plan of government which included
       the initiative, referendum, and recall was constitutional, as
       the State Constitution did not specifically forbid the
       granting of these rights. In Texas cities of a designated size
       can be incorporated by special act, and since Galveston
       obtained its new form of government several cities of Texas
       have been given charters by special acts, some embodying the
       initiative, referendum, and recall, others one or two of these
       rights, and some none of them or only in a modified form. The
       recall is the most recent of the three new measures of relief.
       Los Angeles in 1903 seems to have been the first city to have
       made the recall a part of its city charter. In 1905 San Diego,
       San Bernardino, Pasadena, and Fresno, California, followed. In
       1906 Seattle joined the list, and in 1907 there were added
       Everett, in Washington, and six other California cities—Santa
       Monica, Alameda, Long Beach, Vallejo, Riverside and San
       Francisco. No State has a constitutional provision for the
       recall."

          The Outlook,
          August 15, 1908.

       On the 25th of May, 1908, the Initiative and Referendum League
       of America addressed a memorial to Congress, asking for the
       passage of a Bill which had been introduced in the Senate
       (Senate Bill No. 7208), "For a modern system whereby the
       voters of the United States may instruct their National
       Representatives," and, further, for the passage of Senate
       Joint Resolution No. 94, "asking the States to establish the
       machinery for taking a referendum vote on national issues
       whenever Congress shall so direct."

    REGENERADORES.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    REGGIO:
       Its Destruction by Earthquake.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

    REGIE, The San Domingo.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1905.

    REGINA:
       Capital of the Province of Saskatchewan.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

    REID, George Houston:
       Premier of Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    REID, Sir Robert T.:
       Lord Chancellor of England.

          See (in this Volume)
          England: A. D. 1905-1906.

    REINSCH, Paul S.:
       Delegate to Third International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    RELIGIOUS FREEDOM:
       Its Limitations in Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA. A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST), and 1909 (JUNE).

    RELIGIOUS TEACHING, in State Supported Schools:
       The Controversy.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
          CANADA: A. D. 1905;
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 and 1906.

    RENAULT, Louis.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    RENNENKAMPF, General.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

    REPATRIATION OF THE BOERS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.

    REPUBLIC, The Rescue of the Steamship.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

    RESCHAD, Mohammed:
       Raised to the Turkish Throne.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    RESEARCH, Original.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

    RESOURCES, Conservation of Natural.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    REVAL, Disorders in.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    REVOLUTION, Persia.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA.

    REVOLUTION, Turkish.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    REYES, Rafael:
       President of Colombia.

          See (in this Volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1906-1909.

    RHODES, CECIL J.:
       His death.
       His continued Influence in South Africa.
       His Policy carried on by Dr. Jameson.

          See(in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    RHODES, CECIL J.:
       His Will, endowing Scholarships at Oxford for Students in the
       British Colonies and the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: RHODES SCHOLARSHIPS.

    RHODESIA: A. D. 1908.
       Report of the British South Africa Company.

       The annual report of the directors of the British South Africa
       Company, presented at a meeting of shareholders in London in
       February, 1909, contained the following statements:

       "During 1908 there has been a remarkable improvement in the
       circumstances of Rhodesia. This improvement has been evident
       in every department of trade and industry, and is reflected in
       the returns of administrative receipts, railways, mines and
       land. It was pointed out last year what an important effect
       even a slight increase in general prosperity would exercise
       upon the whole financial position, and the figures now
       available show that this view was correct. The administrative
       revenue of Southern Rhodesia during the year 1908-1909 will
       suffice to cover administrative expenditure without any call
       whatever upon the commercial income of the company; the
       shortages of the railway companies in respect of the same
       period will be less by £100,000 than in 1907-1908; during the
       year ending 31st March, 1910, large additional revenue will be
       derived from the carriage from the port of Beira of the
       materials and stores for the extension of the railway into the
       Congo territory. … The negotiations for the extension
       northwards of the Rhodesian Railway system have been brought
       to a successful conclusion. With the coöperation of the
       Tanganyika Concessions (Limited) a company has been formed
       called the Rhodesia-Kantanga Junction Railway and Mineral
       Company (Limited), which will construct a standard gauge line
       from the present terminus at Broken Hill to a point on the
       frontier of the Congo Free State; from the frontier to the
       Star of the Congo Mine the line will be constructed by the
       Couipaguie du Chemin de Fer du Kantanga. … On the completion
       of the first section to the frontier, Rhodesia will be
       traversed by a trunk line from south to north.

    {561}

       "The European population shows a net increase of over 1,100
       since the intermediate census, in September, 1907, when it
       numbered 14,018. An area of 1,169,305 acres of land has been
       settled and occupied during the past year. The output of gold
       has increased from £2,178,886 in 1907 to £2,526,037 in 1908.
       Imports have increased by about £100,000 during the past
       year."

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904.

    RIBEIRO, HINTZE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    RICHMOND, Virginia: A. D. 1907.
       Great Reunion of Confederate War Veterans.
       Unveiling of Monument to Jefferson Davis.

       A great gathering of the surviving veterans of the
       Confederacy, to the number of about 15,000, at Richmond, late
       in May and early in June, was brought about in connection with
       the unveiling of an impressive monument to Jefferson Davis. An
       equestrian statue of General J. E. B. Stuart was also unveiled
       on one of the days of the reunion.

    RIFF, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

    RIGA, Disorders in.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    RIKKEN SEIYU-KAI.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE).

    RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1903-1905.
       Eradication of Yellow Fever.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: YELLOW FEVER.

    RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1906.
       Third International Conference of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    RITCHIE, C. T.:
       Chancellor of the Exchequer in the British Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

    ROBERT, CHRISTOPHER R.:
       Benefactor of Robert College.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: TURKEY, &C.

    ROBERT COLLEGE:
       Its Influence in Turkey and the Balkan States.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: TURKEY, &C.

    ROBERTS, SIR FREDERICK SLEIGH ROBERTS, FIRST EARL:
       On the British Territorial Force and the need
       of Compulsory Military Training.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

    ROCHAMBEAU MONUMENT:
       The unveiling at Washington.
       Representatives of the families of Rochambeau and
       Lafayette invited Guests of the Nation.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY).

    ROCKEFELLER, John D.:
       Stupendous Endowment of the General Education Board.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1909.

    ROCKEFELLER, John D.:
       Gift for the eradication of the Hookworm Disease.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH: THE HOOKWORM DISEASE.

    ROCKEFELLER, John D., Jr.:
       Investing in a Concession in the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    ROCKHILL, W. W.:
       Minister to China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    ROENTGEN.

          See (in this Volume)
          RONTGEN.

    ROGHI, EL.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1909.

    ROJESVENSKY,
    ROZHDESTVENSKY, ADMIRAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

    ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH.

          See (in this Volume and Volume IV.)
          PAPACY.

    ROMAÑA, PRESIDENT EDUARDO DE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERU.

    ROME: A. D. 1903.
       General Strike of Workmen.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ITALY.

    ROME: A. D. 1908.
       Election of Ernesto Nathan to be Mayor.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1909.

    RONTGEN, Wilhelm Conrad:
       Recipient of Nobel Prize.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

       ----------ROOSEVELT, Theodore: Start--------

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Becomes President of the United States on
       the Assassination of President McKinley.

          See (in this Volume)
          BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       On the Federal Control of Corporations engaged in
       Interstate Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          Combinations, Industrial, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1903.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       On Railway Rate Regulation.

          SEE
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       His intermediation in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Message recounting the Circumstances of the Secession from
       Colombia and recognized Independence of Panama, and the Treaty
       with Panama for the Building of the Isthmian Canal.

          See (in this volume)
          PANAMA CANAL.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       On the Wrong done to the Chinese.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       On the Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at Chicago.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Elected President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER ).

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Mediation between Russia and Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Initial Invitation to the holding of the Second Peace
       Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Account of Visit to Porto Rico.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1906.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       On the Rendering of Aid to San Domingo.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       On the Progressive Taxation of Fortunes.

          See (in this Volume)
          WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Defense of Japanese Treaty Rights.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Recommends remission of part of Boxer Indemnity to China.

          See CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       On the Conservation of Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Appointment of Country Life Commission,
       and Message on its Report.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909 (AUGUST-FEBRUARY).

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       On the Japanese Question in California.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Recipient of Nobel Prize for Promotion of Peace.
       Its devotion to the Creation of a Foundation for
       the Promotion of Industrial Peace.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Veto of the Census Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

    {562}

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Renunciation of Third Term Candidacy.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (NOVEMBER).

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Progress of Civil Service Reform under his Administration.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       After leaving the White House.

       Shortly before the ending, March 4, 1909, of his second term
       in the Presidency of the United States, Mr. Roosevelt became
       connected, as "Contributing Editor," with The Outlook,
       and began the discussion of current topics in signed articles,
       published in that weekly magazine. For some time it had been
       known that Mr. Roosevelt intended, when released from office,
       to enjoy a long vacation in Central Africa, hunting wild game.
       His preparations were made before he left the White House, and
       on the 20th of March, to correct misunderstandings as to the
       recreation he contemplated, he published the following
       announcement in The Outlook:

       "I am about to go to Africa as the head of the Smithsonian
       expedition. It is a scientific expedition. We shall collect
       birds and mammals for the National Museum at Washington, and
       nothing will be shot unless for food, or for preservation as a
       specimen, or unless, of course, the animal is of a noxious
       kind. There will be no wanton destruction whatever.

       "I very earnestly hope that no representative of any newspaper
       or magazine will try to accompany me or to interview me during
       any portion of my trip. Until I actually get to the wilderness
       my trip will be precisely like any other conventional trip on
       a steamboat or railway. It will afford nothing to write about,
       and will afford no excuse or warrant for any one sending to
       any newspaper a line in reference thereto. After I reach the
       wilderness of course no one outside of my own party will be
       with me, and if any one pretends to be with me or pretends to
       write as to what I do, his statements should be accepted as on
       their face not merely false but ludicrous. Any statement
       purporting to have been made by me, or attributed to me, which
       may be sent to newspapers should be accepted as certainly
       false and as calling for no denial from me. So far as possible
       I shall avoid seeing any representative of the press, and
       shall not knowingly have any conversation on any subject
       whatever with any representative of the press beyond
       exchanging the ordinary civilities or courtesies. I am a
       private citizen, and I am entitled to enjoy the privacy that
       should be the private citizen’s right. My trip will have no
       public bearing of any kind or description. It is undertaken
       for the National Museum at Washington, and is simply a
       collecting trip for the Museum. It will be extremely
       distasteful to me and of no possible benefit to any human
       being to try to report or exploit the trip, or to send any one
       with me, or to have any one try to meet me or see me with a
       view to such reporting or exploitation. Let me repeat that
       while I am on steamer or railway there will be nothing
       whatever to report; that when I leave the railway for the
       wilderness no persons will have any knowledge which will
       enable them to report anything, and that any report is to be
       accepted as presumably false."
          THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

       The ex-President took steamer from New York on the 30th of
       March, and one of the journals which had been among the
       sharpest of his critics and opponents for years, the New York
       Times, had this to say of him that day:

       "There is no need to tell him that he will carry with him
       wherever he goes the abiding affection of nearly 80,000,000 of
       people. They who dislike Colonel Roosevelt, or think they do,
       scarcely count in the Census. Wherever he goes he will make
       friends among human beings, and impress everybody with a
       reasonably high yet easily appreciable ideal of the American
       citizen. Courage, energy, quick co-ordination of muscle and
       brain, persistent alertness, boundless sympathy, and good
       fellowship are characteristics of Colonel Roosevelt. Everybody
       likes such a man."

       Returning from his African expedition in the spring of 1910,
       the ex-President accepted invitations in Europe which took him
       to Naples, Rome, Vienna, Paris, Brussels, The Hague,
       Christiania, Berlin, London, and was received with
       extraordinary honors at every capital.

       ----------ROOSEVELT, Theodore: End--------

       ----------ROOT, ELIHU: Start--------

    ROOT, ELIHU:
       Secretary of War and Secretary of State.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

    ROOT, ELIHU:
       Correspondence relating to the establishment of the
       Republic of Cuba.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    ROOT, Elihu:
       On the Alaska Boundary Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

    ROOT, Elihu:
       Correspondence on American Fishing Rights on the
       Newfoundland Coast.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ROOT, Elihu:
       Visit to South American Republics, 1906.
       Address at the Third International Conference
       of American Republics in Rio de Janeiro.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    ROOT, Elihu:
       Speech in 1906 summarizing recent Governmental Action
       against Corporate Wrong-doers.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    ROOT, Elihu:
       Address to Central American Peace Conference at Washington.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

    ROOT, Elihu:
       At Peace Congress in New York.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    ROOT, Elihu:
       On the Japanese Question in California.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    ROOT, Elihu:
       Exchange of Notes with Japan, embodying a Declaration
       of Common Policy in the East.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    ROOT, Elihu:
       On National Duty in State Legislation.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

       ----------ROOT, ELIHU: End--------

    ROSE, URIAH M.:
       Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
       Opposition to Home Rule for Ireland.

          See (in this Volume)
          England: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
       On the State of Peace in Europe and the Preparations for War.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    ROSEBERY, ARCHIBALD F. PRIMROSE, EARL:
       To the House of Lords on the Budget of 1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1909 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    ROSEN, BARON ROMAN:
       Russian Ambassador at Washington and Plenipotentiary
       for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-JULY).

    ROSS, Dr. Ronald.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    {563}

    ROTA, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

    ROTATIVOS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    ROUMANIA: A. D. 1902.
       Oppression of the Jews.
       Remonstrance of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: ROUMANIA.

    ROUVIER, Maurice:
       Prime Minister of France.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ROUVIER, Maurice:
       Agreement with Germany for the Conference at Algeciras.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ROUVIER, Maurice:
       Fall of his Ministry.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    ROWE, Dr. L. S.:
       Delegate to Third International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    ROZHDESTVENSKY,
    ROJESVENSKY, ADMIRAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

    RUEF, ABRAHAM.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

    RUNCIMAN, Mr.:
       President of the English Board of Education.
       Statements.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.

       ----------RUSSIA: Start--------

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          [Other countries or regions]: A. D. 1870-1905.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1901 (July).
       Russianizing of the Finnish Army.
       Autocratic Violation of the Constitution of Finland.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1901.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
       Persistent Occupation of Manchuria, despite Treaty with China.
       Japanese Complaints and Demands.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901-1904,
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.
       The Disaffection among the Students of the Universities.
       Famine in Eastern Districts, and Industrial Depression
       in the Cities.
       Assassination of Sipiagin.
       Advent of Plehve to Power.
       Atrocities of his Administration.
       Witte, Minister of Finance.
       Assassination of Plehve.

       In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press in the spring
       of 1901, the record of events in Russia was brought down to
       March and April of that year. The revolutionary temper, then
       rapidly rising in heat throughout the Empire, found its most
       active manifestation among the students of the universities,
       whose outbreaks of disaffection were punished mercilessly, by
       Siberian exile, by draft into the army, or more summarily by
       the Cossacks’ knout. The Tsar, however, had seemed at last to
       recognize the special grievances of the students and to wish
       to have remedies found for them. To succeed M. Bogoliepoff,
       the late Minister of Instruction, whom a student had shot on
       the 27th of February, the Tsar appointed to that office a
       General Vannovsky, who was credited with having a clear and
       sympathetic understanding of the wrongs to the student body
       which provoked their disorderly conduct. It was believed, too,
       that full powers had been given to him for reforming the
       government of the universities. But, whatever may have been
       the excellence of disposition in General Vannovsky and in the
       Tsar, the projected reforms were so obstructed, in some
       manner, that the students became more and more openly
       revolutionary in their action, and the new minister resigned
       in the second year of his endeavors.

       A number of immediate causes of misery in the Empire were now
       added to the many causes which a despotic and corrupt
       government kept always in operation. Harvests in large parts
       of Eastern Russia had failed, bringing the horrors of famine
       on some 24,000,000 people. Simultaneously with this, an
       industrial crisis came, to close great numbers of factories
       and shops and to create a vast army of the unemployed. M.
       Witte, as Minister of Finance, had been extraordinarily
       skilful and successful in developing new industries in Russia;
       but had done so by measures of unnatural stimulation which had
       this unfortunate result. High tariffs for the protection of
       home manufactures from foreign competition, and the offer of
       attractive inducements to foreign capital, had brought about
       many investments which proved to be unprofitable, and the time
       had come, as happens always and everywhere in such cases, when
       the unsound structure of productive enterprise must collapse.
       Thus the country, having all of its industrial centers filled
       with suffering unemployed workmen and many of its rural
       districts filled with starving peasants, was a field most
       perfectly prepared for the seed of insurgent passion which
       countless agents were now busied in sowing.

       Students and workmen became associated in flagrant
       revolutionary demonstrations, flaunting the red flag of
       rebellion and singing seditious songs, at St. Petersburg,
       Moscow, Kieff, Kharkoff, Odessa, and other cities, fighting
       vain battles with savage Cossacks and police. To excite the
       peasantry to action, a forged ukase was circulated among them,
       in the districts of Poltava and Kharkoff, announcing that the
       land, held wrongly by the nobles, had been restored to them by
       the Tsar; that they could take possession of it, and, with it,
       the present contents of granaries and barns. They proceeded
       accordingly to strip many estates (see below, Russia: A. D.
       1902), and suffered piteously from the soldiery that came in
       haste to stop their deluded work. It was at this time that M.
       Witte set on foot an extensive inquiry into agricultural
       conditions, the important political outcome of which will be
       spoken of later on.

       On the 15th of April, 1902, the Minister of the Interior, M.
       Sipiagin, was killed by a student named Belmatcheff. This
       murderous exploit of the revolutionary terrorists brought a
       man into power who gave Russia an experience in the next two
       years, of heartlessness and foulness in despotism which
       surpassed all that it had known before.

    {564}

       "Sipiagin, when Minister of the Interior, had already brought
       matters so far by his reactionary policy of violence that the
       news of his assassination at the hands of Belmatcheff was
       received with unmixed joy in all classes of Russian society.
       But the fullest proof of the irreconcilableness of autocracy
       with things like improvement and progress was furnished by the
       successor of Sipiagin, Von Plehve, who soon proved himself to
       be the complete personification of all evil, heartlessness,
       and corruption. … The attention of the highest circles was
       drawn to his person when, after the assassination of Alexander
       II., he conducted the prosecution at the arraignment of the
       participators in the deed. Later, on being appointed State
       Secretary, he was able, by his persistent zeal in the service
       of the reaction, to place himself on a good footing with those
       in power, particularly with the Procurator of the Holy Synod,
       Pobiedonostseff, who, when the policy of destroying the
       Finnish constitution was determined upon, found a good tool in
       Von Plehve. In the anti-Finn coup d’état he played a
       considerable part, particularly as member of the secret
       committee which drafted the plan for the Russification of the
       Finnish Grand Duchy, and drew up the manifesto; while, still
       later, as Secretary for Finland, together with the then
       Governor-General Bobrikoff, he conducted and carried out the
       well-known policy of suppression.

       "As Minister of the Interior, Von Plehve lost no time in
       showing what policy he intended to follow, as he declared the
       general dissatisfaction in Russia to be solely the result of
       the conspiracy and machinations of a handful of evil disposed
       persons, who could easily be rendered incapable of harm if
       only the police were sufficiently strengthened and received
       extensive powers. … The Minister came into conflict, shortly
       after his appointment, with a number of his colleagues,
       especially with the Finance Minister, De Witte, who had
       previously been practically omnipotent, and with the Minister
       of Justice, Muravieff. The difference with the latter hinged
       on the question of the treatment of 'political criminals,' the
       trials of whom Von Plehve wished to allocate to a special
       court-martial, the proceedings being conducted with closed
       doors, whilst the Minister of Justice required a public trial
       before the ordinary courts. The Tsar, as usual, followed the
       most reactionary counsel. … Of deeper significance and more
       far-reaching effects was the conflict with the Finance
       Minister, who, indeed was far more menacing to Von Plehve’s
       exalted position. Without being imbued with really liberal
       views, but being possessed of intelligence and a clear view as
       regards all social phenomena, De Witte, doubtless one of the
       most able statesmen Russia has possessed in recent times,
       recognized that, if matters in the Empire continued much
       longer in the same way, a catastrophe was unavoidable. …

       "De Witte obtained the consent of the Tsar to the formation of
       committees, in the different parts of the country, consisting
       of representatives of agriculture, and including both large
       estate owners and men of the people, to whom was allotted the
       task of declaring their views as to the cause of the decline
       of Russian agriculture, and of indicating steps for the
       improvement of agricultural conditions. De Witte himself urged
       the committees to express themselves freely and openly as to
       the causes of the prevailing misery, and as to the means of
       remedying it. But in all probability he hardly expected that
       these utterances would go so far in their openness as they
       really did. Quite a number of committees were perspicacious
       enough to deal not merely with the economical, but likewise
       with the general political position, though recognising that
       the former was very closely connected with the latter. In this
       way the ice was broken. One committee after the other
       criticised the existing system of government with astonishing
       boldness, and required an unconditional and radical change
       therein. … it was the representatives of the zemtsvo
       assemblies who played the chief part in the agricultural
       committees, and consequently hopes began to be cherished more
       or less everywhere that these assemblies would now receive
       amplified rights, and that in this way the basis would be laid
       for the future and for the constitution dreamt of by all. Such
       hopes were, however, not to the taste of Von Plehve, the new
       Minister of the Interior. … Finally they [the committees] were
       dissolved, without having achieved any other result than a
       number of reports which had been drawn up by them, and which
       ended by being pigeon-holed in one record office or the other.
       Von Plehve had conquered the Finance Minister. But his success
       was a Pyrrhic victory. At one stroke he converted a large
       number of liberal friends of reform into radical adherents of
       the emancipation movement, while to all others who had
       followed the proceedings of the agricultural committees with
       interest and expectancy he brought home a clear apprehension
       of the fact that a régime, under which the will or the whim of
       an irresponsible official could bring to naught plans having
       for their object the amendment of the conditions of life of
       many millions of people, could never contribute to the
       promotion of national development. Similar fruits were borne
       by Von Plehve’s policy in many other directions. …

       "Never have the police been so numerous or so powerful as
       under Von Plehve’s regime; never were such trifling causes
       sufficient to deprive both sexes of citizens of their liberty,
       to expose them to ill-treatment, and to send them into exile.
       But never, on the other hand, have such means proved to be
       more powerless. … The so-called ‘Organisation of the
       Struggle,’ the same that had slain the previous Minister of
       the Interior, Sipiagin, also sentenced to death the Governor
       of Ulfa, Bogdanovitch. … At last Von Plehve, too, was
       overtaken by his fate. On the 28th of July, 1904, a member of
       the ‘Organisation of the Struggle’ threw a bomb into the
       carriage of the Minister as he was driving towards the Warsaw
       railway station in St. Petersburg, on his way to an audience
       with the Tsar. He was killed instantaneously; while the
       assassin, Sasonov, and a second terrorist, Sickocki, who had
       lent him assistance, were arrested and condemned to twenty and
       eleven years respectively of penal servitude."

          K. Zilliacus,
          The Russian Revolutionary Movement,
          chapter 16 (New York, Dutton and Company).

    {565}

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
       The Political Awakening of the Common People.
       Ideas of the Stundists.
       Peasants taking Possession of the Granaries.
       Floggings and Butcheries in Progress.

       "The discontented crowds are unarmed, their only weapons are,
       so far, shouts, banners and martyrdom for Liberty, while the
       auto-bureaucratic regime meets these with the infliction of
       wounds and death. Still there are features in this uneven
       struggle which are of very ill-omen for auto-bureaucracy. Such
       is, in the first place, the hearty compact between the factory
       workers and the masses of the towns on the one hand, and the
       forward elements of the classes, mainly represented by
       students of the different higher educational institutions, on
       the other. Secondly, there is the persistency with which the
       cries ‘Down with Autocracy!’ ‘Long live Liberty,’ are now
       resounding throughout the Empire of the Tzars. The shooters
       are invariably beaten down, even shot down, as we shall see
       later on; but the cry is raised again and again. Revolutions
       are, unfortunately, not accomplished by shouts alone; but does
       not the Tzar’s Government take all possible pains to teach the
       population this simple truth? …

       "Merciless wholesale flogging goes on in the Poltava province.
       Rifles have also been used; and a number of women and children
       have been wounded and several peasants shot dead. One of the
       bodies had fourteen bullets in it. In the Kharkov province
       ‘peace and order’ has been enforced with a still greater
       ‘respect to uniform and arms.’ The soldiers themselves state
       that the number of blows doled out with the bundles of birch
       to the peasants amounted at times to 250 per person. When
       fleeing from the torture eight peasants hit on a patrol. The
       commanding officer being drunk ordered ‘fire!’ and all the
       eight unarmed and helpless victims fell dead!

       "But do these ‘energetic measures’ produce the desired effect?
       In the village of Kourlak, Province of Voronezh, the same
       merciless flogging was to be administered to all its
       inhabitants. When the thirty-seventh peasant received his
       portion of the torture, the villagers, after consultation,
       declared that they submitted. But they collected carefully
       all the birch-bundles which served for the execution.
       ‘ They will be of use to us,’ said the peasants, ‘when
       we shall flog you!’ All the official
       explanations given them by the authorities on this occasion
       led them to the conclusion that the administration
       acknowledged the righteousness of their claims on the land,
       and flogged them only for using wrong means for its
       recovery;—that therefore they would soon have the upper hand
       over the officials and landlords, and would then flog them in
       their turn.

       "Nor does the movement in the Poltava Province (see above,
       Russia. A. D. 1901-1904) show any sign of abatement. According
       to the latest private information, which dates from the last
       day of April, the peasant movement there does not at all bear
       the character of devastation; although the landlords are
       undoubtedly ruined by the quiet doings of the villagers. There
       is no pillaging. The peasants, headed by their elective
       elders, open the granaries of the landlords and distribute the
       grain among themselves according to the needs of each family
       (the well-to-do receiving nothing), while the remaining grain,
       if any, is transferred to the communal stores. Part of this
       appropriated grain has already been used by the peasants for
       sowing their own fields, as well as those they have
       appropriated from the gentry. As soon as the troops are
       marched into the rebellious locality, they take possession
       of the appropriated grain still remaining in the communal
       granaries, and return it to its former owners. But as soon as
       the soldiery, after wholesale flogging of the peasantry, leave
       the locality, the peasants again take possession of the
       landlords’ grain. The prison at Poltava is crammed with
       peasants and students, and yet clandestine manifestoes are
       published with the regularity of the local official paper, and
       are distributed even among the soldiery. …

       "The present peasant movement is not confined to the three
       provinces already mentioned. In these it originated simply on
       the ground of starvation, and similar events are reported from
       the provinces of Koursk, Ekaterinoslav and Podolia; also in
       those of Tomsk, Tobolsk, etc., in distant Siberia, where
       governmental grain stores suffered the fate of the landlords’
       granaries in Europe. But the tension of the peasants’ spirit,
       their utter distrust of the present Government, and their
       readiness to take justice into their own hands may be said to
       be universal throughout the Empire.

       "At the beginning of the Social Democratic movement in Russia
       no hopes of the Russian peasant were cherished by its leaders.
       But powerful agrarian organisations have since sprung up."

          Felix Volkhovsky,
          The Russian Awakening
          (Contemporary Review, June, 1902).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.
       Russo-Chinese Treaty concerning Tibet.

          See (in this Volume)
          TIBET: A. D. 1902.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (April).
       The Massacre of Jews at Kishineff.

       The British Vice-Consul at Odessa, Mr. Bosanquet, visited
       Kishineff in July, to learn the facts of the barbarous attack
       on the Jewish population of that town, which had been made by
       a mob in the previous April. The following particulars are
       taken from his official report, published soon afterward as a
       Parliamentary Paper:

       "The riots began on Easter Sunday (O. S.), (the 19th April, N.
       S.), in the afternoon, in the eastern extremity of the town …
       and on that day were confined to the ordinary acts of a
       turbulent crowd—e. g., the smashing of windows and
       door-panels in Jewish houses. The area of Sunday’s disturbance
       was comparatively small." Early the next morning they began
       afresh in the same quarter, and spread to other parts of the
       town. "They were directed entirely against the Jews." "Monday
       was the day when the worst crimes were committed, and these
       were perpetrated by bands of rioters in different parts of the
       town. Many people believe the riots to be the work of
       organized companies."

       "Besides the murders committed, the interiors of houses were
       utterly dismantled, pillows ripped up, Jewish Scriptures torn,
       floors destroyed, and furniture thrown into the street; while
       at an early stage wine was broached, that which was not drunk
       pouring into the street. The local authorities took no
       effective step to stop the riots, which continued unabated
       till 4 P. M., or later, the soldiers meanwhile being passive,
       if not sympathetic, spectators, and the police contenting
       themselves with the arrest of minor criminals; then the
       Governor, who had remained at home giving orders by telephone,
       which were disregarded, at length ventured to sign the
       necessary order for the troops to be employed.
    {566}
       The only case I heard of in which the latter used their
       weapons occurred shortly after the issue of the Governor’s
       order, when a Christian boy, pursuing a Jew with a stone, and
       refusing to desist, was knocked down and bayoneted by
       soldiers. An eye-witness of the scene related the facts to me.
       This boy (with one doubtful exception) was the only Christian
       killed in the disturbances. If resolute action had been taken
       by the authorities, it is believed that the riots could have
       been checked at an early stage. The more usual opinion seems
       to be that all the murders occurred on Monday. It is certain
       that none were perpetrated on Sunday, and very doubtful
       whether any took place after the order to employ the troops
       had come into effect. The disorders did not entirely cease, as
       next day (21st April) houses in the outskirts were pillaged;
       but, roughly speaking, the riots may be said to have ended on
       Monday. Some students are said to have taken part in the
       riots."

       "Apparently a feeling existed among the lower classes that the
       Jews ought not to be in a majority at Kishineff. The fact is
       that they form about 50 per cent. of the population, which
       amounts to some 115,000 inhabitants, the other half consisting
       two-thirds of Moldavians, and after them of Russians, Greeks,
       Armenians, Poles, Germans, &c."

       The victims of these melancholy occurrences are officially
       estimated at 41 Jews killed, or who died subsequently of
       wounds, 3 severely, and 300 slightly, wounded. Among the
       killed was one child accidentality suffocated by its mother. The
       deaths are placed by another (Jewish) authority at 43,
       including 2 young children, and by some even as high as 47,
       but this figure seems to include persons who died from shock,
       and not directly from violence. The official estimate of
       deaths is identical with the figure communicated to me at the
       Jewish hospital.

       "Three hundred and eight persons have already been convicted
       of thefts and other minor offenses [in connection with the
       riots], and have been sentenced to terms of imprisonment
       ranging from one week to three months. … The accused still
       awaiting trial number 360. … Of the above prisoners 260 are
       accused of participation in the riots without actual violence
       and are out on bail in sums ranging from 200 to 300 roubles.
       Those in this category who are found guilty will be sentenced
       to imprisonment without hard labour in the Maison
       Correctionnelle, where the discipline is more severe than in
       prison. The remaining 100 are charged with murder in addition
       to other crimes, and those found guilty will be transported to
       undergo penal servitude in the Island of Sakhalin."

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1903 (May-October).
       Intrigues against Opening Ports in Manchuria to Foreign Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1903 (May-October).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Concert with Austria-Hungary in submitting the Mürzsteg
       Programme of Reform in Macedonia to Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1904 (February-July).
       Opening of the War with Japan.
       Battles at the Yalu.
       First operations in Manchuria.
       First movements against Port Arthur.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1904 (July-September).
       War with Japan:
       Japanese Success in Manchuria.
       The great battle of Liao-Yang.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Reforming attempts of Prince Mirsky.
       Meeting of Zemstvo presidents.
       The Revolutionary Workman.
       Father Gapon.
       The Appeal to the Tsar.
       The answering Massacre of "Bloody Sunday."
       Assassination of Grand Duke Sergius.
       Witte’s practical premiership.
       The Call of the First Duma.
       The General Strike on the Railways.
       The Great General Strike.
       The Ukase of October 30, called the Constitution of Russia.
       Beginning of Reaction.
       The Postal Strike.
       Fatal Rising at Moscow.

       The hated Plehve was succeeded by Prince Svyatopolk Mirsky, a
       broad-minded statesman, who began earnest efforts to set the
       government on a different course. One of the first measures of
       the prince was to win authority from the Tsar for a meeting of
       the presidents of the zemstvos, or provincial councils, which
       are bodies of a considerably representative character,
       exercising a limited power in their rural districts over
       matters of sanitation, public roads, and common schools.
       Ostensibly, the meeting was to concert measures of relief for
       the wounded in the war with Japan; but everybody knew that
       political questions could not escape discussion if such a
       meeting was held.

       All the interests that uphold autocracy, aristocracy, and
       bureaucracy in Russia were quick to scent danger, and had no
       difficulty in persuading the weak-willed sovereign to recall
       his consent to the meeting. In his feeble, half-way manner of
       doing things, he forbade it as a public assembly, but allowed
       its members to meet unofficially and privately, in November,
       with no publication of their discussions or acts. They adopted
       resolutions setting forth a bold demand for a representation
       of the people in their government, and these were laid before
       the Tsar. He gave a public reply to them on the 26th of
       December, ignoring the demand for representative institutions,
       declaring that the government must remain autocratic, but
       making vague promises of reform in the laws, with especial
       assurances of liberty to the press and in religion; but
       everything granted must flow by gracious favor from the
       autocracy, through the channels of the bureaucracy, where it
       could not by any possibility run true and clear. The words of
       the Tsar, vague as they were, produced some encouragement, and
       a feeling of trust in his good intentions; but the effect was
       soon destroyed.

       It was at about this time that Prince Trubetskoi, in authority
       at Moscow, addressed a letter to Prince Mirsky, from which the
       following was published in translation soon after:

       "Through this letter I wish to explain myself to you, and ask
       you not to refuse me the privilege of representing to the
       Emperor, most humbly, the motives which prompted me to give
       the zemstvo permission to assert itself. According to public
       opinion, in which I concur unreservedly, Russia is, at
       present, facing an epoch of anarchy and revolutionary
       movement. What is going on is, by far, no mere agitation by
       the youth. The youth stands forth only as a reflection of the
       general state prevailing in society. This state is most
       dangerous and terrible for our entire country, as well as for
       all of us, and particularly so for the holy person of the
       Emperor. It is, therefore, the duty of every truly loyal
       subject to ward off the disastrous calamity with any and all
       means at his disposal.
    {567}
       A short time ago, I had the good fortune to be received by the
       Emperor, and to tell him, straightforwardly and truly, to the
       best of my effort and knowledge, about the present state of
       society. I endeavored to explain to him that what is going on
       is not a riot, but a revolution; that the Russian people is
       thus being drawn into a revolution, which it does not desire,
       and which can be forestalled by the Emperor. Yet there is but
       one way out of it, just one, and that is by the Emperor
       placing confidence in the strength of society and of the
       masses. In the depths of my soul I am firmly convinced that if
       the Emperor only wanted to confidently group these powers
       around himself, Russia would free itself from all the terrors
       of the impending disturbance, and would support its Czar, his
       will, and his absolute sovereignty. In view of the state of
       mind of all the people, who are filled with fear and horror
       over the things referred to above, it is really beyond human
       power to refuse them to speak about that which is vexing and
       tormenting everybody so fearfully."

       "The opening of the next year (1905) was marked by the
       appearance of a new element in revolution. Certainly, there
       had been strikes and riots in the great cities before; there
       had been peasant risings and other forms of economic agitation
       in various parts. But as a whole the revolutionary movement as
       such had been inspired, directed, and even carried out by the
       educated classes—the students, the journalists, the doctors,
       barristers, and other professional men. It had been almost
       limited to that great division of society which in Russia is
       called ‘The Intelligence.’ … It was ‘the Intelligence’ who
       hitherto had fought for the revolution. … At length the
       first-fruits of their toilsome propaganda, continued through
       forty years, were seen, and the revolutionary workman
       appeared.

       "He was ushered in by Father George Gapon, at that time a
       rather simple-hearted priest, with a rather childlike faith in
       God and the Tsar, and a certain genius for organization. His
       personal hold upon the working classes was probably due to
       their astonishment that a priest should take any interest in
       their affairs, outside their fees. … Father Gapon, with his
       thin line of genius for organization, had gathered the
       workmen’s groups or trade unions of St. Petersburg into a
       fairly compact body, called ‘The Russian Workmen’s Union,’ of
       which he was President as well as founder. In the third week
       in January the men at the Putiloff iron works struck because
       two of their number had been dismissed for belonging to their
       union. At once the Neva iron and ship-building works, the
       Petroffsky cotton works, the Alexander engine works, the
       Thornton cloth works, and other great factories on the banks
       of the river or upon the industrial islands joined in the
       strike, and in two days some 100,000 work-people were ‘out.’

       "With his rather childlike faith in God and the Tsar, Father
       Gapon organized a dutiful appeal of the Russian workmen to the
       tender-hearted autocrat whose benevolence was only thwarted by
       evil counsellors and his ignorance of the truth. The petition
       ran, in part, as follows:—

       "‘We workmen come to you for truth and protection. We have
       reached the extreme limits of endurance. We have been
       exploited, and shall continue to be exploited under your
       bureaucracy. The bureaucracy has brought the country to the
       verge of ruin and by a shameful war is bringing it to its
       downfall. We have no voice in the heavy burdens imposed on us.
       We do not even know for whom or why this money is wrung from
       the impoverished people, and we do not know how it is
       expended. This is contrary to the Divine laws, and renders
       life impossible. It is better that we should all perish, we
       workmen and all Russia. Then good luck to the capitalists and
       exploiters of the poor, the corrupt officials and robbers of
       the Russian people!

       "‘Throw down the wall that separates you from your people.
       Russia is too great and her needs are too various for
       officials to rule. National representation is essential, for
       the people alone know their own needs. Direct that elections
       for a constituent assembly be held by general secret ballot.
       That is our chief petition. Everything is contained in that.
       If you do not reply to our prayer, we will die in this square
       before your palace. We have nowhere else to go. Only two paths
       are open to us—to liberty and happiness or to the grave.
       Should our lives serve as the offering of suffering Russia, we
       shall not regret the sacrifice, but endure it willingly.’

       "On the morning of Sunday, January 22, 1905, about 15,000
       working men and women formed into a procession to carry this
       petition to the Tsar in his Winter Palace upon the great
       square of government buildings. They were all in their Sunday
       clothes; many peasants had come up from the country in their
       best embroideries; they took their children with them. In
       front marched Father Gapon and two other priests wearing
       vestments. With them went the ikons, or holy pictures of
       shining brass and silver, and a portrait of the Tsar. As the
       procession moved along, they sang, ‘God save our people. God
       give our orthodox Tsar the victory.’

       "So the Russian workmen made their last appeal to the autocrat
       whom they called their father. They would lay their griefs
       before him, they would see him face to face, they would hear
       his comforting words. But the father of his people had
       disappeared into space. As the procession entered the square,
       the soldiers fired volley after volley upon them from three
       sides. The estimate of the killed and wounded was about 1500.
       That Sunday—January 9th in Russian style—is known as Bloody
       Sunday or Vladimir’s Day, after the Grand Duke Vladimir who
       was supposed to have given the orders. Next morning Father
       Gapon wrote to his Union: ‘There is no Tsar now. Innocent
       blood has flowed between him and the people.’"

          Henry W. Nevinson,
          The Dawn in Russia, Introduction.
          (Harper’s, New York).

       If the atrocity of the 9th of January was intended to
       terrorize and paralyze the opposition to absolutism it failed.
       It maddened the more violent revolutionists, and increasingly
       desperate enterprises of assassination were provoked. The
       provocation was made greater by the appointment of Trepoff,
       notorious for brutality of temper, to a newly created office,
       of Governor-General of St. Petersburg. On the 17th of February
       the Grand Duke Sergius, uncle to the Tsar, Governor-General of
       Moscow, and conspicuously heartless and foul in his exercise
       of power, was assassinated as he drove through the streets.
       Strikes and riotous outbreaks were of constant occurrence in
       the industrial cities, especially violent in Warsaw, Lodz, and
       other Polish towns.

    {568}

       The Tsar issued a piteous manifesto on the 3d of March,
       appealing for a "rally round the throne" by all "who, true to
       Russia’s past, honestly and conscientiously have a care for
       all the affairs of the state such as we have ourselves." On
       the same day he published a rescript in which he said: "I am
       resolved henceforth, with the help of God, to convene the
       worthiest men, possessing the confidence of the people and
       elected by them, to participate in the elaboration and
       consideration of legislative measures." But, even if this
       expressed the personal disposition of the weak-willed
       sovereign, it promised nothing to correspond to it in the
       action of government; as was shown by the promotion of Trepoff
       to be Assistant-Minister of the Interior and Chief of Police.
       Prince Mirsky, baffled in his undertakings and hopeless of
       good from his service, had resigned the Ministry of the
       Interior, and his successor, M. Buliguine, held the office but
       a short time. M. Serguei Yulievitch Witte, former Minister of
       Finance, and latterly President of the Imperial Ministers, now
       acquired a substantial premiership in the administration,
       which does not seem to have belonged to his office before.
       Nothing of satisfaction came from the December promises of
       reformed law. Bureaucratic commissions were understood to be
       working on measures to make good the Tsar’s word, but months
       passed with no result. There were fitful relaxations of the
       censorship of the press, so capricious that no editor could
       know what he might and might not say.

       In April, religious liberty was proclaimed, with special
       rights and privileges reserved to the Russian orthodox church.
       M. Witte had advocated a separation of the church from the
       state; but that was beyond hope. There must, however, have
       been an important weakening of church influence in the
       government, since the long despotic procurator-general of the
       Holy Synod, M. Pobiedonostzeff, resigned before the close of
       the year.

       Early in the summer the heads of provincial zemstvos held
       another meeting, and discussed the popular demand for a
       constitutional and representative government without
       restraint. Then the Czar gave them a friendly audience, and
       declared to them that "the admission of elected
       representatives to works of state will be regularly
       accomplished"; but this was followed speedily by an official
       explanation that his majesty’s remarks must not be understood
       as containing "any indication of the possibility of modifying
       the fundamental law of the empire." This was to check an eager
       leaping of the public mind to high hopes.

       On the 19th of August the long wavering imperial mind seemed
       brought to a definite intention at last, in a proclamation
       which summoned a national assembly, or duma, to meet "not
       later than the middle of January, 1906."

       "The Empire of Russia," said the Tsar in his preamble, "is
       formed and strengthened by the indestructible solidarity of
       the Tsar with the people and the people with the Tsar. The
       concord and union of the people and the Tsar are a great moral
       force, which has created Russia in the course of centuries by
       protecting her from all misfortunes and all attacks, and has
       constituted up to the present time a pledge of unity,
       independence, integrity, material well-being, and intellectual
       development. Autocratic Tsars, our ancestors, constantly had
       that object in view, and the time has come to follow out their
       good intentions, and to summon elected representatives from
       the whole of Russia to take a constant and active part in the
       elaboration of laws, attaching for this purpose to the higher
       state institutions a special consultative body, entrusted with
       the preliminary elaboration and discussion of measures, and
       with the examination of the state budget. It is for this
       reason that, while preserving the fundamental law regarding
       autocratic power, we have deemed it well to form a State Duma,
       and to approve regulations for the elections to this Duma."

       By the terms of the call it will be seen, "the fundamental law
       regarding autocratic power" was preserved with care. And, said
       the proclamation, "we reserve to ourselves entirely the care
       of perfecting the organization of the duma." It was to have no
       power to initiate legislation, but only to discuss and pass
       judgment upon measures brought before it by the ministers of
       the Tsar, who thus held fast to the substance of his
       autocratic power.

       The Duma was to consist of 412 members, representing 50
       governments and the military province of the Don, and only 28
       members representing towns. It was to be elected for five
       years, unless dissolved sooner by the Tsar. Its meetings were
       to be secret, except as the president, in his discretion,
       might admit the reporters of the Press.

       The limited functions proposed for the Duma, and the
       indefinite prescription of procedure in its election, left not
       much in the Tsar’s project of a national assembly to satisfy
       the nation. In September a large meeting of representatives of
       the zemstvos, from all parts of the Empire, was held privately
       at Moscow, and it was there agreed that they should exert
       themselves to secure as many seats in the coming Duma as
       possible, with a view to making it instrumental in the
       movement for something better. The ultimate aim of present
       endeavor was defined in a programme which included: a
       representative national legislature; a systematic budget
       system; freedom of conscience, speech, press, meeting and
       association; inviolability of person and home; equal rights of
       all citizens; equal responsibility of all officials and
       citizens under the law; the abolition of passports.

       In October, on the 21st, the workingmen organized their first
       great general strike, on the railways, which paralyzed travel
       and traffic, except as the government could operate some
       military trains. The strikers made bold demands, presented to
       Witte on the 24th: "The claims of the working classes," they
       said, "must be settled by laws constituted by the will of the
       people and sanctioned by all Russia. The only solution is to
       announce political guarantees for freedom and the convocation
       of a Constituent Assembly, elected by direct, universal and
       secret suffrage. Otherwise the country will be forced into
       rebellion." Witte replied: "A Constituent Assembly is for the
       present impossible.
    {569}
       Universal suffrage would, in fact, only give preëminence to
       the richest classes, because they could influence all the
       voting by their money. Liberty of the press and of public
       meeting will be granted very shortly. I am myself strongly
       opposed to all persecution and bloodshed, and I am willing to
       support the greatest amount of liberty possible. … But there
       is not in the entire world a single cultivated man who is in
       favor of universal suffrage." Two days after receiving this
       reply the Council of Labor Delegates, or "Strike Committee,"
       declared a general strike of workmen throughout Russia, and
       about a million workingmen are said to have taken the risk of
       starvation by dropping work.

       No doubt it was that evidence of determination in the
       revolutionary spirit of the country which drew from the Tsar,
       on the 30th of October, the famous ukase which was
       characterized hastily at the time as "the Magna Charta of
       Russia," "the surrender of autocracy," the founding of
       constitutional government. In reality, the document was no
       more than an injunction to the ministers of the autocrat to
       carry out his "absolute will" in certain matters, most of
       which were set forth with characteristic vagueness of terms.
       The following is a translation of the entire manifesto, as
       communicated to the Government of the United States from its
       embassy at St. Petersburg:

       By the grace of God we, Nicholas Second, Emperor and Autocrat
       of all the Russias, Tsar of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland,
       etc.

       The rioting and agitation in the capitals and in many
       localities of our Empire has filled our heart with great and
       deep affliction. The welfare of the Russian Emperor is united
       with the welfare of the people, and its troubles are his
       troubles. The agitation which has broken out may bring
       confusion among the people and threaten the entirety and unity
       of our Empire.

       The solemn vow of the imperial service commands us, with all
       the strength of intelligence and of our power, to endeavor to
       stop as quickly as possible agitations so dangerous to the
       Empire. In ordering the competent authorities to take measures
       to avert the disorders, the troubles, and violence, and to
       guard peaceful people who are eager to fulfill quietly the
       duties placed upon them, we have found it necessary, in order
       to insure the proper execution of the general measures marked
       out by us, to unify the action of the supreme government.

       We lay upon the government the fulfillment of our absolute
       will:

       1. To grant to the population the inviolable basis of free
       citizenship, on the ground of actual inviolable personality,
       freedom of conscience, speech, meeting, and unions;

       2. Without stopping the intended elections for the State Duma,
       to include now in the participation of the Duma as far as
       possible, in view of the corresponding short term which
       remains before the convocation of the Duma, those classes of
       the population which up to now were entirely deprived of the
       right to vote and to allow in future the further development
       of the element of a general right of election which is to be
       established by new legislation; and

       3. To establish as an inviolable rule that no law shall take
       effect without its confirmation by the State Duma and that the
       persons elected by the population should be guaranteed the
       possibility of actual control over the legal activity of the
       persons appointed by us.

       We call on all the true sons of Russia to remember their
       duties toward their fatherland, to assist in combating these
       unheard-of agitations, and together with us to unite all their
       strength in establishing quietness and peace in their country.

       Given in Peterhof on the 17th day of October in the year of
       our Lord 1905 and the eleventh year of our reign.

          (Signed in his own hand.)
          NICHOLAS.

       At the same time, the ministers of the autocrat were enjoined
       to "abstain from any interference in the elections of the
       duma;" they were to "maintain the prestige of the duma and
       confidence in its labors, and not resist its decisions so long
       as they are not inconsistent with the historic greatness of
       Russia." In the exercise of executive power they should embody
       "(1) straightforwardness and sincerity in the confirmation of
       civil liberty;"
       "(2), a tendency toward the abolition of exclusive laws;"
       "(3), the coordination of the activity of all the organs of
       government;"
       "(4), the avoidance of repressive measures in respect to
       proceedings which do not openly menace society or the state."

       These orders and injunctions from the autocracy to the
       bureaucracy were to be the constitution of government for
       which Russia had made demands. They did not satisfy the
       demand—or satisfied only the small party who were afterwards
       called "Octobrists," because they asked for no more than was
       granted in this ukase of October 30, 1905. The general strike
       was not called off, but demands for a Constituent Assembly
       were reiterated persistently. Agitation was kept alive, and
       with it the murderous warfare waged by revolutionists against
       high officials and the police. At the same time, reactionary
       officials and army officers, enraged by what the Tsar had
       done, stirred up mobs in various parts of the country to
       attack the Jews, and add to the state of public disorder, thus
       furnishing arguments for a fresh resort to repressive measures
       by the military arm. Presently there were serious outbreaks of
       mutiny in army and navy, at Odessa, Kronstadt, and Sevastopol,
       and all the foundations of public order seemed really, for a
       time, to be breaking up.

       It is evident there was serious alarm in the circles of the
       autocracy. Pobiedonostzeff, the bigoted Procurator of the Holy
       Synod, and Trepoff, the savage head of the police, resigned.
       On the 4th of November an amnesty to political offenders was
       proclaimed, and the ancient liberties of Finland were
       restored, by a decree which abolished that of February, 1899
       (see, in Volume VI., FINLAND), and that also annulled a later
       military law, of 1901, by which the Finnish army had been put
       on the Russian footing.

       These signs of yielding to the claims "of the nation soon gave
       place, however, to symptoms on the reactionary side of revived
       courage and obstinacy among the keepers and masters of the
       Tsar’s mind and will. A manifesto on the 12th of November
       declared that reforms would not be possible till the country
       was quieted. Another on the 13th proclaimed martial law in
       Poland; whereat the "strike committee" called another strike
       in sympathy with Poland.
    {570}
       On the 14th Witte published an appeal to the workmen, saying:
       "Brothers! Workmen! Go back to your work and cease from
       disorder. Have pity on your wives and children, and turn a
       deaf ear to mischievous counsels. The Tsar commands us to
       devote special attention to the labor question, and to that
       end has appointed a Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which
       will establish just relations between masters and men. Only
       give us time, and I will do all that is possible for you. Pay
       attention to the advice of a man who loves you and wishes you
       well." The renewed strike was not successful. Not many of the
       workingmen would face the suffering from non-employment which
       they had gone through already. The attempt was ended on the
       20th; but the Committee which called it, in annulling the
       order, enjoined the workers of the Empire to organize "for the
       final encounter between all Russia and the bloody monarchy now
       dragging out its last days."

       Meantime, on the 17th, the Tsar sought to conciliate the
       peasants by reducing for one year the payments on land that
       were due under the land distribution which went with
       emancipation in 1861, and remitting them entirely after
       January, 1907.

          See (in Volume IV.)
          SLAVERY, MEDIEVAL AND MODERN: RUSSIA.

       On the 20th of November a Peasants’ Congress of 300 delegates
       met in Moscow and formulated demands for the nationalization
       of land and for a constituent assembly. The delegates were
       arrested. An alarming mutiny in the fleet and army at
       Sevastopol broke out on the 26th, but it was soon suppressed.
       Two days later the whole body of employees in the postal and
       telegraphic service at Moscow began a most troublesome strike,
       which spread from there and was continued for some weeks. Mr.
       Nevinson, who was in Moscow at the time, describes it in one
       of his chapters:

       "In those happy weeks when freedom still was young and living,
       two things ruled the country—speech and the strike, the word
       and the blow. The strike was everywhere felt. No letter or
       telegram went or came. Each town in Russia was isolated, and
       the whole Empire stood severed from the world. … In Moscow the
       cooks struck, and paraded the streets with songs never heard
       in the drawing-room. The waiters struck, and heavy proprietors
       lumbered about with their own plates and dishes. The
       nursemaids struck for Sundays out. The housemaids struck for
       rooms with windows, instead of cupboards under the stairs, or
       sections from the water closets. Schoolboys struck for more
       democratic masters and pleasanter lessons. Teachers struck for
       higher pay. … But at the back of the strikes and all the
       revolutionary movement lay the motive force of speech. … After
       these centuries of suppression, all Russia was revelling in a
       spiritual debauch of words."

       On the 6th of December General Sakharoff, formerly Minister of
       War and now Governor-General of a district on the Volga, was
       shot by a woman, to avenge the sufferings he had caused to the
       peasants. On the 7th the Strike Committee called on the
       workpeople to withdraw their money from the savings-banks;
       and, a little later, a joint manifesto, issued by that
       committee and committees of Peasants, Social Democrats, and
       Social Revolutionists, appealed generally to the people, not
       only to withdraw money from the savings banks, but "to refuse
       to pay taxes, or to take bank-notes, or to subscribe to
       loans," as a means of crippling the government financially.
       All papers which published this manifesto were suppressed and
       their editors arrested.

       Then, in the last twelve days of December, came the fatal
       rising at Moscow, which the government, forewarned by its
       spies, precipitated, while the revolutionists’ preparations
       were but half made, and which it crushed mercilessly, with
       ease. From a diary of the occurrences of these tragical days
       at Moscow, given in the report of the resident American Consul
       to Ambassador Meyer, at St. Petersburg, the following entries
       are taken:

       "December 24.
       Barricades were continually built during days and nights. The
       revolutionists were in hope that about 20,000 or 30,000
       workmen from the factories in the suburbs would enter the city
       and join them, but this was not accomplished, as the military
       forces were sufficient to prevent this. The revolutionists
       spread a rumor amongst the workmen that the soldiers were in
       sympathy with the strikers and that they would not fire on the
       mob and would join their ranks, but this rumor turned out to
       be untrue, as the troops were loyal to the Government. …

       "December 27.
       At 6 o’clock P. M. the house where the chief of the secret
       police, Mr. Voilochenkoff, resides, was surrounded by a
       revolutionary party and by their insistent demands the front
       door was opened. Six men rushed into his apartments and
       arrested the chief, and read the death sentence of the
       revolutionary party to him. His wife and three children
       pleaded to the revolutionists for mercy, but the
       revolutionists would not listen to their pleading, and they
       gave Mr. Voilochenkoff a short time to prepare for death and
       then took him out into a side street where he was shot to
       death, and his body left in the street. Disturbances and
       shooting were carried on in the different parts of the city,
       and new barricades erected.

       "December 31.
       The troops bombarded the large Prochoroff spinning mills,
       where a large number of revolutionists made their last stand.
       Many houses in the vicinity of the mill were either burnt down
       or wrecked by cannon balls. Many of the revolutionists and
       strikers were killed, wounded, or captured and the weapons
       confiscated. The general strike has been called off."

       This was practically the end of the abortive rising. On the
       5th of January, 1906, Ambassador Meyer wrote to the State
       Department at Washington:

       "In my cable of December 25 I stated that although fighting
       had been stubborn and gatling guns had been used, I believed
       that the estimates so far given out as to loss of life were
       much exaggerated. It appears now that I was correct in my
       surmise, for in a semi-official statement given by one of the
       papers, from statistics taken at all the hospitals and
       accident bureaus, the deaths were given as about 750 and the
       wounded as a little over a thousand.

       "I am glad to state that as yet I have heard of no injuries
       occurring to American citizens in Moscow; in fact in all these
       disturbances that have taken place in the various cities the
       revolutionists and strikers have refrained in all instances
       from attacking foreign consulates, and I believe this also
       applies to the property of foreign individuals."

    {571}

       On the 29th of January Ambassador Meyer wrote to Washington:
       "The revolutionary party seems to have spent its force for the
       time being. Instead of aiding reforms, they have greatly
       hampered them. By the attempted capture of Moscow, by their
       riots and rebellions in other parts of the country, followed
       by destruction of life and property, they have forced the
       Government into repression and reactionary methods in order to
       restore law and order. All this has necessarily caused a delay
       in the classification of the newly enfranchised voters and has
       given an excuse for a continued waste of precious time due to
       bureaucratic formality.

       "Some of the factions are finally waking up to the necessity
       of giving attention to registration and a better comprehension
       of the coming elections. The Constitutional-Democratic party
       have decided by a large majority to take part in the elections
       and the Douma. The Social Democrats have also decided to
       participate. On the other hand, the Russian
       Social-Revolutionaries, at their first meeting in Finland,
       lately, voted in favor of a boycott of the elections.

       "At its last meeting, the Constitutional-Democratic party, in
       view of obstacles to free election campaigning which the local
       authorities are using against all opposing parties, voted to
       protest against the government policy, which in any way
       impeded free elections to the Imperial Douma, and further
       urged the most energetic participation of its members in the
       approaching elections.

       "At a meeting of the marshals of the nobility, held at Moscow
       last week, the following resolutions were adopted: 1.That the
       final settlement of the agrarian question should be made the
       first task of the Douma. 2. That in deciding the agrarian
       question, it should be based on the principle of inviolability
       of private property."

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905. War with Japan:
       Siege and Surrender of Port Arthur.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST) and
          1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY)

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905 (October-May).--War with Japan:
       Voyage of the Baltic Fleet.
       Its Destruction in the Battle of Tsushima.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905 (September-March).
       War with Japan: Campaign in Manchuria.
       From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end
       of the Battle of Mukden.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1909.
       General Consequences in Europe of the Weakening of Russian
       Prestige and Power by the Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
       Action with other Powers in forcing Financial Reforms
       in Macedonia on Turkey.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (February-November).
       Naval Mutiny.
       Army Revolt.
       Peasant Risings.
       Conflict in the Caucasus.

       The most serious of the revolutionary outbreaks of the year
       was that of mutiny in the navy. "Already in February the
       sailors of the Black Sea fleet, instigated by the
       revolutionary propaganda, had burned down the barracks at
       Sebastopol and assaulted their officers, and on June 27 the
       crew of the ‘Kniaz Potemkin,’ the principal battle-ship of the
       Black Sea fleet, mutinied at sea while the squadron of which
       it formed part was manoeuvring, and killed nearly all its
       officers. The mutineers were in league with the working men at
       Odessa, who at the same time invaded the harbor, and,
       accompanied by a riotous mob, plundered and burnt in all
       directions. Property of immense value was consumed, and some
       of the troops refused to fire on the rioters. Ultimately fresh
       troops were brought up, the ‘Kniaz Potemkin’ sailed away to
       the Roumanian port of Constanza, where it was surrendered to
       the Roumanian authorities, who gave up the ship to the
       Russians, and the crew was landed and disarmed. The crew of
       another battle-ship, the ‘Georgei Pobiedonosets,’ took part in
       the mutiny, but surrendered to the Russian authorities at
       Odessa. Riots also took place at the same time at the seaports
       of Reval, Riga, Libau, and Kronstadt, where the dockers were
       joined by the navy men and struck for an increase of wages. …
       On July 10 Count Schouvaloff, Prefect of Police at Moscow, was
       assassinated, and a general strike was proclaimed at Minsk. …
       In the Baltic provinces the peasants, who are Letts,
       constantly attacked the landed proprietors, who are German in
       race and speech; many of the latter were killed, the municipal
       buildings at Reval, Riga and Mittau were sacked. … In
       September the conflict which had been going on between the
       Tartars and the Armenians in the Caucasus culminated in a
       series of horrible massacres, accompanied by much destruction
       of property. At Baku most of the naphtha wells were destroyed
       by incendiary fires, and very much of the oil industry was
       ruined. The Tartars, carrying green banners, proclaimed a holy
       war against the Armenians, many thousands of whom were killed.
       … On November 25 an organized revolt took place of the
       soldiers, sailors and workmen of Sebastopol. There was no
       rioting, but several officers were killed, and for some days
       the town was in the hands of the rebels. The revolt was only
       suppressed on November 30, when a regular battle took place
       between the rebels and 20,000 troops that had been brought up
       against them. Forts and loyal ships fired on mutinous ships,
       and the barracks held by the rebels had to be bombarded before
       they were forced to surrender. … Other mutinies of troops took
       place at the same time at Warsaw and in other places."

          The Annual Register 1905,
          pages 313-323.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (April-August).
       The Tsar’s Decree of Religious Liberty.
       Minister Witte’s enlightened Memorial.
       The Emptiness of Results.

       Early in May, 1905, there was announcement that the Tsar, on
       the morning of the Russian Easter Day, had published a decree
       proclaiming absolute religious liberty to all his subjects.
       Previous tolerance of all religions in Russia had been subject
       to important limitations. No member of the state church could
       leave it to enter another without losing all his civil rights,
       and no church other than the Orthodox could proselyte.
       Furthermore, when members of the Russian Church and those of
       any other church married, it was necessary to have the
       ceremony performed by an Orthodox priest, and the law insisted
       that the children of such marriages be brought up in the
       Orthodox faith. These restrictions were particularly hard on
       the Old Believers, as they are called,—a body which separated
       from the Orthodox Church two and a half centuries ago and has
       suffered all kinds of persecution. The new ukase recognized
       the various orders of priesthood among the Old Believers, and
       gave them the right to celebrate marriage. To all the
       dissenting sects—Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Jews, and
       others—is accorded the right to erect houses of worship
       without restriction.

    {572}

       The Tsar’s decree of entire religious freedom was known soon
       to have been the fruit of a remarkably broad minded memorial
       addressed to him by M. Witte, the President of his Council of
       Ministers, and a translation of that memorial was published in
       the May issue of The Contemporary Review. It pictured a
       state of paralysis in the Russian Church, consequent on its
       bondage to the State. "Both the ecclesiastical and the secular
       press," said the writer, "remark with equal emphasis upon the
       prevailing lukewarmness of the inner life of the Church,—upon
       the alienation of the flock, particularly of the educated
       classes of society, from its spiritual guides; the absence in
       sermons of a living word; the lack of pastoral activity on the
       part of the clergy, who in the majority of instances confine
       themselves to the conduct of divine service and the
       fulfillment of ritual observances; the entire collapse of the
       ecclesiastical parish community, with its educational and
       benevolent institutions; the red-tapism in the conduct of
       diocesan or consistorial business, and the narrowly
       bureaucratic character of the institutions grouped about the
       Synod. It was from Dostoyevski that we first heard that word
       of evil omen, ‘The Russian Church is suffering from
       paralysis.’"

       This condition M. Witte attributes to the position in which
       the Church was placed by Peter the Great. "The chief aim of
       the ecclesiastical reforms of Peter I. was to reduce the
       Church to the level of a mere government institution pursuing
       purely political ends. And, as a matter of fact, the
       government of the Church speedily became merely one of the
       numerous wheels of the complicated government machine. On the
       soil of an ecclesiastical government robbed by bureaucratism
       of all personal elements the dry scholastic life-shunning
       school arose spontaneously. This policy of coercing the mind
       of the Church, though it may have been attended for the moment
       by a certain measure of political gain, subsequently inflicted
       a terrible loss. Hence that decline in ecclesiastical life
       with which we now have to deal."

       The wise President of the Tsar’s Council made so much
       impression on the mind of his master as to draw from him the
       ukase of general religious freedom; but three months later, in
       the August number of The American Review of Reviews,
       Dr. E. J. Dillon, whose intimate knowledge of Russian affairs
       is well known, described how effectually the decree had been
       smothered by the bureaucracy, which is stronger than the Tsar.
       He wrote: "The most welcome of all the concessions emanating
       from the throne was that which Nicholas II. bestowed upon his
       subjects last Easter Sunday. Inspired and drafted by M. Witte,
       it was at first spoken of as liberty of conscience, but was
       soon afterward seen to amount to nothing more than religious
       toleration. And since then the bureaucracy has touched and
       killed it."

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
       Ending of the War with Japan.
       Mediation by the President cf the United States.
       The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.
       The Recent Russian Political Parties.

       As explained by Mr. Maurice Baring in his interesting book
       entitled A Year in Russia, the crystallization of
       political parties in Russia began after the issue of the
       Manifesto of October, 1905. The most important was that of the
       Constitutional Democrats, nicknamed the "Cadets," a name
       formed from the letters "K. D." Similarly the party called
       Social Revolutionaries are nicknamed "S. R’s." and the Social
       Democrats "S. D’s." The party of the Constitutional Democrats
       was the product of a combination of Zemstvo members who had
       previously been united in a "League of Liberation" with the
       professional classes, whom Professor Milioukov had brought
       together in a "Union of Unions," which represented the great
       mass of educated Russia—the "Intelligenzia." This combination
       of the professional class with the Zemstvoists, who had more
       political experience than others could enjoy in Russia, was
       mainly the important work of Professor Milioukov.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.
       The First Duma.
       Election of Representatives.
       Its Conflict with the Government and its Dissolution.
       Rise of M. Stolypin.
       The Instigated Massacres (Pogroms).

       In January, 1906, when the Duma promised by the Tsar on the
       19th of the previous August should have met, the conditions in
       the country were such that the Government dared not permit the
       meeting to be held, and it was postponed without date. After
       some weeks a more submissive state of order was restored, and
       the meeting was appointed for the 10th of the following May.
       The elections were held in March, and Ambassador Meyer
       described the system on which they were conducted in an
       extended despatch to the State Department at Washington, from
       which the following is borrowed:

       "The total number of members of the Duma, when the elections
       shall have finally been completed, will be 501. The elections
       are, however, not carried on the same day throughout the
       country. Governors and vice-governors, prefects of cities and
       their lieutenants cannot vote in their departments, nor can
       members of the army or navy who are on active service, or
       persons doing police duty in governments or cities when
       elections are taking place.

       "The voters are divided into classes, and that it may be
       more clearly shown I have made the following table;

    ------------------------------------------------------------
    Peasants.

    Clergy
    Cities not in special list
    Volosts
    Workmen
    -------------------------> Delegates -> Electors -> Duma Members

    Landed proprietors
    and special cities.
    -------------------------------------> Electors -> Duma Members

    ------------------------------------------------------------

    {573}

       "From this it will be seen that the peasants are in a class by
       themselves and, as a matter of fact, in the present elections
       are not given an opportunity of expression, as it is the volosts
       (elected at the mir, in most instances, before the Duma was
       even granted) that choose the delegates. The volosts, workmen,
       clergy (not lauded proprietors), voters of cities (not in
       special list), and class C of lauded proprietors, all choose
       delegates. These delegates, in turn, select electors, as do
       also landed proprietors, and qualified voters of cities on the
       special list. The electors vote for Duma members in their
       appropriate electoral college, and their choice is confined to
       a member of their own body. Therefore in every instance, in
       order to become a member of the Duma, a candidate must be an
       elector and previous to that a delegate, except in the case of
       landed proprietors and voters of special cities. …

       "It is noticeable that the large cities in European Russia are
       limited to one member of the Duma, with the exception of
       Moscow and St. Petersburg, the former having an allotment of
       four and the latter of six.

       "There is an exceptional provision with regard to the
       procedure of the peasant electors. … Elections to the Duma,
       with the exception cited as to the privilege of peasant
       electors, are finally effected in the governments and
       territories by the government electoral college, and in the
       cities by the municipal electoral college."

       Mr. Meyer reported further that an imperial manifesto had
       announced that the Council of the Empire would in future
       "consist of an equal number of elective members and members
       nominated by the Emperor. It will be convoked annually by an
       imperial ukase at the same time with the Duma. The two
       assemblies will have equal legislative powers, and each can
       exercise the same initiative in introducing bills or
       interrogations. Every bill must be passed by both houses
       before being sent to the Tsar for his signature and approval.
       The elected members of the Council will be eligible for nine
       years, a third being reelected every three years." Of the 98
       elective members of the Council (one half of the body), 18
       were to be chosen from the nobles, 50 from the zemstvo of each
       government, 6 from the Orthodox Church, 6 from the
       universities, 12 from the representatives of the Council of
       Commerce and Industry, and 6 from representatives of the
       Polish landed proprietors.

       On the 7th of April Ambassador Meyer wrote to Washington
       concerning the result of the elections: "The success of the
       Constitutional Democrats has made a great impression on the
       Government and created considerable nervousness. Witte is
       really anxious to resign and go out of the country for a
       much-needed rest. But he assured a mutual friend that he would
       stay and serve the Emperor as long as His Majesty desired. The
       elections so far have impressed upon his mind the want of
       confidence which exists among the people as to his
       administration. As he is without any supporters among the
       elected members of the Duma, it is difficult to believe that
       the Emperor will be able or even desirous of having him
       continue to serve as premier after the Duma is organized."

       This anticipation proved correct. M. Witte had withdrawn from
       the ministerial premiership when the Duma assembled on the
       10th of May, and M. Goremykin had taken his place.

       There was conflict between the Duma and the Government from
       the moment that the former adopted its reply to the opening
       speech of the Tsar. With unanimity it demanded general amnesty
       for past political offenses, abolition of the death penalty,
       suspension of martial law, full civil liberty, universal
       suffrage, abolition of the council of the empire, a review of
       the fundamental law, responsibility of ministers and right of
       interpellation, a forced expropriation of land, and a
       guarantee of rights to trade unions.

       M. Stolypin, Minister of the Interior, now coming to the front
       of ministerial leadership, made his first speech in the Duma
       on the 21st of June, and was assailed with cries of "Murderer"
       and "Assassin" when he defended illegal acts of police officials
       and provincial governors, in the suppression of disorder, and
       declared his determination to maintain order. Among the
       replies to him was one by Prince Urussoff, former Assistant
       Minister of the Interior, who made a powerful attack on the
       sinister methods of the Government—the "policy of massacre,"
       as he named it—declaring that massacres were always organized
       by secret forces. "Any investigation," he said, "of the
       so-called ‘pogroms’ (massacres) will bring the investigator
       face to face with the following certain symptoms; they are
       identical in all cases; Firstly, a massacre is always preceded
       by reports of its preparation, accompanied by the circulation
       of appeals exciting the population and of one constant kind in
       form and substance. They are accompanied by a certain kind of
       stormy petrels in the person of little known representatives
       of the dregs of the population. Then, too, the cause of the
       massacre as officially announced is afterwards always without
       exception found to be false. Furthermore, in these massacres
       there is always to be found a certain similarity of plan which
       gives these actions the character of chance. The murderers act
       on the assumption of some kind of right, as though conscious
       that they will not be punished, and only continue to act as
       long as this confidence remains unshaken—after which the
       massacre stops extraordinarily quickly and easily."

       What Prince Urussoff had intimated, as to the instigation of
       the massacres from high circles was declared most distinctly
       and positively, three years later, by Prince Kropotkin, in a
       letter to the London Times of July 29, 1909. He wrote:
       "Something which never has happened anywhere in Western Europe
       happened then in Russia, as M. Obninsky, a member of the first
       Duma, says in a terrible book of statistics he has published
       in 1906 at Moscow, under the title, ‘A Half-Year of the
       Russian Revolution.’ In a hundred different cities men of the
       so-called ‘Black Hundreds’ came together on some public
       square, received there the benediction of the clergy, sent
       telegrams to the Palace circles in St. Petersburg, received
       answers from them, and then went on killing the Jews, the
       Armenians, the Poles, the Russian members of the Zemstvos, and
       Russian ‘Intellectuals’ altogether, under the protection of
       the military, the local police, and the local governors.

    {574}

       "For some time I could not believe that such pogroms
       could have been organized from St. Petersburg by the
       authorities. Now the evidence is overwhelming. We know that
       proclamations inciting to pogroms were printed by the
       gendarmes in the Secret Police offices, we know from the
       revelations of these gendarmes themselves that men and
       officers were sent to the provinces with proclamations and
       arms to organize the pogroms; and we know how the leaders of
       the Union of Russian Men were petted and given money by the
       Tsar and how they organized murders, wholesale and retail,
       with the aid of members of the Secret Police; and here is the
       net result which I have before me in a long, very long, list
       compiled by the Law Review Pravo.

       "This list is simply horrifying. The Constitution manifesto
       was signed on October 30. The same day took place the
       pogrom at Tver; the Zemstvo house was burnt, and 24
       persons were wounded. At Moscow, November 2, 30 wounded;
       Odessa, October 31-November 3, more than 1,000 killed and
       5,000 wounded; Kieff, October 31, 150 killed, 100 wounded;
       Tomsk, November 3, 150 killed and burned, 76 heavily wounded
       (all these, by the way, and many others are Russian towns);
       Minsk, 100 killed, 400 wounded; Tiflis, November 2, more than
       100 killed; and so on, and so on. … The result of similar
       campaigns in different parts of Russia for twelve months only
       in 1905-1906 was—killed, more than 14,000; executed, about
       1,000; wounded and partly died from wounds, about 20,000;
       arrested and imprisoned, mostly without judgment, 75,000. This
       last figure was given in the Duma by Professor Kovalevsky on
       May 2, 1906, in the presence of M. Stolypin, who did not
       contest it."

       On the 22d of July the Duma was dissolved by imperial command,
       and the following manifesto to the people was published by the
       Autocrat on the following day:

       "Persons selected by the people were called to the
       legislature. Trusting in the goodness of God, believing in the
       happy and grand future of our people, we were expecting from
       their labors the happiness and interest of the country. Great
       reforms had been indicated by us in all that concerns the life
       of the people, and our greatest care, which is to substitute
       education for the ignorance of the people and to lessen the
       difficulties of its life by improving the conditions under
       which it cultivates the ground, was foremost. A painful ordeal
       was reserved to our hopes. The elected of the nation, instead
       of turning their attention to legislative labors, have entered
       a field that was closed to them, and have begun to investigate
       the doings of authorities established by us, to indicate to us
       the imperfections of fundamental laws that can only be altered
       by our imperial will, and to commit illegal acts, such as the
       appeal addressed to the people of the Duma.

       "The peasants, dazed by these disorders, without waiting for
       the legal improvement to their position, gave themselves up,
       in a great number of governments, to pillage and theft,
       refusing to submit to the law or to legal authorities. …

       "By dissolving the actual Duma of the Empire we testify to our
       unalterable intention of maintaining, in all their force, the
       laws concerning the establishment of that institution, and,
       consequently, we have fixed, by our ukase given to the ruling
       Senate on the 8th July instant, the convocation of the new
       Duma on the 20th of February, 1907."

       About two hundred members of the dissolved Duma went
       immediately from St. Petersburg to Viborg, in Finland, and
       held a meeting there, from which they published an address to
       the "Citizens of all the Russias," signed by one hundred and
       sixty of their number, protesting against the opposition which
       the Duma had encountered from the Government in all its
       undertakings, and practically refusing submission to its
       dissolution. "In the place of the present Duma," they said,
       "the Government promises to convoke a new one in seven months.
       … For seven months the Government will act as it likes, will
       wrestle with the movement of the people in order to obtain a
       submissive and desirable Duma, and if it succeeds in entirely
       crushing the movement of the people it will not convoke any
       Duma at all. Citizens, stand firmly by the trampled rights of
       the representatives of the people. Stand for the Duma of the
       Empire. Russia must not remain one day without representatives
       from the people. We have the means of obtaining this. The
       Government has not the right without our consent to collect
       taxes from the people, nor to call the people to military
       service, and therefore, now, when the Government has dissolved
       the Duma of the Empire, it is your right to refuse to supply
       it with soldiers or money. If the Government, in order to
       secure resources, makes loans, such loans, made without
       consent of the representatives of the people, will henceforth
       be invalid, and the Russian people will not recognize them and
       will not pay for them. Consequently, until the representatives
       of the people are convoked, do not pay a kopeck into the
       treasury nor send a man to the army. Be firm in your refusal;
       stand for your rights, all as one man. Against the united and
       absolute will of the people no power whatever can resist.
       Citizens, in this compulsory but inevitable struggle your
       representatives will be with you."

       This proved to be futile action. The Government was prompt in
       arresting and imprisoning most of the signers of the appeal to
       the people, and none of them was allowed to be returned to the
       Second Duma when the new elections were held. Pending that
       election, some very substantial gifts of imperial favor were
       made to the peasants, to win their good will, but nothing
       appears to have been remembered of the October injunctions of
       the Tsar concerning the "confirmation of civil liberty." In
       August, 4,500,000 acres of crown lauds were transferred by an
       imperial ukase to the Peasants’ Bank, for sale to the peasants
       on easy terms; and on the 18th of October another ukase
       released them to a large extent from the restraints of the
       communal system, and decreed the equality of all citizens
       before the law. The following is part of the text of this
       important decree, as communicated in translation to the
       American government by Ambassador Meyer, and published in the
       report of 1906 on Foreign Relations.

       "The Czar orders, on the basis of the fundamental law of 1906,
       that the following reforms be made:

       "1. To accord all Russian subjects, without distinction of
       origin, with exception of the aborigines, equal rights with
       regard to the state service with persons of noble blood, and
       at the same time to abolish all special privileges of dress
       due either to official position or to the origin of the
       wearer.

    {575}

       "2. Peasants and members of other classes formerly taxable are
       freed (a) from the presentation of discharge papers on
       entering an educational institution or the civil service;
       further, from personal payment in kind and the performance of
       communal duties during the whole time the persons in question
       may be either in the educational institution or civil service;
       (b) from the necessity of demanding for entry into holy
       orders or a monastery the permission of the commune.

       "3. The compulsory exclusion of peasant and other classes
       formally taxable from the following ranks and careers is
       abolished;
       (a) From entering the civil service;
       (b) from receiving rank;
       (c) from receiving orders and other distinctions;
       (d) from attaining learned grades and honors;
       (e) from completing educational courses and
       particularly from winning higher class rights.

       "In all these cases the persons in question are allowed to
       retain all the rights arising from their connections with
       their commune, as well as the responsibilities thereof, until
       they have freely withdrawn from the commune or entered into
       other corporations of standing. With regard to the legal
       standing of the persons in question, there shall serve as a
       basis the regulations of the rank or profession which these
       persons have won."

          See, also, below,
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (APRIL).

       Meantime, extensive plans of insurrection, with naval and
       military mutiny, in five cities, had been formed and had
       miscarried. The outbreak was premature at Sveaborg, late in
       July, and the sailors who started it were quickly overcome.
       The same failure occurred at Kronstadt, where the
       revolutionists and mutinous troops took Fort Constantine and
       the arsenal, but found no ammunition in the latter, and were
       defenseless when surrounded by loyal forces. At Libau, Odessa,
       and Sevastopol the intended rising was given up.

       On the 25th of August a desperate plot of wholesale murder,
       intended to include M. Stolypin among its victims, was carried
       out by the explosion of a horribly destructive bomb at the
       country house of that Minister, on Aptekarsky Island. M.
       Stolypin was holding a reception, and the rooms were crowded
       with officials and others, when four conspirators, three of
       them dressed as gendarmes, drove up boldly, and were able,
       either to enter the house with a bomb or to throw it through a
       window. The effect of the explosion was so horribly
       destructive that the house was torn to pieces and thirty
       people were killed outright or injured mortally, besides an
       equal number that received curable wounds. Two of the
       Minister’s children were among the latter, and he himself
       received slight injuries. The Governor of Penza, M. Koshoff,
       who stood near him, was instantly killed. Two of the assassins
       were among the killed and the other two were wounded and
       captured. On the following day a young woman of the terrorist
       organization slew General Min, at Peterhof railway station, by
       shots from a revolver. He had been active in suppressing the
       insurrection at Moscow.

       In October Ambassador Meyer, after a trip into Poland and to
       Odessa, reported as the result of his observations:

       "On the whole, the revolutionary movement, for the time being,
       has lost its momentum. A year ago it was on the crest of the
       wave. Then a strike could be ordered and put in force without
       any difficulty, but now the workmen refuse to be used for
       political purposes or respond to the whims of the agitator.
       The present conditions are liable to continue until the next
       Duma, March 5. Yesterday, which was the first anniversary of
       October 17 (Russian Style), it had to be given out by some of
       the revolutionists that there would be strikes, uprisings, and
       agitations throughout the country. But the day passed off
       quietly. Mr. Stolypin is facing with much courage and
       resolution the stupendous task which confronts him. He is
       endeavoring to deal fairly, while at the same time it is
       necessary to reestablish law and order."

       On the 21st of December Count Alexei Ignatieff was
       assassinated at Tver, while attending a meeting of the
       provincial zemstvo, the assassin stating that he had acted
       under orders of the Socialist revolutionary committee.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (April).
       Invitation of the Nations to a Second Peace Conference
       by the Tsar.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST; A. D. 1907.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1906 (April).
       At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE A. D. 1905-1906.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1907 (August).
       Convention with Great Britain containing Arrangements on
       the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet.

          See EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1907.
       The Second Duma and its Early Dissolution.
       Increase of Radicalism among its Members.
       The New Electoral Law, under which a "Workable" Third Duma
       was elected.
       M. Stolypin’s Policy.

       The promise that a second Duma would be summoned to meet in
       March, 1907, was fulfilled. Between the 21st of January and
       the end of February elections were held, with results that
       were exceedingly disappointing and irritating to the imperial
       government. It strove hard, by arbitrary measures and vigorous
       working of its police, to suppress the Constitutional
       Democrats,—the party which it fears the most. It pursued their
       leaders into exile or imprisonment, broke up their meetings,
       harassed them so in the canvass and the election that the
       return of deputies by the party was reduced from 185 in the
       First Duma to 108; but, on the other hand, the Socialist
       representation in the Second Duma was raised above that in the
       First from 17 to 77, and the Octobrists elected 31 deputies,
       gaining 18 more seats than they had filled before. On the
       whole, as a consequence, the Second Duma held more radicalism
       in its make-up, with less intelligence, than the First.

       Its meetings were opened on the 6th of March, and soon gave
       evidence that the antagonisms in the body were too extreme for
       any influential political work. In June M. Stolypin accused
       most of the Socialist members of being parties to the
       revolutionary propaganda in the army and navy, and demanded
       their suspension by the Duma. It refused to suspend them
       without an investigation of the truth of the charge, and
       appointed a committee to receive such evidence as the
       government could bring. Thereupon the Tsar, by a manifesto
       published on the 16th of June, dissolved the Second Duma as
       summarily as he had dissolved the First, ordered new
       elections, to begin on the 14th of September, and summoned the
       Third Duma, then elected, to meet on November 14th.

    {576}

       At the same time a new electoral law was proclaimed, in
       flagrant violation of the so-called Constitution of October
       30, 1905, which had declared, as an "immutable rule,"
       established by the "inflexible will" of the Tsar, that "no law
       can ever come into force without the approval of the State
       Duma." The new law was planned carefully and skilfully to
       disfranchise great numbers in the classes of people which
       autocracy fears; to add weight to the votes of the classes on
       which it leans; to diminish the representation of industrial
       cities, as well as of non-Russian districts,—Poland, Siberia,
       etc.,—and, generally, to make a farce of the pretended
       concession of representative and constitutional government
       which the autocratic court had been playing for the amusement
       of the country during the past two years.

       The new electoral law accomplished its purpose of securing a
       Duma that would keep workable relations with M. Stolypin. A
       very intelligent English publicist, Dr. Dillon, who discusses
       Foreign Politics every month in the Contemporary
       Review, whose views are broadly liberal as a rule, and
       whose acquaintance with Russian affairs seems to be specially
       intimate, inclines to justify the measure on this practical
       ground, or, rather, to accept it as approved by this result.
       When the make-up of the Third Duma had become known he wrote,
       in the Contemporary Review of December, 1907, as
       follows:

       "M. Stolypin’s electoral law has been criticised severely.
       And, to be frank, one must admit that from the point of view
       of men who advocate universal manhood suffrage it is a mere
       mockery. For it suspended the right of election in some
       places, arbitrarily lessened the number of representatives in
       certain provinces, created groups of electors, and authorised
       Government officials to decide how they should be formed; in a
       word, it is a means of manipulating the elections for the
       avowed purpose of having a certain stamp of men returned and
       another type of men eliminated. To say that the Chamber which
       has resulted from these expedients is not the elect of the
       nation is, of course, a truism. It is not, and was not, meant
       to be this. … The data respecting the intellectual and social
       status of the newly elected are still very defective and
       untrustworthy. But so far as they go, they show that among the
       men who are about to rescue Russia from ruin there are:—

       Members of the nobility                             157
       Priests                                              51
       Merchants                                            22
       Peasants                                             77
       Petty tradesmen                                       6
       Working-men                                          15
       Honorary burghers                                     8
       Ex-officers                                          20
       Officials                                            56
       Zemstvo workers                                      27
       Employees of municipalities                          23
       Marshals of nobility                                 36
       Cantonal elders and secretaries                      21
       Men who have been educated in high schools          167
       Men who have been educated in intermediate schools   82
       Men who have been educated in primary schools        61
       Members educated at home                             23
       Between the ages of 25-30                            19
       Between the ages of 30-40                            81
       Between the ages of 40-50                            87
       Between the ages of 50-00                            47
       Between the ages of 60-70                            13
       Between the ages of 70-80                             l
       Members of the Second Duma                           59
       Members of the First Duma                             7
       Members of the Council of the Empire                  3

       A month later the same writer said:

       "The Third Duma is already a month old, and has as yet done no
       work, has not even organised itself. Festina lente is
       evidently its maxim, with the accent on the second word.
       Debates there have been not a few, but they were as the noise
       of sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. The first discussion
       took place on the motion to thank the Tsar for the October
       Manifesto, which created the Legislative Chamber. A great
       majority of the deputies—including the Constitutional
       Democrats, who are adjusting themselves to their
       environment—were in favour of expressing their gratitude, but
       they could not agree how to call the institution for which
       they felt grateful. Some wanted to name it a Constitution,
       others ‘a renovated order of things.’ If it is a Constitution,
       then there is no Autocrat, the Octobrists argued, and
       consequently that title of the Emperor must be dropped. ‘If we
       are bent on thanking the Tsar,’ replied the Conservatives,
       ‘let us do it with a good grace. Whatever name we may give to
       the present régime, the title of the ruler has
       undergone no change. He was an Autocrat when he ascended the
       throne, and he is an Autocrat to day. Proofs? They are as
       plentiful as blackberries.’ …

       "But the Constitutionalists—and among them the Octobrists
       favoured by M. Stolypin—insisted. ‘By the Manifesto,’ they
       argued, ‘the Tsar limited his authority and curtailed his
       prerogatives. Thus it is no longer in his power to issue laws
       without the approval of the Duma; neither can he abrogate any
       of the Organic Statutes.’ ‘You are mistaken,’ answered the
       Monarchists. ‘Have the Organic Statutes not been already
       altered? Has the "immutable" electoral franchise not been
       changed?’ … But the Octobrists stood their ground, and the
       address was voted with a flaw in the Tsar’s title. That was
       the work of one whole day and part of a night—an unlucky
       day—the 13th November Russian style. In this way the Duma
       offered the Sovereign a pot of honey mingled with wormwood.
       The Premier was upset, the Tsar offended, and the Monarchists
       indignant. ‘This, then,’ the Monarchists exclaimed, ‘is M.
       Stolypin’s Duma, the areopagus which is to prescribe remedies
       for the Russian nation now at death’s door?’

       "Three days later came the Premier in a quos ego mood.
       And he was at his best. Ever since his first appearance as a
       public orator, M. Stolypin has kept the high place he then
       won. His eloquence, like his character, is manly, and his
       utterance impressive. His look, his accents, his gestures,
       betoken sincerity, and his manner is warm with the heat of
       subdued enthusiasm. On this historic day he simply electrified
       the House, captivated his adversaries, and extorted applause
       from his bitter enemies. And yet he was battling with the
       Duma, swimming against the current. He spoke of the Autocratic
       power and of the Autocratic Sovereign, and had the
       satisfaction of being interrupted by enthusiastic cheers. …

    {577}

       "Happily M. Stolypin is a man of steadfast purpose rather than
       brilliant intellect, for his moral qualities may stand him in
       better stead, during the revolutionary crisis than would rare
       mental gifts. At bottom his temper is Liberal rather than
       Conservative, and mainly for that reason he would seem to have
       been chosen to be sexton of the old epoch and harbinger of the
       new. …

       "No fair-minded man can doubt the sincerity of M. Stolypin’s
       Liberalism. It has withstood the test of time and the pressure
       of unfavourable circumstance. His faith in Liberal specifics
       is so firm that he declines to diagnose any diseases that call
       for more drastic remedies. … M. Stolypin is at present the
       only influential politician in Russia who is working
       efficaciously for the Liberal cause. He is systematically
       removing hindrances to Constitutionalism which are most
       formidable at the outset. …

       "But the greatest service which any Minister could render a
       cause was performed by M. Stolypin for Liberalism at a time
       when it depended on him either to lay the groundwork for a
       Constitutional fabric or to establish firm Monarchical
       government. And for that service he deserves, and may yet
       receive, a public monument from Democratic Russia. He advised
       the Tsar to summon the Third Duma soon after the Second, and
       to issue no laws in the meanwhile. That was really the turning
       point in the history of Russia’s Constitution, the magnum
       opus of M. Stolypin’s political life. And he followed it
       up with a step more extraordinary and decisive still. He
       himself had recourse to the Autocratic power which it is the
       tendency of his policy to annihilate, and he used it for the
       purpose of destroying Autocracy. That surely was a coup de
       maître which entitled the Minister to the undying
       gratitude of all Liberal Russia. But not a Liberal uttered a
       word of thanks. This deadly blow was struck at the Autocracy
       in the following way:

       "The Electoral Law opened the portals of the Duma chiefly to
       Democrats and other irreconcilable enemies of the Monarchy,
       and so long as it remained in force, no Duma acceptable to the
       Government was possible. Yet it could not be abrogated. For,
       together with the Organic Statutes, it had been declared part
       of the unchangeable Constitution. The Tsar’s hands, therefore,
       were tied, his word was pledged, and the result was a
       deadlock. Autocratic power could not be wielded anew without
       effecting a perilous coup d'état. Well, the Premier
       advised the Crown to seize once more the sword of the
       Autocracy, and with it to hew off the branch on which the
       Autocrat was sitting. That was the true significance of the
       measure against which the enemies of the Autocracy still cry
       out. For the object directly aimed at and immediately attained
       by this coup d'état was the creation of the Octobrist
       Party, whose first work in the Duma was to declare that the
       Autocracy had gone forever."

          E. J. Dillon,
          Foreign Affairs
          (Contemporary Renew, January, 1908).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1907 (November).
       Treaty with Great Britain, France, Germany, and Norway,
       guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1907-1909.
       Action in Persia during the Constitutional Revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
       Evasion of the Conscription.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
       North Sea and Baltic Agreements.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
       Proxy Parliamentary Vote given to Women of Property.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1908.
       Policy of Prussia in her Polish Provinces dictated by
       her relations to Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (JANUARY).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1908 (September).
       Withdrawal from Intervention in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Attitude toward the Austrian Annexation of Bosnia
       and Herzegovina.
       Was the Government coerced by German Threats?

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Exercise of Disputed Authority in Northern Manchuria.
       The Kharbin question.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Measures for the Destruction of the Constitutional Autonomy
       of Finland.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
       Oppressions continued.
       Executions, Imprisonment, Exile, Torture, Persecution.

       On the 1st of August, 1909, a letter was addressed to the
       British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs by one hundred
       and eighty men of distinction in Great Britain,—Members of
       Parliament, Peers, Bishops and other clergymen, University
       professors, authors, editors,—asking the Government to exert
       such influence as might be possible with that of Russia, to
       induce a relaxation of the system of repression still
       maintained in that unhappy country, and to ameliorate the
       dreadful barbarities which go with imprisonment there. "We
       know," said these memorialists, "how slow has been our own
       progress in the past, and how many points in our present
       condition are open to independent criticism. We are conscious
       of the difficulties that attend all reforms, and we desire
       that no feeling of impatience should cause us to withhold our
       sympathy from every sincere attempt to promote good government
       among a friendly people.

       "It is in no spirit of ungenerous remonstrance that we are
       constrained to observe that for four years a system of
       repression has been maintained in Russia, which has not
       relaxed its severity though the evidences of any organized
       revolutionary movement have dwindled and disappeared. There
       has recently been an announcement of some relaxation in
       particular districts, but the greater portion of the Empire
       remains, in time of peace, under some form of martial law. The
       number of capital sentences on civilians for the period
       between October, 1905, and December, 1908, has reached 4,002,
       and the number of executions was officially stated to be
       2,118. These sentences were passed, moreover, not by ordinary
       civil process, but by exceptional military Courts. The number
       of persons in exile in Siberia and Northern Russia, mostly
       punished without trial by administrative process, under a
       system of exile, which involves much physical suffering and
       privation, was officially reckoned in October last at 74,000.

    {578}

       "The number of persons exiled without trial under
       administrative decree cannot be realized without a serious
       protest, but the evidence which has reached us through the
       Press, from trustworthy witnesses, and above all from the
       reports of the debates in the Duma, has persuaded us that the
       sufferings of those who remain in prison justify, nay,
       require, a stronger remonstrance. Over 180,000 persons—a total
       which has more than doubled since 1905—criminals and political
       offenders, are crowded together in prisons built to hold
       107,000. In most of these prisons epidemic diseases, and
       especially typhus, are prevalent; the sick and the whole lie
       together—their fetters even in cases of fever are not removed.
       In some prisons the warders systematically beat and maltreat
       the sick and the whole alike. There is also evidence of more
       deliberate tortures, employed to punish the defiant or to
       extract confession from the suspect.

       "Such excesses would move our indignation were all the victims
       ordinary criminals. We desire to base our protest on the
       ground of simple humanity; but it is none the less important
       to remember that many of these prisoners, if guilty at all,
       are suffering for acts or words which in any constitutional
       country would be lawful, or even praiseworthy.

       "Our object in addressing you is to draw your attention to
       these facts and to place on record the impression which we
       have formed of them. That no direct intervention is possible
       we fully realize, nor do we wish to enlarge the area of
       international controversy. But there are probably means by
       which a friendly Government may exert an influence to
       ameliorate the lot of those who are suffering under the evils
       which we have described. The infliction of such wrongs upon
       Russians and the indignation which they excite among
       ourselves, are relevant and important factors in our mutual
       relations, of which the two Governments should be fully
       informed."

       Later and more specific facts, illustrative of the arbitrary
       and barbarous oppression under which the Russian people are
       still suffering, were given in The Outlook of October
       9, 1909, from which the following is taken:

       "In the first seven months of 1909 military courts sentenced
       841 persons to death in Russia and up to the 1st of August 381
       of the persons so sentenced had been hanged or shot. Nearly
       all were civil or political offenders, who, in a
       constitutional country, would have been tried with proper
       legal forms and guarantees in the regular civil tribunals. In
       these same seven months the publishers of 109 periodicals in
       Russia were fined in the aggregate sum of 54,425 rubles for
       publishing news or expressing opinions obnoxious to the
       Government, and in addition to these pecuniary punishments
       whole editions of papers and magazines were seized and
       destroyed, printing offices were closed, editors were arrested
       and employees were exiled—all by administrative process. In
       the month of June, 1909, three newspapers were suppressed
       altogether, and in August, 1909, the St. Petersburg journal
       Reitch (Speech), the organ of the Constitutional Democrats,
       was fined 500 rubles for printing a signed article entitled
       ‘Suicide in the Army,’ which was based wholly on reports of
       the Ministry of War.

       "On the 28th of May, 1909, Mr. Selden, a St. Petersburg
       publisher, was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment in a
       fortress for publishing one of Count Tolstoy’s books, and on
       the 17th of August, 1909, the Count’s private secretary, Mr.
       N. N. Gusef, was exiled by administrative process to the
       province of Perm for distributing the venerable author’s
       brochure entitled ‘Thou Shalt Do No Murder.’ In July, 1909,
       Mr. W. Bogoras, author of Volume eleven of the Memoirs of the
       American Museum of Natural History (one of the Volumes
       containing the scientific results of the Jessup North Pacific
       Expedition), was sentenced to two months' imprisonment for
       describing the beating of citizens of Tver by dragoons in
       1905, a thing that he had personally witnessed. …

       "In August, 1909, the ‘Authors’ and Scientists’ Mutual Benefit
       Society,’ a benevolent organization which had been in
       existence for eighteen years, which had eight hundred members,
       and which included most of the writers and scholars of Russia,
       was suppressed by order of Premier Stolypin, for the
       ostensible reason that it had given pecuniary aid to an
       indigent author named Vitashefski—a man of advanced age who
       had once, twenty years earlier, been sent to Siberia for
       political crime. It is believed, however, that the real reason
       for the suppression of the Society is the fact that most of
       its members are liberals. The existing Government is extremely
       intolerant toward social organizations that take an
       independent or critical attitude toward the reactionary policy
       now in force. On the 21st of July, 1909, the severest form of
       martial law, the so-called ‘law of extraordinary defense,’ was
       proclaimed in St. Petersburg for the seventh consecutive time.
       The city has been under some form of martial law ever since
       the assassination of Alexander II. in 1881. Almost the only
       encouraging feature of the present situation in Russia is the
       fact that the members of the Duma are still allowed to talk,
       and the newspapers are still permitted to publish verbatim
       reports of the debates. The lower house of the so-called
       Parliament has no independent power, and no real control even
       over the finances of the Empire; but it can criticise,
       interpellate the Czar’s Ministers, and promote to some extent
       the political education of the people.

       "Three years ago Premier Stolypin defined his policy as
       ‘progressive reform, with the restoration of order.’ He has
       partly restored order, by hanging, imprisoning, or exiling to
       Siberia a large part of the disorderly population; but his
       reforms have ‘progressed’ as the land-crab is popularly
       supposed to walk—backward. Whether he is wholly to blame for
       the reactionary policy that he is enforcing, or whether he
       acts more or less under compulsion, we shall not know,
       perhaps, until he retires from office and follows the example
       of General Kuropatkin and General Linevitch by writing his
       memoirs."

       On the trial, in May, of M. Selden, for publishing and
       distributing Count Tolstoi’s pamphlets, "Thou shalt not Kill,"
       "A Letter to Liberals," "Christianity and Patriotism," the
       venerable writer addressed a note to the court, challenging
       the prosecution of himself, instead of the publisher. "As
       these pamphlets," he wrote, "were written by me and published
       by one of my friends, not only with my consent but at my
       desire, M. Selden taking a purely passive part in the affair,
       all the measures which are being taken against M. Selden
       should logically and in equity be directed against me,
       especially because I have repeatedly declared, and now declare
       again, that I consider it my duty to my conscience to
       disseminate, so far as lies in my power, the pamphlets in
       question as well as my other works, and shall continue doing
       so as long as I am able. I feel constrained to inform you of
       this, and ask you to take whatever measures may devolve from
       my present statement."

    {579}

       But the magistrate did not venture to institute proceedings
       against the principal in the offense, and the Government took
       no notice of the challenge.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.
       Revived Censorship of the Press.
       Its Stupidity.
       Gains for Free Speech notwithstanding.

       "At the present time, the liberties granted less than four
       years ago are mutilated. The censor is busy once more. The
       Russian journalist is again compelled to practice the arts of
       half-meaning, insinuation, and innuendo, which made his
       predecessors of a generation ago marvels of subtle expression.
       But that is only when a writer would say everything he wants
       to say. Undoubtedly, the range of the permissible has grown
       immensely since the early days of even Nicholas II. To write
       of labor wars, of conspiracies, of constitutional liberties,
       Russian newspapers need no longer confine themselves to
       telegraphic reports of foreign strikes, conspiracies, and
       constitutions. They need only print what the radicals in the
       Duma utter. Not even the full Duma’s reports may be privileged
       at present, but, after all, the Russian censor is a stupid
       fellow. The censorship, like the autocracy in general, is
       inefficient, spasmodic, allowing to-day what it prohibited
       yesterday, or even allowing in one column what it strikes out
       from another. St. Petersburg and Moscow in 1890 had eleven
       daily papers, and twenty weeklies. In 1900 the number had
       risen to twenty-four dailies and thirty-three weeklies. In all
       Russia there were then 287 periodical publications. In August,
       1905, the number had risen to 1,630, of which St. Petersburg
       alone had 534. There were fifty daily papers at St. Petersburg
       and twenty-five at Moscow in those short days of freedom, when
       the pent-up speech of ages burst out in Russia. This, of
       course, was inflation. Periodicals were born and died with the
       rising and setting of the sun. The numerical strength of the
       press must be far smaller now. But much that was gained for
       freedom of speech in those stormy days has not been lost."

          New York Evening Post,
          March 23, 1909.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (January-July).
       Dark Secrets of the Russian Police and Spy System brought
       to Light.

       The first in a series of startling disclosures of the dark
       secrets of the Russian espionage and police system was made in
       January, 1909, when it came to public knowledge that the head
       and front of the Revolutionary Socialists of the Empire, one
       Azeff by name, had been discovered by his associates to be a
       secret agent of the police; had been tried and condemned by a
       tribunal of their party, at Paris, and had escaped into some
       hiding place, with avenging emissaries in pursuit, to take his
       life. A little later it appeared that a former Director of the
       Police in the Department of the Russian Ministry of the
       Interior, M. Lopukhin, had been arrested for treason, on the
       charge of having betrayed Azeff to the Revolutionists, by
       making known to them the double part that the latter played,
       as a so-called agent provocateur, drawing them into
       criminal plots of which he kept the police informed.

       The preliminary trial of Lopukhin occurred in April, and it
       was stated in the indictment then published that Azeff had
       penetrated into the very centre of the Social Revolutionary
       machinations, and that part of his great services to the
       Secret Police were rendered during the period that M. Lopukhin
       occupied the post of Director of the Police Department in the
       Ministry of the Interior—i.e., from May, 1902, to
       March, 1905. It was affirmed that M. Lopukhin not only knew of
       the existence and activity of Azeff, but met the latter more
       than once both at his (M. Lopukhin's) house and at one of the
       conspiratorial headquarters in St. Petersburg. The indictment
       paid a warm tribute to Azeff’s ability in so long maintaining
       his connexion with the police without awakening the suspicions
       of the Social Revolutionaries as to his true character. It was
       eventually remarked, however, that the plots in which Azeff
       was concerned invariably failed, whereas many of the others
       succeeded, and accusations of treachery began to be levelled
       against him. In October, 1908, a commission of inquiry was
       appointed by the Social Revolutionaries in Paris to inquire
       into the charges brought against Azeff. Burtzeff, editor of a
       revolutionary organ, stated before this tribunal that he had
       seen M. Lopukhin, who had informed him of Azeff’s relations
       with the Russian police.

       M. Lopukhin, on his trial, admitted having given this
       information to Burtzeff, but explained that it was in
       consequence of what the latter had told him of the
       revolutionist designs, including a pending plot against the
       life of the Tsar. He then felt it his duty to unmask Azeff,
       lest the murders which might otherwise have followed should
       lie on his conscience, and when the revolutionaries came to
       him for confirmation of what he had told Burtzeff he found it
       impossible to retract his words. He was convicted, however, on
       the 13th of May, and sentenced to five years of imprisonment
       at hard labor, with the loss of civil rights. The sentence was
       mitigated subsequently, and he was sent to exile at
       Krasnoyarsk, Siberia, his family being allowed to accompany
       him.

       Prince Urussoff, whose bold speech in the First Duma on the
       instigation of massacres is quoted from above (A. D. 1906), is
       a brother-in-law of M. Lopukhin, and derived from him, no
       doubt, the information on which he spoke.

       In July, a new disclosure of the character of the Russian
       secret service police was made, as revolting as that in the
       Azeff case. A personage known as M. Harting, chief of that
       Russian service in Paris, and so favorably regarded in the
       French capital that he was about to be made an officer of the
       Legion of Honor, was discovered to have been the leader of a
       plot to assassinate the Tsar Alexander III. in 1890, during
       that monarch’s visit to Paris; that he then bore the name of
       Landesen; that he had escaped arrest and was condemned by
       default to imprisonment for five years; that he subsequently,
       under the new name, secured secret service employment in the
       Russian police. All this was quickly proved to be fact by the
       French Government, and officially announced.

    {580}

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (April).
       The Agrarian Law.

       On the basis of the decree relative to the communes which is
       partly described above (see A. D. 1906), a law was brought
       into force by the Government in 1906, known as the law of
       November 9, which supposedly was provisional and subject to
       ultimate ratification by the Duma. Writing of it in the New
       York Evening Post of May 28, 1909, S. N. Harper says:

       "This law of November 9 aims directly at the destruction of
       the commune. Before this law a two-thirds vote of the commune
       was necessary for the granting of the petition of a member to
       divide out. Now a local police official, whom by the way
       another project of reform abolishes as irresponsible and a
       source of abuse, can override the vote of a commune and grant
       the petition. A peasant who divides out receives that portion
       which he is using if there has been no redistribution for
       twenty-four years. If there has been a redistribution within
       twenty-four years, he receives what he would receive on the
       basis of a new redistribution—what this would be is again
       decided by the official. As we saw, no equitable reckoning is
       possible here.

       "The peasant can sell this land which he receives from the
       commune, for it is now his private property. In one province
       which I visited this summer, in over one-half of the cases of
       dividing out the peasant had sold his land immediately—usually
       to the village ‘fist’—the prosperous village usurer and boss
       who holds his neighbors in his fist."

       The law was operative for more than two years before it
       received the sanction of the Duma, in April, 1909. Of the
       parliamentary enactment then given to it the above writer
       says:

       "The outcome of the debates was certain. It had been secured
       by the change of the electoral law for the third Duma, whereby
       the landed gentry had been given the predominant vote. … No
       more important than the vote of this assembly is the attitude
       of the country at large toward this law. The landed gentry are
       naturally for this measure. The village system is a source of
       danger to them. The law will establish ‘peasant’ landlords,
       whose interests will be much the same as theirs. But the
       peasants have shown quite plainly their hostile attitude
       toward this law. Only those peasants who are economically
       provided for and those who, for one reason or another, have
       become mere hangers-on of the local police officials are in
       favor of the law. It is these that have taken advantage of the
       law, with the support of the local official. But they have
       done so in spite of the protest of the other peasants, only
       their economic position making it possible, and their friend
       the official has not been able to prevent, therefore, the
       other peasants from giving a violent character to their
       protest. Those who have insisted on dividing out have in many
       instances been burned out the next week."

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (April-July).
       Advance of Russian Troops into Persia.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (May).
       New Russo-Chinese Agreement, establishing Municipalities on
       the Line of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
       "Dreadnought" building.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL: RUSSIAN.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Stringent Orthodoxy of the Tsar.

       A Press despatch from St. Petersburg, June 4, 1909, reported:

       "Premier Stolypin spoke in the Duma to-day in defence of the
       government’s draft of a law dealing with the matter of
       changing from one faith to another and against the
       modifications removing all restrictions introduced in
       committee. He said that the Emperor, as head of the Orthodox
       Church, could not suffer backsliding from the orthodox to
       non-Christian beliefs, and that if such amendments were
       incorporated the bill would be vetoed. Continuing he defined
       the relations between church and state. He conceded that the
       church enjoyed full independence in matters of creed and
       dogma, but insisted on state control. The speech was a
       brilliant effort, but it fell upon cold ears, and brought out
       no applause. The premier, for the first time in the history of
       the third Duma, found himself fighting for a lost cause before
       an adverse house."

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
       Differing Accounts of Political Conditions, of the work of
       the Duma, and of the Disposition of the Government.

       The last weeks of 1909 brought from observers in Russia quite
       differing impressions and representations of the existing
       political conditions. Late in October a St. Petersburg
       correspondent of The Evening Post, New York, wrote:

       "Stolypin has given Russia a packed Duma, the predominant
       party in which is elected by 130,000 rural gentry, who were
       unable to get many more than a dozen members into the first
       two Dumas. As might have been expected, this Duma has done
       nothing for Russia. Its Land law has not been accepted by the
       peasantry, its Religions law remains a dead letter, because,
       according to the premier, the Tsar refuses to sign it. There
       will be a deficit of about one hundred million in the new
       budget, and the country is faced by bankruptcy.

       "But, to return to the Duma, it has been proved during the
       last session that the people have no control over the purse,
       thanks to a ‘rule’ made by Count Witte before the meeting of
       the first Legislature. This ‘rule’ says that if the Duma and
       the Council of Empire fail to agree on the budget, then the
       figures of the former year’s budget remain in force. As the
       Council of Empire (or Russian upper house) must always have a
       reactionary and bureaucratic majority, the Duma has no control
       of the national expenditure and never can have. This was
       brought home very forcibly to the lower house during the last
       session, when a humble suggestion which it made about
       including a sum of 350 million rubles in the extraordinary
       expenditure account was rejected by the Council of Empire,
       which thus taught the Duma that it has no control over even
       the most important loan operations. When the Duma (with the
       strong approval of even such conservative papers as the
       Novoe Vremya) refused to sanction the naval budget
       until the notoriously corrupt Ministry of Marine—the ministry
       accountable for Tsushima—had been reformed, the government
       laughed at it, and got the necessary money over the deputies’
       heads."

       Two weeks later than the above another St. Petersburg
       correspondent was writing to London:

       "To judge from to-day’s proceedings the present session of the
       Duma bids fair to surpass the most sanguine hopes. Having
       disposed of the last of the Agrarian Bills and of the First
       Offenders Act, the Duma began the debate on the Bill reforming
       the local Courts. This measure represents the foundation of
       all political reform in Russia.

    {581}

       "The Duma Committee, after 35 sittings, adopted a proposal
       considerably extending the scope of the Government Bill
       besides providing for the re-establishment of elective
       justices of the peace, introduced in 1804, but repealed in
       1889 in favour of the arbitrary jurisdiction of the Communal
       Court and the Zemsky Natchalnik--both long ago discredited
       institutions. Just as the Agrarian reforms are calculated to
       promote the private ownership of land and respect for the
       rights of property, so the reform of the local Courts will
       inculcate respect for the law.

       "The details of the Bill may possibly give rise to differences
       with the Government and the Upper House, but its substantial
       features will be doubtless retained in the ultimate form which
       will receive the Imperial sanction."

       The writer of this had communicated to his journal, a few days
       previously, the following report of an interview with "a
       leading member of the Government," and apparently gave credit
       to the sentiment it expressed. Said the Minister interviewed:

       "You ask me what are the Government’s intentions regarding
       Poland. I can only repeat what I said before the Joint
       Commission on the Polish Municipal Reform Bill, which is to be
       laid before the Duma. We have decided to give Poland the full
       benefits of local government consistent with the interests of
       the Empire, but not autonomy. We cannot trust the Poles to
       that extent. We shall introduce a Bill creating a separate
       province of Holm, where the great majority of the population
       is of Russian stock, and extend to it the system of mixed
       Russian and Polish Zemstvos to be introduced in the
       south-western provinces.

       "I am satisfied with the progress of agrarian reform. You have
       seen from the speech of M. Krivoshein in the Duma that one
       million peasant households (about 5,000,000 souls) have
       already abandoned the communal system.

       "The continuance of executions is, I know, a source of
       criticism. You know that the Emperor has given orders that
       death sentences should be confirmed only in the worst cases.
       Unhappily, I know of no constitutional method for putting down
       revolution. Russia is so vast. It has taken a long time to
       bring all the guilty to trial. I am also criticized for the
       arbitrary acts of our local authorities, but, I ask you, does
       the Government derive any interest from these arbitrary acts?

       "Political reforms? Yes, they have been delayed. But what, for
       instance, is the good of hurrying through a Bill on the
       liberty of the person until we have first reformed the local
       Courts?

       "You have heard and read the statements that the Octobrists
       have quarrelled with the Government; you have also been told
       that Russia is on the eve of a reaction. Believe neither. The
       Octobrists are taking a more advanced position. That is as it
       should be. It is better for the Duma and by no means
       disagreeable to the Government."

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1909 (December).
       Assassination of the Chief of the Secret Police.

       On the 22d of December Colonel Karpoff, Chief of the Secret
       Police, was killed by an infernal machine at a suburban
       lodging occupied by a certain Voskresensky, who is supposed to
       be a revolutionary and a police spy like Azeff.

       ----------RUSSIA: End--------

    RUSSO-CHINESE BANK.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    RUTHERFORD, Professor Ernest.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: RADIUM; also
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    RYAN, Thomas F.:
       Investing in a Concession in the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    RYAN, Thomas F.:
       Purchase of Controlling Stock of Equitable Life
       Assurance Society.

          See (in this Volume)
          INSURANCE, LIFE.

    RYAN, Thomas F.:
       Sale of interests to Morgan & Co.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

    S.

    SADR AZAM, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    SAGASTA, Praxedes Mateo:
       Prime Minister of Spain.
       His Death.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    SAGE FOUNDATION, The:
       For the Improvement of Social and Living Conditions
       in the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    SAGE, Mrs. Russell:
       Gift to Yale University.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

    ST. GOTHARD RAILWAY:
       Acquisition by the Swiss Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

    ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1900-1904.
       The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption by Attorney Folk.
       Prosecutions, Confessions and Convictions.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1904.
       The Louisiana Purchase Exposition.

       Except the World’s Columbian Exposition at Chicago, in 1893,
       the most important of the industrial exhibitions that have
       been organized in America was that of 1904, at St. Louis,
       which commemorated the centennial of the Louisiana Purchase
       from France. The Exposition was opened on the 30th of April
       and closed December 1st. An estimated total of $44,500,000 was
       expended upon it in structures and management, of which sum
       about $22,000,000 was raised by the Exposition Company. The
       remainder was the expenditure of governments, Federal, State
       and Foreign, and of concessionaires. The total attendance,
       from first to last, was 18,741,073. The receipts fell far
       short of the expenditure, and subscribers to the undertaking
       can have had no returns; but the public gain from it was very
       great. About sixty foreign countries and colonies and nearly
       every State and Territory of the Union were represented in the
       exhibits.

    {582}

       A distinguished feature of the Exposition was the remarkable
       number and character of the gatherings, international and
       national, that were brought about in connection with it. The
       most notable of these was the International Congress of Arts
       and Sciences, which opened September 19th. "This Congress,"
       said President Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia University,
       in an article describing its plan, "is not such a series of
       gatherings as took place at Chicago and at Paris, but is
       rather a carefully elaborated plan to educate public opinion,
       and the world of scholarship itself, to an appreciation of the
       underlying unity of knowledge and the necessary
       inter-dependence of the host of specialties that have sprung
       up during the past century. … For participation in this
       congress there will assemble a large body of the world’s
       greatest scholars. They will come from all parts of the world
       to contribute surveys of their several departments of
       knowledge, planning those surveys so as to emphasize the
       mutual relations of all the separate arts and sciences."

    ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI: A. D. 1904.
       Meeting of the Interparliamentary Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR: THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

    ST. MARK’S CATHEDRAL, at Venice:
       Fall of the Campanile.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENICE: A. D. 1902.

    ST. PETERSBURG: DISTURBANCES IN.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA.

    ST. PIERRE:
       Volcanic Destruction of the City.

          See (in this Volume)
          VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

    ST. VINCENT ISLAND:
       Volcanic Eruption of La Souffrière.

          See (in this Volume)
          VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

    SAKHAROFF, General:
       Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    SAKURAI, Lieutenant Tadayoshi, The story of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
       Resignation of the Premiership in the British Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

    SALONIKA: A. D. 1903.
       Dynamite Explosion by Insurgents.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

    SALONIKA: A. D. 1903.
       Center of the "Young Turk" organization.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    SALOON QUESTION.

       See (in this Volume)
       ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    SALT TRUST, Dissolution of the.

       See (in this Volume)
       COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    SALTON SEA, The.

       At a point not far from where it runs into Mexican territory
       the Colorado River, for a long recent period, has been
       deflected by bordering sand deposits from a great depression
       in the neighboring desert, known as the Salton Sink. In 1901
       an irrigation company began works for supplying water from the
       Colorado to lands in that vicinity, and seems to have taken no
       proper precautions for controlling the flow through its
       canals. The result was a break through the sand hills, into
       the Salton Sink, which converted it for the time being into
       the "Salton Sea,"—so described in all accounts of the
       catastrophe. For nearly two years the flood of the Colorado
       was poured into the Sink, forming a sea or lake which covered
       an area of about 400 square miles. It was not until February,
       1907, that the combined exertions of the Southern Pacific
       Railway Company, the California Development Co. (whose works
       produced the trouble) and the engineers of the United States
       Reclamation Service, succeeded in returning the Colorado to
       the channel it had escaped from. Since that was done
       evaporation has been steadily emptying the Sink, at the rate
       of five or six feet annually, according to the Chief of the
       Weather Bureau, which has maintained a station there. At the
       end of a year of observations he was reported as saying: "We
       will get the data we want within another year probably and
       then we can cut off the Salton Sea station. The evaporation
       data we expect to obtain will be valuable for calculations on
       irrigation works and reservoirs."

    SALVADOR.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    SAM, Theresias Simon: President.

          See (in this Volume)
          HAITI: A. D. 1902.

    SANBORN, Judge Walter H.:
       Opinion in Suit for the Dissolution of the Standard Oil Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

    SANTIAGO, Chile:
       First Pan-American Scientific Congress.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES.

    SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1905.
       Financial Conditions.
       Dissipation of Revenues.

       "Many years ago the government, being unable to raise money on
       ordinary security, adopted the practice of vesting the power
       of collection in its creditors. Duties are settled in
       pagarés, or promissory notes, duly indorsed, and
       payable usually in a month or two months. In order to secure
       loans, these pagarés were handed over to the creditor,
       who collected the money directly from the importer or
       exporter. This expedient, which was designed to protect the
       creditor against the government itself as well as against its
       enemies, was in vogue when the government in 1888 sought
       financial relief in Europe. Such relief was obtained from
       Westendorp & Company, bankers, of Amsterdam, who in that year
       underwrote and issued, at 83½ per cent., 6 per cent. gold
       bonds of the Dominican government to the amount of £770,000
       sterling, the government creating a first lien on all its
       customs revenues, and authorizing the Westendorps to collect
       and receive at the custom-houses all the customs revenues of
       the republic. Under this contract, which was ratified by the
       Dominican Congress, the Westendorps created in Santo Domingo
       an establishment, commonly called the ‘Regie,’ which collected
       the duties directly from the importer and exporter and
       disbursed them, the Westendorps sending out from Europe the
       necessary agents and employees. It was further stipulated that
       the Westendorps should, in case of necessity, have the right
       to constitute a European commission, which it was understood
       was to be international in character. The power of collection
       and disbursement was exercised by the Westendorps down to
       1893, when it was transferred to the San Domingo Improvement
       Company, of New York, which continued to exercise it till
       January, 1901, when the company was, by an arbitrary executive
       decree issued by President Jimenez, excluded from its function
       of collecting the revenues, though its employees were
       permitted to remain in the custom-houses till the end of the
       year.

    {583}

       "As an assurance to the foreign creditor, whose legal security
       was thus destroyed, Jimenez constituted in the same decree a
       ‘Commission of Honorables,’ with whom the sums due to foreign
       creditors, including the American companies, were to be
       deposited; but their capacity as depositaries was not destined
       to be tested. Late in 1901, it became known that out of the
       reported revenues of the year, amounting to $2,126,453, the
       percentages for the domestic debt had not been set aside, and
       that no payment had been made on the floating interior debt,
       but that the Jimenez ‘revolutionary’ claims had been paid
       without previous warrant of law, and that there existed a
       deficit. Since that time, with the exception of comparatively
       small amounts, nothing whatever has been paid to the foreign
       creditor. The omission, however, has not been due to lack of
       revenues. It has been due to conditions which, if all the
       debts of the republic were with one stroke wiped out, would
       continue to prevent the government from meeting its ordinary
       expenses. The revenues have been seized and dissipated by the
       government and its enemies in ‘war expenses,’ and in the
       payment of 'asignaciones' and ‘revolutionary claims.’ …
       That foreign governments will stand by and permit such
       conditions to continue cannot be expected. They have already
       manifested their desire to intervene."

          John Bassett Moore,
          Santo Domingo and the United States
          (American Review of Reviews, March, 1905).

    SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International Conferences of
       American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.
       Years of almost Incessant Disorder and repeated Revolutions.
       Jimenez, Vasques, Wos y Gil, Morales and Caceres in
       succession at the Head of Government.
       Menace from the Creditors of the Republic.
       Appeal to the United States.
       American Treaty.
       President Roosevelt on the Situation.

       The assassination of President Heureaux and the election of
       President Jimenez are related in Volume VI. of this work (see
       DOMINICAN REPUBLIC). Jimenez’s rule was not long, and he gave
       way to a provisional government, under General Vasques, which
       was upset by a revolt that broke out in March, 1903, and which
       planted General Wos y Gil so obviously in power that his
       Government was recognized by the United States in October. But
       the rapidly revolving wheel of political events seems to have
       soon whirled Wos y Gil out and brought Jimenez back, to be
       tossed into private life again in 1904 by General Carlos F.
       Morales, of whom Mr. Sigimund Krausz gave a most favorable
       account in The Outlook, of September 17, 1904. "The
       common idea," said Mr. Krausz, "that the population of Santo
       Domingo consists exclusively of a horde of savages, and that
       the generals and politicians causing the kaleidoscopic
       sequence of revolutions are of the same class, and, without
       exception, uneducated brutes and degenerates, is quite
       erroneous, and has been created for the sake of
       sensationalism, largely by journalists and magazine writers
       without personal knowledge of Dominican conditions, or by
       native exiles who, naturally, are always enemies of the party
       in power. … While it is true that the vast majority of the
       Dominican people in the interior of the island live in a
       fearful state of ignorance, superstition, and even barbarism,
       caused by many decades of internal warfare, there is, however,
       also a class of natives who certainly ought not to be thrown
       in the same pot with them. These are the better citizens of
       the capital and the larger coast towns, among whom are many
       intelligent and educated men who had the advantage of fairly
       good schools and intercourse with foreigners. Among this class
       are a number who have received all or part of their education
       abroad, who speak two or three languages, and who, in their
       social intercourse and manners, may safely be pronounced
       gentlemen. They follow the occupations of merchants, planters,
       lawyers, physicians, etc., and while, as a rule, they keep
       aloof from politics, it is from their strata of society that
       spring most of the military and political leaders of Santo
       Domingo. There are few of these men who, by their appearance,
       betray the strain of negro blood in them, and the type is
       hardly distinguishable from that of Latin-Americans in
       general.

       "Carlos M. Morales belongs to the better class of Dominicans
       mentioned before, masters French, English, and Spanish
       fluently, and has the advantage of an ecclesiastical education
       in a seminary of Santo Domingo City. He was, in fact, for
       eight years a priest, before disagreement with various dogmas
       of the Church and the desire to take an active part in the
       political affairs of his country induced him to throw aside
       the cassock. He is a close student of West Indian conditions,
       and well acquainted with the affairs of the world in general.
       While being an ardent admirer of the United States and its
       institutions, and sincerely desiring its political friendship,
       he is at the same time the strongest opponent of any policy
       that would tend to make Santo Domingo a political dependency
       of Uncle Sam, either in the form of annexation or a
       protectorate."

       Morales was soon beset with claims from insistent foreign
       creditors, on account of debts which his predecessors had
       incurred, and which they had left nothing to satisfy. Several
       European governments were threatening forcible measures to
       secure payment for their subjects, and Morales asked for help
       from the United States. The situation and its outcome were
       reported subsequently to Congress by President Roosevelt, as
       follows:

       "The conditions in Santo Domingo have for a number of years
       grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society was on
       the verge of dissolution. Fortunately, just at this time a
       ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues,
       saw the dangers threatening their country and appealed to the
       friendship of the only great and powerful neighbor who
       possessed the power, and as they hoped also the will, to help
       them. There was imminent danger of foreign intervention. The
       previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred
       debts, and owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to
       be able to provide means of paying the debts. The patience of
       her foreign creditors had become exhausted, and at least two
       foreign nations were on the point of intervention, and were
       only prevented from intervening by the unofficial assurance of
       this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo
       Domingo in her hour of need.
    {584}
       In the case of one of these nations, only the actual opening
       of negotiations to this end by our Government prevented the
       seizure of territory in Santo Domingo by a European power. Of
       the debts incurred some were just, while some were not of a
       character which really renders it obligatory on, or proper
       for, Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not pay
       any of them unless some stability was assured her Government
       and people.

       "Accordingly the Executive Department of our Government
       negotiated a treaty under which we are to try to help the
       Dominican people to straighten out their finances. This treaty
       is pending before the Senate. In the meantime a temporary
       arrangement has been made which will last until the Senate has
       had time to take action upon the treaty. Under this
       arrangement the Dominican Government has appointed Americans
       to all the important positions in the customs service, and
       they are seeing to the honest collection of the revenues,
       turning over 45 per cent to the Government for running
       expenses and putting the other 55 per cent into a safe
       depositary for equitable division in case the treaty shall be
       ratified, among the various creditors, whether European or
       American. …

       "Under the course taken, stability and order and all the
       benefits of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, danger
       of foreign intervention has been suspended, and there is at
       last a prospect that all creditors will get justice, no more
       and no less. If the arrangement is terminated by the failure
       of the treaty chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner
       or later this Government may be involved in serious
       difficulties with foreign governments over the island, or else
       may be forced itself to intervene in the island in some
       unpleasant fashion. Under the proposed treaty the independence
       of the island is scrupulously respected, the danger of
       violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of
       foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our
       Government is minimized, so that we shall only act in
       conjunction with the Santo Domingo authorities to secure the
       proper administration of the customs, and therefore to secure
       the payment of just debts and to secure the Dominican
       Government against demands for unjust debts. The proposed
       method will give the people of Santo Domingo the same chance
       to move onward and upward which we have already given to the
       people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a nation
       if we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of
       damage to ourselves, and it will be of incalculable damage to
       Santo Domingo."

          President’s Message to Congress,
          December 5, 1905.

       Twenty days after the above was sent to Congress President
       Morales was a fugitive from his capital, expelled by a sudden
       revolutionary movement in which Vice-President Caceres and
       most of the Morales Cabinet appear to have taken a leading
       part. Some fighting occurred; but the Morales forces were
       beaten decisively in the first week of January, 1906, and
       their General, Rodrigues, was killed. Morales, wounded, sought
       protection at the American Legation and resigned the
       Presidency, January 12. Caceres succeeded to the office, and a
       treaty of peace between the contending parties was signed on
       the 17th, on board an United States vessel of war. The new
       Government of San Domingo adhered to the arrangement made by
       Morales with the United States.

       As ratified ultimately, in the spring of 1907, by the United
       States Senate and the Dominican Congress, the treaty provided
       for the conversion of the embarrassed republic’s debt and the
       floating of a new issue of bonds, through the agency of a firm
       of New York bankers which had undertaken the management of the
       affair; while the Government of the United States, by its
       agents, was to continue its supervision of the collection of
       revenue.

    SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1905-1907.
       The American Receivership of Dominican Revenues.
       The Modus Vivendi of 1905 and the Treaty of 1907.
       The working of the Arrangement.

       "By the modus vivendi of March 31, 1905, it was
       provided that until the Dominican Congress and the Senate of
       the United States should act upon the convention of February
       7, 1905, the President of the Dominican Republic, on the
       nomination of the President of the United States, should
       appoint a person to receive the revenues of all the
       custom-houses of the Republic. Of the net revenues collected,
       45 per cent was to be turned over to the Dominican Government,
       and used in administrative expenses. The remainder, less the
       expenses of collection, was to be deposited in a bank in New
       York to be designated by the President of the United States,
       and to remain there for the benefit of all creditors of the
       Republic, Dominican as well as foreign, and not to be
       withdrawn before the Dominican Congress and the Senate of the
       United States should have acted upon the convention then
       pending. During the operation of the modus vivendi all
       payments were to be suspended, without, however, in any way
       interfering with or changing the substantial rights of
       creditors. This modus vivendi went into effect on April
       1, 1905. Under the receivership created by this modus
       vivendi there has been collected, to August 31, 1907,
       $7,183,397.56. Of this amount 45 per cent was turned over to
       the Dominican Government, and $3,318,946.97, to bear interest
       while on deposit, has been remitted to New York. This is in
       striking contrast with the results of the customs operations
       of former years, when, having control of the entire revenues
       of the Republic, the Dominican Government had not only been
       unable to pay its current expenses, but found its apparent
       public debt increased at an average rate of almost $1,000,000
       a year for some thirty odd years. The convention between the
       United States and the Dominican Republic, signed at Santo
       Domingo City on February 8, 1907, was transmitted to the
       United States Senate on February 19, 1907, by the President,
       for ratification, and was ratified on the 25th of the same
       month. After formal ratification by the President of the
       United States and the Dominican Republic, ratifications were
       exchanged July 8, 1907, and formal proclamation made by the
       President on the 25th of the same month. Regulations have been
       drawn up for the application of its provisions. The treaty
       sets forth that the debts of the Dominican Republic amount to
       more than $30,000,000, nominal or face value, which have been
       scaled down by a conditional adjustment and agreement to some
       $17,000,000, including interest, in the payment of which the
       Government has requested the assistance of the United States.
    {585}
       The latter agrees to give this assistance subject to certain
       conditions set out in the treaty, the principal among which
       are

       (a) the President of the United States shall appoint the
       general receiver of the Dominican customs and his assistants;
       and

       (b) that the Dominican Government shall provide by law for the
       payment to such general receiver of all the customs duties of
       the Republic.

       The money collected is to be applied as follows:

       (1) To paying the expenses of the receivership;

       (2) to the payment of interest on bonds issued by the
       Dominican Government in connection with the settlement of its
       debts;

       (3) to the payment of the annual sums provided for
       amortization of said bonds, including interest upon all bonds
       held in the sinking fund;

       (4) to the purchase and cancellation or the retirement and
       cancellation, pursuant to the terms thereof, of any of said
       bonds as may be directed by the Dominican Government, and

       (5) the remainder to be paid to the Dominican Government.

       On the 1st day of each calendar month the sum of $100,000 is
       to be paid over by the receiver to the fiscal agent of the
       loan, and the remaining collection of the last preceding month
       paid over to the Dominican Government, or applied to the
       sinking fund for the purchase or redemption of bonds, as the
       Dominican Government shall direct. Should the revenues thus
       collected exceed $3,000,000 for any one year, one-half of the
       surplus is to be applied to the sinking fund for the
       redemption of bonds."

          Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs,
          October 31, 1907
          (Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, page 797).

       ----------SAN DOMINGO: End--------

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909.
       Water Supply.
       The Hetch Hetchy Project.

       "Under this name is designated a plan for obtaining a water
       supply for the city of San Francisco from the head waters of
       the Tuolumne River in the Sierra Nevada mountains. The Hetch
       Hetchy Valley is one of the most widely known regions of the
       high Sierras, second only to Yosemite in scenic interest. It
       is formed by a widening of the gorge of the Tuolumne River,
       about 30 miles westerly from the crest of the Sierras. It is
       thus described in the United States Geological Survey, 21st
       Annual Report.

       "‘The valley proper is about three and one-half miles long and
       of a width varying from one-quarter to three-quarters of a
       mile. The rugged granite walls, crowned with spires and upon
       battlements, seem to rise almost perpendicular upon all sides
       to a height of 2500 feet above this beautiful emerald meadow.

       "‘The Tuolumne River leaves this valley in a very narrow
       granite gorge, the sides of which rise precipitously for 800
       or more feet, thus providing naturally a most favorable site
       for a masonry dam.’ As the result of exhaustive
       investigations, in 1901, having reference to the procuring of
       an adequate water supply for the City of San Francisco, that
       city, through its proper officers, selected, surveyed, filed
       upon and made application for the reservoir rights of way in
       the Hetch Hetchy Valley and Lake Eleanor, which lie within the
       reservation known as Yosemite National Park. These reservoir
       sites were recognized and surveyed as such by the United
       States Geological Survey, in 1891, and the survey filings and
       application were made in conformity with the act of Congress
       of February 15, 1901, relating to rights of way through
       certain parks, reservations and other public lands.

       "Lake Eleanor is situated 136 miles east of San Francisco on
       the west slope of the Sierra Nevada Mountains. It is about 300
       acres in extent and lies in a broad, flat valley enclosed by
       precipitous walls of granite, narrowing at the lower end of
       the valley. It is 4,700 feet above sea level and receives the
       direct drainage from 83 square miles, and by a diverting canal
       6 miles long from 103 square miles additional of uninhabitable
       mountain slopes which reach an altitude of 11,000 feet, and
       receive a mean annual precipitation of from 40 to 50 inches,
       most of which is snow. About a mile and a quarter below the
       lake, the valley closes into a granite walled gorge and offers
       an excellent site and material for a dam. …

       "Hetch Hetchy reservoir (site) is about 140 miles from San
       Francisco on the main fork of the Tuolumne River and is about
       3,700 feet above sea level. It receives the drainage from 452
       square miles of the uninhabitable slopes of the Sierra Nevada,
       reaching to elevations of over 13,000 feet. …

       "The Hetch Hetchy project proposes to conduct the water
       liberated from these reservoirs by way of the gorge of the
       Tuolumne River 16 miles and thence by canals, tunnels and
       pipes."

          Frederick H. Clark,
          Head of History Department, Lowell High School.

       The application of the City to the United States Government
       for the Lake Eleanor and Hetch Hetchy reservoir sites was
       denied, in the first instance (1903), by the Secretary of the
       Interior, the Honorable A. E. Hitchcock, but subsequently
       granted, on a reopening of the case and a rehearing, by
       Secretary James R. Garfield, in whose decision, rendered May
       11, 1908, the considerations for and against the proposed use
       of these famous seats of natural beauty and sublimity were
       discussed at length and concluded to have the greater weight
       in favor of the application.

       One stipulation made by Secretary Garfield was that within two
       years the City should submit the question of water supply to
       the vote of its citizens, as contemplated in its Charter. This
       was done on November 11, 1908, and the voters of San
       Francisco, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts of the
       private water company, recorded their approval of the Hetch
       Hetchy Project by the overwhelming vote of 34,950 for, to 5708
       against the proposition. At the same election a sale of
       municipal bonds to the amount of $600,000 was authorized in
       order to enable the City to proceed to perfect its titles.
       These bonds have been sold and at this date (June, 1909) the
       acquisition of the required land is under way.

       Almost passionate protests and pleadings against this use of
       the beautiful Hetch Hetchy Valley have been uttered by John
       Muir, the word-painter of "The Mountains of California," and
       many earnest voices from all parts of the country have been
       joined to his in the expostulation. Mr. Muir writes: "It is
       impossible to overestimate the value of wild mountains and
       mountain temples. They are the greatest of our natural
       resources, God's best gifts; but none, however high and holy,
       is beyond reach of the spoiler. These temple destroyers,
       devotees of ravaging commercialism, seem to have a perfect
       contempt for Nature, and instead of lifting their eyes to the
       mountains, lift them to dams and town skyscrapers. Dam Hetch
       Hetchy! As well dam for water-tanks the people’s cathedrals
       and churches, for no holier temple has ever been consecrated
       by the heart of man.

    {586}

       "Excepting only Yosemite, Hetch Hetchy is the most attractive
       and wonderful valley within the bounds of the great Yosemite
       National Park and the best of all the campgrounds. People are
       now flocking to it in ever-increasing numbers for health and
       recreation of body and mind. Though the walls are less sublime
       in height than those of Yosemite, its groves, gardens, and
       broad spacious meadows are more beautiful and picturesque. It
       is many years since sheep and cattle were pastured in it, and
       the vegetation now shows scarce a trace of their ravages. Last
       year in October I visited the valley with Mr. William Keith,
       the artist. He wandered about from view to view, enchanted,
       made thirty-eight sketches, and enthusiastically declared that
       in varied picturesque beauty Hetch Hetchy greatly surpassed
       Yosemite. It is one of God’s best gifts, and ought to be
       faithfully guarded."

       When this work went to press, in May, 1910, Secretary
       Ballinger was giving hearings on the question of revoking the
       permit to San Francisco.

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901 1909.
       The Struggle with Political Corruption.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1902.
       The Chinese Highbinder Associations.
       Report of the Industrial Commission on their Criminal
       and Dangerous Character.

       "Investigations made under the directions of the Industrial
       Commission reveal the dangerous importance to be attached to
       the existence of the so-called associations of ‘highbinders’
       among the Chinese population of San Francisco. It is variously
       estimated that of the total number of Chinese in that city,
       amounting to 25,000 or 30,000, there are about 1,000 members
       of the highbinder associations who represent the worst class
       of criminals. Many of them have been compelled to flee from
       their native country on account of crimes committed there.
       They are organized under the semblance of benefit societies,
       but for the purpose of blackmail and violation of the
       immigration laws. They impose fines arbitrarily upon the
       hard-working and prosperous Chinese, and enforce their decrees
       through criminal violence and even assassination. They nullify
       the judgment of American courts through their own secret
       tribunals and their paid assassins; they make a business of
       bringing to the United States slave girls and coolie laborers,
       and through their system of intimidation it is difficult, and
       often impossible, to secure witnesses who will testify to the
       truth. It is generally believed by those who have given
       attention to this matter, that if the country could be rid of
       this criminal class of Chinese, and the highbinders societies
       be permanently suppressed, one of the greatest factors in the
       commission of fraud in the administration of the Chinese
       exclusion laws would be eliminated. An eminent authority
       asserts that fully 75 per cent of all the frauds committed at
       the present time against the exclusion law can be traced
       directly to the highbinder associations. So perfect is the
       organization of these societies, and so thorough their reign
       of terrorism, that the efforts of the authorities to suppress
       them have never been successful. The only thing which they
       fear above all others, holding it in greater dread than our
       laws, our courts, and jails, is deportation to China. The only
       decisive remedy in that case is legislation through Congress,
       which should render aliens who are members of such societies,
       or any society having for its purpose the commission of crime
       or the violation of our laws, liable to deportation. What is
       true of the highbinders of San Francisco is probably true also
       of certain anarchistic societies which are recruited from
       Europe."

          Final Report (1902) of the Industrial Commission,
          page 1009.

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.
       The Earthquake Shock of April 18, 1906.
       The Geological Explanation.
       Stupendous Destruction by Fire following the Earth Tremor.
       Conditions produced by the Fire.
       Relief Measures.

       "On the morning of April 18, 1906, the coastal region of
       Middle California was shaken by an earthquake of unusual
       severity. The time of the shock and its duration varied
       slightly in different localities, depending upon their
       position with reference to the seat of the disturbance in the
       earth’s crust; but in general the time of the occurrence may
       be stated to be 5h 12m A. M., Pacific standard time, or the
       time of the meridian of longitude 120° west of Greenwich;
       and the sensible duration of the shock was about one minute.

       "The shock was violent in the region about the Bay of San
       Francisco, and with few exceptions inspired all who felt it
       with alarm and consternation. In the cities many people were
       injured or killed, and in some cases persons became mentally
       deranged, as a result of the disasters which immediately
       ensued from the commotion of the earth. The manifestations of
       the earthquake were numerous and varied. … Springs were
       affected either temporarily or permanently, some being
       diminished, others increased in flow. Landslides were caused
       on steep slopes, and on the bottom lands of the streams the
       soft alluvium was in many places caused to crack and to lurch,
       producing often very considerable deformations of the surface.
       This deformation of the soil was an important cause of damage
       and wreckage of buildings situated in such tracts. Railway
       tracks were buckled and broken. In timbered areas in the zone
       of maximum disturbance many large trees were thrown to the
       ground and in some cases they were snapped off above the
       ground.

       "The most disastrous of the effects of the earthquake were the
       breaking out of fires and, at the same time, the destruction
       of the pipe systems which supplied the water necessary to
       combat them. Such fires caused the destruction of a large
       portion of San Francisco, as all the world knows; and they
       also intensified the calamity due to the earthquake at Santa
       Rosa and Fort Bragg. The degree of intensity with which the
       earthquake made itself felt by these various manifestations
       diminished with the distance from the seat of disturbance, and
       at the more remote points near the limits of its sensibility
       it was perceived only by a feeble vibration of buildings
       during a brief period.

    {587}

       "The area over which the shock was perceptible to the senses
       extends from Coos Bay, Oregon, on the north, to Los Angeles on
       the south, a distance of about 730 miles; and easterly as far
       as Winnemucca, Nevada, a distance of about 300 miles from the
       coast. The territory thus affected has an extent, inland from
       the coast, of probably 175,000 square miles. If we assume that
       (he sea-bottom to the west of the coast was similarly
       affected, which is very probably true, the total area which
       was caused to vibrate to such an extent as to be perceptible
       to the senses was 372,700 square miles. Beyond the limits at
       which the vibrations were sufficiently sharp to appeal to the
       senses, earth waves were propagated entirely around the globe
       and were recorded instrumentally at all the more important
       seismological stations in civilized countries.

       "Various manifestations of the earthquake above cited,
       including the cracking and deformation of the soil and
       incoherent surface formations, were the results of the earth
       jar, or commotion of the earth’s crust. The cause of the
       earthquake, as will be more fully set forth in the body of
       this report, was the sudden rupture of the earth's crust along
       a line or lines extending from the vicinity of Point Delgada
       to a point in San Benito County near San Juan; a distance in a
       nearly straight course, of about 270 miles. For a distance of
       190 miles from Point Arena to San Juan, the fissure formed by
       this rupture is known to be practically continuous. Beyond
       Point Arena it passes out to sea, so that its continuity with
       the similar crack near Point Delgada is open to doubt; and the
       latter may possibly be an independent, tho associated, rupture
       parallel to the main one south of Point Arena. It is most
       probable, however, that there is but one continuous rupture.
       The course of the fissure for the 190 miles thru which it has
       been followed is nearly straight, with a bearing of from North
       30° to 40° West, but with a slight general curvature, the
       concavity being toward the. northeast, and minor local
       curvatures. The fissure for the extent indicated follows the
       old line of seismic disturbance which extends thru California
       from Humboldt County to San Benito County, and thence
       southerly obliquely across the Coast Ranges thru the Tejon
       Pass and the Cajon Pass into the Colorado Desert."

          Report of the California State Earthquake Investigation
          Commission, Volume 1, pages 1-2.

    SAN FRANCISCO:
       The Great Conflagration.

       General Frederick Funston, commanding the United States troops
       at San Francisco, lost no time in ordering them out for
       service in the emergency, and his report gives many
       interesting particulars of the struggle with outbreaking and
       spreading fires, in which they took an heroic part.

       "By 9 A. M.," he wrote, "the various fires were merging into
       one great conflagration, and were approaching the Palace
       Hotel, Grand Hotel, Call Building, Emporium, and other large
       buildings from the south. … By the morning of the 19th the
       fire had destroyed the main portion of the wholesale and
       retail section of the city, and was actively burning on a line
       from about the corner of Montgomery avenue and Montgomery
       street southwest on an irregular line to Van Ness avenue at
       Golden Gate avenue. … The progress of the fire was very slow.
       It averaged not more than one block in two hours. … By the
       night of the 19th about 250,000 people or more must have been
       encamped or sleeping out in the open in the various military
       reservations, parks, and open spaces of the city.

       "On the night of the 19th, when the fire reached Van Ness
       avenue, Colonel Charles Morris, Artillery Corps, in command of
       the troops in that portion of the city, authorized Captain Le
       Vert Coleman to destroy a number of buildings far enough ahead
       of the fire to make a clearing along Broadway, Franklin and
       Gough streets, which space the fire was unable to bridge, and
       in this manner was stopped after it had crossed Van Ness
       avenue and the fire department seemed powerless. It is my
       opinion that if it had not been for the work done at this
       place the entire Western Addition of the city would have been
       destroyed.

       "By the morning of the 20th the Western Addition, as that part
       of the city lying west of Van Ness avenue is called, was
       considered safe, except from the danger arising from a very
       threatening conflagration working along the slopes of Russian
       Hill toward that part of Van Ness avenue lying north of
       Broadway. All day of the 20th an heroic fight was made by the
       soldiers, sailors, firemen, and citizens to stop this fire,
       which had a frontage of about half a mile, and was working its
       way slowly against the wind. A number of buildings were
       destroyed here by high explosives, and back firing was
       resorted to. The fight, at this place was greatly aided by
       water pumped from the bay at Fort Mason. …

       "By the most tremendous exertions the flames were prevented
       from crossing Van Ness avenue between that port (Fort Mason)
       and the point where they had once crossed and been fought out.
       By the morning of the 21st the Western Addition was considered
       safe, and the advancing flames south from the Mission district
       had been stayed; but a rising wind caused the fire to turn
       northeastward from Russian Hill and destroy a portion of the
       city along the bay shore that had hitherto been spared."

       Of the work of dynamiting that was done, mainly by the
       soldiers, Major General A. W. Greeley, in a special report,
       says: "The authority for demolitions was in every case derived
       from the Mayor or his representatives. During all of the 18th
       and until the afternoon of the 19th the city authorities
       withheld their permission to blow up any buildings, except
       those in immediate contact with others already ablaze.
       Consequently, although we were able to check the fire at
       certain points, it outflanked us time and again, and all our
       work had to be begun over in front of the fire. … By
       [afternoon of April 19th] the Mayor gave permission to take
       more drastic measures to stop the fire."

    SAN FRANCISCO:
       After the Fire.

       Of conditions after the fire General Greeley gives a vivid
       description, partly as follows:

       "On April 18 this was a city of 500,000 inhabitants, the
       commercial emporium of the Pacific coast, a great industrial
       and manufacturing center, adorned with magnificent buildings,
       equipped with extensive local transportation, provided with
       the most sanitary appliances, and having an abundant water
       supply. On April 21 these triumphs of human effort, this
       center of civilization, had become a scene of indescribable
       desolation, more than 200,000 residents having fled from the
       burnt district alone, leaving several hundred dead under its
       smoldering ashes. …

    {588}

       "The burnt area covered 3,400 acres, as against 2,100 in
       Chicago and 50 in Boston. … Even buildings spared by the fire
       were damaged as to chimneys, so that all food of the entire
       city was cooked over camp fires in the open streets.

       "Two hundred and twenty-five thousand people were not only
       homeless, losing homes and all personal property, but also
       were deprived of their means of present sustenance and future
       livelihood. Food, water, shelter, clothing, medicines, and
       sewerage were all lacking. Failing even for drinking purposes,
       water had to be brought long distances. Every large bakery was
       destroyed or interrupted. While milk and country produce were
       plentiful in the suburbs, local transportation was entirely
       interrupted so that even people of great wealth could obtain
       food only by charity or public relief."

    SAN FRANCISCO:
       Loss of Life and Property.

       General Greeley "gives the loss of life in San Francisco,
       including some who subsequently died from injuries received,
       as 304 known and 194 unknown. In addition, 415 persons were
       seriously injured. Estimates of the value of property
       destroyed made up from the reports of settlements by the
       insurance companies are given as follows in Best’s Special
       Report on San Francisco Losses and Settlement, published in
       New York, February 25, 1907:

       ‘The total loss to insurance institutions throughout the world
       was from $220,000,000 to $225,000,000. It is probable that the
       sound value of the property represented by this loss was
       nearly or quite $100,000,000 greater than the last named
       figure, so that this conflagration takes rank as the largest
       in history in point of values destroyed. The loss fell on 243
       insurance institutions, plus those foreign companies (twenty
       or more in number) which have made no report to us.’"

    SAN FRANCISCO:
       Maintenance of Order.

       "After the arrival of state troops ordered into service by the
       governor of California, five separate organizations were
       maintaining order in San Francisco—the municipal police, the
       national guard of California, the United States navy,
       citizens’ committees, and the United States army. Under this
       multiplied control it was inevitable that some clashes of
       authority should occur, and that citizens should at times feel
       hampered by excess of regulation. ‘It bears testimony,’ says
       General Greeley, ‘to the judgment and forbearance of the
       personnel enforcing order and to the sensible, law-abiding
       qualities of the people of San Francisco, that during such
       prolonged and desperate condition of affairs there should have
       been but nine deaths by violence. All killed were men, and
       four of the cases have been the subject of investigation under
       the civil law.’

    SAN FRANCISCO:
       Relief Measures.

       "Invaluable service of relief was rendered by the railway
       companies, the Southern Pacific, under the personal direction
       of President E. T. Harriman, and the Atchison, Topeka and
       Santa Fe, giving free transportation over their lines from
       April 18th to the 26th, and affording every possible facility
       for the forwarding of relief supplies. The ferries and
       suburban lines did the same.

       "Food, clothing and tents furnished by Pacific coast cities
       began to pour in, followed quickly by similar supplies from
       more distant points and by the War Department of the United
       States under special appropriation promptly made by Congress.
       The proper handling and distribution of these vast quantities
       of material and the control of the refugee camps that filled
       the public parks devolved upon the military authorities.
       Relief service was promptly systematized by the army officers,
       ably assisted after the opening week by Dr. Edward T. Devine,
       special representative of the National Red Cross. After July 2
       the army was withdrawn from the refugee camps and the relief
       work passed under the control of the Red Cross and citizens’
       organizations. Mr. J. D. Phelan of San Francisco, chairman of
       the Finance Committee of the Relief and Red Cross Funds, thus
       commends the services of the army in its management of the
       relief operations: ‘As citizens we feel that the army in time
       of peace has demonstrated its efficiency and usefulness as it
       has in our days of trouble signalized its splendid qualities
       on the field of battle.’

    SAN FRANCISCO:
       Behavior of the People.

       "General A. W. Greeley in his special report thus
       characterizes the behavior of the people of San Francisco.

       ‘It is safe to say that nearly 200,000 persons were brought to
       a state of complete destitution, beyond the clothing they wore
       or carried in their arms. The majority of the community was
       reduced from conditions of comfort to dependence upon public
       charity, yet in all my experiences I have never seen a woman
       in tears, nor heard a man whining over his losses. Besides
       this spirit of cheerful courage, they exhibited qualities of
       resourcefulness and self-respect which must command the
       admiration of the world. Within two months the bread line,
       which at first exceeded 300,000, was reduced to a comparative
       handful—less than 5 per cent. of the original number.’"

          Frederick H. Clark,
          Head of History Department, Lowell High School.

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906.
       Segregation of Oriental Children in Public Schools.
       Resentment of Japanese.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906 (April-October).
       During and after the Suppression of Saloons.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: CASUAL OCCURRENCES.

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1906-1909.
       The Rebuilding of the Shattered and Burned City.
       Improvements in the Reconstruction.

       "The great fire of April, 1906, practically obliterated the
       business section of San Francisco. Vast heaps of brick and
       stone and iron beams, twisted and bent, filled the area where
       the great hotels, banks and mercantile establishments,
       wholesale and retail, had stood. The opportunity to correct
       original errors and to make improvements in the ground plan of
       this portion of the city was at once recognized. People said
       to one another: ‘ London, Chicago, and Baltimore have bitterly
       regretted, since their great fires, that they did not improve
       their streets. Are we to fail to take advantage of their
       mistakes?’ A Citizens’ Committee on Reconstruction was
       appointed; many valuable suggestions were brought together;
       and an expert engineer was directed to study the plans and
       make practical estimates of the cost of the more important
       improvements. A set of most commendable changes was thus
       brought to the point of authoritative adoption. These changes
       included, particularly, the widening of streets needed for
       main thoroughfares, extension of a few main streets so as to
       facilitate the distribution of traffic, the extension of
       shipping facilities along the water front, and improving the
       thoroughfares leading thereto. The opportunity of making these
       improvements while the whole area was destitute of buildings
       was, of course, never likely to recur.

    {589}

       "At this point the whole matter came to a standstill. It was
       the misfortune of San Francisco at this critical moment to be
       under a municipal administration, wholly incompetent and
       corrupt. Private enterprise was strained to the utmost in the
       effort to recover from the great losses, and from the want of
       governmental initiative, all projects of municipal improvement
       failed for the time. Under a reformed city-government after
       1907, a great deal of municipal work was undertaken which will
       be indicated below.

       "Rebuilding of private structures is a wonderful record of
       courage, energy and resourcefulness. The first stage was the
       rushing up of temporary wooden structures,—any sort of a
       building that would afford shelter and permit the resumption
       of business. For the most part the lumber yards of San
       Francisco were untouched by the fire, and thus the city had a
       considerable stock of material for immediate operations. Van
       Ness Avenue and other former residence streets were soon lined
       with one-story wooden buildings over which appeared the
       well-known names of down-town firms.

       "The second stage in reconstruction was the removal of the
       ruins left by earthquake and fire. The business section of the
       former city was constructed mainly of brick. Whether from
       ignorance or prejudice the former building laws of San
       Francisco did not permit the use of concrete except for floors
       and foundations. Only a few of the more recently constructed
       buildings were of steel. Thus the first great problem was
       presented by the standing brick walls.

       "For a few days the use of dynamite for the overthrow of
       standing walls was permitted, and in this way much additional
       damage was done to buildings not wholly ruined by the
       earthquake and fire. Subsequently it was found to be far more
       systematic and advantageous as well as safer to pull down the
       standing walls by means of wire cables and stationary engines.
       Pulling down old walls became for a time a trade in itself.

       "Thousands of men found employment in cleaning the old bricks
       and stacking them up for use in rebuilding. For the removal of
       the vast quantities of debris,—twisted pipe and beams, broken
       brick and crumbled plaster, temporary railways were
       constructed over the level down-town district, and elaborate
       plans were made for a wholesale business by steam
       transportation. There was trouble over loading facilities,
       however, and the greater quantity was carried away by two
       horse dump-wagons, the material being used for filling in low
       lands along the water front and elsewhere. All California felt
       the demand for horses and wagons that this great work created.

       "Immediately after the fire the work of revising the building
       laws was taken up. Fortunately this task received the
       intelligent guidance of a citizens’ committee composed of
       local builders, architects and engineers. The building
       regulations were rescued from their contradictions and
       confusion, and a clear, systematic ordinance was secured. The
       most notable forward step was the authorization of reinforced
       concrete buildings.

       "Architects and engineers interested in the problems of
       reconstruction organized a ‘Structural Association’ as a
       clearing-house for improved building methods. The utmost pains
       were taken to study the effects of the earthquake and the
       conflagration in order to secure every possible advantage from
       the lessons inculcated. The results of this study may be
       summarized as follows.

       "Steel frame buildings (Class A) were perfectly able to resist
       the effects of earthquake shock of the severity of the
       disturbance of 1906, and when properly protected, to endure
       the test of conflagration as well. Concrete, both plain and
       reinforced, rose rapidly in favor as structural material.
       Opinion as to the continued use of brick in construction was
       divided, but on account of the need of brick in the cheaper
       buildings, there was no tendency toward its falling into
       disuse. Wired glass, that is, plate glass in which a mesh of
       fine wire netting is embedded has been brought into favor, the
       idea being that when this glass is subjected to great heat it
       may crack, but will not fall.

       "Along with the improved methods of construction, the
       rebuilding of office and business structures afforded an
       opportunity of modernizing them. Merchants went so far as to
       form a ‘Down-Town Association’ which held weekly meetings for
       the purpose of studying the problems of rehabilitation and of
       taking advantage of every suggestion for improvement. The new
       buildings have been perfected in lighting and sanitation and
       in exterior finish and interior arrangements have been brought
       up to the standard of the world’s best types. Thus the
       business district of the new city has been made immeasurably
       superior in durability, cleanliness and appearance, to what it
       was before the fire.

       "The amount of reconstruction that has been done is shown in
       the following table taken from the San Francisco
       Chronicle of April 18, 1909, which summarizes the work
       done in three years. The table was compiled from the municipal
       records.

       "Private building operations, April 18, 1906 to April 18, 1909:

                      Number.      Cost.

       Class A          82       $19,391,982

       Class B         109         8,042,831

       Class C       1,369        42,416,072

       Frame        12,352        50,962,813

       Alterations   6,334         9,528,310

       Total                    $130,344,008

       "Class A
       buildings having steel frames;
       stone, brick or concrete facing, fire-proof floors.
       Completely fire-proof.

       "Class B
       buildings of reinforced concrete,
       brick or stone, with steel beams entering into the main walls,
       fire-proof.

       "Class C
       brick, stone or concrete buildings
       with floors and floor-framework of wood.

       "As the actual cost usually exceeds the estimate that goes
       into the public record by about 15 per cent. it would be
       proper to estimate the cost of all this construction at
       $150,000,000. Of this amount it is estimated that less than
       $10,000,000 has been furnished from outside of San
       Francisco,—local capital having proven itself sufficient for
       this vast work. Within this same period the public service
       corporations have expended nearly $20,000,000 in
       reconstruction,—the greatest work being the practical
       rebuilding of the street-car lines. For municipal
       reconstruction the city has repaved nearly all of the business
       streets and has voted bonds for $18,200,000. From the funds
       thus provided permanent improvements of great importance are
       now (August, 1909) in progress.

    {590}

       "The election authorizing the sale of bonds was held on May
       11, 1908. The purposes for which these bonds were issued are
       thus announced by the Public Utilities Committee of the Board
       of Supervisors:

       "‘Fire Protection Bonds, $5,200,000, for the installation of
       an extensive high pressure water system which will give
       superior fire protection to the greater part of the thickly
       built portion of the city, and designed to be the most
       serviceable of its kind in the world. With this installed it
       will be almost impossible for a conflagration to ever again
       visit the city.

       "‘Sewer Bonds, $4,000,000, for the construction of a complete
       sewer system which will discharge the sewage in a manner that
       will perfectly safeguard the health of the city.

       "‘School Bonds, $5,000,000, for the construction of
       school-houses to the number of more than thirty, replacing
       those destroyed by fire in April, 1906, and providing sites
       and additional structures in districts now inadequately
       supplied.

       "‘Hospital Bonds, $2,000,000, for the construction of modern
       hospitals.

       "‘Hall of Justice Bonds, $1,000,000, for the construction of
       buildings for the police and other departments of the city
       government.

       "‘Garbage System Bonds, $1,000,000, for the construction of
       modern works for the disposal of the city’s waste in a
       sanitary manner.

       "‘With these improvements the City of San Francisco will be
       equipped with public works that will insure it a prominent
       place in the cities of the world in respect to all things that
       go to make stability and give permanence to the community as a
       great trade and industrial center.’ The rapid recovery of San
       Francisco from the losses of the great fire is further shown
       by the following comparison of values from the Assessors
       Reports:

                        Value of Taxable Property.

                            1905.          1906.          1908.

       Real Estate       $304,136,185    $237,082,752    $258,642,215
       Buildings           97,830,165      50,250,480      90,996,500
       Personal Property  122,264,596      88,805,510     103,912,469
       Total             $524,230,946    $376,138,742    $453,551,184

          Frederick H. Clark,
          Head of History Department,
          Lowell High School.

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1908 (July).
       Visit of the Battleship Fleet.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    SANITARY UNDERTAKINGS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    SANTOS-DUMONT, A.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    SARRIEN-CLEMENCEAU MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1906.

    SARTO, Giuseppe, Cardinal:
       Elected Pope.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1903 (JULY-AUGUST).

    SASKATCHEWAN:
       Organized as a Province of the Dominion of Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

    SAXONY: A. D. 1906.
       Political Reform.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

    SCANDINAVIAN-AMERICAN SOLIDARITY.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

    SCHMITZ, EUGENE E.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

    SCHOOL CHILDREN, UNDERFED.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF.

    SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE,
       The American.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.

    SCHOOLS.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION.

    SCHOUVALOFF, COUNT, ASSASSINATION OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    SCHREINER, W. P.:
       Opposition to Disfranchisement of Colored Natives
       in South Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

       ----------SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Start--------

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Aeronautics:
       The Development of the Aeroplane and the Dirigible Balloon.

       To be lifted from the earth by an inflated sack of gas lighter
       than air, and be drifted with it by the winds, was an
       interesting experience for a few adventurous people, after the
       Mongolfiers, in 1783, had found it could be done; but the
       practical advantages from it were slight, so long as the
       voyager of the air had no slightest control of his journeying.
       The possibility of such control only came within the range of
       inventors’ dreams when motor enginery had been carried far
       towards the promise of much power with little weight. The
       promise was half a century behind its fulfilment, however,
       when Henri Giffard, the notable French engineer, is said to
       have constructed a balloon which lacked nothing but the
       adequately light and vigorous motor in order to be as [much a]
       dirigible as any of the present day. But the needed motor
       began to take form, and success in the propulsion of balloons
       on steered courses, with some independence of the winds, began
       to be realized, in the experiments of Count Zeppelin, in
       Germany, and of M. Santos-Dumont in France, beginning about
       1898.

       Before that date, however, invention had been started on
       bolder lines, seeking independence of the clumsy gas-bag, and
       striving to mount the air as the bird does, by pushing against
       it the inclined planes of his wings. Otto Lilienthal, in
       Germany, began experiments to that end in 1893. He had no
       motor; but starting from a height, and "making judicious use
       of the movement of the wind," he accomplished gliding flights
       of about 1200 feet, and the machines he constructed were
       suggestive of ideas to the experimenters who followed him. He
       was killed by a fall in 1896. Many were then working at the
       problem of aerial flight without the lifting force of light
       gases.
    {591}
       Some studied it scientifically and some attacked it in the
       rough manner of sheer empiricism. Of the former, in the United
       States, were Octave Chanute, the engineer, and Professor
       Samuel P. Langley, the astronomer and physicist of the
       Smithsonian Institution; in England there was Sir Hiram Maxim.
       These gentlemen arrived at no practical success in their own
       experimenting, but they furnished good guidance to the work of
       their more fortunate successors. A little later the scientific
       students of the problem were joined by the inventor of the
       telephone, Alexander Graham Bell. And then came the two
       workers who advanced from empiricism to science in their
       undertaking, and who won the first great successes by a happy
       combination of the two.

       The brothers Orville and Wilbur Wright have told, in an
       article contributed to The Century Magazine, how they
       were stirred to serious interest in the aviation problem in
       1896 and began to read what Langley, Chanute, Mouillard and
       others had written on it. Entering, purely as a sport, on
       experiments in gliding flight, on Lilienthal’s lines, they
       became fascinated by the pursuit. From the first they appear
       to have chosen what is known as the biplane structure for
       their machines, the invention of which they credit to a
       previous inventor, Wenham, whose design of it had been
       improved by Stringfellow and Chanute. To this construction, of
       two planes, one above the other, for supporting surfaces, they
       have steadfastly adhered.

       At the outset of their experimenting the Wrights found a
       difficulty in the balancing of "flyers" which previous workers
       did not seem to have treated seriously enough, and they
       settled themselves to the conquest of it at once. This and
       other problems soon carried them from empirical testing into
       scientific studies, which occupied several years. They found
       that the accepted measurements of wind pressure, on given
       plane surfaces exposed at different angles, were unreliable,
       and they applied themselves to the making and tabulating of
       measurements of their own. It was not until this work had
       given them "accurate data for making calculations, and a
       system of balance effective in winds as well as in calms," as
       well as the necessary data for designing an effective screw
       propeller, that they felt themselves prepared "to build a
       successful power-flyer."

       So far, these thorough-going workers at the problems of
       aviation had been experimenting with a machine designed, as
       they said, "to be flown as a kite, with a man on board," or
       without the man, "operating the levers through cords from the
       ground." Their active experimenting began in October, 1900, at
       Kitty Hawk, North Carolina. In 1901 they made the acquaintance
       of Mr. Chanute, and he spent some weeks with them, observing
       and encouraging their work. In September and October, they
       say, "nearly one thousand gliding flights were made, several
       of which covered distances of over 600 feet. Some, made
       against a wind of thirty-six miles an hour, gave proof of the
       effectiveness of the devices for control." Late in 1903 they
       had reached the point of testing a power-machine, and sailed
       into the air with it for the first time on the 17th of
       December in the presence of five lookers-on. "The first
       flight," they tell us, "lasted only twelve seconds: a flight
       very modest compared with that of birds; but it was,
       nevertheless, the first in the history of the world in which a
       machine carrying a man had raised itself by its own power into
       the air in free flight, had sailed forward on a level course,
       without reduction of speed, and had finally landed without
       being wrecked. The second and third flights were a little
       longer, and the fourth lasted fifty-nine seconds, covering a
       distance of 852 feet over the ground against a twenty-mile
       wind."

       In the spring of 1904 the experimenting of the Wright Brothers
       was transferred from Kitty Hawk, North Carolina, to a prairie
       not far from their home, at Dayton, Ohio. There they overcame
       final difficulties in the maintaining of equilibrium when
       turning their machine in circles of flight; and then, at the
       end of September, 1905, they suspended experiments for more
       than two years, which they spent in business negotiations and
       in the construction of new machines. Their experimenting was
       not resumed until May, 1908 (again at Kitty Hawk). At this
       time it was directed to the testing of the ability of their
       machine to meet the requirements of a contract with the United
       States Government to furnish a flyer capable of carrying two
       men and sufficient fuel supplies for a flight of 25 miles,
       with a speed of forty miles an hour.

       Meantime, during the two years of suspended experimenting by
       the Wrights, other workers in Europe and America had been
       approaching their successes, so far as to be competitors for
       the important prizes now offered very plainly for winning in
       the aviation field. M. Santos-Dumont, turning his attention
       from dirigible balloons to aeroplanes, had made, at Paris, the
       first public flight on that side of the ocean; and though he
       covered no more than 220 yards, it was a long stride in
       practical success. Henry Farman, Louis Bleriot, M. Delagrange,
       in France, Glenn H. Curtiss and A. M. Herring, in the United
       States, were making ready to dispute honors with the Dayton
       aviators, of whose actual achievements the public knew little,
       as yet.

       On all sides there was readiness for surprising and
       astonishing the public in 1908. Farman, at Paris, in March,
       exceeded a flight of two miles; Delagrange, at Milan, in June,
       covered ten miles, and more; Farman, in July, raised his
       record to eleven miles, and Delagrange carried his to fifteen
       and a half in September. The Wrights had made flights that
       ranged from eleven to twenty-four miles in the fall of 1905;
       and now, in their renewed trials of 1908, these distances were
       more than doubled. Wilbur Wright went abroad, to exhibit their
       machine in France and elsewhere, while Orville, in September,
       submitted it to official tests at Fort Myer, near Washington.
       There, on different days in that month, rounding circuits of
       the parade ground, he made time records of continuous flight
       that ran from 56 to 74 minutes, travelling estimated distances
       that stretched in one instance over fifty-one and a third
       miles. These trials at Fort Myer were interrupted sadly by an
       accident, from the breaking of a propeller-blade, which caused
       the machine to drop to the ground while in flight. Lieutenant
       T. E. Selfridge, U. S. A., who rode with Mr. Wright at the
       time, was killed, and Mr. Wright suffered a broken leg.

    {592}

       Wilbur Wright, meantime, was entering on great triumphs in
       France. At Le Mans, on the 21st of September, he traversed 68
       miles in a continuous flight of a little more than an hour and
       a half. This achievement was far surpassed by him on the 18th
       of December, when 95 miles were travelled in an hour and
       fifty-four minutes, and again, on the 31st of December, when
       the stay in the air was prolonged to two hours, nine minutes
       and some seconds, and the distance covered was 76½ miles.

       These records of the Wrights for time of continuous flight
       were beaten by a number of European competitors, as will be
       shown below. Otherwise, the records of 1909 show no very
       marked advance beyond those of 1908; but the year had
       excitements in aviation, connected especially with attempted
       flights over the English Channel. Hubert Latham, a recent
       French practitioner in aviation, was the first to venture this
       leap through the air from France to England. His machine was
       described as being an Antoinette monoplane, designed by M.
       Levevasseur. He launched it from Calais in the early morning
       of July 19, and traversed about six miles of the passage when
       his motor failed and he fell to the water, unhurt, and was
       rescued by an attendant steamer. Six days after Latham's
       failure, on the 25th of July, Louis Bleriot, using another
       monoplane machine, made the crossing with brilliant success,
       flying from Calais to Dover, 21 miles, in 23 minutes, and
       winning the prize of £1000 which the Daily Mail, of London,
       had offered for the performance of the feat. M. Latham then
       repeated his attempt and was unfortunate again, his motor
       giving out after it had carried him within two miles of the
       Dover shore.

       Orville Wright, at this time, July 27, was demonstrating at
       Fort Myer the ability of his aeroplane to carry two persons in
       a well-sustained flight. With Lieutenant Frank P. Lahm, of the
       Signal Corps, as a passenger, and having President Taft among
       his spectators, he made a flight of an hour, twelve minutes
       and forty seconds, accomplishing upwards of fifty miles at an
       average speed of forty miles an hour. A day or two afterwards
       he carried Lieutenant Benjamin D. Foulois over the ten mile
       course from Fort Myer to Alexandria at a speed of more than
       forty-two miles an hour.

       In the last week of August the first race meeting for
       heavier-than air flying machines occurred at Rheims, France,
       and a dozen aviators from France, England and America competed
       for large prizes in long distance and duration flights. A
       number of new records was made, and new names acquired note.
       Louis Paulhan kept the air for two hours and forty-three
       minutes with a Voisin biplane, covering 83 miles. Hubert
       Latham surpassed this in distance and speed, making 96 miles
       in two hours and eighteen minutes; and this again was beaten
       by Henri Farman, who travelled 118 miles, remaining in the air
       over three hours. M. Latham used the Antoinette monoplane, and
       M. Farman a biplane of his own design. Mr. Glenn H. Curtiss
       won the prize for speed, doing 18 miles in twenty-five minutes
       and forty-five seconds.

       Orville Wright had now gone abroad and his brother had
       returned to America. In August and September the former gave
       exhibitions at Berlin, breaking some of his own records,
       carrying a passenger in his machine for an hour and
       thirty-five minutes, on the 18th of September, and rising, on
       the 1st of October, to an unexampled height, believed to have
       exceeded 1000 feet. This, however, was greatly exceeded in
       January, 1910, by Hubert Latham, at Mourmelon, France, who
       rose to 3280 feet, and by Louis Paulhan, at Los Angeles,
       California, 4165 ft. On the 3d of October the Crown Prince of
       Germany was his companion in a short flight.

       Meantime Wilbur Wright, in America, had endeavored to supply
       one of the spectacles arranged for the Hudson-Fulton
       celebration at New York; but the intended programme of
       aviation was spoiled by forbidding winds. He did, however,
       make one astonishing flight, on the 4th of October, from
       Governor’s Island, up the Hudson to Grant’s tomb, and, on his
       return, passing over the British battle-ships then lying in
       the river. The distance travelled was about twenty miles and
       the time of the journey thirty-three minutes and a half.
       Unfortunately it was unexpected, and was seen by a small part
       only of the millions who had been watching several days for a
       flight. On the next day Mr. Wright made the statement that no
       more public exhibitions would be given by his brother or
       himself. "Hereafter," he said, "we shall devote all our
       efforts to the commercial exploitation of our machines, and
       fly only as a matter of experiment, to test the value of
       whatever changes we decide to make in the construction."

       Turning now back to the development of the motor-propelled and
       dirigible balloon, we find that field of aeronautics very
       nearly monopolized at the beginning of the twentieth century,
       so far as the public saw it, by the Brazilian millionaire, A.
       Santos-Dumont, who spent his time and his wealth at Paris in
       ballooning. The French Government had been authorizing army
       experiments in dirigible ballooning since 1884, and a
       motor-driven air-ship of that description, designed by Captain
       Renard, and named "La France," had made a trip from
       Chalais-Meudon to Paris and return in September, 1885, being
       the first balloon ever navigated back to its starting point;
       but not much in the same line to excite public interest
       appears to have been done in the next sixteen years. Then, on
       the 19th of October, 1901, a lively stir of interest
       everywhere was excited by the exploit of Santos-Dumont, in
       navigating his balloon from St. Cloud to and around the Eiffel
       Tower and back to the starting point. He had done the same
       privately three months before, at a very early morning hour of
       July 12, on which occasion he broke his rudder at an early
       stage of the journey, descended in the Trocadero Gardens, made
       repairs and then went on doing the whole round in an hour and
       six minutes, including the stop.

       Expectation, however, that controllable navigation of the air,
       in average conditions of wind, might really be an approaching
       and not very distant fact, cannot be said to have had much
       awakening in the world until the performances, in 1908, of
       Count Zeppelin’s huge airship, 440 feet in length, called
       Zeppelin No. IV., which enclosed numerous envelopes of gas in
       a rigid aluminum frame. On the 2d of July, 1908, he drove this
       great balloon from Friedrichshafen, on Lake Constance, to
       Luzerne, 248 miles, within twelve hours. Starting again from
       Friedrichshafen, August 4, intending a 500 mile trip, he made
       a lauding at Oppenheim, 260 miles distant, returned thence to
       Stuttgart, and finally to Echterdingen, where a hurricane
       storm wrecked his airship completely, causing its motor to
       explode. Public sympathy with the veteran aeronaut and public
       faith in his work were so strong that a fund was raised
       promptly by subscription for the building of another of his
       costly balloons.

    {593}

       With this he was ready for new voyages in the spring of 1909,
       and started from Friedrichshafen on the 30th of May, carrying
       two engineers and a crew of seven, travelled 456 miles to
       Bitterfield, where, without landing, he turned back; but
       landed later near Goeppingen, receiving a slight injury to the
       balloon in landing by contact with a tree. The whole distance
       travelled was about 850 miles, in 37 hours. Late in August the
       Count accomplished a long desired voyage from his headquarters
       on Lake Constance to Berlin; but was forced to land at
       Nuremberg for repairs, and again at Bitterfield, disappointing
       the great crowds which waited at Berlin, till late at night on
       the 29th, with the Emperor, to welcome his arrival. When he
       came, the next day, however, the public enthusiasm showed no
       cooling. "He was received," says a despatch from Berlin, "with
       all the honours which the Court and capital could pay him, and
       his triumphal entry into the city this afternoon as the
       honoured guest of the Emperor, was not merely a dramatic
       success but a national demonstration." And now, from this
       glancing survey of achievement thus far in the navigation of
       the air, with and without help from the levitation of gas,
       what expectations of further achievement can we reasonably
       indulge? Here is one answer, from a notably scientific
       mind,—that of the late Simon Newcomb, the astronomer:

       "It would seem that, at the present time, the public is more
       hopeful of the flying-machine than of the dirigible balloon.
       The idea that because such a machine has at last been
       constructed which will carry a man through the air, there is
       no limit to progress, is a natural one. But to judge of
       possibilities, we must advert to the distinction already
       pointed out between obstacles interposed by nature, which
       cannot be surmounted by any invention, and those which we may
       hope to overcome by possible mechanical appliances. The
       mathematical relations between speed, sustaining power,
       strength of material, efficiency of engine, and other elements
       of success are fixed and determinate, and cannot be changed
       except by new scientific discoveries, quite outside the power
       of the inventor to make. That the gravitation of matter can in
       any way be annulled seems out of the question. Should any
       combination of metals or other substances be discovered of
       many times the stiffness and tensile strength of the fabrics
       and alloys with which we are now acquainted, then might one
       element of success be at our command. But, with the metals
       that we actually have, there is a limit to the weight of an
       engine with a given driving power, and it may be fairly
       assumed that this limit is nearly reached in the motors now in
       use. … Owing to the levity of the air, the supporting surface
       must have a wide area. We cannot set any exact limit to the
       necessary spread of sail, because the higher the speed the
       less the spread required. But, as we increase the speed, we
       also increase the resistance, and therefore we must have a
       more powerful and necessarily heavier motor. … Bearing in mind
       that no limit is to be set to the possible discovery of new
       laws of nature or new combinations of the chemical elements,
       it must be understood that I disclaim any positive prediction
       that men will never fly from place to place at will. The claim
       I make is that they will not do this until some epoch-making
       discovery is made of which we have now no conception, and that
       mere invention has nearly reached its limit. It is very
       natural to reason that men have done hundreds of things which
       formerly seemed impossible, and therefore they may fly. But
       for every one thing seemingly impossible that they have
       succeeded in doing there are ten which they would like to do
       but which no one believes that they can do. No one thinks of
       controlling wind or weather, of making the sun shine when we
       please, of building a railroad across the Atlantic, of
       changing the ocean level to suit the purposes of commerce, of
       building bridges of greater extent than engineers tell us is
       possible with the strength of the material that we have at
       command, or of erecting buildings so high that they would be
       crushed by their own weight. Why are we hopeless as to all
       these achievements, and yet hopeful that the flying-machine
       may be the vehicle of the future, which shall transport us
       more rapidly than a railroad train now does? It is simply
       because we all have so clear a mental view of the obstacles in
       the way of reaching such ends as those just enumerated that we
       do not waste time in attempting to surmount them, and we are
       hopeful of the flying-machine only because we do not clearly
       see that the difficulties are of the same nature as those we
       should encounter in erecting a structure which would not be
       subject to the laws of mechanics.

       "I have said nothing of the possible success of the
       flying-machine for the purposes of military reconnaissance or
       any other operations requiring the observer to command a wide
       view of all that is on the landscape. This is a technical
       subject which, how great soever may be its national
       importance, does not affect our daily life."

          Simon Newcomb,
          The Prospect of Aerial Navigation
          (North American Review, March, 1908).

       Here is another, from Thomas A. Edison, the inventor:

       "In ten years flying machines will be used to carry mails.
       They will carry passengers, too, and they will go at a speed
       of 100 miles an hour. There is no doubt of this."

       These are the words of Mr. Edison in an interview published in
       the New York Times, August 1st, 1909. But while he is
       sure that the "flying machine has got to come," he is not at
       all sure that it will come along the lines pursued in the
       present experiments. "The flying problem now consists of 75
       per cent. machine and 25 per cent, man," he said, "while to be
       commercially successful the flying machine must leave little
       to the peculiar skill of the operator and must be able to go
       out in all weathers." He continued:

       "If I were to build a flying machine I would plan to sustain
       it by means of a number of rapidly revolving inclined planes,
       the effect of which would be to raise the machine by
       compressing the air between the planes and the earth. Such a
       machine would rise from the ground as a bird does. Then I
       would drive the machine ahead with a propeller."

    {594}

       Mr. Edison believes it is a question of power. "Is it not
       thinkable that a method will be discovered of wirelessly
       transmitting electrical energy from the earth to the motor of
       the machine in mid-air?" He asked and answered his own
       question, saying:—"There is no reason to disbelieve that it
       can and will be done." He added, however, that there was great
       room for improvement in explosive engines. "Any day we are
       likely to read that somebody has made picric acid or something
       else work—done some little thing that will transform the
       flying machine from a toy into a commercial success." And when
       it is perfected, he says, the flying machine may end war by
       becoming a means of attack that cannot be resisted.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Agriculture: Dry Farming in the West.

       For twenty consecutive years, in scores of places from the
       James River to the Arkansas, Mr. H. W. Campbell, of Lincoln,
       Nebraska, the pioneer "dry farmer" of Arid America, "has been
       uniformly successful in producing without irrigation the same
       results that are expected with irrigation, with comparatively
       little additional expense, but not without a great deal more
       watchfulness and labor. What Western people have become
       accustomed to calling the ‘Campbell system of dry farming’
       consists simply in the exercise of intelligence, care,
       patience, and tireless industry. It differs in details from
       the ‘good-farming’ methods practised and taught at the various
       agricultural experiment stations; but the underlying
       principles are the same.

       "These principles are two in number. First to keep the surface
       of the land under cultivation loose and finely pulverized.
       This forms a soil mulch that permits the rains and melting
       snows to percolate readily through to the compacted soil
       beneath; and that at the same time prevents the moisture
       stored in the ground from being brought to the surface by
       capillary attraction, to be absorbed by the hot, dry air. The
       second is to keep the sub-soil finely pulverized and firmly
       compacted, increasing its water-holding capacity and its
       capillary attraction and placing it in the best possible
       physical condition for the germination of seed and the
       development of plant roots. The ‘dry farmer’ thus stores water
       not in dams and artificial reservoirs, but right where it can
       be reached by the roots of growing crops.

       "Through these principles, a rainfall of twelve inches can be
       conserved so effectively that it will produce better results
       than are usually expected of an annual precipitation of
       twenty-four inches in humid America. The discoverer and
       demonstrator of these principles deserves to rank among the
       greatest of national benefactors."

          John L. Cowan,
          Dry Farming the Hope of the West
          (Century Magazine, July, 1906).

       "It is difficult for one who is used to the commonplace
       methods of tilling the soil which obtained a quarter of a
       century ago to believe that a new method has been discovered
       which will triple and quadruple the results of the old system
       in those parts of the country in which the rainfall is
       somewhat restricted. The imagination cannot immediately grasp
       the statement that dry farming methods would lift the Kansas
       wheat crop from 75,000,000 to 216,000,000 bushels. Yet this is
       a fact.

       "If the mind of the eastern farmer can grasp this tremendous
       fact he will be ready to credit the statement that there are
       millions of acres in the western country which were until a
       few years ago regarded as utterly worthless, but which are now
       cheap at $25 an acre. To the wheat industry alone of the
       western country the proved fact of the value of dry farming
       means more than any other development fact in the agricultural
       history of this country. What is true of increased yields in
       dry farming is equally true, and in a larger degree, perhaps,
       with respect to irrigation. For years the government has been
       warning the country that the increased production of wheat is
       not keeping pace with the increased consumption.

       "Should this continue it would mean that ere long the United
       States would be compelled to draw a part of its wheat supply
       from the Canadian Northwest. It would also mean that the
       United States would lose the export wheat trade with the
       Orient, which is bound to increase rapidly. It is not
       generally known that the 400,000,000 people in China are being
       educated to the use of wheat and other cereals than rice, and
       that, therefore, the demand for wheat will continue to
       increase. …

       "One of the facts which Mr. Harriman realized far in advance
       of any one else and which was an important factor in his
       transportation plans was the possibilities of dry farming as
       well as irrigation. Before he began to talk much about these
       subjects he set about to prepare his system to reap the first
       and most substantial part of the results of dry farming and of
       irrigation. Other railroad builders are now beginning to
       realize that Mr. Harriman is prepared to transport the
       products of the West, of the Northwest and the Southwest
       between almost any parts of this country, as well as through
       many ports from San Francisco to the South Atlantic ports,
       including one or two on the western coast of Old Mexico.
       Although he and former President Roosevelt were at war in many
       respects, it was Mr. Harriman that gave the former President
       much of the information he acquired regarding the boundless
       resources of the West. By doing so he caused the government to
       work even more energetically than it had been working for the
       conservation of the nation’s resources."

          Chicago Record-Herald,
          July 11, 1909.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Anniversary Celebrations.

       The eightieth birthday of Dr. Rudolph Virchow, founder of
       cellular pathology, was celebrated on the 13th of October,
       1901, by a remarkable assemblage of distinguished physicians
       and surgeons from many countries, who made pilgrimages to
       Berlin to do him honor.

       The centenary of the birth of Charles Darwin, and the
       semi-centennial year of the publication, in 1859, of his work
       on "The Origin of Species," were commemorated in every part of
       the world; but the great collective demonstration of honor to
       Darwin’s memory, organized by the University of Cambridge, his
       alma mater, was a tribute of surpassing impressiveness.
       As described by the London Times, on the opening day of
       this extraordinary celebration, June 22, 1909, "the whole
       learned world, from Chile to Japan," was joined in the homage
       paid. "Some of those who will be present," said The
       Times, "were his comrades, most of them have been in some
       measure his working contemporaries.
    {595}
       Two hundred and thirty-five universities, academies, and
       learned bodies at home and abroad have nominated delegates to
       represent them; and of these 107 are situated in foreign
       countries and British dominions outside the United Kingdom.
       Thirty of the most famous institutions in Germany, thirty in
       the United States, fourteen in France, ten in Austria-Hungary,
       eight in Italy, as many in Sweden, seven in Russia, and lesser
       numbers in seven other foreign countries have honoured the
       occasion by naming some of their most distinguished members to
       take part in it. The distant seats of learning in the younger
       British countries have responded with not less cordiality;
       seven in Canada, seven in Australia, five in New Zealand, and
       the same number in South Africa have appointed delegates;
       India and Ceylon are represented by eight. Within the United
       Kingdom 68 universities and societies are lending their
       support; and, in addition to the appointed delegates, there
       are some 200 invited guests, who include men eminent in every
       walk of life. … No such academic tribute as the present
       festival has ever been paid to the memory of an individual
       within so short a time of his own life."

       The commemorative exercises of the occasion were continued
       through three days.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Astronomy: The Astronomy of the Invisible.

       "The discovery of double and multiple stars from the effects
       of the gravitational attraction on their luminous components
       is known as the ‘Astronomy of the Invisible.’ It was first
       suggested by the illustrious Bessel about 1840. … The greatest
       extension of the Astronomy of the Invisible has been made by
       Professor Campbell, of the Lick Observatory. In the course of
       the regular work on the motion of stars in the line of sight,
       carried out with a powerful spectroscopic apparatus presented
       to the Observatory by Honorable D. O. Mills, of New York, he
       has investigated during the past five years the motion of
       several hundred of the brighter stars of the northern heavens.
       … With such unprecedented telescopic power and a degree of
       precision in the spectrograph which can be safely depended
       upon, it is not unnatural that some new and striking phenomena
       should be disclosed. These consisted of a large number of
       spectra with double lines, which undergo a periodic
       displacement, showing that the stars in question were in
       reality double, made up of two components, moving in opposite
       directions,—one approaching, the other receding from the
       Earth. There were thus disclosed spectroscopic binary stars,
       systems with components so close together that they could not
       be separated in any existing telescope, yet known to be real
       binary stars by the periodic behaviour of the lines of the
       spectra so faithfully registered on different days. …

       "Campbell’s work at the Lick Observatory derives increased
       importance from its systematic character, which enables us to
       draw some general conclusions of the greatest interest. He has
       thus far made known the results of his study of the spectra of
       two hundred and eighty of the brighter stars of the northern
       heavens. Out of this number he finds thirty-one spectroscopic
       binaries, or one ninth of the whole number of objects studied.
       … It seems certain that a more thorough study will materially
       increase the number of spectroscopic binaries; and Professor
       Campbell thinks one sixth, or even one fifth, of all the
       objects studied may eventually prove to be binary or multiple
       systems. Such an extraordinary generalization opens up to our
       contemplation an entirely new view of the sidereal universe. …

       "If we accept the conclusion that with our finest telescopes,
       in the best climates, on the average one star in twenty-five
       is visually double, it will follow from Campbell’s work on
       some three hundred stars that five times that number are
       spectroscopically double. Thus, although over a million stars
       have been examined visually, and some five thousand
       interesting systems disclosed by powerful telescopes, the
       concluded ratio would give us, at last analysis, four million
       visual systems among the hundred million objects assumed to
       compose the stellar universe. On the other hand, the large
       ratio of spectroscopic binaries to the total number of stars
       examined by Campbell would lead us to conclude that in the
       celestial spaces there exist in reality no less than twenty
       million spectroscopic binary stars! Could anything be more
       impressive than the view thus opened to the human mind? …

       "It may indeed well be that the dark and unseen portion of the
       universe is even greater than that which is indicated by our
       most powerful telescopes. Half a century ago Bessel remarked:

       ‘There is no reason to suppose luminosity an essential quality
       of cosmical bodies. The visibility of countless stars is no
       argument against the invisibility of countless others.’"

          T. J. J. See,
          Recent Progress in Astronomy
          (Atlantic Monthly, January, 1902).

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Biological:
       Mendel’s Law of Variation in Species.

       "Gregor Mendel was Abbot of Brünn in Moravia when Darwin was
       at work on the Origin. He does not appear to have had any
       unusual interest in the problem of evolution; indeed, his main
       concern was with an essentially pre-Darwinian question,—the
       nature of plant hybrids. With this problem as an avocation
       from his serious clerical duties, the abbot busied himself in
       the garden of his cloister; a leisurely, clear-headed,
       middle-aged churchman in whom a great scientist was spoiled.
       For eight years he experimented with varieties of the common
       pea, and in 1865 communicated to the Society of Naturalists in
       Brünn the substance of the discovery which is hereafter to be
       known as Mendel’s law, ‘the greatest discovery in biology
       since Darwin.’ Unfortunately, at that time, the Brünn Society,
       like the rest of the world, had other things on its mind. …
       Somehow or other, Mendel’s discovery escaped attention until
       four years ago [1900], when De Vries reached it independently.
       Two years later Mr. Bateson, who had been among the first to
       realize its significance, made a translation of the two
       original papers. … Since then, Mendel’s Law has been found to
       hold for a considerable number of cases, both among animals
       and plants, but most unaccountably not to work for a few
       others; so that, as yet, no one knows how nearly universal it
       may prove to be, nor how it is to be reconciled with the older
       Law of Ancestral Heredity of Galton. …

    {596}

       "One illustration will serve to make clear the practical
       workings of Mendel’s principle. If a single rough-coated
       guinea-pig of either sex be introduced into a colony of normal
       smooth-coated individuals, all its offspring of the first
       generation will be rough-coated like itself. In the next
       generation, if one of the parents is smooth and the other
       rough, the young will be half of one sort and half of the
       other, but if both parents are rough, three quarters will take
       the ‘dominant’ rough coat. In the next, and all subsequent
       generations, one half of these rough-coated individuals which
       had one smooth-coated grandparent, and one-third of those
       which had two smooth-coated grandparents, which were not
       mated, will drop out the 'recessive' smooth-coatedness, and
       become, in all respects, like their original rough-coated
       progenitor, even to having only rough-coated young, no matter
       what their mates may have. Thus Mendel’s law, though by no
       means simple, is very precise. The essential part of his great
       discovery is that in each generation of plants or animals of
       mixed ancestry, a definite proportion lose one half of their
       mingled heritage, and revert, in equal numbers, to one or
       other of the pure types."

          E. T. Brewster,
          Some Recent Aspects of Darwinism
          (Atlantic Monthly, April, 1904).

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       The Carnegie Institution of Washington.
       Promotion of Original Research.

       The following information relative to the founding, the plan
       and the work of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, is
       derived from the, authorities of the Institution:

       The Institution was founded by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, January
       28, 1902, when he gave to a board of trustees $10,000,000 in
       registered bonds, yielding 5 per cent annual interest. To this
       endowment fund an addition of $2,000,000 was made by Mr.
       Carnegie on December 10, 1907. The Institution was originally
       organized under the laws of the District of Columbia as the
       Carnegie Institution. Subsequently, however, it was
       incorporated by an act of Congress, approved April 28, 1904,
       under the title of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. The
       articles of incorporation declare, in general, "that the
       objects of the corporation shall be to encourage in the
       broadest and most liberal manner investigation, research, and
       discovery, and the application of knowledge to the improvement
       of mankind." By the act of incorporation the Institution was
       placed under the control of a board of twenty-four trustees,
       all of whom had been members of the original board referred to
       above.

       The President of the Institution is Dr. Robert S. Woodward,
       formerly of the faculty of Columbia University. The Chairman
       of its Board of Trustees is Dr. John S. Billings, Director of
       the New York Public Library. The Board includes such notable
       members as William H. Taft, Elihu Root, Seth Low, Andrew D.
       White, Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, Henry L. Higginson and President
       Henry S. Pritchett.

       Since the object of the Institution is the promotion of
       investigation "in the broadest and most liberal manner," many
       projects in widely different fields of inquiry have been
       considered, or are under consideration, by the Executive
       Committee. These projects are chiefly of three classes,
       namely:

       First, large projects or departments of work whose execution
       requires continuous research by a corps of investigators
       during a series of years. Ten such departments have been
       established by the Institution. …

       Secondly, minor projects which may be carried out by
       individual experts in a limited period of time. Many grants in
       aid of this class of projects have been made.

       Thirdly, research associates and assistants. Under this head
       aid has been given to a considerable number of investigators
       possessing exceptional abilities and opportunities for
       research work.

       An annual appropriation is made for the purpose of publishing
       the results of investigations made under the auspices of the
       Institution, and for certain works which would not otherwise
       be readily printed. Its publications are not distributed
       gratis, except to a limited list of the greater libraries of
       the world. Other copies are offered for sale at prices only
       sufficient to cover the cost of publication and transportation
       to purchasers. Lists are furnished on application.

       Since its organization in 1902, about one thousand individuals
       have been engaged in investigations under the auspices of the
       Institution and there are at present nearly five hundred so
       engaged. Ten independent departments of research, each with
       its staff of investigators and assistants, have been
       established. In addition to these larger departments of work,
       organized by the Institution itself, numerous special
       researches, carried on by individuals, have been subsidized.
       Seven laboratories and observatories, for as many different
       fields of investigation and in widely separated localities,
       have been constructed and equipped. A building in Washington,
       D. C., for administrative offices and for storage of records
       and publications, is now approaching completion. A specially
       designed ship for ocean magnetic work has just been completed
       and started on her first voyage.

       Mr. George Iles, in his "Inventors at Work," describes and
       characterizes the aims and guiding principles of the
       Institution as follows: "In its grants for widely varied
       purposes the policy of the Institution is clear: only those
       inquiries are aided which give promise of fruit, and in every
       case the grantee requires to be a man of proved ability, care
       being taken not to duplicate work already in hand elsewhere,
       or to essay tasks of an industrial character. Experience has
       already shown it better to confine research to a few large
       projects rather than to aid many minor investigations with
       grants comparatively small.

       "One branch of work reminds us of Mr. Carnegie’s method in
       establishing public libraries—the supplementing of local
       public spirit by a generous gift. In many cases a university
       or an observatory launches an inquiry which soon broadens out
       beyond the range of its own small funds; then it is that aid
       from the Carnegie Institution brings to port a ship that
       otherwise might remain at sea indefinitely. Let a few typical
       examples of this kind be mentioned;—Dudley Observatory,
       Albany, New York, and Lick Observatory, California, have
       received aid toward their observations and computations;
       Yerkes Observatory, Wisconsin, has been helped in measuring
       the distance of fixed stars. Among other investigations
       promoted have been the study of the rare earths and the
       heat-treatment of some high-carbon steels. The adjacent field
       of engineering has not been neglected: funds have been granted
       for experiments on ship resistance and propulsion, for
       determining the value of high pressure steam in locomotive
       service.
    {597}
       In geology an investigation of fundamental principles has been
       furthered, as also the specific problem of the flow of rocks
       under severe pressure. In his remarkable inquiry into the
       economy of foods, Professor W. O. Atwater, of Wesleyan
       University, Middletown, Connecticut, has had liberal help. In
       the allied science of preventive medicine a grant is advancing
       the study of snake venoms and defeating inoculations.

       "At a later day the Institution may possibly adopt plans
       recommended by eminent advisers of the rank of Professor Simon
       Newcomb, who points out that analysis and generalization are
       to-day much more needed than further observations of a routine
       kind. He has also had a weighty word to say regarding the
       desirability of bringing together for mutual attrition and
       discussion men in contiguous fields of work, who take the
       bearings of a great problem from different, points of view."

          George Iles,
          Inventors at Work
          Chapter XIX, page 276
          Doubleday, Page & Co., New York
          https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/48454

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Electrical:
       A New Electric Phenomenon.

       Writing recently in the London Times, Professor
       Silvanus P. Thompson has described a discovery of effects
       which "appear to point to a true electric momentum." "To two
       men, Professor Nipher, of St. Louis, and Dr. Mathias Cantor,
       of Würzburg, the question seems to have occurred whether, if a
       flow of electricity is caused abruptly to turn its path round
       a sharp corner, anything is observable in the neighbourhood of
       the sharp corner, that would suggest a momentum of the
       electric corpuscles. Nipher employed as conductor a
       sharply-bent splinter of bamboo, carrying a high-tension
       discharge from a large influence machine. Cantor used a thin
       metallic film of gold or platinum formed by deposition on the
       faces of a glass plate bevelled to a sharp edge; the current
       being provided by a battery. Nipher, investigating by photographic
       plates, discovered that the current passing the sharp
       corner emitted radiations akin to the X-rays, and capable of
       giving shadow pictures, even through ebonite 3/16 of an inch
       thick. He has also used thin metal wires bent into a series of
       sharp corners, and finds that at every corner some of the
       electrons leave the wire, tending to persevere in their
       original direction of movement rather than undergo a sudden
       change of direction. Cantor, exploring electrically with a
       wire attached to a charged insulated electrometer, found the
       electrometer discharged by the emanations (or radiations) from
       the acute angle of his conducting film. Later, but without
       knowledge of what Nipher had accomplished, Cantor also exposed
       a photographic plate to the angle of the film, and found it
       marked with streaks as if charged particles had left the angle
       in a particular direction. Both experimenters had already made
       numerous observations under different circumstances before
       publishing their results. Nipher’s discovery was communicated
       to the American Philosophical Society in the early summer, and
       an account of his work appeared in Science of July 17
       last [1909] . Cantor’s observations were announced to the
       German ‘Naturforscher’ meeting at Cologne on September 23.

       "If," remarks Professor Thompson, "we accept the modern
       doctrine that all inertia in what we call matter is due to the
       magnetic field surrounding a moving charge of electricity,
       this newly-discovered effect takes its natural place beside
       the other known effects."

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: TELEGRAPHY:
       The Printer System.

       The Electrical Review of January 2, 1909, gave the
       following account of the extent to which the "printer system"
       of telegraphy had then come into use in the United States:
       "Over fifty printer circuits are now in regular operation on
       the Western Union lines, between leading business centres of
       the United States, and additional wires are being equipped as
       fast as the printer apparatus can be installed. This is a
       system of rapid automatic telegraphy by which telegrams are
       transmitted at a high rate of speed and received at their
       destination printed on the regular message forms by a
       typewriter automatically operated by the electrical impulses
       transmitted over the wire. The appearance of the message as
       received is identical with a message turned out by the most
       expert typewriter operator on Morse circuits. The messages are
       ready for delivery as soon as they come off the wire, and the
       only attention required by the typewriter as it receives the
       messages from the wire is that of removing the blank when the
       message is completed and supplying a fresh, sheet to the
       machine for the next message."

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Wireless Telegraphy.
       Statement from Marconi.

       "Up to the commencement of 1902 the only receivers that could
       be practically employed for the purposes of wireless
       telegraphy were based on what may be called the coherer
       principle—that is, the detector, the principle of which is
       based on the discoveries and observations made by S. A.
       Varley, Professor Hughes, Calsecchi Onesti, and Professor
       Branly. Early in that year the author was fortunate enough to
       succeed in constructing a practical receiver of electric
       waves, based on a principle different from that of the
       coherer. … The action of this receiver is in the author’s
       opinion based upon the decrease of magnetic hysteresis, which
       takes place in iron when under certain conditions this metal
       is exposed to high frequency oscillations of Hertzian waves. …

       "This detector is and has been successfully employed for both
       long and short distance work. It is used on the ships of the
       Royal Navy and on all trans-Atlantic liners which are carrying
       on a long-distance news service. It has also been used to a
       large extent in the tests across the Atlantic Ocean. … The
       adoption of this magnetic receiver was the means of bringing
       about a great improvement in the practical working conditions
       of wireless telegraphy by making it possible to do away with
       the troublesome adjustments necessary when using coherers, and
       also by considerably increasing the speed at which it is
       possible to receive, the speed depending solely on the ability
       of the individual operators. Thus a speed of over 30 words a
       minute has been easily attained. …

       "In the spring of 1903 the transmission of news messages from
       America to the London Times was attempted, and the
       first messages were correctly received and published in that
       newspaper. A breakdown in the insulation of the apparatus at
       Cape Breton made it necessary, however, to suspend the
       service, and, unfortunately, further accidents made the
       transmission of messages unreliable, especially during the
       spring and summer.
    {598}
       In consequence of this, the author’s company decided not to
       attempt the transmission of any more public messages until
       such time as a reliable and continuous service could be
       maintained and guaranteed under all ordinary conditions. … In
       October, 1903, it was found possible to supply the Cunard
       steamship Lucania during her entire crossing from New
       York to Liverpool with news transmitted direct to that ship
       from Poldhu and Cape Breton."

          G. Marconi,
          Recent Advances in Wireless Telegraphy
          (Annual Report Smithsonian Institution, 1905-1906,
          pages 137-142).

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       The Real Problem.

       "It is well to remember that the year 1903 is the earliest
       date at which radio-telegraphy could be regarded as really
       workable, and of material practical utility. Previous to then,
       ‘wireless ’ working was very uncertain, but in that year tuning
       devices were introduced, the principle of which was originally
       due to Sir Oliver Lodge; and it is these that have made so much
       difference in the application of Hertzian waves for the
       purposes of telegraphy. Practical success in radio-telegraphy
       should not, in fact, be judged from the point of view of the
       distance at which signals can be sent—or received—but rather
       from the standpoint of non-interference and secrecy. The
       essential element in wireless telegraphy—above all others—is,
       indeed, a discriminating or selective method. For the main
       purposes of radio-telegraphy, immunity from interference by
       syntony is essential. Thus a selective system in time of war
       would be invaluable; a non-selective system almost worse than
       useless. Syntonic wireless telegraphy entails in the first
       place, a similar rate of oscillation, or time—i. e., a similar
       wave length—at the sending and receiving ends. Indeed, the
       real problem in wireless telegraphy is to arrange the
       receiving apparatus so that it is alive to notes of one
       definite frequency, or pitch, but deaf to any other notes,
       even though of but slightly different pitch. This is effected
       by the proper adjustment of inductance and capacity, as first
       shown by Sir Oliver Lodge. … It is, however, at present,
       impossible to secure really complete secrecy from any method
       of open wave radiation. A radio-telegraphist, with the right
       apparatus and a knowledge of the tune, could upset any system
       of Hertzian wave telegraphy. It should, therefore, be clearly
       understood that there are, as yet, definite limits to the
       practical results of tuning for securing absolute selectivity
       and secrecy."

          Charles Bright,
          The Useful Sphere for Radio-Telegraphy
          (Westminster Review, April, 1908).

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Singular Unexplained Phenomena.

       Speaking at Stockholm, Sweden, on the occasion of his
       receiving the Nobel Prize, in December, 1909, Mr. Marconi gave
       the following account of some unexplained phenomena that are
       experienced in the working of radio-telegraphy. He said that
       "a result of scientific interest which he first noticed during
       the tests on the steamship Philadelphia and which was a
       most important factor in long distance radio-telegraphy was
       the very marked and detrimental effect of daylight on the
       propagation of electric waves at great distances, the range by
       night being usually more than double that attainable during
       daytime. He did not think that this effect had yet been
       satisfactorily investigated or explained. … He was now
       inclined to believe that the absorption of electric waves
       during the daytime was due to the ionization of the gaseous
       molecules of the air effected by ultra-violet light, and as
       the ultra-violet rays which emanated from the sun were largely
       absorbed in the upper atmosphere of the earth, it was probable
       that the portion of the earth’s atmosphere which was facing
       the sun would contain more ions or electrons than that portion
       which was in darkness, and therefore, as Sir J. J. Thomson had
       shown, this illuminated and ionized air would absorb some of
       the energy of the electric waves. Apparently the length of
       wave and amplitude of the electrical oscillations had much to
       do with this interesting phenomenon, long waves and small
       amplitudes being subject to the effect of daylight to a much
       smaller degree than short waves and large amplitudes. …

       "For comparatively short waves, such as were used for ship
       communication, clear sunlight and blue skies, though
       transparent to light, acted as a kind of fog to these waves. …
       It often occurred that a ship failed to communicate with a
       near-by station, but could correspond with perfect ease with a
       distant one. … Although high power stations were now used for
       communicating across the Atlantic, and messages could be sent
       by day as well as by night, there still existed short periods
       of daily occurrence during which transmission from England to
       America, or vice versa, was difficult."

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Transatlantic Service.

       "The Transatlantic wireless service was inaugurated in
       October, 1907, between Ireland and Canada, the charges being
       reduced from 1s. per word for business and private messages
       and 5d. per word for Press messages to 5d. and 2½d.
       respectively, these charges not including the land line
       charges on both sides of the Atlantic. …

       "The first wireless messages across the Atlantic were sent
       from the Canadian station at Table Head, in Cape Breton, in
       1902. This station was afterwards removed to its present site,
       five miles inland, and there greatly enlarged. Ever since 1902
       Mr. Marconi has been conducting experiments and making new
       discoveries and improvements until, at the present day,
       wireless telegraphy across the Atlantic, over a distance of
       2000 miles, is an assured success. … Press traffic … was
       started on October 17, 1907. On February 3, 1908, the service
       was extended to private and business telegrams between
       Montreal and London. The number of words transmitted during
       the past year is in the neighbourhood of 300,000."

          Correspondence of the London Times,
          June 25, 1909.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Equipments at Sea.
       Extent of the Service.
       Compulsory Legislation Pending.

       "Although an installation was carried on the St. Paul for one
       trip in 1899, the credit of being the pioneers in the use of
       wireless telegraphy on the ocean belongs to the North-German
       Lloyd and Cunard Companies. The first vessel fitted was the
       Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse, and the lead of the Germans was
       immediately followed by the English company. Both vessels were
       fitted by the Marconi Company, which has the distinction of
       being the first company to equip vessels on a commercial
       basis. … The Marconi Company alone has up to the present
       fitted nearly 200 merchant ships, while the United Wireless
       Telegraph Company has fitted nearly 170 ships. …

    {599}

       "A very large number of vessels engaged in the coasting trade
       of America and on the Great Lakes are fitted with wireless
       telegraphy; the American list shows that 133 vessels are
       equipped, while a statement issued by the United Wireless
       Telegraph Company shows 31 other vessels to have been fitted
       up to April 2, besides 15 Great Lake steamers either fitted or
       in course of equipment. …

       "Nearly 500 warships belonging to nine different countries
       have been fitted, or are in course of equipment, with
       radio-telegraphy. According to the American list the United
       States Navy has been foremost among the navies of the world in
       the use of ‘wireless.’ On October 1 last 173 United States
       warships were fitted with various systems. The Berne lists,
       issued up to May 1 last, show Great Britain to have 157
       vessels equipped, Germany 80, Netherlands 11, Denmark 9, and
       Spain 5.

       "In February last the United States House of Representatives
       passed a Bill providing that ‘every ocean passenger steamer
       certified to carry 50 passengers or more, before being granted
       a clearance for a foreign or domestic port 100 miles or more
       distant from the port of her departure from the United States,
       shall be equipped with an efficient radio-telegraph
       installation, and shall have in her employ and on board an
       efficient radio-telegrapher.’ … The Bill, it is understood,
       will be considered by the Senate in the autumn, and will it is
       thought be passed after it has undergone some slight
       modification. Following the example of the United States
       Congress a Bill has been introduced in the Canadian House of
       Commons. … An Italian Royal Decree dated March 14 last
       provides that all vessels of whatever nationality clearing
       from Italian ports with emigrants shall carry a wireless
       installation. So far as this country [Great Britain] is
       concerned no legislative action is likely to take place, at
       least for the present."

          Correspondence of the London Times,
          July 2, 1909.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       The Cry that brought Help to the Steamship "Republic."

       On the 23d of January, 1909, the service of the wireless
       telegraph to imperilled ships was illustrated by an incident
       which thrilled the world. In a dense fog, off the island of
       Nantucket, 26 miles distant, the steamship "Republic," of the
       White Star Line, was struck amidships by an Italian liner, the
       "Florida." Two passengers on the former were killed and two
       were seriously injured, while four sailors of the other were
       killed. Both steamers were shattered to the sinking point, but
       the state of the "Republic" was the worse. Fortunately she was
       equipped with the wireless apparatus for telegraphy, and its
       operator, "Jack" Binns, was a man equal to the emergency. His
       appealing signals, "C. Q. D." ("Come Quick! Danger"), were
       flashed out into all surrounding space, and brought many
       responses from sea and shore; but then came the difficulty of
       finding the sinking ships in the black fog. The first rescuing
       vessel to reach their vicinity was the "Baltic" of the "White
       Star Line," and she was helped in her groping to them, not
       only by the ceaseless exchange of wireless messages, but by
       the sounding of the submarine bell of the Nantucket lightship.
       The "Baltic" was fitted with receivers for taking guidance
       from these bells, as her Captain described afterwards in a
       published account of his search. "On my ship," he said, "there
       are two apertures on either side of the bow, which you might
       call submarine ears. They are connected by wires with a
       telephone receiver on the bridge. By listening at this
       telephone and switching the instrument from the starboard
       ‘ear’ to the port ‘ear’ and back again, you can hear the faint
       tones of the lightship’s submarine bell when you get in range
       of it. If the tone is louder through the starboard ‘ear’ than
       through the port ‘ear,’ you know the lightship is on your
       starboard side. If the tone is exactly the same through both
       ‘ears,’ you know the lightship is dead ahead. This apparatus
       helped me greatly."

       Nevertheless, the "Baltic’s" search for the "Republic" went on
       through twelve hours, like that of "a hound on the scent," as
       the Captain described it. Meantime, the passengers of the
       "Republic" had been transferred to the "Florida," which seemed
       well afloat, and the "Baltic" now took everybody from both,
       the total exceeding 1500. The "Republic" was then towed toward
       Martha’s Vineyard, but sank a few miles from land, her Captain
       remaining until the last minute on board. The conduct of all
       connected with the peril and the rescue was fine, and none
       more so than that of the sleepless and tireless operator of
       the wireless telegraph.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Marconi Coast Stations in Great Britain taken over by
       the British Government.

       The following announcement was made by the British Postmaster
       General in the House of Commons on the 30th of September,
       1909:

       "I am glad to say that arrangements have been completed with
       the Marconi Company for the transfer to the Post Office of all
       their coast stations for communication with ships, including
       all plant, machinery, buildings, land, and leases, &c., and
       for the surrender of the rights which they enjoy under their
       agreement with the Post Office of August, 1904, for licences
       or facilities in respect of coast stations intended for such
       communication.

       "In addition, the Post Office secures the right of using, free
       of royalty, the existing Marconi patents and any future
       patents or improvements, for a term of 14 years, for the
       following purposes:—Communication for all purposes between
       stations in the United Kingdom and ships, and between stations
       on the mainland of Great Britain and Ireland on the one hand
       and outlying islands on the other hand, or between any two
       outlying islands; and (except for the transmission of public
       telegrams) between any two stations on the mainland; and on
       board Post Office cable ships. The inclusive consideration to
       be paid to the company is £15,000.

       "The arrangement is in no sense an exclusive one. All the
       stations will, under the International Radio-Telegraphic
       Convention, be open for communication equally to all ships,
       whatever system of wireless telegraphy they may carry; and the
       Post Office will be free to use or to experiment with any
       system of wireless telegraphy at its discretion. All inland
       communication of messages by wireless telegraphy will be
       entirely under the control of the Post Office. The company
       will retain the licence for their long-distance stations at
       Poldhu and Clifden, which are primarily intended for
       shore-to-shore communication with America. Arrangements have
       also been made with Lloyd’s for the transfer to the Post
       Office of their wireless stations for communication with
       ships, and for the surrender of all claims to licences for
       such communication."

    {600}

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Notes of Recent Progress.

       A despatch from Seattle, March 5, 1909, reported that "the
       steamship Aki Maru of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha fleet
       accomplished her recent passage from Yokohama, Japan, to Puget
       Sound, a distance of 4,240 miles, without losing communication
       with wireless stations on either the Japanese or American
       coasts. The accomplishment was made possible by relaying
       messages through other vessels of the company, which were
       picked up between the Aki Maru and the coast. The Aki Maru was
       able to communicate directly with the Japanese coast stations,
       when she was 1,400 miles away."

       According to Paris correspondence of the London Daily
       Telegraph, quoted in the New York Evening Post of
       August 21, "wireless messages from New York are now received
       or intercepted almost daily by the military station on the
       Eiffel Tower. Occasionally radio telegrams have also been
       received from Canada, which, it is believed, forms a record in
       wireless telegraphy. The communications are at present only of
       a desultory nature, but the officer, Commandant Ferie, who is
       in charge of the station, hopes to be able soon to organize a
       regular service for government, and, perhaps, also for
       commercial, purposes. The new apparatus which is now being set
       up in the underground office on the Champ de Mars will be more
       powerful than any preceding ones, and will be ready probably
       by the end of next month. Wireless messages will then be
       exchanged regularly between Paris and the eastern coast of the
       United States, and perhaps also with Canada."

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Electro-Chemistry: The Study of the Infinitely Little.

       "A new branch of physical chemistry has lately been developed
       from the study of the infinitely little which promises to be
       the most important science of the future; for it deals most
       intimately with the problems of life. This subject is called
       electro-chemistry. It is based upon the effect of electricity
       in revealing the important reactions and motions of the
       smallest particles of matter. The literature of this subject
       in current periodicals already exceeds that of any other
       department of physical science. Until a comparatively late
       day, heat and light were considered the principal agents which
       chemists employed to study the reactions of matter. In the new
       subject of electro-chemistry, electricity occupies the first
       place, as a destroyer and a readjuster; and heat and light are
       merely subordinate parts of its manifestations, differing from
       it only in length of waves in the ether. The to-and-fro
       motion, which is our incontestable fact, is an electrical
       vibration. When we consider the investigations in
       electro-chemistry, we perceive that the most important actions
       of electricity are not those we are conscious of in their
       great practical applications; it is rather in subtle and
       silent effects that it works its greatest changes on life and
       matter."

          John Trowbridge,
          The Study of the Infinitely Small
          (Atlantic Monthly, May, 1902).

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Entomological Study: What we Owe to it?
       Practical Affairs.

       "The insect friends and enemies of the farmer are getting
       attention. The enemy of the San José scale was found near the
       Great Wall of China, and is now cleaning up all our orchards.
       The fig-fertilizing insect imported from Turkey has helped to
       establish an industry in California that amounts to from fifty
       to one hundred tons of dried figs annually, and is extending
       over the Pacific coast. A parasitic fly from South Africa is
       keeping in subjection the black scale, the worst pest of the
       orange and lemon industry in California."

          Message of President Roosevelt to Congress, 1904.

       "The business man, always on the outlook for a dividend, has
       sometimes complained that some of our inquiries do not seem to
       him practical, but he must have patience and faith. A few
       years ago no knowledge could seem so useless to the practical
       man, no research more futile than that which sought to
       distinguish between one species of a gnat or tick and another;
       yet to-day we know that this knowledge has rendered it
       possible to open up Africa and to cut the Panama canal."

          A. E. Shipley,
          on Research in Zoology, at Meeting of
          British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1909.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Esperanto.

       Dr. Zamenhof, a Russian physician, inventor of the proposed
       international language called Esperanto, published his first
       pamphlet on the subject in 1887; but it was not until ten
       years later that the prospect of its extensive use as such
       began to be realized. "It was well received, first in Russia,
       then in Norway and Sweden. Then it was taken up in France, by
       M. de Beaufront. The latter had himself invented an artificial
       language, but gave it up as soon as he became acquainted with
       the admirable work of his Russian competitor. He is the man
       who forced the world at large to stop and seriously consider
       Esperanto as the solution of the great problem proposed by men
       like Roger Bacon, Descartes, Pascal, Leibnitz, Locke,
       Condillac, Voltaire, Diderot, and so many others. From France
       it went to Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Italy, and finally
       to England, where thirty societies of Esperantists were
       created within a little over a year. …

       "The general principle upon which Dr. Zamenhof has worked is
       this: to eliminate all that is accidental in our national
       languages, and to keep what is common to all. In consequence,
       and strictly speaking, he invents nothing; he builds entirely
       with material that has been in existence for a long time.
       Here, then, is the way in which he proceeds regarding the
       various elements that are necessary to the formation of a
       language.

       "The Sounds.
       Sounds that are peculiar to one language are eliminated. The
       English th and w are not found in French or
       German, therefore they are dropped. On the other hand, the
       French u, the German ü, and the French nasals do
       not exist in English; they too are dropped. The Spanish
       ñ and j, and the German ch, have the same
       fate. Thus, only sounds which are found everywhere are kept,
       and no one will have any difficulty about pronunciation, no
       matter to what country he belongs. Spelling is of course
       phonetic: one and the same sound for one letter. There are no
       mute letters, as in French; neither are there double letters.
       …

    {601}

       "The Accent is always on the penultimate syllable.
       Esperanto reminds one of Italian, when spoken, and has proved
       extremely melodious for singing.

       "The Vocabulary. The principle of internationalism is
       applied here in a most ingenious fashion. Dr. Zamenhof
       proceeded thus: he compared the dictionaries of the different
       languages, and picked out first those words which are common
       to them all. He spelled them according to the phonetic system,
       dropped the special endings in each idiom, and adopted them as
       root-words in his proposed language. … Then he picked out
       those which appear in most languages, although not in all. …
       For the remaining words,—and there are comparatively few
       left,—which are never the same in the different languages, Dr.
       Zamenhof selected them in such a manner as to make the task of
       acquiring Esperanto equally difficult or equally easy for all
       concerned."

          A. Schinz,
          Esperanto: the Proposed Universal Language
          (Atlantic Monthly, January, 1906).

       The sixth international Congress of teachers and promoters of
       Esperanto is appointed to be held at Washington in 1910. An
       influential Esperanto Association has been organized in the
       United States, under the presidency of Dr. D. O. S. Lowell, of
       the Boston Latin School.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Eugenics: The Science and Art of being Well-born.

       "We know that the old rule, ‘Increase and multiply,’ meant a
       vast amount of infant mortality, of starvation, of chronic
       disease, of widespread misery. In abandoning that rule, as we
       have been forced to do, are we not now left free to seek that
       our children, though few, should be at all events fit, the
       finest, alike in physical and psychical constitution, that the
       world has seen?

       "Thus has come about the recent expansion of that conception
       of eugenics—or the science and art of being well-born,
       and of breeding the human race a step nearer towards
       perfection—which a few among us, and more especially Mr.
       Francis Galton, have been developing for some years past.
       Eugenics is beginning to be felt to possess a living actuality
       which it was not felt to possess before. Instead of being a
       benevolent scientific fad, it begins to present itself as the
       goal to which we are inevitably moving. … Human eugenics need
       not be, and is not likely to be, a cold-blooded selection of
       partners by some outside scientific authority. But it may be,
       and is very likely to be, a slowly growing conviction—first
       among the more intelligent members of the community, and then
       by imitation and fashion among the less intelligent
       members—that our children, the future race, the torch-bearers
       of civilisation for succeeding ages, are not the mere result
       of chance or Providence, but that, in a very real sense, it is
       within our grasp to mould them, that the salvation or
       damnation of many future generations lies in our hands, since
       it depends on our wise and sane choice of a mate. …

       "Eventually, it seems evident, a general system, whether
       private or public, whereby all personal facts, biological and
       mental, normal and morbid, are duly and systematically
       registered, must become inevitable if we are to have a real
       guide as to those persons who are most fit or least fit to
       carry on the race. Unless they are full and frank, such
       records are useless. But it is obvious that for a long time to
       come such a system of registration must be private. … Through
       the munificence of Mr. Galton and the co-operation of the
       University of London the beginning of the attainment of these
       eugenic ideals has at length been rendered possible. The
       senate of the University has this year appointed Mr. Edgar
       Schuster, of New College, Oxford, to the Francis Galton
       Research Scholarship in Natural Eugenics. It will be Mr.
       Schuster’s duty to carry out investigations into the history
       of classes and of families, and to deliver lectures and
       publish memoirs on the subject of his investigations. It is a
       beginning only, but the end no man can foresee."

          Havelock Ellis,
          Eugenics and St. Valentine
          (Nineteenth Century, May, 1906).

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       The Gasoline Engine.

       Writing in 1905, in an article entitled "The Age of Gasoline,"
       contributed to the American Review of Reviews, Mr. F.
       K. Grain, M. E., gave this brief account of the rapid
       development of its use as a producer of power, threatening to
       supersede coal: "About fifteen years ago we first began to
       hear much of the gasoline engine, which was then in a very
       crude state. Its possibilities, however, were so attractive,
       and the field for its use so large,—practically
       unlimited,—that inventors and manufacturers at once bent their
       energies to its development, with the result that the gasoline
       engine has reached a degree of perfection in the past few years
       that is surprising in view of the fact that the designers were
       working out a new problem in a practically unknown field, and
       consequently had no data, theoretical or practical, of any value
       to assist. … As a motive power, utilized by means of the
       internal-combustion engine, gasoline is at this time
       revolutionizing travel, through the automobile. The
       automobile, in turn, has been the means of adapting gasoline
       to propulsion of railway trains, as this form of power is
       found especially useful on short lines where the traffic is
       light. Several railroads are now building gasoline motor cars
       of considerable size. …

       "The gasoline engine as now made is an adaptation of the steam
       engine, employing the gas produced by gasoline as a means of
       energy. Contrary to the general understanding, the gas or
       gasoline engine is but a high-pressure caloric motor. The
       power in the gasoline motor is derived by igniting the gas
       produced in the cylinder, which in turn by its heat expands,
       the atmosphere imparting energy to the piston by its
       expansion. A common error is the supposition that the
       explosion of the gas produces the power, the same as a blow
       from a hammer, whereas it is the heat generated by the
       ignition of the compressed gases acting expansively."

       One of the speakers at a Congress of Applied Chemistry held in
       London in May, 1909, said that it seemed almost certain that
       for most purposes on land the internal combustion engine would
       before long replace the steam engine, at any rate for moderate
       powers; for whereas the best types of the latter furnish only
       about 12 per cent, of the energy of the fuel in the form of
       work, the former can ordinarily be made to yield 25 per cent.,
       and in the case of the Diesel engine the return is as much as
       37 per cent.

    {602}

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Interferometer, The:
       Principle of the Invention of Professor Michelson for
       Infinitesimal Measurements.
       Suggestion of an Unvarying Unit of Measurement.

       "In the measurement of length or motion a most refined
       instrument is the interferometer, devised by Professor A. A.
       Michelson, of the University of Chicago. It enables an
       observer to detect a movement through one five-millionth of an
       inch. The principle involved is illustrated in a simple
       experiment. If by dropping a pebble at each of two centres,
       say a yard apart, in a still pond, we send out two systems of
       waves, each system will ripple out in a series of concentric
       circles. If, when the waves meet, the crests from one set of
       waves coincide with the depressions from the other set, the
       water in that particular spot becomes smooth because one set
       of waves destroys the other. In this case we may say that the
       waves interfere. If, on the other hand, the crests of waves
       from two sources should coincide, they would rise to twice
       their original height. Light-waves sent out in a similar mode
       from two points may in like manner either interfere, and
       produce darkness, or unite to produce light of double
       brilliancy. These alternate dark and bright bands are called
       interference fringes. When one of the two sources of light is
       moved through a very small space, the interference fringes at
       a distance move through a space so much larger as to be easily
       observed and measured, enabling an observer to compute the
       short path through which a light-source has moved. … Many
       diverse applications of the interferometer have been
       developed, as, for example, in thermometry. The warmth of a
       hand held near a pencil of light is enough to cause a wavering
       of the fringes. A lighted match shows contortions. … When the
       air is heated its density and refractive power diminish: it
       follows that if this experiment is tried under conditions
       which show a regular and measurable displacement of the
       fringes, their movement will indicate the temperature of the
       air. This method has been applied to ascertain very high
       temperatures, such as those of the blast furnace. Most metals
       expand one or two parts in 100,000 for a rise in temperature
       of one degree centigrade. When a small specimen is examined
       the whole change to be measured may be only about 1/10000
       inch, a space requiring a good microscope to perceive, but
       readily measured by an interferometer. It means a displacement
       amounting to several fringes, and this may be measured to
       within of a fringe or less; so that the whole displacement may
       be measured to within a fraction of one per cent. Of course,
       with long bars the accuracy attainable is much greater.

       "The interferometer has much refined the indications of the
       balance. In a noteworthy experiment Professor Michelson found
       the amount of attraction which a sphere of lead exerted on a
       small sphere hung on an arm of a delicate balance. The amount
       of this attraction when two such spheres touch is proportional
       to the diameter of the large sphere, which in this case was
       about eight inches. The attraction on the small ball on the
       end of the balance was thus the same fraction of its weight as
       the diameter of the large ball was of the diameter of the
       earth,—something like one twenty-millionth. So the force to be
       measured was one twenty-millionth of the weight of this small
       ball. In the interferometer the approach of the small ball to
       the large one produced a displacement of seven whole fringes."

          George Iles,
          Inventors at Work,
          pages 214-218 (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       International Congresses of Science.

       The most notable of the gatherings at St. Louis in 1904,
       connected with the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, was the
       Congress of Arts and Science.

          See (in this Volume)
          ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

       Hardly less important from some points of view was the meeting
       of the First Pan-American Scientific Congress, at Santiago,
       Chile, beginning on the 25th of December, 1908. It had been
       preceded by three scientific congresses of the Latin-American
       states, at Buenos Aires in 1898, at Montevideo in 1901, and at
       Rio de Janeiro in 1905. The Pan-American comprehensiveness was
       given to a fourth one by an official invitation from the
       Chilean Government to the Government of the United States to
       send delegates to the meeting, and a further invitation from
       the Chilean Committee of Organization to fifteen of the
       prominent universities of the United States to do the same.
       The response to the invitation was cordial, and both of the
       American continents were well represented at the Congress. The
       programme of topics for discussion included a number of
       historically and politically scientific questions of specially
       American interest, such, for example, as the following:

       "An explanation of the reasons why the colonies of English
       America were able to unite into a single state after they had
       attained their independence, while those of Spanish America
       never succeeded in establishing a permanent union.

       "The extent to which America has come to possess a
       civilization, as well as interests and problems, different
       from those of Europe.

       "Given the special circumstances of the states of the New
       World, would it be feasible to create an American
       international law? and if so, upon what bases should it rest,
       and how should it be composed?"

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: The Moving Picture Show.
       The Millions entertained by it in the United States.

       In 1908, in the United States, "the moving-picture show drew
       an attendance of 4,000,000 daily, a total attendance of more
       than a billion; or an average of one visit a month to this
       form of amusement for every man, woman, and child in the whole
       country. Already this infant industry has developed to a point
       where $50,000,000 is invested in it, and 7,000 moving-picture
       houses are scattered over the country. Of the larger cities,
       Chicago has at present 313 moving-picture shows, and probably
       will have 500 before the end of the present year. New York has
       300, St. Louis 205, Philadelphia 186, San Francisco 131,
       Pittsburgh 90, and Boston 31. Hundreds of smaller cities and
       towns have from one to a dozen, and the craze has extended to
       Mexico, Central and South America, and the Panama Canal Zone.
       Nearly 1,000,000 feet, or 190 miles, of films are shown every
       day in the United States. … Making of these films is in itself
       an enormous business. The organization which controls them not
       only has agents photographing scenes in every part of the
       world, but maintains theatres and out-of-door establishments,
       where complete plays and all sorts of other activities are
       presented before the camera."

          New York Evening Post.

    {603}

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Opsonins:
       A remarkable new Discovery in Biology.

       Discovery of the functions of the white corpuscles found in
       the blood of animals was begun, it is said, by Dr. Augustus
       Waller, in 1843, and continued in much later years by
       Professor Metchnikoff, who was associated with the work of
       Pasteur. The latter determined the surprising and extremely
       important fact that the white corpuscles or cells are
       essentially minute living creatures, which serve the larger
       creature they inhabit as a sanitary guard, defending it
       against the invasion of microbes that are hostile to its
       health. They pursue and devour these malignant invaders;
       whence the name that has been given to them, of "phagocytes,"
       or "eating cells."

       "When we study the process familiarly known as ‘inflammation,’
       we find the most perfect illustration at once of the duties of
       the white blood-cells and of the new phase and meaning of a
       common occurrence which are revealed by research.
       ‘Inflammation’ is a process which follows upon a large variety
       of injuries, and which marks the onset and course of many
       diseases, from a scratch on the finger to an inflammation of
       the lungs. … Given a simple scratch and the phagocytes
       stimulated by the injury to the tissues will come hurrying to
       the scene of the accident like ambulance men, eager to assist
       in the removal of any deleterious matter, and to give their
       aid in the healing process and in the formation of the new
       tissue, the production of which will complete the cure. But
       given a scratch that inoculates the finger with ‘dirt,’ which
       is only another name for microbes, and the nature of
       inflammation becomes clearer to us. In a few hours the finger
       will begin to feel painful; its temperature will rise; it will
       appear red and ‘inflamed,’ and it will exhibit swelling. Later
       on, if we puncture the swelling, we shall find a yellow fluid,
       which we name ‘pus,’ or ‘matter,’ escaping from the puncture.
       Now to what are the symptoms of inflammation due? The plain
       answer is, that they represent the results of a great
       migration of phagocytes from the blood-vessels, destined to
       attack, and if possible remove, the infective particles which
       threaten to do us injury. The inflammation, in this view, is
       the evidence of a battle being fought in our favour, and often
       with very long odds against us. If our phagocytes gain a
       complete victory, we escape the suppuration which we saw to
       result in the shape of the ‘festering’ finger. If, on the
       other hand, they sustain defeat, they will fight on, leaving
       their dead behind. It is the dead white blood-cells, which
       have fallen in the fray, which constitute the ‘pus’ or
       ‘matter’ we find in wounds. … These dead cells, like the
       corpses of soldiers who fall in battle, later become hurtful
       to the organism they in their lifetime were anxious to protect
       from harm, for they are fertile sources of septicaemia and
       pyaemia (blood-poisoning)—the pestilence and scourge so much
       dreaded by operative surgeons.

       "Such is the story which forms the natural prologue to the
       history of ‘Opsonins.’ For many a day after the publication of
       Metchnikoff’s discoveries regarding the germ-killing power of
       the phagocytes, it was held that these living cells alone
       accomplished the duty of disposing of troublesome invaders.
       Later on, other opinions were advanced to the effect that
       while the phagocytes did undoubtedly accomplish their work in
       the direction indicated, they demanded aid to that end from an
       outside source. This source was indicated and represented by
       the plasma or blood-fluid itself. The fluid part of the blood
       had long been known to possess germ-killing properties, but
       the extent of its powers in this direction had not been duly
       determined, nor had the important point been settled whether
       the plasma as a whole or only part thereof aided the white
       blood-cells in their forays on microbes. … Researches made
       prior to the year 1903 gave cause for the belief in the
       importance of the blood-plasma in whole or in part, but it was
       in the year just named that very important investigations were
       undertaken with the view to determining the exact status of
       the blood-fluid in work of bactericidal kind. Drs. Wright and
       Douglas of St. Mary’s Hospital, London, undertook a piece of
       research conducted on lines somewhat different from those on
       which previous work of this nature had been carried on. They
       proceeded first of all by the aid of delicate processes to
       separate the blood-corpuscles from the blood-fluid. The white
       blood-cells were thus kept in a medium or fluid of neutral
       kind, while the blood-fluid itself on the other hand was
       obtained free from its corpuscles. Next in order an emulsion
       of certain microbes capable of producing disease was made in a
       solution of salt. When the phagocytes, alive, of course, in
       their neutral fluid, were allowed access to the germs they did
       not attack them. It was as if two contending armies had been
       brought face to face, waiting to attack, but restrained by
       some negotiations proceeding between the commanders. The case
       was at once altered, and the battle began, when the
       experimenters brought the separated blood-fluid into the
       field. Added to the germs and to the phagocytes these
       elements, which had been ‘spoiling for a fight,’ joined issue,
       and the white blood-cells performed their normal work of
       microbe-baiting. There was but one inference to be drawn from
       these facts. Clearly, the addition of the blood-fluid supplied
       some condition or other, necessary for the development of the
       fighting powers of the cells. … Our investigators are of the
       opinion that the real source of the power possessed by the
       blood-fluid or ‘plasma’ is to be sought and found in
       substances contained therein and called ‘Opsonins.’ We can now
       appreciate the meaning of this term. It is derived from the
       classic verb for catering, for preparing food or for providing
       food. The view taken of opsonic action justifies the use of
       the word, for it is believed that these substances perform
       their share of the germ-destroying work, not by urging on or
       stimulating the phagocytes to the attack, but, on the
       contrary, by acting on the microbes, by weakening their powers
       of resistance and by rendering them the easy prey of the white
       blood-cells. The ‘Opsonins’ are carried by the blood-stream
       everywhere, and it is when they come in contact with any
       microbe-colonies in the body that they exert their specific
       action on the germs. … The idea that the more active our white
       blood-cells are, and the more extensive and complete their
       work, the greater the amount of ‘Opsonins’ present, is one
       which seems to be founded on a rational basis. This view
       regards these substances as the real cause of phagocytic
       activity. That ‘Opsonins’ furthermore appear to possess
       definite degrees of power seems proved by the observation that
       a person’s blood may contain sufficient to deal with one
       disease in the way of stimulating the phagocytes to work,
       while the same quantity would not equal half that required to
       effect a satisfactory attack on another and different disease.
       What has been called the ‘opsonic index ’ of a person is the
       standard, if so we may call it, or measure of his germ-killing
       power, in so far as the amount of ‘Opsonins’ contained in his
       blood is concerned. By a technical procedure and calculation
       the experimenter can compute the opsonic power of a given
       specimen of blood."

          Andrew Wilson,
          About Opsonins
          (Cornhill, January, 1907).

    {604}

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Medical.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Physical:
       The New Conceptions of Electricity, Matter and Ether.
       Statement by Madame Curie.
       Sir Joseph Thomson’s Address to the British Association
       at Winnipeg.
       Sir Oliver Lodge on the Ether of Space.

       "One point which appears to-day to be definitely settled is a
       view of atomic structure of electricity, which goes to confirm
       and complete the idea that we have long held regarding the
       atomic structure of matter, which constitutes the basis of
       chemical theories. At the same time that the existence of
       electric atoms, indivisible by our present means of research,
       appears to be established with certainty, the important
       properties of these atoms are also shown. The atoms of
       negative electricity which we call electrons, are found to
       exist in a free state, independent of all material atoms, and
       not having any properties in common with them. In this state
       they possess certain dimensions in space, and are endowed with
       a certain inertia, which has suggested the idea of attributing
       to them a corresponding mass.

       "Experiments have shown that their dimensions are very small
       compared with those of material molecules, and that their mass
       is only a small fraction, not exceeding one one-thousandth of
       the mass of an atom of hydrogen. They show also that if these
       atoms can exist isolated, they may also exist in all ordinary
       matter, and may be in certain cases emitted by a substance
       such as a metal without its properties being changed in a
       manner appreciable by us.

       "If, then, we consider the electrons as a form of matter, we
       are led to put the division of them beyond atoms and to admit
       the existence of a kind of extremely small particles able to
       enter into the composition of atoms, but not necessarily by
       their departure involving atomatic destruction. Looking at it
       in this light, we are led to consider every atom as a
       complicated structure, and this supposition is rendered
       probable by the complexity of the emission spectra which
       characterize the different atoms. We have thus a conception
       sufficiently exact of the atoms of negative electricity.

       "It is not the same for positive electricity, for a great
       dissimilarity appears to exist between the two electricities.
       Positive electricity appears always to be found in connection
       with material atoms, and we have no reason, thus far, to
       believe that they can be separated. Our knowledge relative to
       matter is also increased by an important fact. A new property
       of matter has been discovered which has received the name of
       radioactivity. Radioactivity is the property which the atoms
       of certain substances possess of shooting off particles, some
       of which have a mass comparable to that of the atoms
       themselves, while the others are the electrons. This property,
       which uranium and thorium possess in a slight degree, has led
       to the discovery of a new chemical element, radium, whose
       radioactivity is very great. Among the particles expelled by
       radium are some which are ejected with great velocity, and
       their expulsion is accompanied with a considerable evolution
       of heat. A radioactive body constitutes, then, a source of
       energy.

       "According to the theory which best accounts for the phenomena
       of radioactivity, a certain proportion of the atoms of a
       radioactive body is transformed in a given time, with the
       production of atoms of less atomic weight, and in some cases
       with the expulsion of electrons. This is a theory of the
       transmutation of elements, but differs from the dreams of the
       alchemists in that we declare ourselves, for the present at
       least, unable to induce or influence the transmutation.
       Certain facts go to show that radioactivity appertains in a
       slight degree to all kinds of matter. It may be, therefore,
       that matter is far from being as unchangeable or inert as it
       was formerly thought; and is, on the contrary, in continual
       transformation, although this transformation escapes our
       notice by its relative slowness."

          Madame Curie,
          Modern Theories of Electricity and Matter
          (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution, 1905-1906,
          pages 103-104).

       A remarkable summary of recent advances in physical science,
       by Sir Joseph Thomson, in his presidential address at the
       opening (August 25, 1909) of the seventy-ninth annual meeting
       of the British Association for the Advancement of Science,
       held at Winnipeg, Canada, contains what is, without doubt, the
       most successful of endeavors to give some understanding of the
       new conceptions of matter, ether and electricity, with which
       scientists are now working, to minds that have not been
       scientifically trained. Sir Joseph treats the subject at more
       length than can be given to it here, but abridgment seems
       possible without robbing it of the more important parts of its
       rich content of information:

       "The period which has elapsed since the Association last met
       in Canada [1897] has been," said the President, "one of almost
       unparalleled activity in many branches of physics, and many
       new and unsuspected properties of matter and electricity have
       been discovered. The history of this period affords a
       remarkable illustration of the effect which may be produced by
       a single discovery; for it is, I think, to the discovery of
       the Röntgen rays that we owe the rapidity of the progress
       which has recently been made in physics. A striking discovery
       like that of the Röntgen rays acts much like the discovery of
       gold in a sparsely populated country; it attracts workers who
       come in the first place for the gold, but who may find that
       the country has other products, other charms, perhaps even
       more valuable than the gold itself. The country in which the
       gold was discovered in the case of the Röntgen rays was the
       department of physics dealing with the discharge of
       electricity through gases, a subject which, almost from the
       beginning of electrical science, had attracted a few
       enthusiastic workers, who felt convinced that the key to
       unlock the secret of electricity was to be found in a vacuum
       tube.
    {605}
       Röntgen, in 1895, showed that when electricity passed through
       such a tube the tube emitted rays which could pass through
       bodies opaque to ordinary light; which could, for example,
       pass through the flesh of the body and throw a shadow of the
       bones on a suitable screen. … It is not, however, to the power
       of probing dark places, important though this is, that the
       influence of Röntgen rays on the progress of science has
       mainly been due; it is rather because these rays make gases,
       and, indeed, solids and liquids, through which they pass,
       conductors of electricity. … The study of gases exposed to
       Röntgen rays has revealed in such gases the presence of
       particles charged with electricity; some of these particles
       are charged with positive, others with negative, electricity.
       The properties of these particles have been investigated; we
       know the charge they carry, the speed with which they move
       under an electric force, the rate at which the oppositely
       charged ones recombine, and these investigations have thrown a
       new light, not only on electricity, but also on the structure
       of matter. We know from these investigations that electricity,
       like matter, is molecular in structure, that just as a
       quantity of hydrogen is a collection of an immense number of
       small particles called molecules, so a charge of electricity
       is made up of a great number of small charges, each of a
       perfectly definite and known amount. … Nay, further, the
       molecular theory of matter is indebted to the molecular theory
       of electricity for the most accurate determination of its
       fundamental quantity, the number of molecules in any given
       quantity of an elementary substance.

       "The great advantage of the electrical methods for the study
       of the properties of matter is due to the fact that whenever a
       particle is electrified it is very easily identified, whereas
       an uncharged molecule is most elusive; and it is only when
       these are present in immense numbers that we are able to
       detect them. …

       "We have already made considerable progress in the task of
       discovering what the structure of electricity is. We have
       known for some time that of one kind of electricity—the
       negative—and a very interesting one it is. We know that
       negative electricity is made up of units all of which are of
       the same kind; that these units are exceedingly small compared
       with even the smallest atom. … The size of these corpuscles is
       on an altogether different scale from that of atoms; the
       Volume of a corpuscle bears to that of the atom about the same
       relation as that of a speck of dust to the Volume of this
       room. Under suitable conditions they move at enormous speeds,
       which approach in some instances the velocity of light. The
       discovery of these corpuscles is an interesting example of the
       way Nature responds to the demands made upon her by
       mathematicians. Some years before the discovery of corpuscles
       it had been shown by a mathematical investigation that the
       mass of a body must be increased by a charge of electricity.
       This increase, however, is greater for small bodies than for
       large ones, and even bodies as small as atoms are hopelessly
       too large to show any appreciable effect; thus the result
       seemed entirely academic. After a time corpuscles were
       discovered, and these are so much smaller than the atom that
       the increase in mass due to the charge becomes not merely
       appreciable, but so great that, as the experiments of Kaufmann
       and Bucherer have shown, the whole of the mass of the
       corpuscle arises from its charge.

       "We know a great deal about negative electricity; what do we
       know about positive electricity? Is positive electricity
       molecular in structure? Is it made up into units, each unit
       carrying a charge equal in magnitude though opposite in sign
       to that carried by a corpuscle? … The investigations made on
       the unit of positive electricity show that it is of quite a
       different kind from the unit of negative; the mass of the
       negative unit is exceedingly small compared with any atom; the
       only positive units that up to the present have been detected
       are quite comparable in mass with the mass of an atom of
       hydrogen; in fact they seem equal to it. This makes it more
       difficult to be certain that the unit of positive electricity
       has been isolated, for we have to be on our guard against its
       being a much smaller body attached to the hydrogen atoms which
       happen to be present in the vessel. … At present the smallest
       positive electrified particles of which we have direct
       experimental evidence have masses comparable with that of an
       atom of hydrogen.

       "A knowledge of the mass and size of the two units of
       electricity, the positive and the negative, would give us the
       material for constructing what may be called a molecular
       theory of electricity, and would be a starting point for a
       theory of the structure of matter; for the most natural view
       to take, as a provisional hypothesis, is that matter is just a
       collection of positive and negative units of electricity, and
       that the forces which hold atoms and molecules together, the
       properties which differentiate one kind of matter from
       another, all have their origin in the electrical forces
       exerted by positive and negative units of electricity, grouped
       together in different ways in the atoms of the different
       elements. As it would seem that the units of positive and
       negative electricity are of very different sizes, we must
       regard matter as a mixture containing systems of very
       different types, one type corresponding to the small
       corpuscle, the other to the large positive unit. Since the
       energy associated with a given charge is greater the smaller
       the body on which the charge is concentrated, the energy
       stored up in the negative corpuscles will be far greater than
       that stored up by the positive. The amount of energy which is
       stored up in ordinary matter in the form of the electrostatic
       potential energy of its corpuscles is, I think, not generally
       realized. … This energy is fortunately kept fast bound by the
       corpuscles; if at any time an appreciable fraction were to get
       free the earth would explode and become a gaseous nebula. The
       matter of which I have been speaking so far is the material
       which builds up the earth, the sun, and the stars, the matter
       studied by the chemist, and which he can represent by a
       formula; this matter occupies, however, but an insignificant
       fraction of the universe; it forms but minute islands in the
       great ocean of the ether, the substance with which the whole
       universe is filled.

    {606}

       "The ether is not a fantastic creation of the speculative
       philosopher; it is as essential to us as the air we breathe.
       For we must remember that we on this earth are not living on
       our own resources; we are dependent from minute to minute upon
       what we are getting from the sun, and the gifts of the sun are
       conveyed to us by the ether. It is to the sun that we owe not
       merely night and day, springtime and harvest, but it is the
       energy of the sun, stored up in coal, in waterfalls, in food,
       that practically does all the work of the world. … On the
       electro-magnetic theory of light, now universally accepted,
       the energy streaming to the earth travels through the ether in
       electric waves; thus practically the whole of the energy at
       our disposal has at one time or another been electrical
       energy. The ether must, then, be the seat of electrical and
       magnetic forces. We know, thanks to the genius of Clerk
       Maxwell, the founder and inspirer of modern electrical theory,
       the equations which express the relation between these forces,
       and although for some purposes these are all we require, yet
       they do not tell us very much about the nature of the ether.

       "Let us consider some of the facts known about the ether. When
       light falls on a body and is absorbed by it, the body is
       pushed forward in the direction in which the light is
       travelling, and if the body is free to move it is set in
       motion by the light. Now it is a fundamental principle of
       dynamics that when a body is set moving in a certain
       direction, or, to use the language of dynamics, acquires
       momentum in that direction, some other mass must lose the same
       amount of momentum; in other words, the amount of momentum in
       the universe is constant. Thus, when the body is pushed
       forward by the light, some other system must have lost the
       momentum the body acquires, and the only other system
       available is the wave of light falling on the body; hence we
       conclude that there must have been momentum in the wave in the
       direction in which it is travelling. Momentum, however,
       implies mass in motion. We conclude, then, that in the ether
       through which the wave is moving there is mass moving with the
       velocity of light. The experiments made on the pressure due to
       light enable us to calculate this mass. …

       "The place where the density of the ether carried along by an
       electric field rises to its highest value is close to a
       corpuscle, for round the corpuscles are by far the strongest
       electric fields of which we have any knowledge. We know the
       mass of the corpuscle, we know from Kaufmann’s experiments
       that this arises entirely from the electric charge, and is
       therefore due to the ether carried along with the corpuscle by
       the lines of force attached to it. … Around the corpuscle
       ether must have an extravagant density; whether the density is
       as great as this in other places depends upon whether the
       ether is compressible or not. If it is compressible, then it
       may be condensed round the corpuscles, and there have an
       abnormally great density; if it is not compressible, then the
       density in free space cannot be less than the number I have
       just mentioned. With respect to this point we must remember
       that the forces acting on the ether close to the corpuscle are
       prodigious. … I do not know at present of any effect which
       would enable us to determine whether ether is compressible or
       not. And although at first sight the idea that we are immersed
       in a medium almost infinitely denser than lead might seem
       inconceivable, it is not so if we remember that in all
       probability matter is composed mainly of holes. We may, in
       fact, regard matter as possessing a bird-cage kind of
       structure in which the Volume of the ether disturbed by the
       wires when the structure is moved is infinitesimal in
       comparison with the Volume enclosed by them. If we do this, no
       difficulty arises from the great density of the ether; all we
       have to do is to increase the distance between the wires in
       proportion as we increase the density of the ether."

       Some English journals, in discussing Sir Joseph Thomson’s
       address at Winnipeg, spoke doubtingly of its scientific
       soundness, regarding it as too speculative, representing
       conclusions in advance of what physical science had obtained a
       real warrant to draw. These newspaper critics were called
       sharply to account by Sir Oliver Lodge, and told that they
       were suspicious of Sir Joseph’s statements only because they
       knew nothing of the data on which he founded them.

       In a magazine article of the previous year, Sir Oliver Lodge
       had already traversed part of the ground covered by the
       impressive review of Sir Joseph Thomson. In that article he
       said of the present conception of the ether of space, as
       accepted among the leaders of physical science:

       "When a steel spring is bent or distorted, what is it that is
       really strained? Not the atoms—the atoms are only displaced;
       it is the connecting links that are strained—the connecting
       medium—the ether. Distortion of a spring is really distortion
       of the ether. All strain exists in the ether. Matter can only
       be moved. Contact does not exist between the atoms of matter
       as we know them; it is doubtful if a piece of matter ever
       touches another piece, any more than a comet touches the sun
       when it appears to rebound from it; but the atoms are
       connected, as the planets, the comets and the sun are
       connected, by a continuous plenum without break or
       discontinuity of any kind. Matter acts on matter solely
       through the ether. But whether matter is a thing utterly
       distinct and separate from the ether, or whether it is a
       specifically modified portion of it—modified in such a way as
       to be susceptible of locomotion, and yet continuous with all
       the rest of the ether,—which can be said to extend everywhere,
       far beyond the bounds of the modified and tangible portion
       called matter—are questions demanding, and I may say in
       process of receiving, answers.

       "Every such answer involves some view of the universal, and
       possibly infinite, uniform, omnipresent connecting medium, the
       ether of space."

          Oliver Lodge,
          The Ether of Space
          (North American Review, May, 1908).

          [Transcriber's Note: The Michelson-Morley experiment 21
          years earlier had cast doubt on the ether concept.
          https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/70888]

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: Radium and Radio-activity:
       The Discovery by Professor and Madame Curie.
       The Light it throws on many Scientific Problems.
       Faraday’s Prophetic Anticipation.
       The Dissolution of Atoms.

       "In his first treatise on the X-rays, Röntgen [see in Volume
       VI.] drew attention to the fact that they proceeded from those
       parts of the Röntgen tubes where the glass, under the
       influence of the impinging cathode rays, showed the most
       fluorescence. It therefore seemed possible that the existence
       of these mysterious rays was in some way dependent on
       previously acquired fluorescence, and many physicists tried to
       ascertain with the well-known Balmain dyes, which become
       luminous after exposure to the light, if results could be
       obtained resembling those with a Röntgen tube.

    {607}

       "Similar attempts by the French physicist, Henri Becquerel,
       were crowned with success in an unexpected direction. He
       exposed a uranium salt to the light, and then placing it in a
       dark room on a photographic plate covered with opaque paper he
       demonstrated the action of these rays on the plate through the
       paper, thin sheets of metal, etc. But the supposed and
       sought-for relation of the rays to the previous fluorescence
       was not evident, for Becquerel obtained precisely the same
       results with preparations of uranium which had not only not
       been previously exposed directly to the light, but had
       purposely been kept some time in darkness and could therefore
       display no stored-up luminescence. He had, however, discovered
       the uranium or Becquerel rays. …

       "At Becquerel’s suggestion Madame Curie undertook a systematic
       investigation of all the chemical elements and established the
       fact that with none of them, excepting uranium and thorium,
       could an appreciable effect indicating rays be obtained with
       her apparatus. On the other hand, she found that many of the
       minerals investigated showed noticeable action in this
       direction. The fact that a few of them, the uranium
       pitchblende, for example, from Joachimsthal, Bohemia, emitted
       rays three or four times stronger than those of pure uranium,
       and which could not therefore be announced as uranium rays,
       led her to suppose that in the pitchblende itself, apart from
       the uranium, there must exist a still more powerful
       radioactive substance. It is a matter of record how, in this
       research, which might serve as a model for such work, she and
       her husband, so soon afterwards to lose his life by a
       deplorable accident, succeeded in tracing this supposed
       substance more and more accurately, and finally in obtaining
       it pure. Madame Curie thus became the discoverer of radium, a
       new element possessed of wonderful, of fabulous qualities.

       "Besides Madame Curie no other investigator but Professor
       Braunschweig, so far as I know, has yet succeeded in obtaining
       pure radium."

          Franz Himstedt,
          Radioactivity (Annual Report, Smithsonian Institution,
          1905-1906, pages 117-118).

       "The phenomena of radio-activity revive interest in the
       prophetic views of Michael Faraday. In 1816, when he was but
       twenty-four years of age, he delivered a lecture at the Royal
       Institution in London on Radiant Matter. In the course of his
       remarks there occurs this passage:—‘If we now conceive a
       change as far beyond vaporization as that is above fluidity,
       and then take into account the proportional increased extent
       of alteration as the changes arise, we shall perhaps, if we
       can form any conception at all, not fall short of radiant
       matter; and as in the last conversion many qualities were
       lost, so here also many more would disappear. It was the
       opinion of Newton, and of many other distinguished
       philosophers, that this conversion was possible, and
       continually going on in the processes of nature, and they
       found that the idea would bear without injury the applications
       of mathematical reasoning—as regards heat, for instance. If
       assumed, we must also assume the simplicity of matter; for it
       would follow that all the variety of substances with which we
       are acquainted could be converted into one of three kinds of
       radiant matter; which again may differ from each other only in
       the size of their particles or their form. The properties of
       known bodies would then be supposed to arise from the varied
       arrangements of their ultimate atoms, and belong to substances
       only as long as their compound nature existed; and thus
       variety of matter and variety of properties would be found
       co-essential.’"

          George Iles,
          Inventors at Work,
          pages 204-205 (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

       "An ascertained commercial value of £4 per milligramme
       (equivalent to £114,000 per ounce) has been placed upon radium
       by a contract just entered into between the British
       Metalliferous Mines (Limited) and Lord Iveagh and Sir Ernest
       Cassel for the supply of 7½ grammes (rather more than a
       quarter of an ounce) of pure radium bromide. This very large
       order for radium will be supplied from the above named
       company’s mine near Grampound Road in Cornwall."

          London Times, June 21, 1909.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       The Mono-Rail Gyroscopic System.

       A mechanical invention not yet developed, but which seems more
       than likely to count among the most important of the next few
       years, is that known as the Brennan mono-rail system, which
       balances cars and trains of cars on a single rail by use of
       the principle of the gyroscope. It was first exhibited by its
       English inventor, Mr. Louis Brennan, in model form, before the
       Royal Society, in 1907, and won so much confidence in its
       possibilities that the British War Office and the India Office
       gave financial assistance to meet the cost of the long
       experiments that were necessary for adapting the system to
       service on a large practical scale. The result of these
       experiments was exhibited in public trials at New Brompton,
       England, and, subsequently, at New York, in the later part of
       1909. The following account of the exhibition at New Brompton
       was given by The Times:

       "The car with which the test runs were carried out is 40 ft.
       in length and 10 ft. in width; its weight is 22 tons, and it
       is designed for a load of 10 to 15 tons. The weight of the
       gyroscopes, of which there are two, is 1½ tons, each having a
       diameter of 3 ft. 6 in. The speed of rotation is 3,000 r. p.
       m., or considerably less than it was in the 6 ft. model
       exhibited before the Royal Society. It would be possible for
       the car to obtain the necessary power by collecting current
       from an overhead wire with a consequent saving of weight, but
       in the present example the motive power is provided by two
       Wolseley petrol engines, one of 80 h. p., and the other of 20
       h. p., driving two direct-current shunt-wound motors of the
       Siemens type. It is not necessary that the car should be
       propelled electrically, and steam or other motive power could
       be employed; but in any case it would be necessary to spin the
       gyroscopes electrically, this method being ideal for the
       purpose. The air is exhausted from the gyroscope cases, the
       pressure in them being equivalent to from ½ in. to 5/8 in. of
       mercury. It is hoped in future installations to design the
       gyroscopes for higher speeds, and in that case it would be
       possible to reduce the size and weight of the equipment. In
       this first car the gyroscopes run in the vertical plane, but
       that is merely for convenience, the essential feature being
       that the trunnions should be at right angles to the track. …

    {608}

       "Several experimental trips were made on the factory circular
       track as well as on the straight, and the car travelled with
       remarkable steadiness throughout. It is not likely that the
       Brennan mono-rail will find any wide field of application in
       this country, but there would appear to be great advantages in
       the system for mountain railways in India and elsewhere, and,
       indeed, it seems suitable for adoption in any country where
       new railways are being planned. The inventor lays stress on
       the absolute safety of the system at speeds ranging up to
       about 150 miles per hour."

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Sanitary.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       Submarine Signal Bells.

       In May, 1909, it was announced from Washington that "the
       Government, recognizing the substantial service rendered to
       shipping by submarine bells, has decided to extend their
       installation from time to time to light vessels and stations
       on both coasts and upon the great lakes. At present forty-six
       of the light vessels are thus equipped, and the signals which
       they send out are of undoubted aid to deep-water navigation.
       Canada, England, Germany, Holland, France, Sweden, and Denmark
       are following suit. The bells operate during fogs and at night
       and the sound waves emitted by the bell under water have been
       known to travel as far as twenty-seven miles. These sound
       waves are picked up by the receiving microphones on board
       ships, and by the code signal of each station the vessel’s
       navigator is able to tell where he is."

          See (in this Volume) above,
          ELECTRICAL: WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY:
          THE CRY THAT BROUGHT HELP.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       The Turbine Steam Engine.
       Its Successful Development.
       First Use on Ocean Steamers.
       The "Lusitania" and "Mauretania."

       "For a long time and well into the nineteenth century, water
       was lifted by pistons moving in cylindrical pumps. Meantime
       the turbine grew steadily in favor as a water motor, arriving
       at last at high efficiency. This gave designers a hint to
       reverse the turbine and use it as a water lifter or pump: this
       machine, duly built, with a continuous instead of an
       intermittent motion, showed much better results than the
       old-fashioned pump. The turbine-pump is accordingly adopted
       for many large waterworks, deep mines and similar
       installations. This advance from to-and-fro to rotary action
       extended irresistibly to steam as a motive power. It was clear
       that if steam could be employed in a turbine somewhat as water
       is, much of the complexity and loss inherent in reciprocating
       engines would be brushed aside. A pioneer inventor in this
       field was Gustave Patrich De Laval, of Stockholm, who
       constructed his first steam turbine along the familiar lines
       of the Barker mill. Steam is so light that for its utmost
       utilization as a jet a velocity of about 2,000 feet a second
       is required, a rate which no material is strong enough to
       allow. De Laval by using the most tenacious metal for his
       turbines is able to give their swiftest parts a speed of as
       much as 1400 feet a second. His apparatus is cheap, simple and
       efficient; it is limited to about 300 horse-power. Its chief
       feature is its divergent nozzle, which permits the outflowing
       steam to expand fully with all the effect realized in a steam
       cylinder provided with expansion valve gear. Another device of
       De Laval which makes his turbine a safe and desirable prime
       mover is the flexible shaft which has a little, self-righting
       play under the extreme pace of its rotation.

       "Of direct action turbines the De Laval is the chief; of
       compound turbines, in which the steam is expanded in
       successive stages, the first and most widely adopted was
       invented by the Honourable Charles A. Parsons of
       Newcastle-on-Tyne. … In 1894 Mr. Parsons launched his
       Turbinia, the first steamer to be driven by a turbine. Her
       record was so gratifying that a succession of vessels,
       similarly equipped, were year by year built for excursion
       lines, for transit across the British Channel, for the British
       Royal Navy, and for mercantile marine service. The
       thirty-fifth of these ships, the Victorian of the Allan
       Line, was the first to cross the Atlantic Ocean, arriving at
       Halifax, Nova Scotia, April 18, 1905. She was followed by the
       Virginian of the same line which arrived at Quebec, May
       8, 1905. Not long afterward the Cunard Company sent from
       Liverpool to New York the Carmania equipped with steam
       turbines, and in every other respect like the Caronia of the
       same owners, which is driven by reciprocating engines of the
       best model. Thus far the comparison between these two ships is
       in favor of the Carmania. The new monster Cunarders, the
       Lusitania and the Mauretania, each of 70,000
       horse power, are to be propelled by steam turbines. The
       principal reasons for this preference are thus given by
       Professor Carl C. Thomas:—Decreased cost of operation as
       regards fuel, labor, oil, and repairs. Vibration due to
       machinery is avoided. Less weight of machinery and coal to be
       carried, resulting in greater speed. Greater simplicity of
       machinery in construction and operation, causing less
       liability to accident and breakdown. Smaller and more deeply
       immersed propellers, decreasing the tendency of the machinery
       to race in rough weather. Lower centre of gravity of the
       machinery as a whole, and increased headroom above the
       machinery. According to recent reports, decreased first cost
       of machinery."

          George Iles,
          Inventors at Work,
          pages 452-456
          (Doubleday, Page & Co., New York).

       In August, 1908, the Lusitania made the voyage from
       Queenstown to New York in 4 days and 15 hours; again in
       February, 1909, in 4 days, 17 hours and 6 minutes. In
       September, 1909, the Mauretania crossed from New York
       to Queenstown in 4 days, 13 hours and 41 minutes.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       The Washington Memorial Institution.
       Extension of the Usefulness of Scientific Work in Departments
       of the Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

    SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:
       The Nobel Prizes.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.
          See also
          EARTHQUAKES.

       ----------SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT:  End--------

       ----------SCOTLAND: Start--------

    SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Census.

       According to the returns of the decennial enumeration made on
       the night of the 31st of March, 1901, the population of
       Scotland that day, "including those in the Royal Navy, and
       belonging to the Mercantile shipping in Scottish Ports or on
       Scottish waters, number 4,472,000 persons, of whom 2,173,151
       are males, and 2,298,849 females.

       "When compared with the corresponding population as enumerated
       at the Census of 1891, a total increase of 446,353 is found to
       have occurred; the male increase being 230,434, and the female
       215,919.
    {609}
       The percentage rate of increase of both sexes during the
       decennial period is 11.09—that of the males being 11.86, and
       of the females 10.37. The corresponding total rate of increase
       during the preceding decennium, 1881-1891, was 7.77 per cent.
       … The rate at the present Census for Scotland is, with the
       exception of that at 1881, the highest since the decennial
       period 1821-1831. …

       "In 19 Counties an increase in the population has taken place,
       in 14 a decrease. The highest rate of increase—both sexes
       combined—is in Linlithgow, 24.4 per cent.; followed by Lanark
       with an increase of 21.1 per cent.; Stirling with one of 20.6
       per cent.; Renfrew with one of 16.5 per cent.; Dumbarton with
       one of 16.2 per cent.; Kincardine with one of 15.3 per cent.;
       Fife with one of 15.0 per cent. The greatest falling off
       occurs in Berwick, 4.6 per cent.; in Orkney, 5.7 per cent.; in
       Roxburgh, 8.8 per cent.; in Caithness 8.9 per cent.; in
       Wigtown, 9.4 per cent.; and in Selkirk 15.8 percent. Inverness
       stands almost as it was, having increased but 0.1 per cent.,
       and the minimum rate of falling off as to population is in
       Banff, 0.3 per cent., and Argyll, 0.6 per cent. …

       "Among the larger Burghs the increase of population varies not
       a little. Thus, in Motherwell, which heads the list, the
       increase during the decennial period 1891-1901, is at the rate
       of 62.5 per cent. Partick follows with a rate of increase of
       48.6 per cent.; Wishaw with one of 36.8 percent.; Hamilton
       with one of 31.8 per cent.; Kirkcaldy with one of 25.5
       percent.; Falkirk with one of 24.3 per cent.; Govan with one
       of 24.2 per cent.; Coatbridge with one of 21.3 per cent.;
       Aberdeen with one of 22.9 per cent.; Kilmarnock with one of
       20.1 per cent.; Paisley with one of 19.5 per cent.; Airdrie
       with one of 16.5 per cent.; Glasgow with one of 15.5 per
       cent.; Ayr with one of 15.1 per cent.; Edinburgh with one of
       14.8 per cent.; Dunfermline with one of 14.1 percent.; Leith
       with one of 12.6 per cent.; Inverness with one of 10.3 per
       cent.; Perth with one of 9.9 per cent.; Greenock with one of
       7.4 per cent.; and Dundee with one of 4.5 percent.; while
       Arbroath indicates a decrease at the rate of 1.9 per cent."

          Preliminary Report to Parliament.

       The division of population between town districts and rural
       districts is shown in the following table:

       Groups of Districts.          Males.     Females.    Total.

       Town Districts             1,404,382    1,520,698   2,925,080
       (Pop. 2,000 and upwards)

       Mainland-Rural Districts     479,009      495,172     974,841

       Insular-Rural Districts       58,666       67,060     125,726

       Total                      1,942,717    2,082,930   4,025,647

    SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.
       Mr. Carnegie’s great Gift to Universities and Students.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: SCOTLAND: A. D. 1901.

    SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Decision of the House of Lords against the Union, in 1900,
       of the Free Church with the United Presbyterian.
       All Property given to the Opposing Remnant.

       "In 1900, the United Free Church was formed by the union of
       the majority of the Free Church with the entire body of the
       United Presbyterians, …

          See, in Volume VI. of this work,
          SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900)

       A new organisation placed in the field of Church politics in
       Scotland almost equals in respect of numbers and resources to
       the Established Church. The small minority opposed to this
       union inside the Free Church seceded, held some of the
       churches and manses by force, defying authority to the extent,
       in one instance, of a month’s imprisonment, and retained the
       denomination of ‘The Free Church of Scotland.’ As their
       fathers left a ‘vitiated’ Establishment on purpose to preserve
       the freedom and purity of the National Church, so they refused to
       enter the new union, in order, by standing out, to save the
       principles, doctrines, and purposes identified with the
       Disruption of 1843. This minority of not more than
       twenty-seven ministers and as many congregations, mostly
       located in fastnesses beyond the Grampians, is now the Free
       Church of Scotland, with Presbytery, Assembly, Moderator—in
       short, with the offices and institutions, on a condensed
       scale, which are essential in Presbyterian polity. These few
       determined people claim to be the faithful remnant of the
       Disruptionists. Like Milton’s Abdiel, ‘unshaken, unseduced,
       unterrified,’ nor moved to ‘swerve from truth’ or ‘change
       their constant mind,’ they claim to have kept their loyalty,
       their love, their zeal in the cause of the Disruption through
       all the temptations of an age in thought Pyrrhonist, in
       morality lax, and in religion Latitudinarian. On the
       assumption that they alone were the Free Church, they invoked
       the aid of the Civil Courts in their defence. The Court of
       Session—both the Ordinary and the Inner Courts—decided in
       favour of the United Free Church. Home-made law could not
       satisfy the minority, and, on appeal, the House of Lords
       reversed the judgment of the Court of Session, declaring the
       remnant to be the Free Church of Scotland, and finding that
       the United Free Church was a modern composite body which, on
       the evidence of its ambidextrous and Latitudinarian
       constitution, had abandoned the fundamental doctrines and
       principles held by the Disruptionists. In consequence of this
       decision, the property of the Free Church, as it existed prior
       to the union of 1900, now belongs to the remnant of the
       Disruptionists.

       "From the side of the losing United Free Church a bitter cry
       has arisen against this finality in law. The decision is
       formally accepted, yet denounced as unjust and incompetent, as
       denying toleration and the right to change its creed to an
       autonomous body; and there are murmurs about of the necessity
       of an appeal to Parliament. … It seems the rankest injustice
       to transfer more than one million in invested funds, nearly a
       thousand church buildings, three superior colleges devoted to
       the training of Divinity students (one in Edinburgh, another
       in Glasgow, and a third in Aberdeen), the magnificent Assembly
       Hall in Edinburgh, with the offices attached, probably also
       much property in foreign missions, from the United Free Church
       to this remnant of Disruptionists, the custodians of the dying
       embers of Obscurantism in Scotland."

          J. M. Sloan,
          The Scottish Free Church
          (Fortnightly Review, September, 1904).

    {610}

       To consider the situation created by the decision of the House
       of Lords, a Royal Commission was appointed, which investigated
       all the questions involved and reported its findings in April,
       1905. In the judgment of the Commission, the Free Church (the
       "Wee Frees," as that body was now commonly dubbed) had neither
       the numbers nor the resources for putting to their proper use
       the enormous endowment which it claimed. At the same time
       there would be no justice in delivering those endowments
       unconditionally to the United Free Church. It was recommended,
       accordingly, that a Commission be constituted by Act of
       Parliament to take charge of the whole property and funds
       involved, and to arrange for the allocation of the same, to
       the end of securing "adequate provision for the due
       performance of the purposes for which the funds were raised
       and the trusts on which they are held." A Bill in accordance
       with this recommendation was passed during the next session of
       Parliament.

       On the request of the General Assembly of the Church of
       Scotland, the same Act enabled the Church to change the
       formula of subscription required from its ministers, under the
       Act of 1693, so that, on being ordained, a minister shall only
       make a "declaration of his faith in the sum and substance of
       the doctrine of the Reformed Churches therein contained,
       according to such formula as may from time to time be
       prescribed by the General Assembly."

    SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1909.
       Peace followed by Threatened Conflict in
       the Coal Mining Industry.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: SCOTLAND.

    SCOTLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Working of the Old Age Pensions Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF: PENSIONS.

       ----------SCOTLAND: End--------

    SCOTT, James Brown:
       Technical Delegate to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    SCOTT, Captain K. T.:
       Commander of Antarctic Expedition.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    SEAL FISHERY NEGOTIATIONS.

       "Negotiations for an international conference to consider and
       reach an arrangement providing for the preservation and
       protection of the fur seals in the North Pacific are in
       progress with the governments of Great Britain, Japan, and
       Russia. The attitude of the governments interested leads me to
       hope for a satisfactory settlement of this question as the
       ultimate outcome of the negotiations."

          Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
          December 6, 1909.

    SEATTLE: A. D. 1909.
       The Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition.

       "The fair at Seattle," said The World's Work of August,
       1909, "is beautiful; that goes without saying, for the best of
       man’s art is fitted to the best of Nature’s workmanship to
       make a balanced and blended picture never excelled in the long
       list of great exhibitions. But better than that, the fair at
       Seattle is a definite commercial lesson—and lessons in
       commerce last forever. Primarily, the fair is teaching the
       people of the United States to know the Pacific coast;
       secondarily, it is teaching them a little of Alaska, a little
       of Japan, and a little of the Philippines. And the distinctive
       feature of this particular fair is the determined effort to
       make those lessons true." This seems to describe the
       impression which the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition made
       generally on the visitors who went to it with an intelligent
       purpose in going. It gave them what they went to see, with
       fidelity, with fulness, and in most attractive forms of
       display. Like its Northwestern predecessor, at Portland, four
       years before, it was an almost startling revelation of the
       possibilities of planting and ripening in cities, states, and
       their social institutions, that lie within trivial spaces of
       time in this wonderful present age.

       The Exposition was on the grounds of Washington University,
       and seven of the principal buildings erected for it were of
       permanent construction and remain for the use of the
       University. Again, as at Portland, the most interesting of
       these buildings architecturally was that for the forestry
       exhibit, built of logs and other timber in a state as nearly
       natural as it could be kept.

       The Exposition was open from June 1st until October 16, and
       registered about 3,740,000 visitors.

    SEBAHEDDIN.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    SECTARIAN SCHOOL QUESTION.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903;
          also
          CANADA: A. D. 1905.

    SEDDON, Richard J.: Prime Minister of New Zealand.
       His Death.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1906-1909.

    SEGNATURA, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1908.

    SEIYU-KAI.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1902 (August); 1903 (June), and 1909.

    SELFRIDGE, Lieutenant T. E.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    SENATORS, United States:
       Proposed Election by Direct Popular Vote.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES SENATORS.

    SENEGAMBIA: A. D. 1904.
       Cession of a portion of territory by England to France.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    SENUSSIA,
    SENOUSSI:
       The Pan-Islamic Movement in Africa.
       Sidi Mahomed bin Ali es Senussia and his Sect.
       His Doctrine and its Aim.

       "We have recently heard, principally apropos of the
       disturbances in Egypt, a considerable amount concerning
       Pan-Islamism. Taking into consideration how much has been
       written on this subject, it is surprising to find how little
       has been said concerning one of the principal organisations
       for the propagation of Pan-Islamism. I refer to the sect known
       as Senussia. … At this present moment there is throughout
       Africa very general discontent among the native population,
       not only in Mohammedan countries, but universally over the
       length and breadth of the entire continent. …

       "It is a comparatively easy matter to so influence any warlike
       Moslem people to religious enthusiasm that they are instantly
       ready in arms to strike a blow for the faith. But the most
       significant and sinister symptom of this anti-Christian
       crusade is that the message carried by the Senussia agents is,
       ‘Wait, for the time is not yet ripe. Rest now, but when the
       hour arrives, rise, slay, and spare not.’ Taking into
       consideration the fact that the Senussia sect was founded in
       1835, that its rise has been enormously rapid, and that its
       propaganda has been actively and diligently preached in
       British possessions for many years past, with scarcely one
       definite item of intelligence concerning it being known, it
       shows clearly that the motive power and organising
       intelligence must be something considerably above the average.
       …

    {611}

       "The sect was founded in 1835 by Sidi Mahomed bin Ali es
       Senussia, otherwise known as Sheikh Senussi, an Algerian Arab
       born near Mostaganem towards the end of the Turkish dominion.
       A lineal descendant of the prophet Mahomed, he first gained a
       reputation for sanctity at Fez. He then proceeded to Mecca,
       where he commenced preaching. However his success, which was
       remarkably rapid, caused great local jealousy and he had
       perforce to fly to Egypt. He started a zawia or monastery at
       Alexandria, but being excommunicated by the Sheikh el Islam at
       Cairo, he was again compelled to seek safety in flight. This
       time he fled across the Lybian desert to Jebel el Akhdar near
       Benghazi on the north coast, where he again established a
       zawia, and in a short time had obtained a considerable
       following. There he lived and preached, and died in 1859 or
       1860, having firmly established the Senussia sect. He was
       succeeded by his son Mahomed.

       "The doctrine preached by the Sheikh Senussi, and which still
       comprises the doctrines and aims of his disciples, was as
       follows: To free the Mahommedan religion from the many abuses
       which have crept into it. To restore, under one universal
       leader, the former purity of faith. Finally, and most
       especially, to free all Moslem countries, more particularly
       those in Africa, from the dominion of the infidel."

          H. A. Wilson,
          The Moslem Menace
          (Nineteenth Century, September, 1907).

       "The growth of the Senoussi has been one of the most striking
       developments of modern Islam. They have adopted an active
       missionary policy and have spread southwards through heathen
       Africa, while their organization has been framed with the idea
       of including and coordinating all existing brotherhoods. The
       Senoussi have established in all countries where the Moslem is
       governed by an alien race a system of occult government side
       by side, and coinciding in its boundaries, with the state
       administration. This occult government exists in Algeria,
       Egypt, and India, and its emissaries are at work in Nigeria.
       The Senoussi now include within their brotherhood practically
       all the Sunnis, that is the majority of Moslems in Arabia,
       Turkey, North Africa, Turkestan, Afghanistan and East Asia.
       The Shiites, who predominate in Persia, are alone prevented by
       their conception of orthodoxy from being Senoussi.

       "The Senoussi had their headquarters at Djarboub, but some
       twenty years ago it was decided to send their official
       representative to Constantinople, and the venerable Mokkadem
       who occupies this position is even more powerful in councils
       than the Sheik ul Islam, who, nominated by the Sultan,
       occupies in the hierarchy the place of Expounder of the Law,
       second only to that of the Caliph, the ‘Shadow of God on
       Earth.’"

          A. R. Colquhoun,
          Pan-Islam
          (North American Review, June, 1906).

          See, also, in Volume VI., page 835.

    SERGIUS, Grand Duke,
       Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    SERVIA.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: SERVIA.

    SEVASTOPOL:
       Riot and Naval Mutiny.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    SHACKLETON, LIEUTENANT ERNEST H.:
       Antarctic Explorations.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    SHA-HO, BATTLE OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (SEPTEMBER-MARCH).

    SHANGHAI: A. D. 1902.
       Withdrawal of Foreign Troops.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1902.

    SHANGHAI: A. D. 1905.
       Boycott of Americans and American Goods.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    SHANGHAI: A. D. 1909.
       International Opium Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    SHAW, LESLIE M.:
       Secretary of the Treasury.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

    SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The:
       His Authority and Function at Constantinople.

          See (in this Volume)
          SENUSSIA.

    SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The:
       His Part in the Turkish Constitutional Revolution.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY; A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    SHEMSI PASHA,
       Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    SHERIAT, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST ACT, of 1890.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

    SHERMAN ANTI-TRUST ACT, of 1890.
       Action of National Civic Federation on its Amendment.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

    SHERMAN, James S.:
       Elected Vice-President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    SHEVKET PASHA, Mahmud:
       Commander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    SHIPBUILDING AGREEMENT (BRITISH) OF 1908, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1908.

    SHIPPING COMBINATION, North Atlantic.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: INTERNATIONAL.

    SHIRÉ HIGHLANDS:
       Their Suitability for European Colonization.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    SHIRTWAIST-MAKERS’ STRIKE, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909-1910.

    SHONTS, Theodore P.:
       Chairman of the Panama Canal Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905-1909.

    SHOOA-ES-SULTANEH.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    SHORT BALLOT REFORM.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: UNITED STATES.

    SIA-GU-SHAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-January).

    SIAM: A. D. 1902.
       Treaty with France.

       By a fresh treaty with Siam, secured in October, 1902, France
       won from that kingdom another piece of territory to add to her
       Indo-China domain. The new acquisition is between the Rolnos
       and Piek Kompong Tiam rivers, on the Great Lake. In return
       France restores the port of Chantabun, which she has held for
       a long time without right, and which she agreed to restore in
       1899.

          See (in Volume VI.)
          SIAM.

    {612}

    SIAM: A. D. 1904.
       Declaration of England and France touching Influence in Siam.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    SIAM: A. D. 1905.
       Suppression of Gambling and Edict for
       the Extinction of Slavery.

       An official notification of the suppression of gambling and a
       royal edict decreeing the abolition of the last remnants of
       slavery in the Kingdom of Siam were communicated to the
       American Government, through its Minister at Bangkok, in March
       and April, 1905. In part, the former stated:

       "His Majesty has long been impressed by the fact that although
       the revenue derived from gambling is an important factor in
       the finances of the Kingdom the evils resulting therefrom are
       much greater than the benefits. People expend in gambling not
       only their own wealth but the wealth of others. They devote to
       gambling time during which they should be attending to their
       work. Under present conditions large sums of money which come
       into the hands of the gambling farmers are sent out of the
       kingdom. Gambling is also responsible for much of the crime
       that is committed. The abolition of gambling would, therefore,
       not only result in an improvement in the morals of the people
       and in increased industry, but money now expended therein
       would remain in circulation within the country, thereby adding
       to the wealth of the community. In order, however, to replace
       the loss of the revenue derived from gambling, some taxes must
       be increased and new taxes devised. In the increase of certain
       of these taxes it will be necessary to enter upon negotiations
       with foreign powers. Gambling cannot, therefore, be suppressed
       at once, but must be gradually abolished. His Majesty,
       therefore, has been pleased to order the abolition of gambling
       within the period of three years."

       The decree concerning slavery opens thus:

       "Although slavery in our realm is very different from slavery
       as it has existed in many other countries—most slaves being
       persons who have become so voluntarily and not by force and
       the powers of the master over the slaves being strictly
       limited—yet we have always considered that the institution,
       even in this modified form, is an impediment to the progress
       of our country. We have, therefore, from the commencement of
       our reign, taken steps, by the enactment of laws and
       otherwise, for the abolition of slavery. … We now deem it time
       to take more sweeping measures which will gradually result in
       the entire disappearance of slavery from Siam." Accordingly, a
       law is decreed as follows: "All children born of parents who
       are slaves shall be free without the execution of the
       condition stated in the law of Pee Chau. No person now free
       can be made a slave. If any person now a slave shall hereafter
       become free he cannot thereafter again become a slave.
       Wherever any person is now held a debt slave, the master shall
       credit upon the principal of the debt for which he is held a
       slave the sum of four (4) tieals for each month after the 1st
       of April, 124, provided that no credit shall be allowed for
       any time during which the slave may desert his master. If a
       slave changes his master, no increase shall be made in the
       debt for which he is actually held."

    SIAM: A. D. 1909.
       Treaty with Great Britain, Ceding three States
       in the Malay Peninsula.

       By a treaty with Siam, signed on the 10th of March, 1909,
       Great Britain added 15,000 square miles to her dominion in the
       Malay Peninsula. Siam renounced, in favour of Great Britain,
       her suzerain rights over the native States of Kelantan,
       Trengganu, and Kedah, and perhaps other districts, in the
       Peninsula. In return the British Government consented to
       certain modifications in the extra-territorial rights enjoyed
       by British subjects in Siam. The Government of the Federated
       Malay States will advance to Siam the capital, about
       £4,000,000, required for the construction of railways in
       Southern Siam, by which it is hoped that direct railway
       communication will soon be established between Bangkok and
       Singapore. Kelantan lies 374 miles distant from Singapore and
       about 500 from Bangkok, on the shore of the China Sea. It is a
       purely Malay State under the rule of a Rajah, who has not,
       like his predecessors, adopted the higher title of Sultan, but
       who claims to be an independent Sovereign, though he has been
       compelled to acknowledge the King of Siam as his suzerain.
       This condition of affairs has led to the transfer of his
       allegiance, very much, it is said, against his wish.

    SIENKIEWICZ, HENRY K.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    SIFTON, CLIFFORD: CANADIAN MINISTER OF THE INTERIOR.
       How he started the "American Invasion"
       of the Canadian Northwest.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

    SIGANANDA.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: NATAL: A. D. 1906-1907.

    SILVER:
       Suspension of Free Coinage in Mexico.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

    SILVER EXCHANGE, WITH THE ORIENT.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: ASIA: A. D. 1909.

    SIMON, GENERAL ANTOINE:
       President of Haiti.

          See (in this Volume)
          HAITI: A. D. 1908.

    SIMPLON TUNNEL.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1903.

    SINHA, Satyendra Prasanna:
       Appointment as a Member of the Executive Council
       of the Viceroy of India.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    SINN FEIN, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1905.

    SIOUX INDIANS:
       Colony in Nicaragua.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA.

    SIPAHDAR, The.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    SIPIAGIN, M.:
       Assassination of.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

    SLAVERY:
       In Portuguese Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: PORTUGUESE: A. D. 1905-1908.

    SLAVERY:
       Abolition in Siam.

          See (in this Volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1909.

    SLAVERY:
       Legal, but not Practical Ending in Zanzibar.

          See (in this Volume)
          ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1905.

    SLEEPING SICKNESS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    SLOCUM, CONSUL-GENERAL C. R.:
       Report on Affairs in the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    "SLOCUM," BURNING OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          "GENERAL SLOCUM."

    SMALL HOLDINGS ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

    {613}

    SMIRNOFF, GENERAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    SMITH, CHARLES E.:
       Postmaster-General.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    SMITH, GOLDWIN:
       On Discontent in India.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    SMITH, CONSUL-GENERAL JAMES A.:
       Report on Affairs in the Congo State.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    SMITH, JAMES F.:
       Governor-General of the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1906-1907.

    SYNDER, R. M.:
       Municipal "Boodler" of St. Louis.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: ST. LOUIS.

    SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       The Housing and Town-Planning Act.

       A Housing and Town Planning Bill, brought over from the
       previous session of Parliament, was introduced anew in April,
       1909, by Mr. John Burns, President of the Local Government
       Board. It passed the Commons and went in November to the
       Lords, who gave it amendments which were thought to have
       brought it to wreck. The House of Commons would not accept
       them; but many in both Houses were keenly anxious for
       legislation on the subject, and private negotiation brought
       about a compromise of their differences, securing the
       enactment in a fairly satisfactory form.

       The first part of the Act aims at improving the dwelling
       accommodation of the working classes, both by making it
       obligatory on all local authorities to provide new housing
       where required, and also by elaborate provisions for sanitary
       inspection. Every county council is required to appoint a
       public health and housing committee and also a medical officer
       of health, who shall devote his whole time to the supervision
       of the county area. Almost all working class dwellings in the
       country are covered by provisions ensuring that they shall be
       kept fit for human habitation throughout their tenancy.
       Enlarged powers of compulsory purchase, of closing and of
       demolition are also conferred upon local authorities or their
       authorized agents.

       The provisions of the Act relating to town-planning are
       commended by The Times as marking "a new departure in
       legislation in this country. Hitherto new centres of
       population have been allowed to grow up, and existing urban
       areas have been allowed to expand, without control or
       prevision. The result has too often been that the haphazard
       development of land in the vicinity of urban centres has
       produced slums, prevented the orderly growth of towns, and
       involved enormous expenditure in clearing sites, widening
       streets, and providing necessary open spaces. The Bill aims at
       securing in the future sanitary conditions, amenity, and
       convenience by enabling schemes to be made under which
       building land will be developed with due regard to future
       requirements. With this end in view the Local Government Board
       are empowered to authorize local authorities to prepare town
       planning schemes in connexion with land likely to be used for
       building purposes, or to adopt any such schemes proposed by
       owners of land. The schemes are to have effect, however, only
       if approved by the Local Government Board. The Bill provides
       for the payment of compensation to any person whose property
       is injuriously affected by the making of a town planning
       scheme, and, on the other hand, the local authority is
       empowered to recover from any person whose land is increased
       in value by the making of the scheme a proportion of the
       amount of that increase."

       In anticipation of the passage of this important Act, a party
       of eighty representatives of municipalities and other bodies
       in Great Britain who would be concerned in its administration
       passed the Easter holidays of 1909 in some of the German
       cities which are most famous for the manner in which they have
       dealt with the problems of town-growth. The four cities
       selected were Cologne, Dusseldorf, Frankfurt, and Wiesbaden,
       each of which has formulated its own way of dealing with the
       problem and offers a different point of view.

    SOCIAL BETTERMENT: PRUSSIA: A. D. 1905.
       A Government Bureau of Charities.

       In 1905 a law passed by the Prussian Diet created a national
       Charity Bureau, the duties of which are stated as follows:

       (1) To follow the development of charity work and keep the
       government informed of this development;

       (2) to advise the state of conditions which justify change in
       existing laws or the passing of new laws, or which suggest
       change in government methods;

       (3) to draw up opinions and make proposals which will help in
       framing laws for the benefit of the people;

       (4) to take general control of relief stations in case of
       great calamities.

       It will also be the duty of the department

       (1) to establish relations between different charity
       organizations, suggest improvements in the methods of these
       organizations, and economize the forces of the various bodies;

       (2) to follow the progress of charitable work and make an
       index and collection of all literature relating to the
       subject;

       (3) to give information and advice in reference to
       philanthropic endeavor when requested to do so;

       (4) to make reports to the state at short intervals in
       reference to the development and progress of the work in the
       nation at large;

       (5) to draw up opinions and make proposals for the improvement
       or better organization of the charity propaganda in part or as
       a whole;

       (6) to take charge of the development of the work in any
       section;

       (7) to assist in putting in operation any suggestions or plans
       which may be made or worked out for the improvement of social
       conditions.

    SOCIAL BETTERMENT: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900-1909.
       The National Civic Federation.
       Its Origin.
       Its Purposes.
       Its Organization.
       Its Work.

       The Federation was organized in 1900, in Chicago, after a
       succession of national conferences had been held upon such
       subjects as Primary Election Reform, Foreign Policy and Trusts
       and Combinations. It consisted of an advisory council of five
       hundred members and an Executive Committee. On the Executive
       Committee were several of the members of the present National
       Executive Committee, including Franklin MacVeagh, Archbishop
       Ireland, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, D. J. Keefe, John W.
       Stahl, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler. The prospectus, published at
       the time, stated the purpose of the organization to be as
       follows:

    {614}

       "… To organize the best brains of the nation in an educational
       movement toward the solution of some of the great problems
       related to social and industrial progress; to provide for
       study and discussion of questions of national import; to aid
       thus in the crystallization of the most enlightened public
       opinion; and, when desirable, to promote legislation in
       accordance therewith."

       "Fifteen national subjects were named, and it was expected
       that from time to time the formation of committees would
       result having as their special province the consideration of
       the subjects suggested.

       "By vote, it was decided to take up for discussion, through
       national conferences, the three subjects of industrial
       arbitration, taxation and municipal ownership. The first
       conference, that on industrial arbitration, was held at
       Chicago, in December, 1900, and resulted in the organization
       of the Industrial Department, with A. C. Bartlett, of Chicago,
       chairman. In the following June a national conference on
       taxation was held in Buffalo, resulting in the formation of
       the Department on Taxation, with Edwin R. A. Seligman as
       chairman. It was the intention to hold the Conference on
       Municipal Ownership in New York the following December, but in
       the meantime a number of large strikes, especially the Steel
       Strike, the National Machinists’ strike and a threatened
       Anthracite Coal Strike absorbed so much of the energy and
       attention of the active members of the Federation at that time
       that the Public Ownership Conference was postponed for the
       time being.

       "Through the work done by the committee in connection with the
       coal and steel strikes, Senator Hanna became interested in the
       organization, and in December of that year was made President
       of the organization. His selection for that office, together
       with the appointment of other men of national reputation on
       the committee, attracted the attention of the country to the
       organization. For two years following that department was the
       only one prominent before the public, and its work in the
       prevention of strikes and lockouts was naturally regarded as
       the only purpose of the organization. The conferences held
       during this period were naturally confined to the subject of
       conciliation and collateral phases of the work. As national
       labor disturbances then became less frequent after two years
       of this special work the organization was able to resume its
       original programme, holding itself, however, in readiness to
       concentrate its energies on the industrial work at any time
       the need might arise.

       "It was at this time that the national conference on
       immigration was called, and the Department of Immigration
       organized. After that a national commission on Municipal
       Ownership was formed, and by that time the public began to
       take interest in the broader aspects of the organization.
       Later came the establishment of the Industrial Economics
       Department, which has taken up some of the most important
       problems of the day, including Socialism and Trusts and
       Combinations. The holding of a national conference on
       Political Reform resulted in the organization of a department
       especially devoted to these subjects.

       "While the subjects to be taken up by the organization are
       determined by the Executive Committee, the fact is here
       emphasized that in devoting itself to other matters than
       questions relating to strikes and lockouts, the organization
       has not deviated from, but has returned to, its original
       lines."

          The National Civic Federation Review,
          March, 1909.

       The following additional particulars of the organization and
       operations of the Federation are drawn from a pamphlet
       statement of 1909:

       "The membership of the Federation is drawn from practical men
       of affairs, whose acknowledged leadership in thought and
       action makes them typical representatives of the various
       elements that voluntarily work together for the general good.
       Its National Executive Committee is constituted of three
       factors: the general public, represented by the church, the
       bar, the press, statesmanship and finance; employers,
       represented by large manufacturers and the heads of great
       corporations, and employers’ organizations; and labor,
       represented by the principal officials of national and
       international organizations of wage-earners in every important
       industry.

       "There are useful organizations of farmers, manufacturers,
       wage-earners, bankers, merchants, lawyers, economists and
       other distinct but interacting elements of society, which hold
       meetings for discussion of affairs peculiar to their own
       pursuits and callings. The Federation, in addition to its
       Departments for the accomplishment of specific purposes,
       provides a forum where representatives of all these elements
       of society may meet to discuss national problems in which they
       have a common interest.

       "Twelve national conferences have thus been held upon such
       subjects as Primary Election and Ballot Reforms, Foreign
       Policy, Trusts, Conciliation and Arbitration, Taxation, and
       Immigration. These conferences have usually been attended by
       delegates appointed by Governors of States and by
       representatives selected by various commercial, industrial,
       and educational bodies.

       "The present activities of the Federation are exercised
       through the following agencies:

       "Trade Agreement Department,
       "Industrial Conciliation Department,
       "Industrial Economics Department,
       "Industrial Welfare Department,
       "Public Employés’ Welfare Department,
       "The Woman’s Department,
       "Public Ownership Commission,
       "Immigration Department,
       "Political Reform Department.

       "The Trade Agreement Department [John Mitchell, Chairman]
       consists of employers and representatives of workingmen, who
       make agreements as to hours, wages and conditions of
       employment. The membership of the department is equally
       divided between employers and labor leaders, the employers
       being officers of steam and street railway companies, coal
       operators, the publishers of large daily papers, building
       contractors, brewers, stove manufacturers, shippers’
       associations, while labor is represented by officials in
       corresponding crafts. …

       "The Conciliation Department [Seth Low, Chairman] deals
       entirely with strikes, lock-outs and arbitration. The services
       of this department have been enlisted in about five hundred
       cases, involving every conceivable phase of a problem
       interwoven with or underlying an industrial controversy. Its
       membership extends to every industrial centre, and includes
       representatives of leading organizations of employers and of
       wage-earners. Through this membership information of any
       threatened trouble between capital and labor usually reaches
       the headquarters, from one side or the other, in advance of
       any public rupture. …

    {615}

       "The Department of Industrial Economics [Nicholas Murray
       Butler, Chairman] was formed to promote discussion of
       practical economic problems. Its membership is composed of
       leading economists, including the heads of the departments of
       political economy in universities, lecturers and economic and
       legal authors; editors of the daily press, of politico-social
       magazines, of trade papers and of labor journals;
       representatives of the pulpit; large employers and
       representatives of labor. This department has arranged a
       programme for the discussion, by the ablest experts to be
       procured, of each of the vital and frequently irritating
       questions that arise in the Conciliation Department in
       connection with the prevention or settlement of controversies.
       …

       "The Industrial Welfare Department [the work of which is
       conducted by a number of sub-committees, at the head of one of
       which is the President of the United States, William H. Taft,
       as Chairman of the committee which studies the welfare of the
       Public Employés of the country, and the general Chairman of
       which is William H. Willcox] is composed of employers of labor
       in stores, factories, mines and on railroads. It is devoted to
       interesting employers in improving the conditions under which
       employés in all industries work and live. In extending the
       practice of Welfare Work the department has found of especial
       value conferences of employers, held under its auspices in
       different parts of the country, for the interchange of
       experiences. Illustrated literature is widely distributed, and
       stereopticon lectures are given. A bureau of exchange is
       maintained at headquarters, where descriptive matter, plans
       and photographs relating to betterments in different
       industries may be obtained by employers.

       "Some of the subjects involved are;

       "Sanitary Work Places:
       Systems for providing pure drinking water;
       for ventilation, including the cooling of super heated
       places, and devices for exhausting dust and removing gases;
       for lighting work places;
       and for guarding machinery;
       wash rooms with hot and cold water, towels and soap;
       shower baths for molders and stationary firemen;
       emergency hospitals;
       locker rooms;
       seats for women;
       laundries for men’s overalls or women’s uniforms;
       the use of elevators for women, and luncheon rooms.

       "Recreation:
       The social hall for dancing parties, concerts, theatricals,
       billiards, pool or bowling;
       the gymnasium, athletic field, roof garden, vacations and
       summer excursions for employés, and rest rooms or
       trainmen’s rest houses.

       "Educational:
       Classes for apprentices;
       in cooking, dressmaking, millinery;
       first aid to the injured;
       night classes for technical training;
       kindergartens and libraries.

       "Housing:
       Homes rented or sold to employés, and boarding houses.

       "Provident Funds:
       For insurance, pensions, savings or lending money in
       times of stress.

       "The Woman’s Department [of which Mrs. William H. Taft is
       Honorary Chairman, Mrs. Horace Brock, Chairman, and which has
       a strong corps of other officers] "is composed largely of
       women who are themselves stockholders or who are financially
       interested in industrial organizations (including railroads,
       mills, factories, mines, stores and other work places) through
       family relationships, and who therefore naturally should be
       interested in the welfare of workers in enterprises from which
       they draw their incomes; there are also, among other
       influential members, the wives of public officials.

       "The object of this department is: ‘To use its influence in
       securing needed improvements in the working and living
       conditions of women and men wage-earners in the various
       industries and governmental institutions, and to co-operate,
       when practicable, in the general work of the Federation.’ …

       "The Public Ownership Commission [Melville E. Ingalls,
       Chairman], appointed by the Executive Council of the
       Federation, is composed of one hundred prominent men
       representing practically every shade of opinion on the
       subject. …

       "The Department of Immigration [Franklin MacVeagh, Chairman]
       is composed of men selected to represent every locality in the
       Union affected by the admission of aliens.

       "This Department was organized at the request of the National
       Immigration Conference, held in New York City, December 6-8,
       1905, this conference being attended by more than five hundred
       delegates appointed by Governors of States, leading
       commercial, agricultural, manufacturing, labor and economic
       organizations, and by prominent ecclesiastical and educational
       institutions. It undertook an investigation of all important
       phases of the immigration problem, the Department being
       organized into seven distinct committees. …

       "Largely through the work of the Immigration Department,
       Congress was induced to appoint a Commission on Immigration,
       which commission has, with unlimited funds at its disposal,
       undertaken a large part of the work that had been planned by
       the Federation’s department. In fact, two members of that
       department are on the commission and have utilized all the
       material gathered by the Federation’s experts, relating to
       both white and Oriental immigration. …

       "The organization of a Political Reform Department was the
       practical outcome of a National Conference on that subject
       held in New York City, March 6 and 7, 1906, under the auspices
       of The National Civic Federation. The Conference was attended
       by delegates from all parts of the country, appointed by
       congressmen, governors, mayors, municipal and political reform
       bodies, and representing all shades of political opinion.

       "It is the purpose of the Political Reform Department to teach
       practical politics, and especially to organize the young men
       of the country and induce them to participate actively,
       through their respective party organizations, in governmental
       affairs--Federal, State and municipal."

    {616}

    SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1904-1909.
       The American Civic Association.

       "Organized effort for the systematic making of a beautiful
       America did not manifest itself until within comparatively
       recent years. Prior to 1904 there had been various short-lived
       state associations, a few interstate societies and two
       national organizations, working with the same general objects
       in view. But at St. Louis, in 1904, the year of the great
       exposition, a merger of the two national organizations brought
       forth the American Civic Association which, since that time,
       has carried on with increasing success and popular support the
       greatly needed work for a 'More Beautiful America’; and since
       that time it has been recognized as the one great national
       agency for the furtherance of that work. With its purpose as
       stated in its constitution clearly before it, it has
       constantly widened the circle of its usefulness until recently
       they were grouped under fifteen general departments, each
       department headed by an expert in his or her particular
       specialty.

       "In classifying its varied activities, the Association
       announces that it aims ‘to make American living conditions
       clean, healthful, attractive; to extend the making of public
       parks; to promote the opening of gardens and playgrounds for
       children and recreation centers for adults; to abate public
       nuisances—including objectionable signs, unnecessary poles and
       wires, unpleasant and wasteful smoking factory chimneys; to
       make the buildings and the surroundings of railway stations
       and factories attractive; to extend the practical influence of
       schools; to protect existing trees and to encourage
       intelligent tree planting; to preserve great scenic wonders
       (such as Niagara Falls and the White Mountains) from
       commercial spoliation.’

       "So vigorously has it pursued these activities that it has
       seen some of them develop to such proportions that they were
       ready to swing off from the parent circle into spheres of
       their own. Such was the case with the playground movement,
       which for years was fostered most energetically by the
       American Civic Association until it grew into an independent
       organization known as the National Playground Association, and
       which is now an agency of splendid achievements in its one
       specialized function."

          Richard B. Watrous,
          The American Civic Association
          (The American City, October, 1909).

    SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1907.
       The Sage Foundation for the Improvement of Social
       and Living Conditions.

       One of the most notable of gifts from private wealth for the
       endowment of undertakings to promote the general welfare of
       mankind was made by Mrs. Russell Sage, in 1907, when she
       placed a fund of $10,000,000 in the hands of trustees, to be
       administered under the name of The Russell Sage Foundation. On
       the announcement of this endowment, Mrs. Sage, through her
       counsel, Mr. Henry W. de Forest, authorized the following
       statement, which explains clearly and fully the purposes
       contemplated:

       "I have set aside $10,000,000 for the endowment of this
       foundation. Its object is ‘the improvement of social and
       living conditions in the United States.’ The means to that end
       will include research, publication, education, the
       establishment and maintenance of charitable and beneficial
       activities, agencies, and institutions, and the aid of any
       such activities, agencies and institutions already
       established.

       "It will be within the scope of such a foundation to
       investigate and study the causes of adverse social conditions,
       including ignorance, poverty and vice, to suggest how these
       conditions can be remedied or ameliorated, and to put in
       operation any appropriate means to that end. It will also be
       within the scope of such a foundation to establish any new
       agency necessary to carry out any of its conclusions, and
       equally to contribute to the resources of any existing
       agencies which are doing efficient and satisfactory work, just
       as the present General Education Board, organized to promote
       higher education, is aiding existing colleges and
       universities. While its scope is broad, it should preferably
       not undertake to do within that scope what is now being done
       or is likely to be effectively done by other individuals or by
       other agencies with less resources. It will be its aim to take
       up the larger and more difficult problems, and to take them up
       so far as possible in such a manner as to secure co-operation
       and aid in their solution. In some instances it may wisely
       initiate movements with the expectation of having them
       maintain themselves unaided after once being started. In other
       instances it may start movements with the expectation of
       carrying them on itself. Income only will be used for its
       charitable purposes, because the foundation is to be permanent
       and its action continuous. It may, however, make investments
       for social betterment, which themselves produce income.

       "While having headquarters in New York city, where I and my
       husband have lived and where social problems are most pressing
       and complicated, partly by reason of its extent and partly
       because it is the port of entry for about a million immigrants
       a year, the foundation will be national in its scope and in
       its activities. I have sought to select as my trustees men and
       women who are familiar with social problems and who can bring
       to their solution not only zeal and interest, but experience
       and judgment.

       "The bill for incorporation of the endowment further provides:
       The corporation hereby formed shall have power to take and
       hold, both by bequest, devise, gift, purchase, or lease,
       either absolutely or in trust, for any of its purposes, any
       property, real or personal, without limitation as to amount or
       value, except such limitation, if any, as the legislature
       shall hereinafter impose, to convey such property and to
       invest and reinvest any principal, and deal with, and expend
       the income of the corporation in such manner as in the
       judgment of the trustees will best promote its objects."

    SOCIAL BETTERMENT: A. D. 1907-1908.
       The Pittsburg Survey.
       A remarkable Investigation of Living Conditions in
       a great Industrial Center.

       "Under the name of the Pittsburgh Survey, Charities
       Publication Committee has carried on a group of social
       investigations in this great steel district. In a sense we
       have been blue-printing Pittsburgh. Our findings will be
       published in a series of special numbers … covering in order:

       "I.—The People;
       "II.—The Place;
       "III.—The Work.

       "Full reports are to be published later in a series of Volumes
       by the Russell Sage Foundation, and, throughout, the text will
       be reinforced with such photographs, pastel, maps, charts,
       diagrams and tables as will help give substance and reality to
       our presentations of fact. …

    {617}

       "The Pittsburgh Survey has been a rapid, close range
       investigation of living conditions in the Pennsylvania steel
       district. It has been carried on by a special staff organized
       under the national publication committee which prints this
       magazine. It has been financed chiefly by three grants, of
       moderate amount, from the Russell Sage Foundation for the
       Improvement of Living Conditions. It has been made practicable
       by co-operation from two quarters,—from a remarkable group of
       leaders and organizations in social and sanitary movements in
       different parts of the United States, who entered upon the
       field work as a piece of national good citizenship; and from
       men, women and organizations in Pittsburgh who were
       large-minded enough to regard their local situation as not
       private and peculiar, but a part of the American problem of
       city building.

       "The outcome has been a spirited piece of interstate
       co-operation in getting at the urban fact in a new way. …

       "The main work was set under way in September, 1807, when a
       company of men and women of established reputation as students
       of social and industrial problems spent the month in
       Pittsburgh. On the basis of their diagnosis, a series of
       specialized investigations was projected along a few of the
       lines which promised significant results. The staff has
       included not only trained investigators but also
       representatives of the different races who make up so large a
       share of the working population dealt with. Limitations of
       time and money set definite bounds to the work, which will
       become clear as the findings are presented. The experimental
       nature of the undertaking, and the unfavorable trade
       conditions which during the past year have reacted upon
       economic life in all its phases, have set other limits. Our
       inquiries have dealt with the wage-earners of Pittsburgh (a)
       in their relations to the community as a whole, and (b) in
       their relation to industry. Under the former we have studied
       the genesis and racial make-up of the population; its physical
       setting and its social institutions; under the latter we have
       studied the general labor situation; hours, wages, and labor
       control in the steel industry; child labor, industrial
       education, women in industry, the cost of living, and
       industrial accidents.

       "From the first, the work of the investigations has been
       directed to the service of local movements for improvement.
       For, as stated in a mid-year announcement of the Survey, we
       have been studying the community at a time when nascent social
       forces are asserting themselves. Witness the election of an
       independent mayor three years ago, and Mr. Guthrie’s present
       fight to clear councils of graft. Within the field of the
       Survey and within one year, the Pittsburgh Associated
       Charities has been organized; the force of tenement inspectors
       has been doubled and has carried out a first general housing
       census, and a scientific inquiry, under the name of the
       Pittsburgh Typhoid Commission, has been instituted into the
       disease which has been endemic in the district for over a
       quarter of a century. A civic improvement commission,
       representative in membership and perhaps broader in scope than
       any similar body in the country, is now in process of
       formation.

       "A display of wall maps, enlarged photographs, housing plans,
       and other graphic material was the chief feature of a civic
       exhibit held in Carnegie Institute in November and December,
       following the joint conventions in Pittsburgh of the American
       Civic Association and the National Municipal League. The local
       civic bearings of the Survey were the subject of the opening
       session of these conventions. Its economic aspects were
       brought forward at a joint session of the American Economic
       Association and the American Sociological Society at Atlantic
       City in December."

          P. U. Kellogg,
          The Pittsburgh Survey
          (Charities and the Commons, January 2, 1909).

          See (in this Volume),
          CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY;
          CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW;
          LABOR PROTECTION, ETC.;
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT;
          PUBLIC HEALTH;
          POVERTY, PROBLEMS OF;
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1907-1908.

    SOCIAL DEMOCRATS.

       See (in this Volume)
       SOCIALISM: ENGLAND, AND FRANCE;
       also GERMANY: A. D. 1903;
       RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907;
       DENMARK: A. D. 1906.

    SOCIAL REVOLUTIONISTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906-1907.

    SOCIALISM: AT LARGE: A. D. 1909.
       The Socialist Press in all Countries.

       According to a list of the Socialist Press, in the world at
       large, published in November, 1909, by the International
       Bureau of Socialists, at Brussels, fifty-seven Socialist daily
       newspapers are published in Germany. English Socialists have
       three weekly publications, and one that appears monthly. There
       is a daily Socialist journal in the Argentine Republic, a
       weekly review in Australia, and in Austria two daily
       publications and a bi-weekly review. The Socialists in Belgium
       publish four daily organs; those of Bulgaria support two
       bi-weekly reviews; and those of Canada one weekly review. One
       daily Socialist newspaper circulates in Denmark, and four
       weekly publications in Spain. In the United States there are
       four daily and eight weekly publications and a monthly
       magazine. France has two daily Socialist newspapers and ten
       weekly Socialist periodicals. In Greece the Socialists support
       a weekly publication, in Holland a daily one, and in Hungary
       both a daily and a weekly one. In Italy there are four daily
       Socialist newspapers; and a single one in Norway, Poland, and
       Sweden respectively. Socialists living in Switzerland have
       three daily and three weekly organs; while those in Russia
       have 20 monthly or bi-monthly ones, most of which are
       published secretly. In Rumania and Sweden there are also
       Socialist publications.

    SOCIALISM: AUSTRALIA:
       Government Ownership of Railways.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: AUSTRALIA.

    SOCIALISM: AUSTRIA: A. D. 1903.
       Adoption of a Resolution against Alcoholic Drinking by
       the National Convention of the Social Democracy.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: AUSTRIA.

    SOCIALISM: BELGIUM: A. D. 1904.
       Socialist Losses in the Belgium Elections.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A.D. 1904.

    SOCIALISM: DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Socialists Contending for Disarmament.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

    {618}

    SOCIALISM: ENGLAND: A. D. 1909.
       The Principal Socialist Organizations of the Present Day. --

       "There are four principal organizations actively engaged in
       gaining adherents to the cause of Collectivism as a practical
       policy, all over the kingdom. They are:
       (1) The Social Democratic Party, formerly Social Democratic
       Federation, and familiarly known as S. D. F.;
       (2) the Fabian Society;
       (3) the Independent Labour Party or I. L. P.;
       (4) the Clarion Fellowship and Scouts.

       There are several others of minor importance, though not to be
       ignored, for they all represent the spread of the central idea
       of Socialism. Among them is the Church Socialist League, which
       is significant as being a society of convinced Socialists
       within the Church of England holding that the ‘community
       should own the land and capital collectively and use them
       co-operatively for the good of all.’"

       The oldest organization "began as the Democratic Federation in
       1881, became the Social Democratic Federation in 1883, and has
       recently changed its name to the Social Democratic Party. Its
       object, according to the programme as revised in 1906, is:

       "‘The socialization of the means of production, distribution,
       and exchange, to be controlled by a democratic State in the
       interests of the entire community, and the complete
       emancipation of labour from the domination of capitalism and
       landlordism, with the establishment of social and economic
       equality between the sexes.’

       "It demands a large number of ‘immediate reforms,’ including
       the following:

       "Abolition of the Monarchy.
       Abolition of the House of Lords.
       Payment of members of Parliament and administrative
       bodies.
       Adult suffrage.
       Referendum.
       Legislative and administrative independence for all
       parts of the Empire.
       Repudiation of the National Debt.
       Abolition of indirect taxation and a cumulative tax on
       all incomes exceeding £300.
       Elementary education to be free, secular, industrial,
       and compulsory for all classes.
       Age for school attendance to be raised to 16.
       State maintenance of all school children.
       Abolition of school rates.
       Nationalization of land, of trusts, railways, docks,
       and canals.
       Public ownership of gas, electric light, water supply,
       tramways, omnibuses, &c., food and coal supply;
       State and municipal banks, pawnshops, restaurants,
       public ownership of hospitals, cemeteries, and the
       drink traffic.
       A legal eight-hours day;
       no employment under 16 years;
       public provision of work for unemployed at trade union rates;
       free State insurance against sickness, accident, old age,
       and disability;
       a minimum wage of 30s. a week;
       equal rates of pay for both sexes.
       Compulsory construction of healthy dwellings by public bodies.
       Free administration of justice and legal advice.
       Judges to be ‘chosen by the people.’
       Abolition of capital punishment.
       Disestablishment and disendowment of all State Churches.
       Abolition of standing armies and establishment of
       national citizen forces. …

       "The Social Democratic Party is the most downright and
       straightforward of the larger Socialist organizations. It is
       more outspoken and consistent, less hazy and opportunist, than
       the Independent Labour Party or the Fabian Society. It derives
       its inspiration from the Social Democrats of Germany and
       boldly upholds the ideal of revolutionary Socialism."

       The Fabian Society, which comes next "in point of age, is at
       the opposite end of the scale in regard to policy. It was
       founded in 1884, on American inspiration, as a sort of mutual
       elevation society, but adopted Socialistic principles from
       Germany. Its ‘basis’ is thus stated:

       "‘The Fabian Society consists of Socialists. It therefore aims
       at the reorganization of society by the emancipation of land
       and industrial capital from individual and class ownership and
       the vesting of them in the community for the general benefit.
       In this way only can the natural and acquired advantages of
       the country be equitably shared by the whole people.

       "‘The society accordingly works for the extinction of private
       property in land and of the consequent individual
       appropriation, in the form of rent, of the price paid for
       permission to use the earth, as well as for the advantages of
       superior soils and sites.

       "‘The society further works for the transfer to the community
       of the administration of such industrial capital as can
       conveniently be managed socially.’

       "It is not surprising that thorough-going Socialists denounce
       the Fabians as make believe, Socialism-and-water ‘comrades,’
       and hardly worthy to be called ‘comrades’ at all, an honour
       which the Fabians, for their part, show no desire to claim.
       Nevertheless, the Fabians are a very influential element in
       the Socialist movement. … The Fabian Society is numerically
       small, but growing rapidly, and that largely by the formation
       of provincial branches. The headquarters are in London, where
       it had in March last [1908] 1085 members out of a total of
       2015. … Eleven Fabians are members of Parliament, and the
       society supports the Labour party; but its real work lies
       outside of politics, and is carried on chiefly by the
       distribution of literature and by lectures. It contains
       several well-known writers, and may almost be called a
       literary society. The output of tracts and leaflets sold and
       distributed last year was over 250,000. … Among the best-known
       Fabians are Mr. Granville Barker, the Reverend R. J. Campbell,
       the Reverend Stewart D. Headlam, Mr. Chiozza-Money, M. P., Mr.
       Bernard Shaw, Mr. Sidney Webb, and Mr. H. G. Wells, who has,
       however, recently seceded. Many members belong also to other
       Socialist organizations. …

       "The third large organization on the list is the Independent
       Labour Party. It is considerably younger than the Social
       Democratic Party and the Fabian Society, but much larger and
       politically far more powerful than either or both together. In
       character it comes between them, being more opportunist and
       supple than the former, less nebulous and elusive than the
       latter. It was formally inaugurated at Bradford in 1893, under
       the leadership of Mr. Keir Hardie. The following are the
       principal [demands] in the official prospectus, revised for
       1908-1909:

       "‘1. A maximum of 48 hours working week, with the
       retention of all existing holidays and Labour Day, May 1,
       secured by law.

       "‘2. The provision of work to all capable adult applicants at
       recognized trade union rates, with a statutory minimum,
       of sixpence per hour.

    {619}

       "‘In order to remuneratively employ the applicants, parish,
       district, borough, and county councils to be invested with
       powers to

       (a) Organize and undertake such industries as they may
       consider desirable.

       (b) Compulsorily acquire land; purchase, erect, or
       manufacture buildings, stock, or other articles for carrying
       on such industries,

       (c) Levy rates on the rental values of the district and
       borrow money on the security of such rates for any of the
       above purposes.

       "‘3. State pensions for every person over 50 years of age, and
       adequate provision for all widows, orphans, sick, and disabled
       workers.

       "‘4. Free secular, moral, primary, secondary, and University
       education, with free maintenance while at school or
       University.

       "‘5. The raising of the age of child labour, with a view to
       its ultimate extinction.

       "‘6. Municipalization and public control of the drink traffic.

       "‘7. Municipalization and public control of all hospitals and
       infirmaries.

       "‘8. Abolition of indirect taxation and gradual transference
       of all public burdens on to unearned incomes with a view to
       their ultimate extinction.

       "‘The Independent Labour Party is in favour of adult suffrage,
       with full political rights and privileges for women, and the
       immediate extension of the franchise to women on the same
       terms as granted to men; also triennial Parliaments and second
       ballot.’ …

       "The most prominent individuals in the Independent Labour
       Party are Mr. Keir Hardie, M. P., its father and guide; Mr.
       Ramsay Macdonald, M. P., who pulls the political strings; Mr.
       Philip Snowdon, M. P., who is an active pamphleteer; and Mr.
       Bruce Glasier, who edits the Labour Leader. This
       organization, by far the most important in Great Britain,
       takes much less part in international Socialism than the
       Social Democratic Federation, with which it has never agreed
       very well. …

       "The ‘Clarion’ organizations, - which make the fourth of the
       more important Socialist organizations, need only a brief
       mention here. They are not regular societies, like the others,
       but merely propagandist agencies organized by the
       Clarion newspaper and manned by Socialists who belong
       to other bodies or to none. … The agencies include the
       Clarion vans, which travel round the country and
       proselytize; the Clarion fellowship societies, which
       are social bodies, and the Clarion scouts, who are
       young recruits, organized for special purposes."

          From a series of Articles on
          "The Socialist Movement in Great Britain,"
          in the London Times, January, 1909.

    SOCIALISM:
       Work of the Anti-Socialist Union.

       An Anti-Socialist Union in Great Britain is conducting a
       training school for speakers and workers whom the union sends
       into the constituencies to controvert the arguments of
       Socialist orators. Of the 175 students who entered the
       training school soon after the inauguration of the union in
       1908 about 50 were reported the next year as qualified to take
       an active part in the anti-Socialist campaign. In reply to an
       appeal for volunteers, nearly 2,000 applications were received
       from men and women who were anxious to enter the training
       school.

    SOCIALISM: FRANCE:
       The Trade Union Version of Socialism.

       See (in this Volume)
       LABOR ORGANIZATION; FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

    SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
       The Classes to which the Socialist Principle appeals.
       Strength of Socialist Political Parties.
       Their Leadership.

       "The agriculturist loves the land which he usually owns, and
       would scout the idea of becoming a farmer under the State,
       which would be his position under a Socialistic regime; he is
       frugal, hard-working, and thrifty to the point of avarice, but
       intolerably narrow, suspicious and bigoted. Among this class
       Socialism can hardly make proselytes, nor can it do so to any
       great extent among tradesmen and commercial men, who are
       either their own masters or who hope to set up for themselves
       when they have amassed a small capital. We therefore find
       ourselves reduced to two classes, the artisans and the
       professions, and it is among these that we must seek the
       Socialist voters of France. … In France, thanks to the fact
       that members of Parliament are paid, the professional classes
       are available for the recruiting of labour leaders; indeed the
       younger section is naturally attracted to the Socialist
       standard. As regards this particular class, we can find in
       Great Britain no parallel. … Young Britons appear to be too
       busy with their sports or social pleasures to study political
       questions, so that we can hardly compare them with the
       continental ‘Intellectuals.’ The ‘Intellectual’ is essentially
       a product of modern Europe and is principally to be found in
       France, Germany and Russia. He is almost invariably highly
       educated, in sympathy with foreign progress, a humanitarian
       and imbued with ideas either somewhat or very much ahead of
       his time. The French ‘Intellectual’ is at his best in the
       twenties; he may then be quixotic, but he generally knows his
       subject and is fired with generous enthusiasms. … This curious
       factor must never be lost sight of when the Socialist movement
       in any European country is examined. In Great Britain members of
       the educated classes almost invariably belong to one of the
       two great political parties; but in France they are willing to
       join hands with the masses, not only as leaders, but with a
       view to the true enthronement of the people. It is probably
       for this reason that the Socialist party has made so much
       headway in France. Such being the soldiers and officers who
       march under the Red Flag, it is not surprising that their
       political organisation should have grown so powerful. The
       Socialist party has hardly suffered from the ups and downs of
       political life; every election has sent it back to power with
       a greater number of seats to its credit; at the present time
       the party has 74 representatives in the Chamber of Deputies,
       to whom we must add, in certain cases, 135 Radical Socialists.
       … The ‘Unified Socialists’ of the uncompromising type hold 53
       seats, and the Independent Socialists 21; if we add these two
       figures to the 135 Radical Socialists, we find that they form
       a considerable portion of the 591 members. Though they have
       not an absolute majority, the weight of these 209 advanced
       votes is such as to colour very strongly modern legislation,
       and there is no reason to doubt that their progress will
       continue up to a certain point."

          W. L. George,
          France in the Twentieth Century,
          chapter 8 (John Lane Co., New York, 1909).

    SOCIALISM: Germany: A. D. 1902.
       The Socialist Congress on Alcoholic Drinks.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: GERMANY.

    SOCIALISM: A. D. 1903.
       Gains of the Socialists in Elections to the Reichstag.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907.

    {620}

    SOCIALISM: A. D. 1903.
       Opposition among Workmen.

       A great Congress of 200 delegates from bodies of German
       workingmen opposed to Socialism, said to represent a total of
       620,000, was held in October, 1903, at Frankfort-on-the Main.
       Its object was to promote effective organization of workmen,
       to which end it appealed to "all unorganized German workmen to
       join those industrial organizations which do not make enmity
       between the classes their principle."

    SOCIALISM: A. D. 1908.
       Socialists win Seats in the Prussian Diet for the First Time.

          See (in this Volume)
          PRUSSIA: A. D. 1908.

    SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
       Statistics reported to the Socialist Congress.

       The annual report to the Socialist Congress at Leipzig stated
       that the German Social Democratic party has a membership of
       571,050 men and 62,259 women—total 633,309. The number of men
       had increased during the past year by 13,172, and the number
       of women by 32,801. There are said to be now only 20 Reichstag
       constituencies in which there is no Socialist organization.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    SOCIALISM: Italy: A. D. 1904.
       Gains in the Election claimed by the Socialists.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1904 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    SOCIALISM: A. D. 1909.
       Gains in Italian Elections.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    SOCIALISM: NEW ZEALAND.
       Government Ownership of Land.
       Graduated Taxation.
       Public Loans to Farmers.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

    SOCIALISM: SPAIN: A. D. 1909.
       Socialist-Republican Alliance.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.

    SOCIALISM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.
       Socialist Platform adopted by the Western Federation
       of Miners.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D). 1899-1907.

    SOCIALISTIC POLITICAL PARTIES.

       See (in this Volume)
       PARTIES, POLITICAL.

    SOKOTO:
       British, Capture and Occupation.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

    SOMALILAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: SOMALILAND.

    SONE, Viscount:
       Japanese Resident-General in Korea.

          See (in this Volume)
          KOREA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    SONNINO, BARON: PRIME MINISTER OF ITALY.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1906-1909.

    SOUDAN.

          See (in this Volume)
          SUDAN.

    SOUFFRIÈRE, LA: VOLCANIC ERUPTION OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES.

       ----------SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

    SOUTH AFRICA:
       Suitable and Unsuitable Parts of South
       Africa for European Settlement.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       The Last Year of the Boer-British War.
       The Concentration Camps.
       Kitchener’s Block-house System and Protected Areas.
       The Opening of Negotiations for Peace.
       Text of the Treaty concluded.

       When Volume VI. of this work went to press, in April, 1901,
       and its record of events was closed, the dreadful Boer-British
       War had still a little more than another year to be prolonged
       through; but it was to be, as it had been throughout the past
       year, a sheerly destructive prosecution of guerrilla warfare
       by separate bands of the indomitable Boers. The operations of
       such warfare,—its raids, its counter "drives," its little
       battles and skirmishes, its captures and recaptures, its
       breaking of railway lines, and the like,—cannot be detailed in
       a work like this. Nothing of any decisive effect was done at
       any time, on either side, to constitute an important event in
       the war. There was simply a wearing process in operation which
       went on, in an inexorable and horrible slow way, till the
       country on which it worked was a desert, and the endurance of
       its surviving people was worn out.

       In November, 1900, Lord Kitchener had succeeded Lord Roberts
       in the British command. He decided to empty the contested
       regions of their non-combatant population, by gathering it
       into "concentration camps," thus resorting to a measure which
       the Spaniards had employed in Cuba, and which the Americans
       had copied from them in the Philippines. Accordingly, on the
       21st of December, 1900, he had issued to general officers a
       "Memorandum" in which he said:

       "Lord Kitchener desires that General Officers will, according
       to the means at their disposal, follow this system in the
       Districts which they occupy or may traverse. The women and
       children brought in should be camped near the railway for
       supply purposes, and should be divided in two categories,
       viz.: 1st. Refugees, and the families of Neutrals,
       non-combatants, and surrendered Burghers. 2nd. Those whose
       husbands, fathers, and sons are on Commands. The preference in
       accommodation, &c., should of course, be given to the first
       class. The Ordnance will supply the necessary tents and the
       District Commissioner will look after the food on the scale
       now in use.

       "It should be clearly explained to Burghers in the field,
       that, if they voluntarily surrender, they will be allowed to
       live with their families in the camps until it is safe for
       them to return to their homes."

       In "The Times History of the War in South Africa" it is
       remarked on this order: "The policy was inspired by two
       motives. In the first place, it was supposed that the removal
       of the families would induce fighting Boers to surrender, and
       would thus shorten the War. In the second place, it was a
       measure of humanity towards the unprotected occupants of
       lonely farms. The decision was taken somewhat lightly. In its
       primary object it failed absolutely. Far from providing an
       inducement to surrender, it lifted from the fighting burghers
       a load of embarrassment. To the British, military consequences
       were disastrous. To the Boers the gain was twofold. On the
       shoulders of their enemy lay the heavy tasks of removal and
       maintenance, involving enormous expense and a grave hindrance
       to military operations, while they themselves, relieved of all
       responsibility for their women and children, were free to
       devote their energies with a clear conscience to the single
       aim of fighting.
    {621}
       While one of the British aims was signally defeated, the
       other, that of humanity, was at first only partially attained.
       The scheme for the concentration camps was lacking in
       foresight. Adequate provision was not made for the hosts of
       refugees requiring shelter. The regular medical and sanitary
       staff were already fully occupied with the needs of the army,
       and men were lacking for the organisation and supervision of
       the camps. Sites chosen on purely military grounds often
       proved wholly unsuitable. Too much reliance was placed on the
       capacity for self-help to be shown by the Boers themselves,
       and the Boers proved to be helpless, utterly averse to
       cleanliness and ignorant of the simplest elements of medicine
       and sanitation. The result was that for a certain period there
       was a very high rate of mortality among these unfortunate
       people."

          The Times History of the War in South Africa,
          Volume v., chapter 3
          (Low, Marston & Co., London).

       With better success Kitchener adopted and steadily perfected a
       block-house system, by which lines of barrier were drawn
       across the country in different directions, and protected
       areas were formed. The system and its working are thus
       described in the history quoted above:

       "One of the first reforms undertaken by Kitchener when he
       assumed command in South Africa was the strengthening of the
       railways. At that time the defences of the lines were of the
       simplest description, consisting almost wholly of open
       trenches at stations, bridges and culverts, while the line
       itself was patrolled by small parties of mounted men. In
       laying out these trench defences, the principal object kept in
       view was to render them inconspicuous and thus immune from
       artillery fire. The system required enormous numbers of men
       both for patrol work and for manning the long lines of
       trenches. … It was clear that some form of permanent or
       semi-permanent defence must be adopted, if security was to be
       gained and the railway guards reduced. Early in January,
       accordingly, the first blockhouses were constructed. …

       "Planted at first only at stations, bridges, culverts,
       important cuttings and curves—at the points, in fact, which
       experience had proved to be most vulnerable—blockhouses came
       to be established at regular intervals of about a mile and a
       half down the whole extent of a line. This interval was
       steadily lessened. Ultimately it became as small as 400 yards
       on the Delagoa line and was reduced even to 200 yards on some
       portions of the Cape railways. A continuous fencing of barbed
       wire ran along the line; elaborate entanglements surrounded
       each blockhouse, and the telephone linked up the whole system.
       A somewhat later development was a deep trench bordering the
       line of barbed wire and running to within 100 yards of each
       blockhouse. …

       "Until July the system was confined to the railways; but in
       July the idea first took definite shape of throwing blockhouse
       lines across country, and thus creating fenced areas of
       manageable size within which the Boers could be dealt with
       piece-meal. It is important to note that these lines almost
       invariably followed roads, which thus became to all intents
       and purposes as safe as railways. In other words, a great
       number of additional lines of communication were opened up and
       secured, and the striking power of the army proportionately
       increased. …

       "While a thousand yards, or thereabouts, was the usual
       interval between cross-country blockhouses, the rule was
       invariably followed that each must be in sight of its
       neighbour on either side. The wire fence spanning this
       interval always ran in the form of an obtuse angle, so that
       fire could be directed along it from both ends without risk to
       either blockhouse. In order to secure accurate fire in the
       dark, rests were provided for the correct alignment of rifles.
       Ordinary barbed wire was used at first, but the Boers became
       such adepts at cutting it that a quarter-inch unannealed steel
       wire, specially manufactured in England, had to be
       substituted. In Cape Colony, an eight-strand cable,
       manufactured in special 'rope walks' established at
       Naauwpoort, was largely used. Not to be daunted, the Boers
       took to uprooting the stays and levelling the fence bodily.
       The stays, accordingly, had to be anchored securely to heavy
       rocks sunk deep in the ground. As on the railways, alarms of
       all sorts were devised to give the garrisons notice of an
       attempt to tamper with the fence. A spring-gun would fire,
       dangling biscuit tins would rattle, a weight would drop in the
       blockhouse, and on any such signal the garrison would fire
       down the line of the fence. But, when all precautions were
       taken, it was impossible, on dark nights, to prevent
       determined bodies of Boers from passing the barrier. The
       passage could be made dangerous and difficult; that was all. …
       Exaggerated hopes were built on the efficacy of the lines as
       barriers to determined men. … The Boers, for a long time to
       come, viewed with disdain the eruption of tiny forts. It was
       only by degrees that they awoke to the realization that they
       were taken like flies in a spider’s web. … Communication
       between commanders became more and more difficult;
       concentrations on a large scale impossible.

       "The ramifications of the blockhouse system and the slow
       formation of protected areas were not the only signs that the
       day of conquest was approaching. Within these areas, under the
       able and energetic administrations of Lord Milner, who
       returned to South Africa in August, and, in the Orange River
       Colony, of the Deputy Administrator, Sir H. Goold-Adams,
       marked progress was beginning to be made in the establishment
       of civil industry and in administrative reconstruction. …

       "With regard to the Boer non-combatant population, an
       important modification of policy was initiated in December.
       Orders were issued to all columns that no more families, save
       those in actual danger of starvation and those belonging to a
       privileged class, … were to be brought into the concentration
       camps. Since most of the accessible farms had already been
       emptied, the order applied mainly to the women and children
       who had preferred, in defiance of hardship, to accompany the
       commandos and who lived in nomadic laagers. The Boers, however
       much they had railed in the past against the inhumanity of the
       camps, were soon to realise and admit the essential humanity
       of the concentration system. The embarrassment and anxiety
       caused by the helpless non-combatants in their midst was to
       grow day by day.
    {622}
       Finally, at the Vereeniging Conference, the truth received
       frank and undisguised expression. ‘To-day,’ said Botha, ‘we
       are only too glad to know that our women and children are
       under British protection.’ The wretchedness of those who
       remained on the veld became, indeed, a powerful argument for
       submission."

          The Times History of the War in South Africa,
          chapters 10, 11, 14
          (London, Low, Marston & Co.).

       It was not until March, 1902, that the men of authority on
       both sides of the war began to give tokens of a mutual
       disposition to discuss terms of peace. In the previous
       January, the government of the Netherlands had offered to act
       as intermediary between Great Britain and the Boers, and the
       proffer had been declined, the British government repeating
       its determination to accept no foreign intervention. At the
       same time it was suggested that, inasmuch as Mr. Steyn and Mr.
       Schalk Burger, the chiefs of the Orange Free State and of the
       Transvaal burghers, respectively, were understood to be
       invested with full powers of government, including the power
       of negotiation, those gentlemen could open, if they wished,
       direct communication with Lord Kitchener, who had already been
       instructed to forward to his government any offers that he
       might receive. On the 7th of March this correspondence was
       sent by Lord Kitchener, without comment, to the Transvaal
       government, then established at Stroomwater. The suggestion in
       it was rightly taken as an invitation, and acting President
       Schalk Burger at once asked for a safe-conduct for himself and
       the other members of his government into the British lines,
       with intimations of a wish for opportunity to meet the members
       of the Free State government, in order that they might concert
       proposals for peace. His wishes were readily complied with. On
       the 22d he entered the British lines, and all possible aid was
       given him in getting together the men whom he wished to
       consult. Some were brought away from active fighting, which
       went on without them, no pause on the military side being
       permitted for a single day, while the parleying of a month
       went on.

       The Transvaal and Free State governments met on the 9th of
       April, at Klerksdorp, under British safe-conduct, and, after
       debate among themselves on that day and the next, sent a
       telegram to Lord Kitchener, requesting him to meet them and
       receive from them a proposal of peace. He replied promptly,
       inviting them to his headquarters at Pretoria, and there they
       were received on April 12th. Their proposal was on the basis
       of political independence for the two Boer states, under "an
       enduring treaty of friendship and peace" with the British
       government, as well as a customs, postal and railway union
       with the adjoining British colonies, and with concessions of
       the franchise to Uitlanders in the Transvaal. Kitchener could
       give no consideration to a proposal of this nature; but
       consented, after much discussion to cable it to London. At, a
       second meeting on the 14th (when Lord Kitchener was joined by
       Lord Milner, the British High Commissioner in South Africa) he
       had the answer of the British government to produce. It
       declared with emphasis that the government could not
       "entertain any proposals based on the continued independence
       of the former republics, which have been formally annexed to
       the British Crown." To this the Boer officials replied that
       they had no power to negotiate on any other basis than that of
       independence, and they asked for an armistice, to enable them
       to consult their people. This was refused, but, after some
       parleying, it was arranged that they should have free use of
       the railway and telegraph, and that military operations should
       be so conducted as to allow opportunities for meetings in all
       parts of the country, at which thirty burghers from each re-
       public should be elected, with authority to act for the
       people. These representatives were to meet on the 15th of May,
       at Vereeniging, to determine the answer they would give.
       Between the 11th and the 15th of May immunity was promised to
       all commandos whose leaders should be chosen as
       representatives, and this practically operated as an armistice
       during those days.

       "History records no precedent," says The Times History of the
       War, "for the state of affairs which existed in South Africa
       between April 18 and May 15, 1902. War went on, but, to borrow
       a metaphor from football, the ball of war was continually
       rolling into ‘touch.’ Kitchener loyally carried out his
       undertaking to the Boer leaders. Commandos were allowed to
       assemble and confer unmolested; officers and messengers
       scoured the country by road and railway with free passes,
       passing through British outpost lines, receiving the unstinted
       hospitality of their foes, and occasionally, to the chagrin of
       a junior British officer, undergoing accidental capture,
       followed by immediate release on the production of the magic
       pass. Steyn, indeed, was too ill to take part in all this
       activity and had retired to a farm near Wolmaransstad. But De
       Wet, with amazing energy, travelled over the whole of the Free
       State, inspiring the burghers with his leader’s fiery spirit.
       At eight successive meetings he personally addressed
       practically the whole of the commandos and secured unanimous
       resolutions against any surrender of independence. The
       Transvaal leaders were scarcely less active, though the
       purport of their activity was by no means the same." These
       chiefs of the Transvaal, Louis Botha and others, were disposed
       to end the struggle for independence; those of the Free State,
       inspired by their unconquerable President, were not.

       On the 15th of May the officials of the two Boer governments
       met the sixty delegates from the burghers at Vereeniging, and
       the question between surrender and a hopeless continuation of
       war was threshed out. The Free State delegates and a few of
       the Transvaalers had been bound by pledges to vote against any
       surrender of independence; but in the end they were persuaded
       by their own legal advisers that such a restriction on the
       free action of a delegate was contrary to the principles of
       law; and gradually the question of independence gave place to
       other matters of consideration in the discussion of terms. On
       the 19th a sub-committee was appointed to consider those
       details, and several days of bargaining with Kitchener and
       Milner, at Pretoria, ensued. There was much use of the cable
       meantime, to secure assent in London to what might be done.
       The result was a draft treaty which Lord Milner assured the
       Boer Commissioners was absolutely final, and must be accepted
       or rejected without any change, on or before the 31st of May.
    {623}
       They took it to the convention at Vereeniging on the 29th, and
       there, in two days of stormy debate, the no-surrender party,
       led by Steyn and De Wet, made their last stand. When the
       decisive vote was taken, their ranks were reduced to six,
       against fifty-four. The Boer commissioners returned at once to
       Pretoria, with the accepted draft-treaty, and it was signed on
       the night of the 31st, a little less than an hour before the
       expiration of the fixed term of grace. The following is the
       text of this treaty, which ended one of the worst of modern
       wars:

       "General Lord Kitchener of Khartoum, Commander-in-Chief, and
       His Excellency Lord Milner, High Commissioner, on behalf of
       the British Government;

       "Messrs. S. W. Burger, F. W. Reitz, Louis Botha, J. H. De la
       Rey, L. J. Meyer, and J. Krogh on behalf of the Government of
       the South African Republic and its burghers;

       "Messrs. M. T. Steyn, W. J. C. Brebner, C. R. de Wet, J. B. M.
       Hertzog, and C. H. Olivier, on behalf of the Government of the
       Orange Free State and its burghers, being anxious to put an
       end to the existing hostilities, agree on the following
       points:

       "Firstly, the burgher forces now in the Veldt shall at once
       lay down their arms, and surrender all the guns, small arms,
       and war stores in their actual possession, or of which they
       shall have cognizance, and shall abstain from any further
       opposition to the authority of his Majesty King Edward VII.,
       whom they shall acknowledge as their lawful sovereign.

       "The manner and details of this surrender shall be arranged by
       Lord Kitchener, Commandant-General Botha, Assistant
       Commandant-General J. H. De la Rey, and Commander-in-Chief de
       Wet.

       "Secondly, burghers in the Veldt beyond the frontiers of the
       Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony, and all prisoners of
       war who are out of South Africa, who are burghers, shall, on
       their declaration that they accept the status of subjects of
       His Majesty King Edward VII., be brought back to their homes,
       as soon as transport and means of existence can be assured.

       "Thirdly, the burghers who thus surrender, or who thus return,
       shall lose neither their personal freedom nor their property.

       "Fourthly, no judicial proceedings, civil or criminal, shall
       be taken against any of the burghers who thus return for any
       action in connexion with the carrying on of the war. The
       benefit of this clause shall, however, not extend to certain
       deeds antagonistic to the usages of warfare, which have been
       communicated by the Commander-in-Chief to the Boer generals,
       and which shall be heard before a court-martial immediately
       after the cessation of hostilities.

       "Fifthly, the Dutch language shall be taught in the public
       schools of the Transvaal and of the Orange River Colony when
       the parents of the children demand it; and shall be admitted
       in the Courts of justice, whenever this is required for the
       better and more effective administration of justice.

       "Sixthly, the possession of rifles shall, on taking out a
       licence in accordance with the law, be permitted in the
       Transvaal and the Orange River Colony to persons who require
       them for their protection.

       "Seventhly, military administration in the Transvaal and in
       the Orange River Colony shall, as soon as it is possible, be
       followed by civil government; and, as soon as circumstances
       permit it, a representative system lending towards autonomy
       shall be introduced.

       "Eighthly, the question of granting a franchise to the natives
       shall not be decided until a representative constitution has
       been granted.

       "Ninthly, no special tax shall be laid on landed property in
       the Transvaal and Orange River Colony to meet the expenses of
       the war.

       "Tenthly, as soon as circumstances permit there shall be
       appointed in each district in the Transvaal and the Orange
       River Colony a Commission, in which the inhabitants of that
       district shall be represented, under the chairmanship of a
       magistrate or other official, with a view to assist in the
       bringing back of the people to their farms, and in procuring
       for those who, on account of losses in the war, are unable to
       provide for themselves food, shelter, and such quantities of
       seed, cattle, implements, etc., as are necessary for the
       resuming of their previous callings.

       "His Majesty’s Government shall place at the disposal of these
       Commissions the sum of £3,000,000 for the above-mentioned
       purposes, and shall allow that all notes issued in conformity
       with Law No. 1, 1900, of the Government of the South African
       Republic, and all receipts given by the officers in the Veldt
       of the late Republics, or by their order, may be presented to
       a judicial Commission by the Government, and in case such
       notes and receipts are found by this Commission to have been
       duly issued for consideration in value, then they shall be
       accepted by the said Commission as proof of war losses
       suffered by the persons to whom they had originally been
       given. In addition to the above-named free gift of £3,000,000,
       His Majesty’s Government will be prepared to grant advances,
       in the shape of loans, for the same ends, free of interest for
       two years, and afterwards repayable over a period of years
       with three per cent. interest. No foreigner or rebel shall be
       entitled to benefit by this clause."

       The following military statistics of the War, as conducted on
       the British side, were published in a Parliamentary paper soon
       after its close:

       The garrison in South Africa on August 1st, 1899, consisted of
       318 officers and 9,622 men; reinforcements sent between then
       and the outbreak of hostilities, October 11th, 1899, totaled
       12,546. Thereafter the troops sent up to May 31st, 1902,
       reached the great total of 386,081, besides 52,414 men raised
       in South Africa. The final casualty figures are: Killed,
       5,774; wounded, 23,029; died of wounds or disease, 16,168.

       A return made to Parliament in April, 1902, of the estimated
       amount of war charges in South Africa that had been and would
       be incurred up to the 31st of March, 1903, gave the following
       figures:

       For the first year of the war (1899-1900), £23,217,000; for
       the second year, £65,120,000; for the third year, £71,037,000;
       for the year in which it ended, £63,600,000. Total,
       £222,974,000.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902.
       Cape Colony and Natal at the Colonial Conference, London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE.

    {624}

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Repatriation and Resettlement of the Boers in
       the Transvaal and Orange River Colony.
       Work of the first Eight Months of Restored Peace.

       The following passages from a report dated March 14, 1903,
       made by Governor Viscount Milner to Mr. Chamberlain, British
       Secretary for the Colonies, will give some intimation of the
       task of reconstruction and restoration which the war had
       imposed on the victors, and the vigor with which it was
       performed:

       "The Terms of Surrender were signed at Pretoria on the 31st
       May, 1902, but the Civil Government could not really begin to
       take over the administration of the new Colonies, and
       especially the country districts, for nearly a month after
       that date. At Lord Kitchener’s request no attempt was made to
       enter into possession of those districts until after the
       surrender of the Commandos, and though that surrender was
       accomplished with extraordinary celerity and smoothness,
       something like three weeks elapsed before any Civil officer
       could even set out for the house or tent, generally a tent,
       allotted to him in the wilderness which we were about to take
       over, devoid, as it was, of crops, of stock, of population,
       and, to a large extent, of habitable dwellings. The period
       over which this review extends is, therefore, one of about
       eight months—from the end of June, when the work of
       restoration commenced, till the end of February. …

       "To begin with the Prisoners of War. The Vereeniging Terms
       entitled something over 33,000 people to be restored to
       liberty, and if they happened to be burghers imprisoned out
       side South Africa, to be brought back to their homes as soon
       as transports could be provided and their means of subsistence
       assured. Of this large number upwards of 24,000 were in
       prisoners’ camps in St. Helena, Bermuda, India and Ceylon;
       upwards of 1,000 were in a prisoners’ camp, at Simons Town,
       and about 1,200 were prisoners elsewhere in South Africa. Of
       the rest the great majority had been allowed to live in
       Concentration Camps, while the balance were on parole in
       different parts of South Africa and a few in Europe. The
       principal difficulty in connection with the prisoners was, of
       course, the bringing back and distribution of the 24,000 odd,
       who were at prisoners’ camps oversea. …

       "The prisoners of war, on their return to South Africa, were,
       in the first place, with few exceptions, sent to the
       Concentration Camps of their respective districts, there to
       rejoin their families, if they had them, and to return
       together with them to their homes. They thus, in the majority
       of cases, helped to swell the enormous number of people for
       whom the Repatriation Departments of the two colonies had to
       provide the means of transport to their homes, and, as a
       general rule, the means of subsistence for months after such
       return, as well as the seeds, instruments and animals
       necessary to enable them to raise a crop. … In the eight and a
       half months that we have been at work, we have restored about
       200,000 of the old Burgher population in the two Colonies to
       their homes, including all the inhabitants in the
       Concentration Camps in the Transvaal, the Orange River Colony,
       the Cape Colony and Natal, and the Prisoners of War. …

       "By hook or by crook we had succeeded by the end of 1902, in
       enabling the people to sow a fairly large mealie crop, besides
       a considerable amount of forage, potatoes and other
       vegetables. The change in the attitude of the farming
       population, about that time, was very noticeable. The extreme
       depression which characterised them two or three months
       earlier had almost completely passed away, and they were
       looking forward to the future with much more hopefulness. I
       may say that almost the whole time, even when the outlook was
       blackest, their attitude towards the Government was not
       otherwise than a friendly one. They showed, with few
       exceptions, great patience under hardships, and much energy
       and resourcefulness in making the best of the small means at
       their disposal."

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.
       Death of Cecil Rhodes.
       Survival of his Influence and his Policy.
       Dr. Jameson, as his representative, made Premier
       of Cape Colony.

       On the 26th of March, 1902, two months before the end of the
       British-Boer war, Cecil J. Rhodes died at Cape Town, and his
       death removed the most powerful of the personal influences
       that would have been reckoned on for determining the results
       of the war. He had been the master-spirit in South Africa for
       nearly thirty years. Indications of the part he had taken in
       the expansion of the British dominion in that part of the
       world, and in the conflict of British with Dutch ambitions
       which produced the war, will be found in Volume VI. of this
       work (see, especially, pages 460-466, 470-471, and 475-477, in
       that Volume).

       Had he lived and been in health there can be no doubt that he
       would have been a leading actor in the political
       reconstruction of British South Africa since the war. He had
       been the Premier of Cape Colony from 1890 to the end of 1895;
       then his career was clouded by the "Jameson raid" into the
       Transvaal, and he was forced to resign. But the cloud would
       have cleared, as it has cleared from Jameson. Indeed, the new
       career of Dr. Jameson, since 1904, when a general election in
       Cape Colony brought the party of the Progressives into power,
       and put the former chief lieutenant of Cecil Rhodes in the
       place of Sir J. Gordon Sprigg as Prime Minister of the
       colonial Government, is indicative of the new career that
       would have opened to Rhodes. It is the Rhodes policy and the
       Rhodes influence that has prevailed, as was said by Mr. Edward
       Dicey in an article written at the time:

       "When Rhodes’ life came to a sudden and melancholy end,
       Jameson felt the best way he could show his respect for his
       dead friend was to carry on the work of his lifetime. Amongst
       the Progressives there were several public men who, in normal
       circumstances, might have been selected as leaders of the
       party, but there was a well-grounded conviction that the man
       who could best carry on Rhodes’ policy, with the least breach
       of continuity, was Jameson. Even the few British colonists who
       had not altogether condoned the Raid, felt that there was no
       one so qualified to lead the Progressive Party as the author
       of the Raid. The result was that Jameson was appointed, by
       acclamation, the political successor of Rhodes. It was under
       the new leader that the battle of the general election in the
       Cape Colony has been fought and won.
    {625}
       The Progressive majority in the Cape Parliament is small; but,
       in spite of all disintegrating influences, it may be trusted
       to hold together till a Redistribution Bill has been passed.
       When the influence of the Bond was supreme in the Cape
       Parliament, the electoral divisions were manipulated in such a
       manner as to give thinly populated, rural constituencies equal
       representation with that enjoyed by the comparatively densely
       populated urban constituencies. This arose from the fact that
       in the country the Dutch settlers outnumbered the British,
       while in the town the British composed the vast majority of
       the electorate. The simplest way to rectify this abuse was to
       remodel the existing electoral system, by making population
       the basis of representation. This reform, however, was open to
       the objection that it practically disfranchised a large number
       of rural constituencies in which the Boers were in a majority.
       On Jameson being appointed Prime Minister, after Sir Gordon
       Sprigg’s compulsory retirement, his first step was to
       introduce a new Redistribution Bill based on a less invidious
       principle than its predecessor."

          Edward Dicey,
          The New Cape Premier
          (Fortnightly Review, April, 1904).

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
       The Labor Question.
       Investigation and opposing Reports by a Commission.
       Adoption of Ordinance to admit Unskilled Non-European Laborers.
       Beginning of Importation of Chinese Coolies.
       The Political Side of the Question.
       Debate in the British Parliament.

       Early in 1903 Lord Milner appointed a Commission to
       investigate and report on the labor question in South Africa,
       which is a question between the mining people, who maintain
       that the needful supply of labor for profitable mine-working
       is not procurable, at rates which mine-owners can afford, from
       any other than an Asiatic source, and their opponents who deny
       the need of bringing either Chinese or East Indian coolies
       into the mining fields. In November the Labor Commission
       produced a majority and a minority report, the former agreeing
       substantially with the mine-owners, the latter in contention
       with them. The signatures to the majority report were ten in
       number, the latter were but two. In the discussion of the
       reports which took place in the Legislative Council of the
       Transvaal late in the year, one speaker made the statement
       that he was authorized by General Louis Botha to say that he
       and all the Dutch he represented were opposed to the
       introduction of Asiatics. A resolution favoring the
       introduction of Chinese was adopted in the Council by a vote
       of 22 to 4.

       Ultimately, against the protests of a great majority of the
       Boer population, an ordinance to regulate the introduction
       into the Transvaal of unskilled non-European laborers was
       adopted by the Legislative Council. It applied to males of
       other races than those indigenous to Africa south of 12
       degrees north of the Equator. The ordinance was to be
       administered by an official superintendent; the laborers were
       to be brought in by licensed persons only; they were to be
       employed only in the Witwatersrand district, and only in
       unskilled labor connected with the production of minerals, and
       they were to be sent back to the country of their origin, at
       the expense of their importer, at once on the termination of
       their contract, which should not be for a longer term than
       three years, renewable for two more. Provisions as to their
       treatment, their passport identification, their restricted
       residence, etc., were very precise and minute. The importation
       of Chinese coolies under the provisions of this ordinance began
       in June, 1904. At the end of the year over 20,000 had been
       brought in.

       That the question has its political as well as its industrial
       side, and is one which concerns democracy no less than labor,
       is shown in the following: "The political and industrial
       position of the Rand, and, in some degree of the Transvaal as
       a whole, is almost unique. The only parallel that comes to
       mind is that of the town and district of Kimberly. A
       considerable European community is dependent—on the Rand
       entirely, throughout the Transvaal very largely—on a single
       industry for the maintenance of its prosperity. This
       dependence necessarily places great power in the hands of the
       small group of men who are the owners, or represent the
       owners, of the capital by which the industry has been created
       and is now worked. Their influence is supreme. No law which
       threatened their interests could be placed on the Statute
       Book. Men who offer any effective opposition to their
       wishes—like Mr. Wybergh, the Commissioner of Mines, Mr.
       Creswell, the manager of the Village Main Reef Mine, Mr.
       Moneypenny, the editor of the chief Johannesburg
       newspaper—find it impossible to retain their positions. Two
       dangers, and two only, threaten the permanency of this
       supremacy—the Trade Union and the ballot, the combination of
       the men employed and the possibility of an unsympathetic
       majority in the legislature when a system of self government
       is restored. Both these dangers would be increased in degree,
       and brought nearer in time, by a large and rapid growth of the
       white population.

       "‘If 200,000 native workers were to be replaced by 100,000
       whites,’ said Mr. Rudd, one of the directors of the
       Consolidated Goldfields Company, ‘they would simply hold the
       Government of the country in the hollow of their hand, and,
       without any disparagement to the British labourer, I prefer to
       see the more intellectual section of the community at the
       helm!’ ‘ With reference to your trial of white labour for
       surface work on the mines,’ wrote Mr. Tarbutt, another
       director of the same important company and the chairman of the
       Village Main Reef Company, in an often-quoted letter to Mr.
       Creswell, 'I have consulted the Consolidated Goldfields
       people, and one of the members of the board of the Village
       Main Reef has consulted Messrs. Wernher, Beit and Co., and the
       feeling seems to be one of fear that if a large number of
       white men are employed on the Rand in the position of
       labourers, the same troubles will arise as are now prevalent
       in the Australian Colonies, i. e., that the combination of the
       labouring classes will become so strong as to be able to more
       or less dictate, not only on questions of wages, but also on
       political questions, by the power of the votes when a
       Representative Government is established.’
    {626}
       There have been other declarations of the same tenour; and,
       indeed, no one who is acquainted with the views that prevail
       among the circles of South African finance would seek to deny
       that this dread of a second Australian democracy influencing
       the political and economic future of the Rand is one of the
       chief motives that direct the policy of the more far-sighted
       men among those groups. …

       "White labour, coupled with improved mechanical appliances,
       stands established as the feasible remedy for the admitted
       shortage in the number of Kaffir workers. To reject it in
       favour of the introduction of Chinese is a policy which has
       natural attractions for the owners of the mines. It is a
       policy which should not have won the support of the
       representatives of the British people."

          Herbert Samuel,
          The Chinese Labour Question
          (Contemporary Review, April, 1904).

       The bringing of Asiatic laborers into the mines was resisted
       as strenuously in Cape Colony as by the Boer burghers and the
       non-mining interests in general of the Transvaal. The leading
       colony addressed a petition on the subject personally to King
       Edward, saying: "Such an immigration, hampered and restricted
       as it is proposed to be by stringent regulations, would, even
       if it were possible to enforce such regulations, which is
       doubtful, introduce a servile element, alien to the country,
       destitute of rights, or interests, either in the present or
       future of South Africa, and worked for the benefit of masters,
       in many cases non-resident, thus constituting what would
       practically be a slave state, in close contact with the other
       free communities of South Africa. Your petitioners feel that
       the introduction of such a class of labour would place an
       obstacle in the way of the natural growth alike of European
       and native elements in the population. …

       "Such an importation would decide whether South Africa is in
       future to constitute one of those great free communities under
       the British flag, the growth of which shed so much lustre on
       the reign of your august predecessor, or whether it is to be
       ranked as a mere plantation worked in the interest and for the
       benefit of foreign holders. Your petitioners therefore most
       earnestly pray that your Majesty may be pleased to withhold
       your sanction from any measure having for its object the
       importation of Asiatics into South Africa, and by so doing
       save them and those who may come after them from consequences
       that will be fatal to their peace and prosperity."

          Parliamentary Papers, 1904
          (Cd. 1895), page 133.

       Mr. Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, returned
       to England in March, 1903, from a visit to South Africa, and
       made an extended statement in Parliament soon afterwards of
       his observations and his conclusions from what he had seen. On
       the labor question, then the subject of greatest agitation in
       South Africa, he stoutly supported the mine-owners in their
       contention that native labor, and supplies from beyond the
       Zambesi, to supplement the Kaffir supply, is a necessity of
       the mining industry; that white labor is impossibly expensive,
       and that the feeling against the introduction of Asiatic labor
       seemed invincibly strong. There was not, he maintained, the
       slightest foundation for the charge that the mine-owners
       wanted forced labor or slavery in any shape or form, but that
       they must have cheap labor if the mines were to be worked.

       A few days later Lord Lansdowne, the Foreign Secretary,
       received a deputation from various missionary societies to
       protest against a proposed exportation of native labor from
       Central to South Africa. In reply to them he said that the
       Government had no more in view at present than an experiment
       with 1000 laborers, who would be taken from British Central
       Africa to the Rand District of the Transvaal and employed
       there under regulations very carefully framed. If
       objectionable results were found the experiment would be
       carried no farther. This was followed by warm debate on the
       subject in the House of Commons, where Sir William Harcourt
       and others denounced the greed of the mining companies,
       insisting that the mines could not pay fair wages simply
       because the rich mines were over-capitalized and the low-grade
       mines had been developed only for sale. Mr. Chamberlain again
       championed the mine-owners, and defended the policy of the
       Government, which sought, he said, to promote the general
       prosperity of the country by getting as many of the mines as
       possible into working order. The debate had no practical
       result.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1903-1908.
       Hostility to British Indian Immigration.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: A. D. 1903-1908.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1904.
       Census of all British South Africa.
       Whites and Natives.

       A general census taken in 1904 showed a total white population
       in all British South Africa--south of Zambesi—of 1,135,655,
       and a colored population of 5,169,338. The distribution of
       this in the several colonies was as follows; Cape Colony,
       580,380 white, 1,825,172 colored; the Transvaal and Swaziland,
       300,225 white, 1,030,029 colored; Natal, 97,109 white,
       1,011,645 colored; Rhodesia, 12,623, white, 593,141 colored;
       Orange River Colony, 143,419 white, 241,626 colored;
       Basutoland, 895 white, 347,953 colored; Bechuanaland, 1,004
       white, 119,772 colored.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905.
       Importation of Chinese Coolies Suspended
       by orders from London.

       The Liberal Ministry in Great Britain, under Sir Henry
       Campbell-Bannerman, which succeeded the Conservative-Unionist
       Ministry of Mr. Balfour on the 10th of December, 1905, had
       been seated but twelve days when a despatch was cabled by Lord
       Elgin, Secretary for the Colonies, to Lord Selborne, the High
       Commissioner in South Africa, that "the experiment of the
       introduction of Chinese laborers should not be extended
       farther until they could learn the opinion of the colony
       through an elected and really representative Legislature, and
       they had accordingly decided that the recruiting, embarking
       and importation of Chinese coolies should be arrested pending
       a decision as to the grant of responsible government to the
       Colony"—that is, the Transvaal.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1905-1907.
       Fulfillment by the British Government of the Promises
       of the Treaty of the Vereeniging Treaty.
       Representative Government restored to the Boer States.

       The seventh stipulation in the Vereeniging Treaty of May 81,
       1902, which ended the Boer-British War (see above, A. D.
       1901-1902), contained the promise, on the part of the British
       Government, that "military administration in the Transvaal and
       in the Orange River Colony shall, as soon as possible, be
       followed by civil government; and, as soon as circumstances
       permit it, a representative system tending towards autonomy
       shall be introduced."
    {627}
       On the 31st of March, 1905, the first step toward the
       fulfillment of this pledge was taken, by the issue of letters
       patent from the crown (without action of Parliament, inasmuch
       as the Boer States, in the eye of the law, had been under the
       suzerainty of the British sovereign, had been in revolt, had
       been subjugated, and were directly subject to the crown, as
       conquered territory), conferring a Constitution of Civil
       Government on the Transvaal. It gave popular representation in
       a legislature of a single chamber, styled the Legislative
       Assembly. Not exceeding thirty-five of the members of this
       body were to be elected, and from six to nine others were to
       be appointed by the High Commissioner of South Africa,—in
       which office Lord Milner had been succeeded of late by Lord
       Selborne. Every burgher of the former Transvaal Republic not
       disqualified by conviction for treason since May 31, 1902, was
       to be entitled to vote in the election of representatives; and
       so were all white males of British birth occupying premises at
       an annual rental of not less than $50, or possessed of capital
       to the value of $500. The debates in the Assembly were to be
       in English—not in English or Dutch, like the English or French
       of the Parliament of Canada; but there is a provision that the
       Speaker may permit a member to use the Dutch language. No bill
       passed by the Legislative Assembly which should subject the
       natives to disabilities or restrictions could become law until
       it had received the sanction of the Colonial Office in London.

       This organization of a partially representative colonial
       government extended only to the Transvaal. The Orange River
       Colony remained still under the Crown Colony system, which had
       been the status hitherto of both the Boer states since the
       close of the war.

       This limited realization of the promise of representative
       government to the Boers was undoubtedly all that could be
       expected from the Conservative Ministry in England, which went
       out of power soon after it had conferred the Transvaal
       Constitution. Its successors, of the British Liberal party,
       soon broadened the basis of self-government in the Transvaal,
       by a new constitutional instrument, which was outlined to
       Parliament on the 1st of August, and issued December 6th,
       1906. This made the legislature a bicameral body, having, for
       the time being, an upper Council of 15 appointed members,
       which, however, it was said to be the intention of the
       Government to extinguish at no distant day. The elective
       Assembly was to be composed of sixty-nine members, elected by
       secret ballot for terms of five years. Every adult male of
       twenty-one years of age who had been a resident for six
       months, except members of the British garrison, was entitled
       to vote. The general lines of the old Boer magisterial
       districts were followed, and, on the basis of the census
       figures of 1904 the Rand would have 32 members, Pretoria 6,
       Krugersdorp 1, and the rest of the country 30. The
       constitution prohibited Chinese contract labor, and no more
       coolies could be imported into the country after November 15.
       Either the English or the Dutch language could be used for
       public business, and naturalization was made easy, but the
       Boers’ request for woman suffrage was denied.

       A Constitution framed on similar lines was given to the Orange
       River Colony within the same year.

       In the first elections for the Transvaal Assembly there were,
       besides Socialists and labor organizations, three parties
       engaged in a somewhat embittered contest. "The Progressives
       are the party of the great mining houses on the Rand; the
       Nationalist party is composed of British electors opposed to
       the enormous political influence which the mining houses have
       hitherto exercised; while the Boers at Johannesburg and
       Pretoria and in the rural constituencies are organized in Het
       Volk. There was a coalition between the Nationalists and Het
       Volk. These two parties united against the Progressives, and
       adopted as the chief plank in their platform a declaration
       that the one question on which the election must turn was,
       ‘Who shall control the Transvaal—the people or the mining
       houses?’ The Progressives on their part insisted that the
       question was, ‘Shall the Transvaal be governed by the people
       of the Transvaal, or from Downing Street?’ They were aggrieved
       by the action of the British Government in making legislation
       concerning non-European labor subject to review in London, and
       in the campaign they made no attempt to conceal their
       hostility to the Campbell-Bannerman Government. In this way
       the question of Chinese labor was forced to the front. The
       Nationalists and Het Volk coalition was successful," and
       General Lotus Botha, who has been the leading spirit and
       guiding mind among the Boers since the war ended, became the
       Prime Minister of the Transvaal Government then organized.

       It has been fortunate for the Transvaal, and no less for South
       Africa at large, that so large-minded and strong a leader of
       the subjugated race was found for the trying period in which
       victors and vanquished were to have peace and friendship
       established between them.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1906-1907.
       Revolt of the Zulus in Natal.
       Their Grievances.

       An extensive and determined revolt of the Zulus living within
       the Colony of Natal broke out late in January, 1906, as the
       consequence of an attempt to collect a poll-tax levied on them
       by the colonial Parliament. A police sergeant and two or three
       native policemen were killed in the first melée, and from that
       time until near the end of the following summer there was war.
       That it was prosecuted with fierceness, if not actual
       ferocity, by the whites of the Colony, is made manifest by the
       fact that about 3500 Zulus are said to have been slain and
       2000 taken prisoners. The principal Zulu leader, a chief named
       Bambaata, was killed in a battle fought in June, and the
       revolt declined from that time. Sigananda, another chief, was
       condemned to death, and twelve prisoners, convicted by
       court-martial of complicity in the original murder of police
       officers, were executed; while thirty-eight others were
       sentenced to imprisonment for two years.

       A serious question between the colony and the
       Imperial-Government arose in connection with these military
       trials. The sentences to death, confirmed by the governor and
       the Natal ministry, were about to be carried out, when Mr.
       Winston Churchill, with the approval of Lord Elgin, Colonial
       Secretary, cabled to the Natal premier ordering the suspension
       of the execution pending an investigation by the Liberal
       government, on the contention that the natives should have
       been tried in a civil court.
    {628}
       Premier Smyth refused to obey, but the governor postponed the
       executions, whereupon the Natal ministry resigned. Much
       indignation was evident in England, as well as in the colony,
       against what was regarded as an unwarrantable interference in
       colonial affairs by the Imperial government. The matter was
       concluded by Lord Elgin cabling to the governor of Natal that
       the home government had no intention of interfering in
       colonial matters, and that, upon the receipt of full
       information, it recognized the right and competency of the
       Natal ministry to decide the question at issue.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1907 (April-May).
       Imperial Conference at London.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Formation of the Legislative Union of South Africa.
       The Framing of the Constitution.
       Compromise on the Race Question of Franchise.
       British Imperial Assent.
       The Royal Proclamation of Union.

       Very quickly after the placing of the Boer colonies on a
       footing of political equality with their English neighbors a
       fresh desire for South African Union, in which they, who had
       fought to the death for its prevention only six years before,
       now shared, began to be earnestly voiced. Its genesis was
       explained clearly by a correspondent of the London
       Times of May 24, 1909, who wrote "Economic causes of a
       special character assisted the process. A great wave of
       commercial depression, following hard upon the golden
       expectations of the peace, passed over the whole country, but
       made itself specially felt in the coast colonies. Here the
       situation was painful in the extreme. It was a tale of
       deficit, of retrenchment, of heroic Budgets. But far beyond
       the rolling hills of the Karoo and the flat tableland of the
       Orange River there was a wealthy State, a State with a
       surplus. The Transvaal, possessing in Johannesburg the
       principal centre of opulence and the chief market for produce,
       was in a position to exert economic pressure upon colonies
       whose principal source of revenue was derived from the profits
       upon their railways and from the sale of their goods to the
       great city on the high veld. The poorer colonies lived, so to
       speak, upon the custom of the Transvaal, and were unable to
       ignore, however much they might dislike, their position of
       dependence. A rate war or a tariff war between the Transvaal
       and the coast colonies could hardly end with a victory for
       Cape Town or Durban, and so by a process of reasoning which
       was not always pleasantly illustrated the coast colonies came
       to accommodate themselves to the view that some form of
       arrangement as to railways and Customs was desirable in their
       own interests. Other causes contributed to illumine and
       enlarge the horizon. A Zulu rebellion in Natal brought home
       the common danger to the white community from native unrest or
       from mistakes made by a weak colonial Government in its native
       policy; the grant of responsible government to the two
       conquered Colonies tended, not only to bring the English and
       Dutch leaders into habitual communion, but to give to the
       progressive section of the community a pressing interest in
       the construction of a Government which should be strong enough
       to resist the influences of the back veld."

       The first action taken to transform the desire for Union into
       a movement to that end was early in May, 1908, by a convention
       of officials from the several colonies, assembled at Pretoria
       to negotiate a new customs agreement and to arrange
       intercolonial railway rates. The railway situation was nearly,
       if not quite, the most serious one that brought pressure to
       bear on some of the colonies, forcing them to seek a union in
       which conflicts of interest would be overcome. It was a
       situation which the High Commissioner, Lord Selborne,
       described briefly, in a review of the many reasons for Union
       which he addressed to the Governors and Lieutenant-Governors
       of the several colonies, on the 7th of January, 1907:

       "Of all the questions fruitful in divergence of opinion or of
       interest to the Colonies of South Africa, there is none so
       pregnant with danger," he wrote, "as the railway question. It
       is not an exaggeration to say that a field more thickly sown
       with the seed of future quarrel and strife than the
       [State-owned] railway systems of South Africa does not exist.
       As long as the Governments of the five British Colonies in
       South Africa are wholly separated from, and independent of,
       each other, their railway interests are not only distinct but
       absolutely incompatible. There is a competitive struggle
       between the ports of Cape Colony and of Natal to snatch from
       each other every ton of goods which can be snatched. The
       Orange River Colony desires as many tons of goods as possible
       to be passed to the Transvaal through its territory, but it is
       to the interest of Cape Colony that no such tons of goods
       should pass into the Transvaal through the Orange River
       Colony. … In the same way it is to the interest of Natal to
       pass the goods consigned to the Transvaal from Durban into the
       Transvaal at Volksrust, and not at Vereeniging through the
       Orange River Colony. Thus the interests of Cape Colony, of
       Natal, and of the Orange River Colony conflict the one with
       the other. But when it comes to considering the railway
       interests of the Transvaal, then it will be found that the
       interest of the Transvaal is diametrically opposed to the
       interests of Cape Colony, of Natal, and of the Orange River
       Colony. The Transvaal loses revenue on every ton of goods
       which enters the Transvaal by any other route than that from
       Delagoa Bay [on the Portuguese coast]. … If the [Transvaal
       Government] were as indifferent to the welfare of the three
       sister Colonies as every State in Europe is to the welfare of
       every other State, the Transvaal would see that all the trade
       to the Transvaal came exclusively through Delagoa Bay. And
       what then would be the position of the railways and the
       finances of the three sister Colonies and of the ports of Cape
       Colony and of Natal? This divergence, this conflict of railway
       interests, this cloud of future strife, would vanish like a
       foul mist before the sun of South African Federation, but no
       other force can dissipate it."

       That a railway and customs convention should start the action
       which united the colonies of South Africa happened as
       logically, therefore, as the happenings which derived the
       American Federal Constitutional Convention of 1787 from a
       River and Harbor Convention at Annapolis in 1786.

    {629}

       The South African Railway convention, before adjourning,
       adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of delegates
       from each colony to a convention for the framing of a
       Constitution of United Government. Cape Colony led off in
       approving the proposal, followed within a day or two by the
       Transvaal and Orange River Colony, and a week later by Natal,
       where the strongest opposition was developed. The
       apportionment of delegates to the Convention was, for Cape
       Colony 12, for the Transvaal 8, for Orange River and Natal 5
       each. On the 12th of October these delegates assembled at
       Durban, in Natal, under the presidency of Sir Henry de
       Villiers and were in session there until the 5th of November,
       when they adjourned to meet again at Cape Town, November 23.
       Their labors were not concluded until the 3d of February,
       1909, when all differences had been harmonized or compromised
       and a draft Constitution approved, which every delegate signed
       that day.

       The Constitution was officially published on the 9th of
       February, with a recommendation that the several Parliaments
       should meet on March 30 to consider the draft, and that the
       Convention should meet again in May on a day to be fixed by
       the president of the Convention and the Premiers in
       consultation. The final draft to be submitted to the
       Parliaments in June. Then a committee of delegates appointed
       by the Governments to proceed to England to facilitate the
       passing of the Act.

       This programme was successfully carried through. Cape Colony
       and Natal contended for certain amendments to the draft
       Constitution, but the Transvaal and Orange River colonies
       approved the instrument and instructed their delegates to
       support it as a whole. The General Convention was reassembled
       at Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange River Colony, on the 3d
       of May, when it discussed the proposed amendments and agreed
       to eight of them. As thus amended the draft was adopted in
       June by the parliaments of each of the four colonies, and sent
       with that endorsement to the Imperial Government for the seal
       of Sovereign Law. It was followed by an official mission,
       composed of nineteen members, who represented, as a London
       journal remarked, "almost the whole of the driving power in
       South African politics," including, of course, such former
       antagonists as General Botha and Dr. Jameson, now shoulder to
       shoulder in powerful leadership of the movement for South
       African Union.

       One feature of the Constitution, as framed by the four
       colonies and presented for the imperial approval, was
       profoundly repugnant to English feeling. It was the product of
       a compromise in the colonial convention, which ran a curious
       parallel to that in the American constitutional convention of
       1787, which gave the Southern States a representation in
       Congress for their slaves. The question of elective franchises
       and legislative representation for the colored natives had
       troubled the South African union-making, just as the slavery
       question had troubled the American. Cape Colony had conferred
       the suffrage on its qualified colored citizens, and refused to
       disfranchise them; the other colonies had disfranchised all
       races but the white, and refused to allow a possible election
       from the Cape Colony to the Union Parliament of any other than
       members of European descent. The necessary compromise which
       secured the Union left the Cape franchise undisturbed for the
       present, but exposed to a future chance of being overruled;
       and it barred all but European humanity from both houses of
       the general Parliament.

       This compromise was opposed with unyielding resolution by a
       strong party in Cape Colony, led by two former premiers, Mr.
       W. P. Schreiner and Sir J. Gordon Sprigg. Mr. Schreiner went
       to England to appeal there to the Imperial Parliament against
       the sanctioning of these provisions of the proposed
       Constitution.

       Mr. Schreiner found in Great Britain almost universal sympathy
       with the feeling that he represented. In Parliament and out,
       it was expressed by all parties; but there went with it a
       prevailing opinion that the matter in question and the
       attending circumstances were such that the Imperial Parliament
       ought not to refuse assent to the action of the colonies. The
       Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, set forth the reasoning to this
       conclusion very clearly and concisely, when, on the 19th of
       August, he moved, in the House of Commons, the third reading
       of the South Africa Bill. "I wish," he said, "in submitting
       this motion to the House, to take the opportunity of putting
       on record the fact that this Bill, consisting of over 150
       clauses and a very complicated schedule, has, after the most
       careful consideration by this House, been passed without
       amendment. It would, however, be a totally false impression
       were it suggested that as regards all provisions of this Bill
       there is unanimity of opinion in the House. In particular as
       regards some of the clauses which deal with the treatment of
       natives—the access of native members to the Legislature—as
       everybody who has followed the debate can see, there is not
       only no difference of opinion, but absolute unanimity in the
       way of regret that those particular provisions should have
       been inserted in the Bill. I wish before the Bill leaves the
       Imperial Parliament to make it perfectly clear that we here
       have exercised, and I think wisely and legitimately exercised,
       not only restraint of expression, but reserve of judgment in
       regard to matters of this kind, simply because we desire that
       this great experiment of establishing free self-government in
       South Africa should start on the lines and in accordance with
       the ideas of our fellow-citizens there which they have
       deliberately and after long consideration come to.

       "It is perfectly true that the Imperial Government cannot
       divest itself of responsibility in this matter. We do not do
       so. I think that if we have yielded, as we have, on points of
       detail—on some points on which many of us feel very
       strongly—to the considered and deliberate judgment of South
       Africa, it has been because we thought it undesirable at this,
       the last, stage in the completion of an almost unprecedentedly
       difficult task to put forward anything that could be an
       obstacle to the successful working of the Bill. Speaking for
       myself and the Government, I venture to express not only the
       hope, but the expectation, that in some of these matters that
       have been discussed in this House, both on the second reading
       and in the Committee stage, the views which have been so
       strongly expressed, and practically without any dissent, will
       be sympathetically considered by our fellow-citizens in South
       Africa.
    {630}
       For my part I think, as I have said throughout, that it would
       be far better that any relaxations of what almost all of us
       regard as unnecessary restrictions upon the electoral rights
       and eligibility of our native fellow-subjects there should be
       carried out spontaneously and on the initiative of the South
       African Parliament rather than that it should appear to be
       forced on them by the Imperial Parliament here."

       The Bill had already passed the House of Lords. It received
       the royal approval on the 20th of September; and, on the 2d of
       December, the Union of South Africa was proclaimed, to be of
       effect on and after the 31st of May, 1910.

       Soon after the passage of the Bill, announcement was made that
       the Prince of Wales would visit South Africa to open the Union
       Parliament, as he had done on the opening of the Parliament of
       the Australian Commonwealth, in 1901.

       In December it was made known that the Right Honourable
       Herbert Gladstone would be the first Governor-General of
       United South Africa.

       For the text of the South African Constitution:

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF THE UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
       The Native Protectorates.
       Their Condition and Circumstances on the Eve of
       the Inauguration of the Union of South Africa.

       "It should not be forgotten that the protectorates are in
       being to-day not because this particular arrangement of
       protection was economically necessary or inevitable, nor even
       because the general relationship of the native tribes of South
       Africa made it the best that could be devised. The fact is
       that they came into existence at different times and as
       definite and probably expedient results of various fortuitous
       crises in a chaotic native political history, which is at
       least characteristic of South Africa. …

       "To-day the protectorates are to a considerable degree
       isolated native communities, so far at any rate as they are
       concerned with any possible united feeling among the other
       native tribes of South Africa. They are carefully guarded by
       their responsible officials from interference and possible
       harm from outside their own territories—that is from taking
       any considerable interest or partnership in the real or
       fancied troubles of neighbouring states. They are in a
       sense—and more than a political sense—inside a ring fence.

       "As regards the relationship between the native inhabitants
       and the white settlers of the several protectorates, there are
       no striking points of difference. In Basutoland no land is
       held under white ownership. Such white residents as there are,
       apart from officials and missionaries, are there as traders
       and storekeepers. No land rights have been alienated to white
       men. In the Bechuanaland Protectorate certain areas are held
       by white men, but at the same time very large areas are
       reserved entirely for native uses. In Swaziland the
       relationship was, until a few months ago, upon a very
       different basis—a position surely unique in the history of the
       British colonial possessions. I have not space to describe
       even briefly the extraordinary intricacy of the concessions
       troubles or the heroic measures found necessary to effect a
       settlement at once just to the concessionaire and the native.
       It must be sufficient to say that today about half the area of
       the country is held in white ownership, while rather more than
       one-third is reserved for the exclusive use and benefit of the
       natives. In Zululand certain areas of land are held by whites,
       but the bulk of land is held in native possession. In each
       case, however, it is not probable that any more land will be
       alienated for purposes of sale or settlement by whites. It may
       be accepted without doubt, I think, that the natives will
       retain in perpetuity the land they hold at present. It will be
       seen that the material interests of the natives, at any rate
       as regards land, have been well guarded in the three
       protectorates."

          R. T. Coryndon,
          The Position of the Native Protectorates
          (The State, South Africa, September, 1909).

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
       Introduction of Proportional Representation.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: SOUTH AFRICA.

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.
       Native Labor Supplanting the Chinese.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: SOUTH AFRICA. A. D. 1909.

       ----------SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

    SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

          See (in this Volume)
          American Republics.

    SOUTH CAROLINA, and Interstate and West Indian Exposition.

       See (in this Volume)
       CHARLESTON: A. D. 1901.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.
       Gains from the Loss of Cuba and the Philippines.
       Growth of Close Relations with the Spanish-American States.

       "In many a war it has been the vanquished, not the victor, who
       has carried off the finest spoils. Cuba and the Philippines
       have been like a tumor in the side of Spain, dragging her down
       in the race of civilization. They have drained her life-blood
       and disturbed all her national activities. Only a serious
       surgical operation could remove this exhausting excrescence;
       and Spaniards themselves have been the first to recognize that
       the operation, though painful, was in the highest degree
       beneficial. Not even the most Quixotic of Spaniards dreams of
       regaining these lost possessions. The war has been beneficial
       in at least two different ways. It has had a healthy economic
       influence, because, besides directing the manhood of Spain
       into sober industrial channels, it has led to the removal of
       artificial restrictions in the path of commercial activity. It
       has been advantageous morally, because it has forced even the
       most narrow and ignorant Spaniard to face the actual facts of
       the modern world.

       "The war has had a further result in leading to a movement,
       for a closer sympathy between Spain and the Spanish states of
       South America. The attitude of these states towards the mother
       country has hitherto been somewhat unsympathetic; they have
       regarded her as hopelessly opposed to all reform; the
       hostility of Spain to the aspirations of Cuba and their own
       earlier struggles for freedom amply accounted for such an
       attitude. Now there is nothing to stand in the way of a
       movement towards approximation which has already begun to
       manifest itself, and may ultimately possess a serious
       significance."

       Havelock Ellis,
       The Spirit of Present-Day Spain
       (Atlantic Monthly, December, 1900).

    {631}

       "Thoughtful Spaniards will tell you that a change has come
       over their country with the close of last century, and that
       this change has been developing since the accession of their
       young King. The starting-point of this evolution in national
       life was the close of the short struggle with the United
       States and the loss of what remained of their colonial empire.
       That turning-point in the modern annals of Spain caused a deep
       impression in the minds, not only of the governing classes of
       the country, but of the hard-working middle classes and of the
       masses themselves. … Almost immediately after conclusion of
       the peace treaty, first a few and then more and more Spaniards
       dared to speak out what at heart they felt, however sore and
       resentful—namely, that foreign and colonial foes had rendered
       Spain a service by ridding her of the colonies that hampered
       her revival in Europe and in fields of action and enterprise
       nearer home. This feeling spread widely among the masses and
       middle classes when they perceived the first-fruits of the
       concentration of the resources and energies of the nation in
       Spain between 1899 and 1905. Much capital had flowed back from
       the former colonies, especially from Cuba and the Philippines,
       and promoted a rapid increase in enterprises of every
       kind—banks, financial establishments, mines, industries,
       syndicates, trusts, shipping-interests that, developing,
       perhaps, too rapidly, were led to overproduction, and thus
       gave rise to local crises at Bilbao, Barcelona, Santander,
       Cadiz, Malaga. The rebound of the last year of the nineteenth
       century and of the first few years of the twentieth was a
       consequence also of the recovery of Spanish credit, effected
       by a vigorous reorganization of Spanish finance and budgets by
       the late Señor Villaverde, and by the gallant resolution with
       which Governments and Parliaments, backed by the press and
       public opinion, undertook to honor both the domestic
       engagements of Spain herself, and the engagements that
       resulted from saddling her treasury and budget with the debts
       of Cuba and the Philippines, and with the cost of the last and
       previous civil wars in the lost colonies. The restoration of
       Spain’s credit abroad and at home, the successful levelling of
       her budgets with a surplus revenue annually of several
       millions of dollars since 1900, dispelled the fears of her
       native capitalists; and they too, large and small, came
       forward to invest in mines, banks, companies and railways."

          World-Politics
          (North American Review, November, 1905).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.
       Four Years of Political Shuffling in the Government.
       End of the Queen Dowager Regency.
       Coronation of the Young King, Alfonso XIII.
       Death of Sagasta.

       A New Ministry, of Liberals, was formed in March, 1901, with
       the veteran leader, Praxedes Mateo Sagasta, at its head; but
       the military party was represented in the Government by
       General Weyler, as Secretary for War. Measures undertaken by
       the Government against unauthorized religious orders, to bring
       them under surveillance, gave rise to anti-clerical
       disturbances in some parts of the Kingdom, and were defiantly
       opposed by the Church. Legislative elections held in June gave
       the Government 280 seats, leaving but 70 to the Opposition;
       but any party controlling the conduct of elections in Spain
       was said to be able to secure whatever majority it desired.

       The general condition of confusion and disturbance was
       continued in 1902, and constant recourse was had, in one
       region or another, to declarations of a "state of siege,"
       involving martial law. General Weyler fought a battle of a
       week’s duration in February at Barcelona, with rioting
       consequent on a general strike.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

       On the 17th of May, his sixteenth birthday, Alfonso XIII.,
       whose father, Alfonso XII., died before he was born, and who,
       consequently, had been, nominally and constitutionally, King
       of Spain since his birth, entered on the actual exercise of
       royal functions. He was crowned that day, and the regency of
       his mother came to an end. The coronation ceremonies were
       splendid; the oath taken by the young King was very simple: "I
       swear by God upon the Holy Bible to maintain the constitution
       and laws. If so I do, may God regard me; if I do not, may he
       call me to account." There is reason to believe that he took
       this oath with a serious sense of the responsibilities he
       assumed; but influences at Court, military, clerical, and
       otherwise reactionary, were stronger than the influence of his
       constitutional advisers for a few years, and the political
       distractions of the time were increased. The attempted action
       of Government against unauthorized religious orders ended in a
       compromise which gave authorization to every order demanding
       it.

       On the 3d of December, 1902, Sagasta and his Cabinet resigned,
       and a Conservative Ministry, under Señor Silvela, was formed.
       On the 5th of January following Sagasta died. The liberalism
       he represented had no substantial unity left, nor were the
       opposing groups in a condition to give more consistency or
       strength to the Government. A new Ministry under Senor
       Villaverde succeeded that of Silvela in May, and was succeeded
       in turn by another in December, with Señor Maura at its head.
       Premier Maura, formerly of Sagasta’s party, but latterly more
       Conservative, held the reins for a full year, escaping two
       attempted assassinations in 1904, and giving place to General
       Azcarraga on the 14th of December in that year. The General
       was less fortunate, for he enjoyed the honors of the prime
       ministry but six weeks.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1903.
       Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1904 (April).
       Declarations of England and France touching Spanish
       interests in Morocco.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Unsatisfactory State of the Kingdom.
       Rapid Succession of Changes in the Government.
       Disorders in Catalonia.
       The King’s Marriage.
       Attempted Assassination of the King.
       Proposed Anti-Clerical Law, which came to naught.

       In the character of its political parties, in the condition of
       its finances and in the general circumstances of the country,
       Spain appeared to be in an increasingly unsatisfactory state.
       Four changes of Ministry occurred within the year 1905, and no
       Government was found able to project any policy that promised
       permanency and definiteness of line.
    {632}
       Don Ramon Villaverde succeeded General Azcarraga as Premier in
       January, and was succeeded in the following June by Don E.
       Montero Rios, who had Don Jose Echegaray, the eminent poet,
       dramatist, novelist, and banker, for his Minister of Finance.
       In turn, Señor Montero Rios, after a reconstruction of his
       Cabinet in October with the help of the King, gave way at the
       end of November to Señor Moret. The Azcarraga and Villaverde
       Ministries had been Conservative; those of Montero Rios and
       Moret were of the Liberal type. The Parliament, which should
       have been convened early in the year, but was not called
       together until the middle of June, contained no majority which
       any Ministry could trust, and all the leaders in Spanish
       politics were afraid of it. Fresh elections in September gave
       the Montero Rios Ministry a decided majority; but it had
       quarrels within itself, and threatening disorders had arisen
       in many parts of the country, especially in half-rebellious
       Catalonia, which it seems to have lacked courage to face. An
       arrogant, insubordinate temper had been developed among the
       officers of the army, who disputed the supremacy of civil over
       military authority; and in many ways the conditions in the
       kingdom gave cause for grave anxiety to thoughtful minds.

       Not much, if any, quieting of the disturbed conditions in
       Spain came during the next year. The Government stooped to a
       compromise with the insolent military faction, so far as to
       allow press offenses against officers of the army to be dealt
       with by courts-martial. On the 31st of May, 1906, King Alfonso
       was married to the English Princess Ena of Battenberg, who
       previously entered the Roman Catholic Church, much to the
       disturbance of Protestant feeling in England. The wedding
       festivities at Madrid were nearly made tragical by an
       anarchist attempt to kill the royal pair. As they returned
       from the marriage ceremony to the palace a wretch named Matteo
       Morales threw a bomb into the midst of the procession of
       carriages, killing a number of attendant people, but missing
       those for whom it was intended. The coolness and readiness of
       mind shown by the young king, and by his bride, excited
       general admiration, and indicated a strength of character that
       augured well for Spain.

       In July the Moret Ministry found it expedient to resign, and
       the administration of Government passed to a new Cabinet,
       under Captain-General Lopez Dominguez. Then a strange change
       of attitude toward the Church of Rome was given for a brief
       time to the Spanish Government, as though it had caught the
       temper of France. There had been signs of a disposition toward
       some independence of secular policy a few years before, when
       the strenuous opposition of the Church failed to prevent the
       passage of a Spanish law which authorized civil marriage
       between persons legally qualified, whatever their creed might
       be. The Church continued its hostility to this law until it
       succeeded, in 1900, in securing an amendment which restricted
       the right of civil marriage to parties one of whom should not
       be a Catholic. Public opinion does not seem to have approved
       that concession, and the original provisions of the law were
       now restored. This drew on the Government a fierce clerical
       attack; in the face of which it brought forward, in October, a
       project of law which seems to have been modelled very closely
       on that French Associations Law, of 1901, by which all
       religious orders, along with other associations, were brought
       under surveillance and regulation by the State.

          See in Volume VI. of this work,
          FRANCE: A. D. 1901,
          and, in this Volume,
          FRANCE: A. D. 1903.

       This Spanish measure proposed to allow no religious order to
       be established in the kingdom without parliamentary
       authorization. It would empower the Government to withdraw the
       authorization of any order or association that it found
       dangerous to public tranquility or morals; it would permit any
       member of an order to renounce his or her vows; it would
       dissolve any order whose members were foreigners or whose
       directors lived abroad; it would command monasteries and
       convents to open their doors to representatives of the proper
       civil authority at any time; it would limit the property held
       by religious orders to the need of the objects for which they
       were instituted and put a limit on the gifts and bequests they
       could receive.

       This seemed an extraordinary measure to come even under
       discussion in Spain. Some of the Liberal leaders were prompt
       in declaring opposition to it, and its passage through the
       Cortes was probably impossible; but it came to no vote. Debate
       on it, opened on the 27th of November, was brought soon to an
       abrupt and not well-explained end. The Prime Minister resigned
       suddenly, in consequence of alleged intrigues; Señor Moret,
       recalled to office, was forced to retire again almost at once;
       a new Ministry was formed by the Marquis Vega de Armijo, and
       nothing more appears to have been heard of the proposed
       Associations Law.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1906.
       At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1907.
       Franco-Spanish Bombardment of Casablanca.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1907-1909.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1907-1909.
       The Maura Conservative Ministry.
       Unpopularity of the War in Morocco.
       Insurgency in Barcelona.
       The Ferrer Case.
       The Moret Ministry.
       Municipal Reform.
       Present Parties.

       The Ministry of Marquis Armijo de la Vega held the Government
       little more than a month, giving way to Señor Maura and his
       party, who returned to power in January, 1907. Five changes of
       administration had occurred within a year and a half.
       Elections in April yielded the Government a majority, and the
       birth of an heir to the throne on the 10th of May gave much
       satisfaction to the country. The Liberals, however, were so
       indignant at the manipulation of the elections to the lower
       chamber that, on the advice of their leader, Señor Moret, they
       took no part in the senatorial elections which followed, later
       in May; and this proved singularly embarrassing to the
       Government. Bomb explosions and other anarchist outrages,
       centering in Barcelona, but not confined to that turbulent
       city, were being dreadfully increased, and a ministerial Bill
       was brought before the Cortes in January, 1908, providing
       measures of suppression so drastic, especially in its dealing
       with the Press, that a most formidable opposition was stirred
       up. The Government stood stoutly by the Bill for months, until
       its control of the Cortes was shaken by the coalition that
       took form against it.
    {633}
       In the end it withdrew the Anarchist Bill, but raised another
       obstinate and threatening storm by the proposal of a Local
       Administration Bill, quite startlingly revolutionary in its
       plans for giving more independence to municipalities and
       provincial councils. Contest over this Bill went on till early
       in February, 1909, when Premier Maura came to an understanding
       with Señor Moret, leader of one of the Liberal groups, which
       enabled a part of the extensive measure, relating to
       municipalities, to be passed. Among other things, this new
       enactment made voting in the municipalities compulsory, and
       elections held since are reported to have shown a heavy
       increase of vote, proving effectiveness in the law. The other
       section of the Bill, dealing with provincial councils, was
       held over for subsequent action in the Cortes, and had not
       been disposed of when Premier Maura and his Cabinet were
       driven to resign, in October, 1909.

       The causes of the overthrow of the Maura Ministry came
       primarily from the serious war with the tribesmen of the Riff,
       Morocco, into which Spain had been drawn in the midsummer of
       1909.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1909).

       The war was exceedingly unpopular from the beginning, and made
       more so by early reverses in its prosecution. Riotous
       outbreaks and labor strikes occurred in several parts of the
       Kingdom, but most fiercely at the turbulent city of Barcelona,
       where they were suppressed with a severity which embittered
       feeling against the Government. This feeling was excited to a
       climax in October by the military trial and execution, at
       Barcelona, of Professor Francisco Ferrer. Professor Ferrer was
       a teacher of high standing and wide acquaintance in Europe,
       extremely radical in his political opinions, and accused of
       disseminating seditious doctrines in the school which he
       conducted at Barcelona. The military authorities there put him
       under arrest on the charge of having been a principal
       instigator of the revolutionary rising in July. He was tried
       by court-martial, without just opportunity for defence,
       according to common belief, and summarily shot, the Government
       disregarding many appeals from all parts of Europe for its
       intervention in the case. An extraordinary excitement
       throughout the world was produced by this tragedy, and it was
       felt in Spain with reverberant effect. After violent speeches
       in the Chamber of Deputies, October 20, Señor Maura felt it
       necessary to resign, and the Liberal leader, Señor Moret y
       Prendergast, was called by the King to take the Government in
       hand.

       The Moret Ministry made a speedy good beginning in domestic
       policy, by reviving, in some degree, the further undertaking
       of reform in local administration which Señor Maura had
       attempted two years before. This was now done by a decree,
       designed to clear away the mass of ordinances and special
       decrees by which the existing municipal law has been gradually
       choked since it was enacted in 1877, and to restore to
       municipal bodies the liberty and initiative that they were
       originally supposed to possess. Señor Moret and his party had
       supported Premier Maura’s Local Administration Bill in 1907;
       but it had been opposed and defeated by the class of
       politicians who are trained to a distaste for any sort of
       political reform. According to all accounts, the Moret
       Ministry, with a much mixed and uncertain support in the
       Cortes, has thus far done well.

       Municipal elections were held throughout Spain December 12,
       and the introduction of compulsory voting brought out an
       unprecedented vote, from which the Republicans and Liberals
       drew most. Altogether, there are said to have been chosen 481
       Republicans, Liberals, and Democrats, 253 Conservatives, and
       over a hundred Radicals of various shades. Madrid elected 12
       Republican councillors, 2 Liberals, 1 Democrat, and 7
       Conservatives, thus giving the Republicans an absolute
       majority. Valencia chose 15 Republicans, against 10 of all
       other parties. In Valladolid, 12 Liberals, 6 Republicans, and
       3 Conservatives were elected; in La Coruña, 7 Republicans, 3
       Liberals, and 3 others; in Córdoba, 10 Republicans, 6
       Liberals, and 6 Conservatives.

       In present politics the Republicans are said to have gone into
       alliance with the Socialist or Labor party; the alliance
       having its leader in a Señor Lerroux, of Barcelona, who
       returned lately from a long political exile, and who has had
       warm receptions in a number of the chief cities, where he made
       stirring speeches. "Señor Lerroux," says a correspondent,
       writing from Madrid in December, "preaches neither anarchism
       nor atheism nor anti-militarism. But he asks for the abolition
       of the Monarchy and of the religious orders. He would make the
       army the humble servant of the State, promote lay education
       and local autonomy, and do away with indirect taxation. And he
       looks for the realization of this programme to a well-timed
       revolution. Such are the ideas with which the bulk of the
       Republican-Socialist coalition will go to the polls at the
       next general election. Between these two extremes—the
       Conservatives, representing the Monarchy, the aristocracy, and
       the Church, and the Republican-Socialist alliance,
       representing revolution—we see the present Government
       balancing itself uneasily, with a foot in each camp, amenable
       to pressure from both, and without any independent means of
       support, save that which it enjoys in virtue of its temporary
       control of the political machine."

       ----------SPAIN: End--------

    SPALDING, Bishop John L.:
       On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    SPANISH AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
       Growth of Close Relations with Spain.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1898-1906.

    SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.:
       Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.:
       Commanding the American Battleship Fleet.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    SPHAKIANAKIS, Dr.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    SPIERS, Bishop:
       Murder of.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1905.

    {634}

    SPITZBERGEN CONFERENCE.

       "The Norwegian government, by a note addressed on January 26,
       1909, to the Department of State, conveyed an invitation to
       the government of the United States to take part in a
       conference which, it is understood, will be held in February
       or March, 1910, for the purpose of devising means to remedy
       existing conditions in the Spitzbergen Islands. This
       invitation was conveyed under the reservation that the
       question of altering the status of the islands as countries
       belonging to no particular State, and as equally open to the
       citizens and subjects of all States, should not be raised.

       "The European Powers invited to this conference by the
       government of Norway were Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany,
       Great Britain, Russia, Sweden, and the Netherlands.

       "The Department of State, in view of proofs filed with it in
       1906, showing the American possession, occupation, and working
       of certain coal-bearing lands in Spitzbergen, accepted the
       invitation under the reservation above stated, and under the
       further reservation that all interests in those islands
       already vested should be protected, and that there should be
       equality of opportunity for the future. It was further pointed
       out that membership in the conference on the part of the
       United States was qualified by the consideration that this
       government would not become a signatory to any conventional
       arrangement concluded by the European members of the
       Conference which would imply contributory participation by the
       United States in any obligation or responsibility for the
       enforcement of any scheme of administration which might be
       devised by the conference for the islands."

          Message of the President of the United States
          to Congress, December 6, 1909.

    SPOILS SYSTEM:
       Cause of Corruption in the United States Customs Service.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM.

    SPRECKELS, Rudolph.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

    SPRIGGS, SIR J. GORDON.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    SPRIGGS, SIR J. GORDON.
       Opposition to the Disfranchisement of Blacks
       in South Africa.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    SPRING-RICE, SIR C.:
       British Minister to Persia.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1907 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

    STACKELBERG, General.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

    STANDARD OIL COMPANY:
       Suit by the Government for its Dissolution.
       Decree of the U. S. Circuit Court.
       Appeal to the Supreme Court.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

    STATE LEGISLATION, Need of Unity in.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

    "STATE RIGHTS":
       The question in Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1902.

    STEUNENBERG, EX-GOVERNOR FRANK, OF IDAHO:
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

    STEVENS, DURHAM WHITE:
       Adviser to the Korean Foreign Office, by Japanese Selection.
       His assassination.

          See (in this Volume)
          KOREA; A. D. 1905-1909.

    STEVENS, JOHN L.:
       Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1905 and 1905-1909.

    STEYN, PRESIDENT M. T.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    STOCK EXCHANGE, NEW YORK:
       Report on its Operations.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    STOCKHOLM: A. D. 1909.
       Lockout and attempted General Strike.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: SWEDEN.

    STOLYPIN, P. A.:
       Premier of the Russian Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906, 1907, and after.

    STONE, ELLEN M.:
       Capture by Brigands in Turkey and Ransom paid for Release.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1901-1902.

    STÖSSEL, GENERAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY); (FEBRUARY-AUGUST),
          and A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    STRAUS, OSCAR S.:
       Secretary of Commerce and Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

    STRAUS, OSCAR S.:
       On the Chinese Exclusion Laws and their Administration.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1908.

    STRIKE, A GENERAL: THE IDEA OF IT.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

    STRIKES.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION.

    STUNDISTS, POLITICAL IDEAS OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1902.

    SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS.

    SUBWAYS, NEW YORK.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1909.

    SUCCESSION DUTIES:
       Treaty concerning, between England and France.

          See (in this Volume)
          DEATH DUTIES.

    SUGAR TRUST, THE FRAUDS OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          Combinations, Industrial, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909.

    SUDAN, THE WESTERN: A. D. 1903.
       English Ascendancy established in Nigeria.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1903 (NIGERIA).

    SUDAN, THE WESTERN: A. D. 1907.
       Great Changes wrought in Ten Years.
       The new Khartoum.

       "After Khartoum had fallen the palace was looted and
       demolished, but on its ruins another stately pile has arisen
       wherein Gordon’s memory is kept green by a tablet marking the
       fatal spot where on the 26th of January, 1885, he was done to
       death. And even as a new palace sprang up on the ashes of the
       old, so likewise after a thorough clearing away of the ruins
       of Gordon’s city, a new Khartoum has been planned and built on
       the ancient site. This new city lies at an altitude of 1263
       feet above sea level, has a moderate yearly rainfall of but
       some forty inches, and a mean annual temperature of 84°
       Fahrenheit; by water it is 1560 miles from the source of the
       Nile at Ripon Falls, and 1920 miles from the Rosetta mouth of
       that fertilising river. Slowly but surely vaccination is
       reducing the small-pox mortality among the Soudanese; the old
       mosquito-breeding pools have been filled up, and the mosquito
       brigade is still doing good work. Thus the new Khartoum may be
       said to enjoy a fairly salubrious climate, which, moreover,
       should yearly become more and more healthy. …

    {635}

       "South of Khartoum proper, across the desert race-course and
       golf-links, and hard by what remains of Gordon’s
       fortifications, dwell, each in their own settlement with its
       distinctive huts, the divers native tribes who make up the
       city’s indigenous population. Probably the new Khartoum of
       to-day, with Omdurman and the near villages, totals nearly one
       hundred thousand souls, and, considering that its geographical
       situation so admirably adapts itself to fostering the
       expansion of trade, I venture to predict that in another fifty
       years Khartoum will contain half a million inhabitants. …

       "The material condition of the people is improving; indeed, it
       is already prosperous. For the first time in their history the
       Soudanese are an absolutely free people, living under a
       Government anxious to protect them from injustice and to
       promote their welfare; it is hard for stay-at-home Britishers
       to realise adequately how far-reaching is this change in a
       land ‘where slavery in one form or another has been for
       thousands of years a permanent and universal institution.’ …

       "To Lord Cromer’s wise counsel and untiring efforts the new
       Soudan owes much, and in 1901 the Shillook and Dinka
       representatives fully recognised this, when, using for the
       simple ceremony a sort of dark green fez, they crowned him
       their king. In the name of his own great Sovereign, whose
       ensign holds sway on every continent and on all known seas,
       his Lordship promised that the sacred law of Islam shall be
       respected; and the very remarkable agreement of the 19th of
       January, 1899, gave to this hitherto down trodden people their
       Magna Charta, for Article II. stipulates that ‘the British and
       Egyptian flags shall be used together, both on land and water,
       throughout the Soudan.’"

          W. F. Miéville,
          The New Khartoum
          (Nineteenth Century, January, 1908).

    SUEZ CANAL:
       Renewed Agreements between England and France.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904 (APRIL).

    SUFFRAGE, Political.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

    SUFFRAGETTES.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    SUGAR-BOUNTY CONFERENCE, AND CONVENTION.

       As the result of a Conference, at Brussels, in which Germany,
       Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, Spain, Great Britain, Italy,
       the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway were represented, a Convention
       was framed and signed March 5, 1902, the occasion for which is
       set forth in these words:

       "Desiring, on one hand, to equalize the conditions of
       competition between beet and cane sugars from different
       sources, and, on the other hand, to promote the development of
       the consumption of sugar; considering that this double result
       can only be attained by the suppression of bounties as well as
       by limiting the surtax"—the high contracting parties concluded
       a convention, the first article of which binds them as
       follows:

       "to suppress the direct and indirect bounties by which the
       production or export of sugar may benefit, and they agree not
       to establish bounties of this kind during the whole duration
       of the said convention. In view of the execution of this
       provision, sweetmeats, chocolates, biscuits, condensed milk,
       and all other analogous products which contain in a notable
       proportion sugar artificially incorporated, are to be classed
       as sugar. The above paragraph applies to all advantages
       resulting directly or indirectly, for the different categories
       of producers, from the fiscal legislation of the States,
       notably:

       (a) The direct bounties granted to exports.

       (b) The direct bounties granted to production,

       (c) The total or partial exemptions from taxation
       granted for a part of the manufactured output.

       (d) The profits derived from surplusages of output,

       (e) The profits derived from the exaggeration of the
       drawback.

       (f) The advantages derived from any surtax in excess of
       the rate fixed" in a subsequent article.

       Further articles elaborate the programme of measures for
       carrying out this agreement. It was to come into force from
       September 1, 1903; to remain in force during five years from
       that date, and if none of the high contracting parties should
       have notified the Belgium Government, twelve months after the
       expiration of the said period of five years, of its intention
       to have its effects cease, it should continue for one year,
       and so on from year to year.

          Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
          of the United States, page 80.

       Under this Convention, a Permanent Commission was established
       at Brussels. In July, 1907, this Commission gave attention to
       a suggestion from the Government of Great Britain, "to the
       effect that if Great Britain could be relieved from the
       obligation to enforce the penal provisions of the Convention
       they would be prepared not to give notice on the first of
       September next of their intention to withdraw on the 1st of
       September, 1908, a notice which they would otherwise feel
       bound to give at the appointed time." The ensuing discussion
       and correspondence resulted in the signing, on the 28th of
       August, 1907, of "An Additional Act to the Sugar Convention of
       March 5, 1902," renewing it for a fresh period of five years
       from September 1, 1908, with the privilege to any one of the
       contracting parties to withdraw after September 1, 1911, on
       one year’s notice, "if the Permanent Commission, at the last
       meeting held before the 1st September, 1910, have decided by a
       majority of votes that circumstances warrant such power being
       granted to the contracting States. The request of Great
       Britain was granted in the following article of the Additional
       Act:

       "Notwithstanding Article I, Great Britain will be relieved,
       after the 1st September, 1908. from the obligation contained
       in Article IV of the Convention. After the same date the
       Contracting States may demand that, in order to enjoy the
       benefit of the Convention, sugar refined in the United Kingdom
       and thence exported to their territories shall be accompanied
       by a certificate stating that none of this sugar comes from a
       country recognized by the Permanent Commission as granting
       bounties for the production or exportation of sugar."

          Parliamentary Papers, 1907,
          Commercial, Number 10 (Cd. 3780).

    SULLY-PRUDHOMME, RENÉ FRANÇOIS ARMAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    SULTAN AHMED MIRZA,
       The young Shah of Persia.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    SUMATRA: A. D. 1909 (June).
       Earthquake in Upper Padang.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: SUMATRA.

    {636}

    SUNDAY OBSERVANCE:
       Legal institution of a weekly Rest Day.
       Recent Legislation in Europe.
       The Canadian Lord’s Day.

       A British Parliamentary Paper, published in the spring of
       1909, gave information, gathered by the diplomatic
       representatives of the Government, relative to legislation in
       many foreign countries bearing on the observance of Sunday, or
       otherwise prescribing a weekly Day of Rest. The facts
       presented in these reports were discussed editorially by the
       London Times in an article from which the following is
       quoted.

       "Within quite recent years the principle of the weekly
       rest-day has been enforced, with various practical
       modifications, in most of the chief Continental countries. It
       forms, indeed, a striking vindication of the claim for the
       observance of one day’s rest in seven—which was recognized
       among Eastern races long before the days of Moses—that while
       Sunday work has shown a regrettable, if in some ways scarcely
       avoidable, tendency to increase in this country, steps to
       restrict it have been widely taken elsewhere. While the
       English Sunday has been becoming in some respects more
       ‘Continental,’ the actual Continental Sunday has shown a
       distinct tendency to approximate to our own. … The review
       provided by the present report of the legislation already in
       force in France, Germany, Austria, Belgium, Holland, and other
       leading industrial States gives plenty of examples of the way
       in which the general principle of making Sunday a day of rest
       has been accommodated to the necessities of a modern
       community. The case of France is particularly interesting,
       since the French method of observing Sunday has traditionally
       provided the English public with the most familiar contrast
       with its own. In France the law establishing a statutory
       weekly day of rest, and making that day Sunday, was passed so
       recently as in 1906. In common with the similar legislation
       passed in other countries, it allows partial and carefully
       regulated exceptions, to provide for the necessary sale of
       food, and for such uninterrupted attention as is required, for
       example, by foundries. But the application of the law is both
       thorough and extensive, while supplementary legislation is to
       be introduced, with the support of the Government, to extend
       its benefits to all servants of the State and to all other
       workers on railways, tramlines, and steamboat services who do
       not already enjoy it. On the other hand, while the report
       bears decided witness to the efficiency and success with which
       the law has been enforced, it notes certain points on which
       concession is being made by the Government in deference to the
       strong demands of certain interests which claimed that they
       were being unjustly sacrificed. …

       "The law seems at first to have aroused opposition among many
       shopkeepers, especially those who were handicapped by
       competition with rivals whose business was carried on by
       members of the family, and therefore was not affected by it. …
       The difficulty is now said to be settling itself, as the
       public is gradually learning to restrict its shopping to
       week-days, when there is a wider field of choice. The
       encouraging evidence provided by the operation of the law of
       1906 in France is supported more or less explicitly by the
       reports forwarded by His Majesty’s representatives in other
       parts of Europe. The aim and method of the various enactments
       show a prevailing similarity, and where they have already been
       sufficiently long in operation for a fair estimate to be made,
       their success seems to be recognized with but few exceptions.
       Material is not available in every case for forming a full
       opinion of the completeness with which the law of rest has
       been enforced. In Vienna, however, it is expressly reported
       that its administration is effective; and although no such
       statement is expressly made in the case of Germany, it appears
       improbable that the regulations, though less stringent than
       those of some other States, are lightly disregarded."

       The Canadian "Lord’s Day Act" of 1906 is a measure of much
       stringency. Making numerous well-defined and carefully guarded
       exceptions for "works of necessity and mercy," and for such
       railway service as is subject to provincial regulation, the
       prohibitions of the Act include the following:

       "To sell or offer for sale or purchase any goods, chattels, or
       other personal property, or any real estate, or to carry on or
       transact any business of his ordinary calling, or in
       connection with such calling, or for gain to do, or employ any
       other person to do, on that day, any work, business, or
       labour." "To require any employee engaged in any work of
       receiving, transmitting, or delivering telegraph or telephone
       messages, or in the work of any industrial process, or in
       connection with transportation, to do on the Lord’s Day the
       usual work of his ordinary calling, unless such employee is
       allowed during the next six days of such week twenty-four
       consecutive hours without labour." "To engage in any public
       game or contest for gain, or for any prize or reward, or to be
       present thereat, or to provide, engage in, or be present at
       any performance or public meeting, elsewhere than in a church,
       at which any fee is charged, directly or indirectly." "To run,
       conduct, or convey by any mode of conveyance any excursion on
       which passengers are conveyed for hire, and having for its
       principal or only object the carriage on that day of such
       passengers for amusement or pleasure." "To shoot with or use
       any gun, rifle or other similar engine, either for gain, or in
       such a manner or in such places as to disturb other persons in
       attendance at public worship or in the observance of that
       day." "To bring into Canada for sale or distribution, or to
       sell or distribute within Canada, on the Lord’s Day, any
       foreign newspaper or publication classified as a newspaper."

       ----------SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: Start--------

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       Summary of Decisions (1901-1906) touching
       the Governmental Regulation of Corporations.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       Decision in the Case of the
       Trans-Missouri Freight Association.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       On Constitutionality of Utah Law restricting Hours of
       Adult Labor in Mines.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       In the Northern Securities Case.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D). 1901-1905.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       In the "Beef Trust" Cases, so-called.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       On Interstate Commerce Act of 1887.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       Limiting Police Power to regulate Hours of Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

    {637}

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       In the Tobacco Trust Case of Hale vs. Henkel.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       Concerning the Isle of Pines.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1907 (APRIL).

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       In Case of Virginia Railroads vs. the State
       Corporation Commission of Virginia.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       On the Constitutionality of the "Commodities Clause"
       of the Hepburn Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906-1909.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       On the Right of a State to Specially Limit the Hours
       of Labor for Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       Limiting State Authority in matters touching
       Interstate Commerce.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1908.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       On Law against Rebating in Armour Packing Company Case.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       Invalidating Debts to an Illegal Combination.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES:
       Affirming Fines on the New York Central Railroad Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

       ----------SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: End--------

    SUTTNER, BARONESS BERTHA VON.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    SWADESHI MOVEMENT.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    SWALLOW, SILAS E.:
       Nomination for President of the United States.

       See (in this Volume)
       UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

    SWARAJ.
       The Hindu term for self government.

    SWAZILAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1909.

    "SWEATING," ENGLISH ACT TO SUPPRESS.
       The Trade Boards Bill.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

       ----------SWEDEN: Start--------

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1901.
       Unveiling of Monument to John Ericsson.
       The Nobel Prizes.
       The First Awarding of them.

       A monument to the memory of John Ericsson, the
       Swedish-American inventor, was unveiled at Stockholm with
       impressive ceremonies on the 14th of September, 1901, that
       being the date of the reception of his remains at Stockholm
       eleven years before.

       The first award of the munificent prizes for beneficial
       services to mankind, instituted by the will of Alfred Bernard
       Nobel, the eminent Swedish engineer and inventor, was made on
       the 10th of December, 1901.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1903.
       Agreement for Settlement of Claims against Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1905.
       Secession of Norway from the Union of Crowns.
       Acceptance by King Oscar of his Practical Deposition.

          See (in this Volume)
          NORWAY: A. D. 1902-1905.

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1906.
       At the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1908.
       Municipal Office opened to Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty with Denmark, England, France, Germany,
       and the Netherlands, for maintenance of the Status
       Quo on the North Sea.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907-1908.

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.
       Franchise Reform Legislation.

       During many successive years, earnest attempts by the Swedish
       Government, strongly backed by liberal majorities in the
       Second or popular Chamber of the Riksdag, to answer the public
       demand for a broadening of the suffrage, were defeated in the
       First Chamber, whose members are elected by the provincial
       Landstings and by municipal corporations. Success was not
       attained until 1909, when a Franchise Reform Bill,
       establishing universal suffrage and proportional
       representation, was passed by the Riksdag on the 10th of
       February, by larger majorities. According to a Press report
       from Stockholm, "the leader of the Liberals declared in the
       Lower House that, though his party had originally opposed it,
       they would now vote for the Bill, as the country demanded a
       solution of this long pending question. The Social Democrats
       and a few extremists of the Liberal party voted against it,
       considering it unacceptable in principle and inadequate
       because it excluded female suffrage. In the Upper House the
       Bill was opposed by a few uncompromising Conservatives, to
       whom it seemed too democratic."

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1909.
       Lockout and Attempted General Strike.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: SWEDEN.

    SWEDEN: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Arbitration of Frontier Dispute with Norway.

          See (in this Volume)
          NORWAY: A. D. 1909 (OCTOBER).

       ----------SWEDEN: End--------

    SWIFT & COMPANY et al.,
    THE CASE OF THE UNITED STATES AGAINST.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    SWITZERLAND:
       Backwardness of Woman Suffrage.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1870-1905.
       Increase of Population compared with other European Countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1870-1905.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1902.
       General Election.

       The general election, in October, of representatives in the
       Federal Assembly, returned 97 Radicals, 35 Catholic
       Conservatives, 25 Moderate Liberals, 9 Socialists, and 1
       Independent, being a total of 167. The previous Chamber had
       contained but 147, the increase of population having raised
       the number of representatives.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1902.
       Use of the Referendum and Initiative down to that time.

       See (in this Volume)
       REFERENDUM.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1905.
       Rupture between Radicals and Socialists.
       Completion of the Simplon Tunnel.

       The coalition hitherto maintained between Radical and
       Socialist parties was broken entirely in the elections of
       October, 1905, because of the anti-military attitude of the
       latter, who sought to have all national feeling and policy
       sunk in international sentiments and principles. The
       Socialists elected but two representatives in the National
       Council. In April the completion of the Simplon Railway
       Tunnel, furnishing a second passage through the Alps, was
       celebrated with much rejoicing. The work of boring this
       twelve-mile length of tunnel had been begun in 1898.

          See, also, (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1909.
       Acquisition of the St. Gothard Tunnel and Railway
       by the Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: SWITZERLAND.

    {638}

    SYDOW, REINHOLD.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    SYNDICATES, German.

       See (in this Volume)
       COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL (in Germany).

    SYNDICATS AND SYNDICALISM, French.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1884-1909.

    SZELL MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903.

    T.

    TABAH INCIDENT, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

    TABRIZ, SIEGE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1908-1909.

    TACNA AND ARICA QUESTIONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1907.

    TAFF-VALE DECISION.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1900-1906.

       ----------TAFT, WILLIAM H.: Start--------

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       President of the Second Philippine Commission.
       Civil Governor of the Philippines.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Secretary of War.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909.

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Report on the Purchase of the Friars’ Lands.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1902-1903.

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Organization of Provisional Government in Cuba.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Special Report on the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1907.

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Elected President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Inauguration and Inaugural Address.
       Cabinet Appointments.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       On the Tariff.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Statement, as President, relative to the
       Tariff Maximum and Minimum Clause.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908-1909.

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Tour of the United States.
       Meeting with President Diaz, of Mexico.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Legislation Recommended for the Conservation
       of Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION, &c.: UNITED STATES.

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       On Injunctions in Labor Disputes and on the Expediting
       of Civil and Criminal Procedure.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

    TAFT, WILLIAM H.
       Special Message on "Trusts" and on Interstate Commerce.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910,
          and RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

       ----------TAFT, WILLIAM H.: End--------

    TAI HUNG CHI.

       See (in this Volume)
       CHINA: A. D. 1906.

    TAI HUNG-TZE: GRAND COUNCILLOR OF CHINA.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909 (October).

    TAIREN.

          See (in this Volume)
          DALNY.

    TAI-TZE-HO, BATTLES AT THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    TAKAHIRA KOGORO:
       Japanese Minister at Washington and Plenipotentiary
       for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

    TAKUSHAN HILL, CAPTURE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    TALIENWAN,
       Re-named Dalny.
       Later named Tairen, by the Japanese.

    TAMMANY HALL:
       Struggles with it.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK CITY.

    TANG SHAO YI.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM: CHINA.

    TANGIER: A. D. 1905.
       The German Emperor’s Speech.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

       ----------TARIFFS: Start--------

    TARIFFS: Australia:
       The question in the First Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    TARIFFS: Tariff Excise Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: THE NEW PROTECTION.

    TARIFFS: Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1907.
       Settlement of the Austro-Hungarian Tariff Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1907.

    TARIFFS: Balkan States: A. D. 1905.
       Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          BALKAN STATES: BULGARIA AND SERVIA.

    TARIFFS: British Empire: A. D. 1909.
       Resolutions of Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

    TARIFFS: Canada:
       Attitude of Canadian Manufacturers’ Association toward Great
       Britain and the United States on Tariff Questions.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1903-1905.

    TARIFFS: Canada and Germany:
       German retaliation for Discriminating Duties in Favor
       of British Goods.

       Consequent on the discrimination in favor of British goods
       which was granted in the Canadian tariff of 1897, Germany took
       action which is explained in the following, from the Canadian
       side of the official correspondence that ensued:

       "Prior to July 31, 1898, Canada, as a portion of the British
       Empire, received the most favourable tariff treatment in
       Germany, under the terms of the treaty which had long existed
       between that country and Great Britain. On the date named,
       that treaty, having been denounced by the British Government,
       ceased to have effect. Provisional agreements have since been
       entered into from time to time between Great Britain and
       Germany. Canada, however, has been excluded from the benefit
       of such agreements. The products of Canada are no longer
       admitted into Germany on the favoured terms known in the
       German tariff as 'conventional duties,' but are specially
       excluded therefrom and made subject to the higher duties of
       the general tariff. The reason assigned by the German
       Government for this discrimination against Canada is the
       enactment by the Dominion of legislation granting preferential
       tariff rates to the products of Great Britain.
    {639}
       The undersigned desires to point out that the policy of the
       Canadian Government was not designed to give to any foreign
       nation more favoured treatment than was to be allowed to
       Germany. The Canadian policy has been confined to a
       readjustment of the commercial relations of the Dominion with
       the British Empire of which it is a part, a domestic affair
       which could hardly be open to reasonable objection by any
       foreign government. It would therefore seem that the action of
       Canada afforded no just ground for complaint by Germany. The
       undersigned is of opinion that there has been some
       misconception of the Canadian policy in this respect, and
       hopes that upon further consideration the German Government
       will see that Canada, in taking the step referred to, did not
       forfeit her claim to the advantages accorded by Germany to the
       most-favoured nations."

       The German Government, however, maintained with firmness the
       ground it had taken; but eleven years later, in 1909, a German
       Canadian Economic Association at Berlin sent delegates to
       Canada to confer with chambers of commerce and solicit efforts
       for bettering commercial relations between them. The Montreal
       Board of Trade declined to take any action, saying,
       substantially: "the reprisals against Canada were commenced by
       Germany on account of the granting of preference by the
       Dominion to Great Britain. If Germany now finds that she has
       made a mistake the Montreal Board holds that she should
       restore Canadian products to the conventional tariff, when the
       Canadian surtax on German goods will be automatically
       removed."

       Finally, an agreement was reached which ended this tariff war
       between Germany and Canada. Announcement of it was made in the
       Canadian Parliament on the 15th of February, 1910, and it went
       into effect on the 1st of March.

    TARIFFS: FRANCE: A. D. 1910.

       A revision of the tariff, on which the French Parliament had
       long been engaged, was completed and became law on March 29,
       1910, going into effect April 1.

    TARIFFS: France-Canada:
       Commercial Convention with Great Britain concerning Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    TARIFFS: Germany: A. D. 1902-1906.
       The New Tariff Law and seven Special Tariff Treaties
       with European Countries.
       A changed Commercial Policy.

       In the Diet of the Empire the committee which had been
       laboring long and arduously on a tariff bill reported the
       measure in October, and its increase of duties, which the
       government did not favour, was stoutly opposed by Socialists,
       Radicals, and Liberals; but the Conservatives, representing
       the protected interests, constrained the government to
       withdraw its opposition and the bill was carried through as a
       whole, without change.

       "How deliberately the Germans go about their tariff policy;
       how thoroughly they study all the strong and weak points in
       their adversaries’ positions; with what scientific care they
       measure their own manifold interests; how carefully they
       guard, in their work of tariff legislation, against disturbing
       the stability of existing business conditions may best be seen
       from the way in which the new tariff has been adopted. As
       early as 1898—i. e., more than five years before the
       expiration of the old tariff treaties—a Commission of
       government experts and leading representatives of the
       industrial and commercial interests was organized to make a
       detailed study of the needs of every industry whose products
       were in any way affected by the tariff. After five years of
       incessant work of that character, in which more than 2,000
       experts took part, the new general or so-called ‘autonomous’
       tariff was enacted into law (but not put into effect) by the
       German Reichstag.

       "The new tariff law adopted on December 25, 1902, with rates
       considerably raised, formed the basis of diplomatic
       bargaining, of which it took more than two years to conclude
       commercial treaties with the following seven countries:
       Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Roumania
       and Servia. These treaties, which considerably reduce some of
       the rates provided for in the tariff of 1902, were enacted
       into law on February 22d of this year, [1905], and together
       form the new so-called ‘conventional’ tariff, which will be
       applied to all countries enjoying ‘most favored nation’
       privileges. Deliberate and cautious as these steps have been,
       the new tariff is not to be thrust upon the business community
       of the Empire on short notice, but the country is given one
       full year in which to adjust itself to the new rates. Hence
       the date for giving effect to the new tariff law has been set
       for March 1, 1906."

          N. I. Stone,
          The New German Customs Tariff
          (North American Review, September, 1905).

       The chief point of interest for the United States in this law
       is to be found, not so much in the high rates adopted, as in
       the statement made in the Reichstag foreshadowing a changed
       policy on the part of Germany in making new commercial
       treaties. On the final day of the tariff debate Dr. Paasche,
       one of the leaders of the majority, asserted that the
       government had promised that it would no longer extend treaty
       advantages to other countries than those that reciprocate with
       corresponding concessions. ‘We expect,’ said Dr. Paasche,
       ‘that the government will undertake a thorough revision of all
       the treaties containing the most favored-nation clause.
       Promises of this kind were made to us in committee. We have
       absolutely no occasion to concede anything to such nations as
       are glad to take what we give by treaty to other countries
       without making us any concessions in return. The United States
       has introduced a limitation of the most-favored-nation clause;
       we have every reason to act in precisely the same manner."

          W. C. Dreher,
          A Letter from Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1903).

       In March, 1905, a few weeks after the conclusion of the last
       of the seven special tariff treaties referred to above, which
       modify the general German tariff of 1902-1906, in favor of the
       nations which became parties to them, the Consul-General of
       the United States at Berlin sent to the State Department at
       Washington the following table, showing, with reference to
       forty-six of the principal articles of German import from
       America (1) the then maximum or autonomous duty as paid under
       the tariff of 1879; (2) the same duties as modified and
       reduced by then existing treaty concessions; (3) the new
       autonomous duties that were to go into effect in 1906, and (4)
       the amounts to which each of these rates of duty would be
       reduced on merchandise coming from certain of the seven
       European countries which had just concluded treaties of
       commerce with Germany.

    {640}

       The figures show in all cases, unless otherwise specified, the
       amount in American currency of duty per double centner (100
       kilograms or 220.4 pounds):

    Merchandise.
                Tariff                New tariff law of     Difference.
                                      1902 (to go into
               (adopted in 1879).     effect in 1906).

                Maximum.  Reduced     Autonomous.  Reduced
                          by treaty.               by treaty.

    Wheat        $1.19    $0.83         $1.78       $1.30      $0.58

    Rye           1.19      .83          1.66        1.19        .47

    Oats          .95       .67          1.66        1.19        .47

    Barley        .53       .47          1.66         .95        .71

    Corn          .47       .38          1.19         .71        .48

    Wheat Flour  2.50      1.74          4.36        2.42       1.94

    Malt           .95      .85          2.44        1.37       1.07

    Potatoes     Free.     Free.          .59        1.24        (a)

    Hops         4.76      3.38         16.66        4.76      11.90

    Dried apples,
    pears,
    apricots,
    peaches      .96       .95           2.38         .95       1.43

    Dried Prunes                         2.38        1.19       1.19

    Fresh apples
    in barrels   Free.    Free.          2.38        1.19       1.19

    Sausages    4.76      4.04          16.66        9.52       7.14

    Lard        2.38      2.38           2.97        2.38        .59

    Salted
    Meats       4.76      4.04          10.71      8.33-9.25    2.38-1.46

    Butter      4.76      3.80           7.14      4.76         2.38

    Cheese      4.76      4.76           7.14      3.57-4.76    3.57-2.38

    Eggs         .71       .47           1.42       .71          .71

    Margarine   4.76      3.80           7.14      4.76         2.38

    Wood Alcohol  Free    Free           4.76      Free.        4.76

    Cows and
    oxen,
    per head    2.14      2.14           4.28      1.90         2.38

    Horses,
    per head    4.76      4.76        21.42-85.68  7.14-28.56  14.28-57.12

    Hogs,
    per head    1.42      1.19           4.28      2.14         2.14

    Shoes,
    coarse     11.90     11.90          20.23      20.23         …

    Shoes,
    medium     16.66     15.47          28.86      23.80        5.06

    Shoes,
     fine      16.66     15.47          42.84      30.70        7.14

    Lumber,
    rough       …         …              1.42         .47        .95

    Lumber,
    dressed      2.38    2.38            2.38        2.38         …

    Sewing
    machines     5.71    5.71            8.33        2.85       5.48

    Sewing
    machines,
    power       5.71     5.71            4.76        1.90       2.86

    Electrical machinery

    a. Under 500 kilograms (
       1,102 pounds) per 100 kilograms   2.14        2.14         …

    b. 500 to 3,000 kilograms
       (1,102 to 6,614 pounds)           1.66        1.42        .24

    c. More than 3,000 kilograms         1.42         .95        .47

    Machine tools:

    a. 250 kilograms
       (551 pounds or less),
       per 100 kilograms.                4.76        2.85       1.91

    b. 250 to 1,000 kilograms
       (551 to 2,205 pounds)             2.85        1.90        .95

    c. 1,000 to 3,000 kilograms
       (2,205 to 6,614 pounds)           1.90        1.42        .48

    d. 3,000 to 10,000 kilograms
       (6,614 to 22,046 pounds)          1.42        1.19        .23

       Over 10,000 kilograms              .97         .97         …

    Telegraph instruments,
    telephones, electric
    lighting and power
    apparatus.                          14.28    (b).95-9.52     (b)

    Railway and
    street cars                          2.38        .71        1.67

    Motor cars and motor
    bicycles, each:

    a. 50 kilograms
       (110 pounds) or less, each        35.70       …           …

    b. 50 to 100 kilograms
       (110 to 220 pounds), each         28.56       …           …

    c. 100 to 250 kilograms
       (220 to 550 pounds), each         21.42       …           …

    d. 250 to 500 kilograms
       (550 to 1,110 pounds)             14.28      9.52        4.76

    e. 500 to 1,000 kilograms
       (1,110 to 2,220 pounds)            9.52      5.95        3.57

    f. 1,000 kilograms and over           4.76      3.57        1.19

       (a) Free from August 1 to February 14.

       (b) According to weight.

       "It needs but a glance at this list," said Consul-General
       Mason, "to show how important will be the concessions granted
       to one or more of the seven treaty nations, and how formidable
       will be their competition in the German market against similar
       goods coming from countries which, for want of a reciprocal
       treaty or other convention, will be subject to the autonomous
       or unmodified tariff in exporting goods into Germany."

       On the 1st day of March, 1906, this tariff came into effect,
       and the tariff arrangements of Germany with the United States,
       under which the latter had enjoyed important concessions,
       secured by the "most favored nation" agreement in its
       commercial treaty with Germany, came to an end.

    TARIFFS: A. D. 1909.
       Economic Results of the Protective System.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1009 (APRIL).

    TARIFFS: Great Britain: A. D. 1909.
       List of articles on which Import Duties are collected.

       The following is a complete list of the articles enumerated in
       the British tariff as subject to import duties:

       Beer; Cards, Playing; Chicory; Cocoa; Coffee;
       Fruit, dried or otherwise preserved without sugar;
       Spirits and Strong Waters (including all alcoholic
       liquors, cordials and other alcoholic preparations);
       Sugar (including all confectionery, sugar-preserved
       fruits, and other sugared preparations);
       Tea; Tobacco, in all forms; Wine.

    TARIFFS: A. D. 1909.
       Question of Preferential Trade raised by Mr. Chamberlain.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1903 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).

    TARIFFS: The United States: A. D. 1908-1909.
       The Demand for Tariff Revision.
       Its Expression in the Presidential Election.
       The Action of Congress and the President.
       The Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act.

       For more than a decade prior to the presidential election of
       1908 the popular demand for a revision of the exorbitantly
       protective duties imposed by the so-called Dingley Tariff of
       1897 had been steadily rising in the United States, and making
       itself heard by men in public life. It had penetrated the mind
       of the great captain-general of the protectionist forces.
    {641}
       President McKinley, as early as 1901, and his last public
       utterance, addressed to a multitude at the Pan American
       Exposition, in Buffalo, on the 5th of September, the day
       before he was struck down by a murderous anarchist, contained
       this wise admonition on the subject:

       "We have a vast and intricate business, built up through years
       of toil and struggle, in which every part of the country has
       its stake, which will not permit of either neglect or of undue
       selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will subserve it. The
       greatest skill and wisdom on the part of manufacturers and
       producers will be required to hold and increase it. … Our
       capacity to produce has developed so enormously, and our
       products have so multiplied, that the problem of more markets
       requires our urgent and immediate attention. Only a broad and
       enlightened policy will keep what we have. No other policy
       will get more. … We must not repose in fancied security that
       we can forever sell everything and buy little or nothing. If
       such a thing were possible, it would not be best for us or for
       those with whom we deal. We should take from our customers
       such of their products as we can use without harm to our
       industries and labor. Reciprocity is the natural outgrowth of
       our wonderful industrial development under the domestic policy
       now firmly established. What we produce beyond our domestic
       consumption must have a vent abroad. … If perchance some of
       our tariffs are no longer needed for revenue or to encourage
       and protect our industries at home, why should they not be
       employed to extend and promote our markets abroad?"

    TARIFFS: The Party-Platform Promises of 1908.

       But President McKinley’s words fell on deaf ears, among those
       to whom he had been leader and guide in this department of
       economic policy hitherto. They gave no heed to his new
       counsels of moderation for seven years. Even treaties of
       commercial reciprocity, which he had learned to appreciate
       since his own tariff-making was done, were negotiated in vain
       by the executive department of Government, to be scorned and
       rejected by the Senate. By 1908, however, the claim of the
       many-millioned consumers of the nation, for some relief from
       the intolerable cost to which almost every necessary of living
       had been worked up by the protective tariff lever, had risen
       to a pitch which compelled some attention from the managers of
       political parties and drew from them promises in the
       "platforms"  prepared for the presidential and congressional
       canvassing of that year.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908, APRIL-NOVEMBER)

       The National Republican Convention at Chicago, which nominated
       Mr. Taft for the presidency, made this distinct and emphatic
       pledge:

       "The Republican party declares unequivocally for a revision of
       the tariff by a special session of Congress, immediately
       following the inauguration of the next President, and commends
       the steps already taken to this end, in the work assigned to
       the appropriate committees of Congress, which are now
       investigating the operation and effect of existing schedules.
       In all tariff legislation the true principle of protection is
       best maintained by the imposition of such duties as will equal
       the difference between the cost of production at home and
       abroad, together with a reasonable profit to American
       industries. We favor the establishment of maximum and minimum
       rates to be administered by the President under limitations to
       be fixed in the law, the maximum to be available to meet
       discriminations by foreign countries against American goods
       entering their markets, and the minimum to represent the
       normal measure of protection at home."

       The National Convention, at Denver, of the Democratic party,
       supposedly confirmed in opposition to the whole theory of
       tariff protection by all its doctrinal history, made this
       declaration:

       "We favor immediate revision of the tariff by the reduction of
       import duties. Articles entering into competition with
       trust-controlled products should be placed upon the free list,
       and material reductions should be made in the tariff upon the
       necessaries of life, especially upon articles competing with
       such American manufactures as are sold abroad more cheaply
       than at home, and graduated reductions should be made in such
       other schedules as may be necessary to restore the tariff to a
       revenue basis."

       The Republican Party elected its candidate for the presidency,
       with a majority in Congress, and was given the greater
       opportunity to redeem its pledge, while the Democratic Party
       obtained sufficient representation in both branches of
       Congress to aid and influence the promised revision with
       important effect. President Taft, in his inaugural address,
       spoke impressively of the urgent duty thus laid on Congress,
       saying:

       "A matter of most pressing importance is the revision of the
       tariff. In accordance with the promises of the platform upon
       which I was elected, I shall call Congress into extra session,
       to meet on the fifteenth day of March, in order that
       consideration may be at once given to a bill revising the
       Dingley act."

    TARIFFS:
       The Making of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff.

       The new Congress, as called by the President, was convened on
       the 15th of March, 1909, and a provisional tariff bill was
       introduced in the House of Representatives on the 18th by
       Chairman Payne of its Ways and Means Committee. This Bill was
       a product of the work of the House Committee of the preceding
       Congress, which had been giving hearings on successive tariff
       schedules since November. Naturally the protected interests
       swarmed to Washington, with attorneys and technical experts,
       and their side of every argument for and against existing
       duties was heard in its most persuasive form. Naturally, too,
       the unprotected consumers, less able to combine, were
       represented at the hearings in no such potent way, and their
       side of most arguments, according to all accounts, was but
       feebly pressed. Mr. Charles Francis Adams, who has the habit
       of plain speech, wrote a letter to Congressman McCall, of
       Massachusetts, while these hearings were in progress, in which
       he characterized a conspicuously greedy part of the clamorers
       for high duties in terms that were savagely rough, but not
       entirely undeserved. "Speaking after the fashion of men," he
       said, "they are either thieves or hogs. I myself belong to the
       former class. I am a tariff thief, and I have a license to
       steal. It bears the broad seal of the United States and is
       what is known as the ‘Dingley Tariff.’ I stole under it
       yesterday; I am stealing under it today; I propose to steal
       under it to-morrow.
    {642}
       The Government has forced me into this position, and I both do
       and shall take full advantage of it. I am therefore a tariff
       thief with a license to steal. And—what are you going to do
       about it? The other class come under the hog category; that
       is, they rush, squealing and struggling, to the great
       Washington protection trough, and with all four feet in it
       they proceed to gobble the swill. … To this class I do not
       belong. I am simply a tariff thief. … But, on the other hand,
       I am also a tariff reformer. I would like to see every
       protective schedule swept out of existence, my own included.
       Meanwhile, what inducement have I to go to Washington on a
       public mission of this sort? A mere citizen, I represent no
       one. … Meanwhile, have it well understood that my position is
       exactly the position of tens of thousands of others scattered
       throughout the country; to ask us to put aside our business
       affairs and at our own expense to go to Washington on a
       desperate mission is asking a little too much."

       The Bill introduced by Mr. Payne was under debate in the House
       for three weeks, and passed on the 10th of April. In the
       Senate it was then nominally taken into consideration by the
       Finance Committee of that body, but that Committee, in fact,
       under the dominating lead of its chairman, Senator Aldrich,
       framed a new and protectively stiffened Bill, changed in 847
       particulars from that of the House. A little more than twelve
       weeks were required for this more arduous labor of Mr.
       Aldrich, which the Senate approved by the passage of the Bill
       on the 8th of July. On the 9th it went to a conference
       committee of the two Houses; and there the President’s
       influence, not much exerted, apparently, until now, wrung a
       few important concessions to the great public of consumers,
       which the special interests guarded by a majority in Congress
       had been determined not to yield. The American people owe it
       to President Taft’s insistence that their shoes may be
       cheapened by a free importation of hides, and that lumber for
       their houses and coal for warming them may come from Canada at
       a slightly lower rate of duty than before; but he failed to
       loosen the grip of the woolen and cotton interests on the
       protected prices at which they are clothed.

       After twenty days of battle the conferees reached agreement,
       July 29; the House adopted their report on the 31st, the
       Senate on the 5th of August. It was signed at once by the
       President, and went into effect the next day.

       In the House the Bill was adopted by a vote of 195 to 183,
       twenty Republicans voting against it and two Democrats in its
       favor. In the Senate the vote stood 47 to 31, the negative
       including seven Republicans, and one Democratic senator
       recording himself on the side of the Bill. The opposing
       Republicans in both Houses were stigmatized as "insurgents,"
       and the autocratic Speaker of the House, Cannon, of Illinois,
       presumed, so far as the powers of his office would stretch, to
       "read them out" of their party. In their struggle to secure a
       more honest fulfilment of the election promises of both
       parties, and more loyalty to the welfare of the people at
       large, the Republican "insurgents" had no such compact and
       earnest support from the Democrats of Congress as even party
       considerations gave reason to expect.

       After signing the Bill, the President gave out a statement for
       publication, in part as follows:

       "I have signed the Payne tariff bill because I believe it to
       be the result of a sincere effort on the part of the
       Republican party to make a downward revision, and to comply
       with the promises of the platform as they have been generally
       understood, and as I interpreted them in the campaign before
       election.

       "The bill is not a perfect tariff bill or a complete
       compliance with the promises made, strictly interpreted, but a
       fulfilment free from criticism in respect to a subject matter
       involving many schedules and thousands of articles could not
       be expected. It suffices to say that, except with regard to
       whiskey, liquors, and wines, and in regard to silks and as to
       some high classes of cottons—all of which may be treated as
       luxuries and proper subjects of a revenue tariff—there have
       been very few increases in rates.

       "There have been a great number of real decreases in rates,
       and they constitute a sufficient amount to justify the
       statement that this bill is a substantial downward revision,
       and a reduction of excessive rates.

       "This is not a free trade bill. It was not intended to be. The
       Republican party did not promise to make a free trade bill.

       "It promised to make the rates protective, but to reduce them
       when they exceeded the difference between the cost of
       production abroad and here, making allowance for the greater
       normal profit on active investments here. I believe that while
       this excess has not been reduced in a number of cases, in a
       great majority, the rates are such as are necessary to protect
       American industries, but are low enough, in case of abnormal
       increase of demand, and raising of prices, to permit the
       possibility of the importation of the foreign article, and
       thus to prevent excessive prices."

       "The administrative clauses of the bill and the customs court
       are admirably adapted to secure a more uniform and a more
       speedy final construction of the meaning of the law. The
       authority to the President to use agents to assist him in the
       application of the maximum and minimum section of the statute,
       and to enable officials to administer the law, gives a wide
       latitude for the acquisition, under circumstances favorable to
       its truth, of information in respect to the price and cost of
       production of goods at home and abroad, which will throw much
       light on the operation of the present tariff and be of primary
       importance as officially collected data upon which future
       executive action and executive recommendations may be based.

       "The corporation tax is a just and equitable excise measure,
       which it is hoped will produce a sufficient amount to prevent
       a deficit, and which, incidentally, will secure valuable
       statistics and information concerning the many corporations of
       the country, and will constitute an important step toward that
       degree of publicity and regulation which the tendency in
       corporate enterprises in the last twenty years has shown to be
       necessary."

    {643}

    TARIFFS:
       New Apparatus of Tariff Administration.

       The President’s remarks in the next to the last paragraph of
       the above statement have reference to an important section of
       the Tariff Act, which authorized the creation of a Board of
       General Appraisers, a Customs Court of Appeals, and an agency
       for the collection of information. The Board is to consist of
       nine general appraisers of merchandise, the salary of each to
       be $9,000 per annum, who shall possess all the powers of a
       Circuit Court of the United States. To these general
       appraisers all cases of dissatisfaction with the amount and
       rates of duties levied by the appraisers and assistant
       appraisers at the various ports would be referred; the board
       to exercise both judicial and inquisitorial functions. The
       Customs Court was to be composed of a presiding Judge and four
       associate Judges appointed by the President, each to receive a
       salary of $10,000 per annum; to be a Court of Record, with
       jurisdiction limited to Customs cases, and to have several
       judicial circuits, including Boston, New York, Philadelphia
       and Baltimore, New Orleans and Galveston, Chicago, Seattle,
       Portland and San Francisco, and such other places as may be
       found necessary.

       More important, however, than either of these creations was
       the third one, embodied in a brief clause of the Act, which
       reads:

       "To secure information to assist the President in the
       discharge of the duties imposed upon him by this section, and
       the officers of the Government in the administration of the
       customs laws, the President is hereby authorized to employ
       such persons as may be required."

       The President availed himself promptly of this permission to
       have assistance from a commission or bureau of tariff
       information, and on the 11th of September it was announced
       that he had chosen for the service three well-qualified
       gentlemen, namely: Professor Henry C. Emery, of Yale,
       chairman; James B. Reynolds, of Massachusetts, assistant
       secretary of the treasury, and Alvin H. Sanders, of Chicago,
       editor and proprietor of the Breeders’ Gazette. In announcing
       the selection of the board, the following statement was made
       at the Executive Offices: "The President and the secretary of
       the treasury have agreed upon the plan that these three
       gentlemen are to constitute the board and are to be given
       authority to employ such special experts as may be needed in
       the investigation of the foreign and domestic tariff."

       The important direction that was given at once by President
       Taft to this Tariff Board, as he has named it, was explained
       in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, as follows:

       "An examination of the law and an understanding of the nature
       of the facts which should be considered in discharging the
       functions imposed upon the Executive show that I have the
       power to direct the tariff board to make a comprehensive
       glossary and encylopædia of the terms used and articles
       embraced in the tariff law, and to secure information as to
       the cost of production of such goods in this country and the
       cost of their production in foreign countries. I have
       therefore appointed a tariff board consisting of three
       members, and have directed them to perform all the duties
       above described. This work will perhaps take two or three
       years, and I ask from Congress a continuing annual
       appropriation equal to that already made for its prosecution.
       I believe that the work of this board will be of prime utility
       and importance whenever Congress shall deem it wise again to
       readjust the customs duties. If the facts secured by the
       tariff board are of such a character as to show generally that
       the rates of duties imposed by the present tariff law are
       excessive under the principles of protection as described in
       the platform of the successful party at the late election, I
       shall not hesitate to invite the attention of Congress to this
       fact, and to the necessity for action predicated thereon.
       Nothing, however, halts business and interferes with the
       course of prosperity so much as the threatened revision of the
       tariff, and until the facts are at hand, after careful and
       deliberate investigation, upon which such revision can
       properly be undertaken, it seems to me unwise to attempt it.
       The amount of misinformation that creeps into arguments pro
       and con in respect to tariff rates is such as to require the
       kind of investigation that I have directed the tariff board to
       make, an investigation undertaken by it wholly without respect
       to the effect which the facts may have in calling for a
       readjustment of the rates of duty."

    TARIFFS:
       The Corporation Tax.

       The Corporation Tax mentioned in the final paragraph of the
       President’s statement is one imposed by an incongruous section
       of the Tariff Act, designed for revenue additional to the
       expected yield of import duties. It exacts one per cent. of
       the net earnings in excess of $5000 of all corporations, joint
       stock companies, and associations organized for profit and
       having a capital stock represented by shares, and all
       insurance companies. Foreign corporations are liable for the
       tax to the extent of their business in the United States. The
       net income upon which the tax is paid is to be ascertained by
       deducting from the gross income of the corporation all
       ordinary and necessary expenses of operation and maintenance;
       all uncompensated losses actually paid within the year on its
       bonded or other indebtedness not exceeding the paid-up capital
       stock; all Federal and State taxes already paid and all
       amounts received by it as dividends upon stock of other
       corporations subject to the tax hereby imposed.

       Holding corporations were exempted in the original Bill. That
       exemption was struck out, but the Conference Committee adopted
       the original clause. Corporations exempted from the tax
       are:—Labour organizations, fraternal beneficiary societies,
       orders or associations operating under the lodge system, and
       providing for the payment of life, sick, accident, and other
       benefits to their members and dependents; domestic building
       and loan associations organized and operated exclusively for
       the mutual benefit of their members, and any corporation or
       association organized and operated exclusively for religious,
       charitable, or educational purposes, no part of the profits of
       which inures to the benefit of any private stockholder, or
       individual, but all the profit of which is in good faith
       devoted to these purposes.

    TARIFFS:
       Two Opposite Views of the new Tariff.

       The Payne-Aldrich Tariff has been and will long be a subject
       of bitterly contentious discussion, from opposite standpoints
       of disgusted disappointment and happy satisfaction, before a
       large indifferent audience, which takes such legislation as
       belonging to an established order of conditions in the United
       States. For a fair presentation of the conflicting judgments,
       two carefully chosen reviews of the Act, from the two points
       of view, by unquestionably representative writers, are quoted
       below. The first is from President Woodrow Wilson, of
       Princeton University, as follows:

    {644}

       "The methods by which tariff bills are constructed have now
       become all too familiar and throw a significant light on the
       character of the legislation involved. Debate in the Houses
       has little or nothing to do with it. The process by which such
       a bill is made is private, not public; because the reasons
       which underlie many of the rates imposed are private. The
       stronger faction of the Ways and Means Committee of the House
       makes up the preliminary bill, with the assistance of
       ‘experts’ whom it permits the industries most concerned to
       supply for its guidance. The controlling members of the
       Committee also determine what amendments, if any, shall be
       accepted, either from the minority faction of the Committee or
       from the House itself. It permits itself to be dictated to, if
       at all, only by the imperative action of a party caucus. The
       stronger faction of the Finance Committee of the Senate, in
       like fashion, frames the bill which it intends to substitute
       for the one sent up from the House. It is often to be found at
       work on it before any bill reaches it from the popular
       chamber. The compromise between the two measures is arranged
       in private conference by conferees drawn from the two
       committees. What takes place in the committees and in the
       conference is confidential. It is considered impertinent for
       reporters to inquire. It is admitted to be the business of the
       manufacturers concerned, but not the business of the public,
       who are to pay the rates. The debates which the country is
       invited to hear in the open sessions of the Houses are merely
       formal. They determine nothing and disclose very little. …

       "One extraordinary circumstance of the debates in the Senate
       should receive more than a passing allusion. The Republican
       party platform had promised that the tariff rates should be
       revised and that the standard of revision should be the
       differences between the cost of producing the various articles
       affected in this country and in the countries with which our
       manufacturers compete. One of our chief industrial competitors
       is now Germany, with its extraordinary skill in manufacture
       and the handicrafts and its formidable sagacity in foreign
       trade; and the Department of State, in order to enable
       Congress the more intelligently to fulfil the promises of the
       party, had, at the suggestion of the President, requested the
       German Government to furnish it with as full information as
       possible about the rates of wages paid in the leading
       industries of that country,—wages being known, of course, to
       be one of the largest items in the cost of production. The
       German Government of course complied, with its usual courtesy
       and thoroughness, transmitting an interesting report, each
       portion of which was properly authenticated and vouched for.
       The Department of State placed it at the disposal of the
       Finance Committee of the Senate. But Senators tried in vain to
       ascertain what it contained. Mr. Aldrich spoke of it
       contemptuously as ‘anonymous,’ which of course it was not, as
       ‘unofficial,’ and even as an impertinent attempt, on the part
       of the German Government, to influence our tariff legislation.
       It was only too plain that the contents of the report made the
       members of the controlling faction of the Finance Committee
       very uncomfortable indeed. … It would have proved that the
       leaders of the party were deliberately breaking its promise to
       the country. It was, therefore, thrown into a pigeonhole and
       disregarded. It was a private document.

       "In pursuance of the same policy of secrecy and private
       management, the bill was filled with what those who discovered
       them were good-natured or cynical enough to call ‘jokers,’
       —clauses whose meaning did not lie upon the surface, whose
       language was meant not to disclose its meaning to the members
       of the Houses who were to be asked to enact them into law, but
       only to those by whom the law was to be administered after its
       enactment. This was one of the uses to which the ‘experts’
       were put whom the committees encouraged to advise them. They
       knew the technical words under which meanings could be hidden,
       or the apparently harmless words which had a chance to go
       unnoted or unchallenged. Electric carbons had been taxed at
       ninety cents per hundred; the new bill taxed them at seventy
       cents per hundred feet;—an apparent reduction if the
       word feet went unchallenged. It came very near escaping the
       attention of the Senate, and did quite escape the attention of
       the general public, who paid no attention at all to the
       debates, that the addition of the word feet almost doubled the
       existing duty.

       "The hugest practical joke of the whole bill lay in the
       so-called maximum and minimum clause. The schedules as they
       were detailed in the bill and presented to the country,
       through the committees and the newspapers,—the schedules by
       which it was made believe that the promise to the country of a
       ‘downward’ revision was being kept by those responsible for
       the bill, were only the minimum schedules. There lay at the
       back of the measure a maximum provision about which very
       little was said, but the weight of which the country may come
       to feel as a very serious and vexatious burden in the months
       to come. In the case of articles imported from countries whose
       tariff arrangements discriminate against the United States,
       the duties are to be put at a maximum which is virtually
       prohibitive. The clause is a huge threat. Self-respecting
       countries do not yield to threats or to ‘ impertinent efforts
       on the part of other Governments, to affect their tariff
       legislation.’ Where the threat is not heeded we shall pay
       heavier duties than ever, heavier duties than any previous
       Congress ever dared impose.

       "When it is added that not the least attempt was made to alter
       the duties on sugar by which every table in the country is
       taxed for the benefit of the Sugar Trust, but just now
       convicted of criminal practices in defrauding the Government
       in this very matter; that increased rates were laid on certain
       classes of cotton goods for the benefit, chiefly, of the
       manufacturers of New England, from which the dominant party
       always counts upon getting votes, and that the demand of the
       South, from which it does not expect to get them, for free
       cotton bagging was ignored; that the rates on wool and woollen
       goods, a tax which falls directly upon the clothing of the
       whole population of the country, were maintained unaltered;
       and that relief was granted at only one or two points,—by
       conceding free hides and almost free iron ore, for
       example,—upon which public opinion had been long and anxiously
       concentrated; and granted only at the last moment upon the
       earnest solicitation of the President,—nothing more need be
       said to demonstrate the insincerity, the uncandid, designing,
       unpatriotic character of the whole process. It was not
       intended for the public good. It was intended for the benefit
       of the interests most directly and selfishly concerned."

          Woodrow Wilson,
          The Tariff Make-Believe
          (North American Review, October, 1909).

    {645}

       The second quotation is from an article in The Atlantic
       Monthly, by Honorable Samuel W. McCall, Congressman from
       Massachusetts, setting forth reasons for a moderate
       satisfaction with the Act:

       "The certain method of determining just what the Payne Act
       does, is, as I have said, to take its paragraphs in detail and
       scrutinize the new duties in comparison with those which they
       have supplanted. Such a course will show the exact character
       and number of the increases and decreases. Those who have no
       other means of comparison at hand may safely take the table
       prepared by the Honorable Champ Clark of Missouri, Democratic
       leader in the House of Representatives, and produced by him
       July 31 last, in his speech in the House of Representatives
       against the Conference Report on the bill. It is true that in
       commenting upon it he showed that he was a trifle rusty on his
       Cobden, and made the amount of actual revenue the test,—a
       method only less weird than that based upon the average ad
       valorem, for it is demonstrable that a purely free-trade
       tariff after the British model would provide us a greater
       revenue than does the Payne Act. While the table given by Mr.
       Clark exaggerates in some cases the extent of the increases,
       it will clearly appear from it that on the whole the decreases
       so vastly outnumber the increases as to make the new law seem
       almost revolutionary in character. If one takes the schedules
       in their order, he will find in the first schedule, which
       relates to chemicals, that the increases are a bare half-dozen
       in number, and include fancy soaps and alkaloids of opium and
       cocaine, while the decreases are more than fifty, and include
       many of the articles which are in general consumption, such as
       sulphur, various forms of soda, potash, lead, and sulphate of
       ammonia, the last of which is put on the free list.

       "The second schedule shows a slight increase upon the smaller
       sizes of plate glass, and this increase is many times offset
       by decreases upon fire and other brick, gypsum, various kinds
       of window-glass, nearly all the grades of marble, and other
       important articles.

       "In the metal schedule there is an increase in fabricated
       structural steel, zinc ore, and a very few other items, some
       of which relate to articles not manufactured when the Dingley
       law was passed; but, on the other hand, the basic article of
       iron ore is reduced from forty to fifteen cents per ton, the
       lowest ad valorem that it has had in the history of the
       country; pig iron is reduced from four dollars to two dollars
       and a half per ton, scrap iron and steel from four dollars to
       one dollar per ton, bar iron from six-tenths to three-tenths
       of a cent a pound, cotton ties from five-tenths to
       three-tenths of a cent per pound, steel rails from seven
       dollars and eighty-four cents to three dollars and ninety-two
       cents per ton. There are nearly a hundred other reductions in
       the metal schedule: in fact, the reductions in this schedule
       are so general, and in some cases so drastic, that it may be
       said, practically, that these duties have been cut in two.

       "The lumber schedule shows but two unimportant increases,
       while the schedule generally is cut nearly forty per cent. One
       grade of sawed boards is reduced from one dollar to fifty
       cents per thousand feet, and all other sawed lumber from two
       dollars to a dollar and a quarter per thousand. Fence posts
       are put on the free list. Dressed lumber, telephone poles,
       railroad ties, and other important products of wood, are very
       much reduced.

       "Notwithstanding the attempt that is being made to create a
       sectional feeling in the West, the only schedule covering
       necessary articles in which increases predominate is the
       agricultural schedule. The duties are also increased upon
       champagnes and other wines, brandy, ale, beer, tobacco, silks,
       high-priced laces, and various other articles, which for want
       of a better term, are called luxuries.

       "Bituminous coal is reduced from sixty-seven cents to
       forty-seven cents per ton, which with the exception of a very
       brief period, is in value the lowest duty we have ever imposed
       upon it.

       "Agricultural implements are reduced, and a provision added
       admitting them free of duty from any country which admits our
       agricultural machinery free.

       "Works of art more than twenty years old are put on the free
       list.

       "Hides of cattle are put on the free list, and an enormous
       reduction made, not merely on all the products of these hides,
       but on nearly all articles of leather. Sole leather is cut
       from twenty to five per cent ad valorem, upper leather from
       twenty to seven and a half per cent, and boots and shoes from
       twenty-five to fifteen per cent, and, on important kinds, to
       ten per cent. … The two great textile schedules are
       practically unchanged. The wool duty is politically the most
       powerful of any in the tariff. The farmers of the country have
       been pretty thoroughly educated to the belief, whether rightly
       or wrongly, that the free-wool agitation, culminating in the
       tariff of 1894, was responsible for the slaughter of their
       flocks. Their representatives formed the strongest single
       element behind the passage of the Dingley law; and, in the
       session just ended, their strength was so great as to
       discourage any assault upon the wool duties. These duties
       range from forty to more than one hundred per cent of the
       value, and so long as they are maintained at such a high point
       it is idle to talk of any very material reduction on woolens
       or worsteds. The centre of the entire schedule is the duty
       upon wool. … Every duty in this schedule from top to bottom
       might have been cut ten per cent without trenching upon the
       necessary amount of protection.

       "The Dingley duties upon cottons were greatly less than those
       in the woolen schedule. This was doubtless due to the fact
       that we are the great cotton-producing nation, and our
       manufacturers are at no disadvantage in raw material with any
       of their foreign competitors. … These duties are so
       complicated that it is difficult for one who is not an expert
       to understand them; but according to the best experts, they
       are, at least, no higher in the Payne Act than the Dingley
       duties were intended to be, and were interpreted to be for
       four years after the passage of the act."

    {646}

       The following is from an article in the American Review of
       Reviews, September, 1909:

       "Summing up the changes made in the tariff as shown in the
       various Senate documents, the new act has increased the
       Dingley rates in 300 instances, while reducing them in 584
       cases. The increases affect commodities imported in 1907 to
       the value of at least $105,844,201, while the reductions
       affect not more than $132,141,074 worth of imports. Four
       hundred and forty-seven million dollars’ worth of imports (on
       the basis of 1907) remain subject to the same duties as under
       the Dingley tariff. That is to say, 65 per cent of the total
       imports remain subject to the old rates, more than fifteen per
       cent of the total will be subject to higher duties, the
       average increase amounting to 31 per cent. over the Dingley
       rates; and less than 20 per cent. of the imports are to be
       subject to lower duties, the reduction being estimated about
       23 per cent. below the Dingley rates. All of these figures
       greatly underestimate the increases of duty for the following
       reasons: First they do not take into account the numerous
       changes (nearly all increases of duty) due to classification,
       similar to the instances cited in the case of sawn wood,
       structural iron, and cotton cloth; second a large part of the
       imports subject to ad valorem duties will now be assessed on
       the basis of domestic prices instead of the prices in foreign
       markets (with due allowance for freight and duty), as has
       hitherto been the case; and, finally, the possibility, even if
       remote, of the application of maximum rates to imports from
       some of the foreign countries, which will amount on the
       average to an increase of more than 50 per cent. over the new
       rates. The real increase of duty will not be accurately known
       for a year, until we have full returns of the imports and
       duties actually levied under the new law under the decisions
       of the Board of General Appraisers and the new Customs Court."

    TARIFFS:
       Certain Outside Effects.

       As between the United States and France, the situation
       produced by the new Tariff Act, which caused existing
       commercial agreements between the two countries to be
       abrogated on the 31st of October, 1909, was explained as
       follows in a Press despatch of September 22 from Washington:

       "The State Department has received from Consul-General Mason
       at Paris the text of the announcement by the French government
       of the abrogation of the several commercial agreements with
       the United States by the action of President Taft in
       conformity with the provisions of our new tariff act.

       "‘Under and in consequence of these conditions,’ the French
       announcement says, ‘there is reason to decide that the decrees
       dated July 7, 1893, May 28, 1898, and February 21, 1903, which
       constitute the measure of the application of the
       Franco-American agreement for merchandise produced in the
       United States and the Island of Porto Rico shall cease to be
       enforced on October 31, 1909.’

       "On that date the articles produced in the United States and
       exported to France will pay what is known in France as its
       general tariff, but which in effect is its maximum rates of
       duty. The principal articles of export from the United States
       under this agreement are mineral oils and coffee from Porto
       Rico. At the same time articles imported from France into the
       United States under these agreements will pay our regular or
       highest rate. These include canned meats, fresh and dried
       fruits, manufactured and prepared pork meats, lard, and a few
       other articles of less importance."

       The effect of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act on trade between
       the United States and Canada was left an open question,
       dependent on a decision which President Taft must make on or
       before April 1, 1910. Section 2 of the Law expressly provides
       the President with power to treat "any dependency, colony, or
       other political subdivision having authority to adopt and
       enforce tariff legislation" as a separate fiscal entity. The
       question for the President to decide is whether Canada, by
       reason of her preferential treatment of the Mother Country or
       by reason of the commercial treaty which she is about to
       conclude with France, will be judged guilty of "undue
       discrimination" and unworthy of the minimum rates.

       Looked at from the English standpoint, it is thought that he
       "can hardly declare so natural a relationship as the existing
       British preference to be ‘unduly’ discriminatory when a
       similar relationship exists between Cuba and the United
       States, and when Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippines
       actually enjoy reciprocal free trade with America and with
       America alone."

       A more practical consideration in the matter, however, is that
       suggested in the following, from a Boston newspaper, which
       remarks:

       "According to the Department of Commerce and Labor, there are
       now 147 branch factories in Canada, representing a capital of
       $125,000,000, established by United States concerns which
       formerly supplied their Canadian trade with the product of
       industry on this side the national border. This is the result
       of retaliatory legislation in Canada invited by our own tariff
       against Canadian imports. If further tariff war is invited by
       the imposition of the maximum schedules against Canada, still
       more United States capital will go over the line to provide
       employment and wages for Canadian workmen."

       The Monetary Times, of Toronto, made an exhaustive
       inquiry on this subject late in 1909, and found 168 American
       manufacturing concerns in Canada, representing an estimated
       investment of $226,000,000.

       The spirit in which President Taft will interpret the maximum
       and minimum clause of the Act, and exercise his discretion in
       applying it, was indicated by him in his Message to Congress,
       December 6, 1909, when he said: "By virtue of the clause known
       as the ‘Maximum and Minimum’ clause, it is the duty of the
       Executive to consider the laws and practices of other
       countries with reference to the importation into those
       countries of the products and merchandise of the United
       States, and if the Executive finds such laws and practices not
       to be unduly discriminatory against the United States,
       the minimum duties provided in the bill are to go into force.
       Unless the President makes such a finding, then the maximum
       duties provided in the bill, that is, an increase of 25 per
       cent. ad valorem over the minimum duties, are to be in force.
       Fear has been expressed that this power conferred and duty
       imposed on the Executive is likely to lead to a tariff war. I
       beg to express the hope and belief that no such result need be
       anticipated.

    {647}

       "The discretion granted to the Executive by the terms ‘unduly
       discriminatory’ is wide. In order that the maximum duty shall
       be charged against the imports from a country, it is necessary
       that he shall find on the part of that country not only
       discrimination in its laws or the practice under them against
       the trade of the United States, but that the discriminations
       found shall be undue; that is, without good and fair reason. I
       conceive that this power was reposed in the President with the
       hope that the maximum duties might never be applied in any
       case, but that the power to apply them would enable the
       President and the State Department through friendly
       negotiation to secure the elimination from the laws and the
       practice under them of any foreign country of that which is
       unduly discriminatory. No one is seeking a tariff war or a
       condition in which the spirit of retaliation shall be
       aroused."

       On the 19th of January, 1910, the President issued the first
       of his proclamations relative to the operation of the maximum
       and minimum rates of duty. Six countries, namely Great
       Britain, Russia, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and Turkey, were
       designated as entitled to the minimum rates. Negotiations with
       Germany and France were understood to be still in progress,
       which might, it was hoped, clear away the differences that
       obstructed a similar concession to those countries. In the
       case of Germany, the difficulty related to the exclusion of
       American meats.

       A second proclamation, February 7, announced the conclusion of
       an agreement with Germany which gave to each country the
       minimum rates of the other. This agreement had been ratified
       by the Reichstag on the 5th.

       Negotiations with France and with Canada occupied more time,
       being protracted in the latter case almost to the limit of the
       period prescribed in the Act. Terms of agreement were arrived
       at in both instances, and, in the end, the President was not
       called on to apply the maximum rates to any country.

       ----------TARIFFS: End--------

    TARSUS:
       Moslem attack on Armenians.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    TARTARS:
       Holy War against Armenians in the Caucasus.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    TASHINCHIAO, Battle of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN; A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    TAVERA, DR. T. H. PARDO DE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.

    TAXATION:
       Graduated Taxation of Land.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1905.

    TAXATION:
       Progressive Taxation of Fortunes.

          See (in this Volume)
          WEALTH, THE PROBLEMS OF.

    TAYLOR, EDWARD R.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT: SAN FRANCISCO.

    TEACHERS:
       English and American Interchange of Visits.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: INTERNATIONAL INTERCHANGES.

    TEAMSTERS’ UNION:
       Strike at Chicago.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-JULY).

    TECHNICAL EDUCATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION.

    TEHERAN:
    TEHRAN:
       Revolutionary events in.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA.

    TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
       In France.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-MAY).

    TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
       In Russia.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE:
       In the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907.

    TELEGRAPHY.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ELECTRICAL.

    TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH MERGER, United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    TELISSU, Battle of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    TELLES, Sebastião.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    TEMPERANCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    TENEMENT HOUSE REFORM.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW YORK: A. D. 1900-1903.

    TERRITORIAL FORCE, THE BRITISH.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: MILITARY.

    TEWFIK PASHA.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    TEXAS: A. D. 1906-1909.
       Successful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce Oil Company.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    THEOTOKIS MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          GREECE: A. D. 1906, and 1909.

    THIBET.

          See TIBET.

    THOMSON, Sir Joseph:
       Presidential Address to British Association for the
       Advancement of Science, at Winnipeg.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: RECENT: PHYSICAL.

    THOMSON, J. J.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    TIBET: A. D. 1902.
       Russo-Chinese Treaty for Control of the Country.

       "A Russo-Chinese treaty concerning Tibet was negotiated [in
       the later months of 1902] … by Yung-lu. And as it had to be
       notified to the Chief-Lamas of the different Buddhist
       countries, it became possible to obtain the confidential
       communication of its text immediately on its conclusion. This
       text, which I published a month ago in the Frankfurter
       Zeitung, and which has since been admitted as correct by
       Russian semi-official papers, runs as follows:

       "Article 1st.
       Tibet being a territory situated between Central China and
       Western Siberia, Russia and China are mutually obliged to care
       for the maintenance of peace in that country. In case troubles
       should arise in Tibet, China, in order to preserve this
       district, and Russia, in order to protect her frontiers, shall
       despatch thither military forces on mutual notification.

    {648}

       "Article 2nd.
       In case of apprehension of a third Power’s contriving,
       directly or indirectly, troubles in Tibet, Russia and China
       oblige themselves to concur in taking such measures as may
       seem advisable for repressing such troubles.

       "Article 3d.
       Entire liberty in what concerns Russian orthodox as well as
       Lamaist worship will be introduced in Tibet; but all other
       religious doctrines will be absolutely prohibited. For this
       purpose, the Grand-Lama and the Superintendent of the Orthodox
       Peking Mission are bound to proceed amicably and by mutual
       assent, so as to guarantee the free propagation of both
       religions and take all necessary measures for avoiding
       religious disputes.

       "Article 4th.
       Tibet shall be made, gradually, a country with an independent
       inner administration. In order to accomplish this task, Russia
       and China are to share the work. Russia takes upon herself the
       reorganisation of the Tibetan military forces on the European
       model, and obliges herself to carry into effect this reform in
       a good spirit and without incurring blame from the native
       population. China, for her part, is to take care of the
       development of the economic situation of Tibet, and especially
       of her progress abroad."

          Alexander Ular,
          England, Russia, and Tibet
          (Contemporary Review, December, 1902).

    TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.
       British Enforcement of Unfulfilled Promises.
       The Peaceful Mission of Colonel Younghusband which forced
       its way to Lhasa.

       For a dozen years prior to 1902 there had been unfulfilled
       promises from China to India of a settlement of trade
       relations between Tibet and the latter, so far as the nominal
       suzerain at Peking had power to settle them. In that year the
       Chinese Government proposed to send a Commissioner to the
       Tibetan frontier to discuss matters there, and the Viceroy of
       India, assenting promptly to the proposal, commissioned
       Colonel Younghusband, in June, 1903, to proceed, with the
       British Political Officer in Sikkim, to Khamba Jong, for a
       meeting with Chinese and Tibetan representatives. The mission
       was escorted by 200 native troops, and reached the meeting
       place in July, but found no Chinese or Tibetan envoys on the
       spot. It remained encamped at the appointed place for six
       months or more, Colonel Younghusband returning personally
       meantime to Simla to report the situation and receive
       instructions. A reserve force was stationed in Sikkim to
       protect the mission in case of need.

       Early in 1904 the mission moved forward, over the Tang Pass,
       to Tuna, where it halted again until the end of March, no
       envoys appearing, but many marks of hostility shown. Then,
       after being reinforced,—as the intention of Tibetans to oppose
       its further advance had become plain,—its march was resumed.
       Thrice attacked within the next few days and forced to severe
       fighting, it reached Gyangtse on the 11th of April, where it
       was halted again until near the end of June, in a camp
       established on the plain. There Colonel Younghusband received
       a communication from the Chinese Resident or Amban at Lhasa,
       promising to meet him in three weeks. This was followed
       immediately however by a fierce attack of the Tibetans on the
       British camp. The assault was repelled, but bombardment of the
       camp was opened from a neighboring fort. The Mission now
       abandoned attempts to maintain its peaceful character, and
       with approval of the governments behind it, both in India and
       Great Britain, prepared to force its way to Lhasa and extort
       fulfilment of the promises on the strength of which it had
       been sent. General Macdonald, who held the military command,
       brought up further reinforcements, and the expedition, now
       numbering about 1000 British and 2000 native troops, after
       capturing the fort at Gyangtse which had harassed it, set
       forth on its march to Lhasa July 14th. It met with slight
       resistance in the Karola Pass, across which a wall had been
       built; but otherwise it found little but the natural obstacles
       of the mountain country to overcome. Lhasa was reached, but
       not entered in force, on August 3d. The Dalai Lama had left
       the city, but had appointed an intelligent monk to act as
       regent in his place. With him and with the Chinese Amban
       Colonel Younghusband succeeded in negotiating the treaty
       desired, which was signed September 7th. As soon as possible
       thereafter the expedition started on its return, but suffered
       severely from the cold and snows of the mountains before India
       was reached. Its total death roll was 411, of which only 37
       officers and men had died from battle-wounds.

       By the treaty secured, the Tibetan Government was pledged to
       carry out former agreements concerning the marking of
       boundaries and the opening of trade at three marts; to arrange
       a fixed tariff; to maintain certain roads from the frontier;
       and to make no territorial, political, or commercial
       concession to any foreign Power without granting similar or
       equivalent concessions to Great Britain. It also undertook to
       pay an indemnity for the cost of the British expedition,
       pending the payment of which the Chumbi Valley should be held
       by a British force.

    TIBET: A. D. 1907.
       Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Tibet.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1907 (AUGUST).

    TIBET: A. D. 1910.
       Chinese Authority strengthened in Tibet.
       Flight of the Dalai Lama.
       His formal Deposition.

       The Dalai Lama, who had fled from Lhasa in 1904, on the
       approach of the British expeditionary force under Colonel
       Younghusband, did not return to Tibet until more than five
       years later. Meantime he had visited Peking, where he was
       coldly received, and seems to have wandered widely through the
       Empire. During his absence the Chinese authority in Tibet had
       been strengthened, and his return was followed by a
       considerable reinforcement of troops to support the Ambans who
       represent the Chinese Government at Lhasa. Exactly what
       friction arose then has not yet been made clear; but, in
       February, 1910, the Lama fled again from his capital, into
       India, and on the 25th he was solemnly deposed from his sacred
       office by an imperial decree.

    TIEN-TSIN:
       Delivered to the Chinese Viceroy.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1902.

    TIGER HILL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    TILAK, BAL GANGADHAR:
       His Trial and Imprisonment.

          See (in this Volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1907-1908.

    TIRPITZ, Admiral:
       On German Navy-building.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    TISZA MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1902-1903; 1905-1906.

    {649}

    TITTONI MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1905-1906.

    TOBACCO FARMERS’ UNION, IN KENTUCKY:
       Its Night-Riders.

          See (in this Volume)
          KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909.

    TOBACCO TRUST:
       Suit of the Government against it.
       Report of Commissioner of Corporations.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES:
          A. D. 1901-1906; 1905-1906; 1907-1909; and 1909.

    TOGO, Admiral:
       In the Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY), and after.

    TOLSTOI, COUNT LYOFF:
       His Challenge to the Russian Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1909.

    TOMUCHENG.

       See (in this Volume)
       JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    TORONTO: A. D. 1909.
       Meeting of International Council of Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          WOMEN, INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF.

    TOWN-PLANNING LEGISLATION.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOCIAL BETTERMENT: ENGLAND; A. D. 1909.

    TRADE BOARDS BILL, THE ENGLISH.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES REGULATION.

    TRADE UNIONS.
       Disputes.
       Agreements:

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION.

    TRANSANDINE RAILWAY TUNNEL.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: ARGENTINE-CHILE.

          en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transandine_Railway

    TRANS-MISSOURI FREIGHT ASSOCIATION, The Case of the.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1890-1902.

    TRANSVAAL, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA.

    TREPOFF.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    TRIPLE ALLIANCE, THE: A. D. 1902.
       Renewal.

       The Triple Alliance of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy,
       originally negotiated in 1879, was renewed in June, 1902, for
       twelve years from May, 1903.

    TRIPLE ALLIANCE, THE: A. D. 1905.
       Effect of the Defeat of Russia in the War with Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1904-1909.

    TROUBETZKOI, PRINCE S. N.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    TRUSTS.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.

    TSAI-TSE, PRINCE: HIS MISSION ABROAD.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1905-1908.

    TSONTSHEFF, GENERAL:
       Operations in Macedonia.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.

    TSUSHIMA, NAVAL BATTLE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (OCTOBER-MAY).

    TUBERCULOSIS, THE CRUSADE AGAINST.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    TUNG FANG.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1906.

    TURBINE ENGINE.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT.

       ----------TURKEY: Start--------

    TURKEY: A. D. 1901.
       The Bulgarian Committee which directs Revolutionary
       Operations in Macedonia.
       Its Instructions to the Bands and Control of their Murders.

       "The Committee which was originally formed at Sofia for the
       purpose of conducting the nationalist campaign among the
       Macedonians has been the dominant factor in the later
       developments of the Macedonian problem, and is directly
       responsible for all the periodical outbreaks which students of
       Eastern politics have been accustomed to look for at the
       approach of spring during the last few years. The nature of
       this Society will be clearly appreciated from the following
       document, which sets forth in unequivocal terms both the
       Committee’s mission and the means resorted to for its
       fulfilment. This document was seized on the Bulgarian
       conspirators who in the spring of 1901 were arrested at
       Salonica, tried, sentenced to fifteen years’ incarceration at
       Rhodes, and permitted to escape a few months after. I obtained
       a literal translation of it from an official source at the
       time …:

       "‘Each armed band to consist of Bulgarians belonging to each
       particular district. Their duty is to carry out secretly the
       orders given by the president of the committee. The bands are
       armed with weapons furnished by the Committee. These bands are
       formed by the revolutionary committees of each district or
       village, and receive the military training necessary for their
       purpose. These bands depend on the committees, and in their
       turn distribute arms among those whom they enrol or gain over
       to the cause. … The armed bands are placed under the command
       of the local committees in accordance with the following
       rules:

       "‘To obey received instructions. By means of persuasion or
       intimidation to place new recruits at the committees’
       disposal. To put to death the persons indicated by the
       committees. … Each band, under the command of the
       revolutionary committee established in the district, to be
       ready to raise the standard of revolt on being so ordered by
       the local committee, which cannot act except by the order of
       the president of the Sofia committee. … The bands shall also
       commit political crimes: that is to say, they shall kill and
       put out of the way any person who will attempt to hinder them
       from attaining their ends, and shall immediately inform the
       Sofia committee of the crimes committed. The instructions of
       the bands must be kept quite secret, as the least indiscretion
       may lead to great disaster. … "Acts of personal vengeance,
       attacks on villages, and generally all kinds of unauthorised
       attempts to raise a revolution are strictly forbidden, and
       those who are guilty of such acts will be sentenced to death.
       No murder shall be committed by the bands without a previous
       decision taken by the committee, except those which are
       inevitable in an accidental encounter.’

       "The reports of the action of the Committee in Macedonia
       during the last twelve months alone form a dossier
       which leaves little doubt to the reader of average candour
       that the regulations printed above are not allowed to remain a
       dead letter, but that practice goes hand in hand with, or
       rather outstrips, precept. The exploits of the Committee and
       its brigands in the country may be classed under three heads:
       extortion, intimidation, provocation. …

    {650}

       "Cases of wanton massacre, though not so numerous as the
       atrocities committed with a material object in view, are not
       uncommon. The victims in these cases are generally
       Mohammedans. … The motive of these outrages is purely to
       provoke reprisals—that is, a general massacre—and then pose as
       the victims of Turkish cruelty and fanaticism, a cry which
       never fails to move the nations of Europe to sympathy and
       their Governments to intervention."

          G. F. Abbott,
          The Macedonian Question
          (Nineteenth Century, March, 1903).

    TURKEY: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Abduction of Miss Ellen M. Stone, by Brigands.
       The Ransom paid for her Release.

       In a communication to the President of the United States,
       March 24, 1908, the Secretary of State, Mr. Root, recited the
       circumstances which attended the abduction by brigands, in
       1901, of Miss Ellen M. Stone, an American missionary to
       Turkey, as she travelled the highway from Raslog to Djumabala
       in the Turkish Empire, and the necessary payment of a ransom
       to her captors, to secure her release. In the judgment of Mr.
       Root the Government should refund the ransom money to the
       citizens from whom it was obtained by subscription at the
       time, and his communication, as follows, was to that end:

       "Our diplomatic and consular representatives in Turkey, in
       correspondence with the Department of State, shortly after the
       capture, indicated their belief that the motive therefor was
       to obtain a ransom, and stated that they had requested the
       Turkish officials to abstain from too close pursuit of the
       brigands, lest the death of the captured might result. From
       later correspondence with our representatives it appeared that
       the brigands had retired to the mountains with the captive,
       probably over the border into Bulgaria. The exact location of
       the party during the captivity, however, is not established by
       any evidence in the possession of the Department of State, nor
       does it appear clearly of what government the bandits were
       subjects.

       "About October 1, 1901, the bandits opened negotiations for a
       ransom, demanding £25,000, and transmitting a letter from Miss
       Stone, asking that the sum demanded be paid and that pursuit of
       the brigands by the Turkish troops be stopped. Our diplomatic
       representatives were of the opinion that Miss Stone’s release
       could only be obtained by the payment of the ransom, and the
       State Department shared this view. Miss Stone’s friends, of
       course, entered into correspondence with the Department
       regarding the payment of the ransom, and were told that it
       must be raised by private means.

       "On October 3, 1901, the State Department wrote to the
       Reverend Judson Smith, of the American Board of Commissioners
       for Foreign Missions, Boston, Massachusetts, as follows: ‘It
       seems imperative that the amount (of the ransom) should be
       raised or pledged, so as to be available by your treasurer at
       Constantinople in season to save Miss Stone. Statutory
       prohibitions make it impossible for this Government to advance
       the money or guarantee its payment. If paid by Miss Stone’s
       friends, every effort will be made to obtain reimbursement
       from whichever government may be found responsible under
       international law and precedent. In the event of its proving
       impossible to hold any foreign government responsible for the
       capture and to secure the repayment of the money, this
       Government is willing in the last resort to urge upon Congress
       as strongly as possible to appropriate money to repay the
       missionaries.’

       "It is claimed that this assurance given by the Department in
       its letter to Mr. Smith, to the effect that, as a last resort,
       a recommendation would be made to Congress looking toward the
       appropriation of a sum sufficient to pay the donors, was
       largely instrumental in enabling Miss Stone’s friends to
       secure the sum of $66,000, which was raised through public
       subscription in this country by October 23, 1901, for the
       purpose of effecting Miss Stone’s release. After negotiations
       of considerable length, the brigands finally consented to
       accept the amount raised and arrangements were made by United
       States Minister Leishman for the payment of the money at a
       point near Bansko, Macedonia, the Turkish authorities
       consenting to withhold their troops from the vicinity of the
       place in order that the negotiations might have a successful
       issue. The release of the captive was not obtained so soon as
       expected, but was finally reported by Minister Leishman on
       February 23, 1902.

       "After careful consideration of all the facts my predecessor,
       Mr. Hay, decided on January 19, 1905, that it was not
       advisable to attempt to hold the Turkish Government
       responsible for the capture and to secure the repayment of the
       money. Upon the subsequent application for reconsideration of
       this decision Mr. Hay again, on April 11, 1905, reaffirmed the
       judgment which he had originally expressed. Upon a further
       review of the same subject I have come to the conclusion that
       it is not advisable to reverse or change the conclusion which
       Mr. Hay reached.

       "It would seem, therefore, that the Executive Department is
       bound to make good its promise to recommend to Congress that
       money be appropriated to repay the ransom money, a promise
       which was probably relied upon by many of those who
       contributed of their private means to save the life of an
       American citizen believed to be in the gravest peril.
       Accordingly I have the honor to advise that Congress be
       recommended to appropriate an amount sufficient to repay the
       contributors."

          60th Congress 1st Session, Senate Document No. 408.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Conventions for Building the Bagdad Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1909.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Insurgent operations in Macedonia.
       Horrible Retaliatory Atrocities.
       Misery of the Macedonian Peasants.
       Contradictory Reports and Views of the Situation.

       Insurgent operations in Macedonia were opened in the fall of
       1902 and continued the following year, and into 1904. Besides
       an activity of insurgent bands and collisions with Turkish
       soldiery, there were many dynamite explosions, wrecking a bank
       at Salonica, blowing up a railway train, a passenger steamer,
       and other outrages of that kind. Then came confused and
       revolting accounts of a terrible retaliation by the Turks.
       According to Dr. Dillon, the monthly reviewer of "Foreign
       Politics" for The Contemporary Review, the substantial
       facts of what occurred were these:

    {651}

       "The insurrection in Macedonia planned by outsiders and fixed
       for last autumn [1902] proved abortive. The first shot should
       have been fired in August, but the members of the
       revolutionary agencies which organised the scheme quarrelled
       among themselves at the Congress held during that month in
       Sofia, and then split up into hostile factions. In the
       committee of one of these sections, General Tsontsheff
       occupied the foremost position, and he resolved on his own
       initiative to stir up the Macedonians to rebellion. Now it
       should be borne in mind that all these committees are composed
       of so-called outsiders—that is to say, mainly Macedonian
       refugees in Bulgaria, and that whether their aim be to get the
       provinces annexed to Bulgaria or Servia, or to demand simple
       autonomy, they meet with but little sympathy and less active
       support in Macedonia itself, where there is a very intelligent
       native organisation in favour of self-government. Tsontsheff
       was therefore left largely to his own resources. On the 23rd
       of September his adjutant, Nikoloff, crossed the frontier, but
       owing to the Shipka festivities, it was not until the 15th of
       October that Tsontsheff himself, who had meanwhile escaped
       from prison, took the field. The scene of action was the
       valley of the Struma, which a week later was wholly occupied
       by the Turks, and the insurrection, which had hardly even
       flashed, suddenly fizzled and went out. The natives warned by
       their own committee had generally held aloof. But there were
       people among them who, not content with holding back, resolved
       to act in the spirit of the admonitions vouchsafed to them by
       the Great Powers, and ordered the revolutionary bands to quit
       the country, and when the latter refused, actually drove them
       off with arms in their hands. …

       "When the people had gone home the Turks came to search for
       arms. The peasants denied that they possessed any, and then
       the work of torture began. All who could, ran away, and, owing
       to the height of the mountain passes and the enormous
       snowdrifts, had to leave their wives and children behind.
       Before this calamity overtook the place, the district of
       Razlog had twelve hamlets and 3,665 Bulgarian houses
       containing about 25,000 inmates. Of these Madame Bakhmetieff,
       the American wife of the Russian minister in Sofia, counted
       961 fugitives, besides some hundreds who found a refuge in the
       Peshtshersky district. The entire number of able-bodied men
       driven away from Razlog alone is about 1,500!

       "In that loyal and well-conducted district there were fourteen
       churches with twenty-two priests; of the latter eight escaped
       to Bulgaria, one was killed, one arrested, and the fate of the
       remainder is unknown. According to the statement of the priest
       who, having made good his escape, found an asylum in the
       Principality, their churches were defiled and destroyed by the
       Turks. A considerable number of the remaining peasants are
       said to have perished on the way over the mountains. Over
       one-third, therefore, of the male population of the best
       behaved district of Macedonia has been thus forced to flee the
       country. …

       "We have the authority of Madame Bakhmetieff—who travelled
       about in the deep snow with the thermometer at 22 Celsius
       below freezing point, to bring succour to the fugitives—for
       saying that two priests of the villages of Oranoff and Padesh
       were tortured in a manner which suggests the story of St.
       Lawrence’s death. They were not exactly laid on gridirons, but
       they were hung over a fire and burned with red hot irons. In
       the Djumaisk District six churches were destroyed, and the
       Church of St. Elias was turned into a stable, while the shrine
       dedicated to the same saint in Shelesnitza was converted into
       a water closet. The churches of Padesh, Troskoff and Serbinoff
       were razed to the ground; the school buildings in the Djumaisk
       District were used as barracks, and the teachers put in prison
       or obliged to flee. The horror of the situation is
       intensified, Madame Bakhmetieff says, by the fact that large
       numbers of fugitives have been driven back by the Turks into
       the interior southwards towards Seres, where their horrible
       sufferings and their miserable end will be hidden from all who
       might give them help or pity."

          E. J. Dillon,
          The Reign of Terror in Macedonia
          (Contemporary Review, March, 1903).

       Another view of the Macedonian situation is presented in the
       following, from another of the English reviews:

       "The Macedonian problem is desperate mainly because it has
       been overlaid with abstractions. We talk of trouble in the
       Balkans, of insurgent excesses, and Turkish atrocities,
       without realising that these occasional and startling
       phenomena are the product of a misery that is as constant as
       it is uninteresting—and unbearable. We think of Turkish
       misrule as an isolated and irrational fact, without
       comprehending that it is a highly organised and quite
       intelligent system, designed to promote the profit of a small
       minority of officials, tax farmers, and landlords. It rests on
       a substantial basis of corrupt and anti-social interest. The
       political mismanagement is the least of all the evils it
       produces. The reality behind the whole muddle of racial
       conflicts, beyond the Chauvinism of the Balkan peoples and the
       calculations of the greater Powers, is the unregarded figure
       of the Macedonian peasant, harried, exploited, enslaved,
       careless of national programmes, and anxious only for a day
       when he may keep his warm sheepskin coat upon his back, marry
       his daughter without dishonour, and eat in peace the bread of
       his own unceasing labour. All our efforts might fail to bestow
       upon him an ideal government—there are not the makings of a
       harmonious nation in Macedonia. But politics are, after all, a
       mere fraction of life. While Servia earns the contempt of the
       civilised world, the Servian peasant sows in hope and reaps in
       peace, keeping for winter evenings the tale of murdered
       forbears and ravished ancestors. The Macedonian villager is
       ignorant. But his leaders have heard of a far-off England
       which twenty-five years ago flung them back under the heels of
       the Turk, after Russia had won their freedom at San Stefano.
       The tale runs that this same England then guaranteed them, at
       Berlin, the amplest of reforms. And thereupon these simple men
       will talk about their rights. It is for these they are
       fighting."

          H. N. Brailsford,
          The Macedonian Revolt
          (Fortnightly Review, September, 1903).

    {652}

       And still a third view in this which follows:

       "The Turks are honestly doing their best to administer justice
       indifferently. Again and again during my travels in Macedonia
       I have admired the energy of Valis and Kaimakams, who hold
       thankless posts with courage and determination. If the
       Albanians could be kept in order and Bulgarian anarchism could
       be suppressed, there would be no grievances in Macedonia
       to-day. The Albanians are turbulent sportsmen, engaging as
       individuals, but intolerable as neighbours. They must be made
       to understand that no further nonsense will be permitted. The
       Porte would be quite capable of reducing them to order if they
       had not a powerful protector at hand. The Porte could also
       reduce the Bulgarian conspirators if she did not fear to
       arouse prejudice in Europe. The echo of former Bulgarian
       ‘atrocities’ (as resolute government was dubbed), paralyses
       effective action. The Turks cannot punish Christian criminals
       so long as Exeter Hall is on the qui vive to defend
       them. Give the Sultan a free hand, and the Macedonian
       conspiracy may be ended in a few weeks."

          Herbert Vivian,
          The Macedonian Conspiracy
          (Fortnightly Review, May, 1903).

       The British Government received the following representation
       of facts from its Minister to Bulgaria, Mr. Elliott, in a
       despatch dated May 19, 1903.

       "There are some points which appear to me to be too frequently
       lost sight of in apportioning responsibilities for occurrences
       in Macedonia. In the first place, the term ‘Bulgarian’ is
       applied indiscriminately to subjects of the Principality and
       to Macedonians of Bulgarian race, and the former are made to
       bear the blame for the actions of the latter. In the same way,
       it appears to be believed that the ‘Bulgarian bands’ which
       make incursions into Macedonia from the territory of the
       Principality are composed of Bulgarian subjects, whereas the
       latter probably do not contribute more than 10 per cent, of
       the number of incursionists, the remainder being all
       Macedonians, of whom there are some 200,000 in the
       Principality."

       The same Minister wrote from Sophia on the 1st of July: "All
       the reports received concur in stating that every Turkish
       official, civil and military, from Hilmi Pasha downwards, look
       to war as the only means of escape from a situation which is
       becoming intolerable. It is obvious that in such a war both
       sides would have much to lose and little material advantage to
       gain; but the Turks argue that if they could administer a
       crushing defeat to Bulgaria, of which they have no doubt, they
       would, even if they were afterwards obliged to withdraw,
       obtain some years’ peace in Macedonia, by the destruction of
       what they have been taught to believe, with some justification
       in the past, is the centre of disaffection, though the real
       cause of it is to be sought in their own maladministration.
       The Bulgarians, although believing that the conquest of
       Bulgaria would not prove the easy matter that the Turks seem
       to imagine, are, for the most part, under no illusions as to
       their ability to hold out single-handed against the Ottoman
       Empire; they are unprepared, and they have apparently been
       deserted by their protectors. They are, therefore, sincere in
       their desire to do everything to avoid a conflict. But it does
       not rest with them to avoid it. The Macedonian agitators will
       naturally do all they can to provoke a war. It is therefore of
       the most urgent importance that an attempt should be made by
       the Turkish Government to restore the conditions of life in
       Macedonia to something like their normal state. If the
       persecutions of the last few weeks continue, it will be
       impossible for the Government to restrain the Macedonians
       established in this country."

          Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1875.

       The condition of suffering in the region of country tormented
       by this inhuman strife is indicated by such despatches as the
       following, from the British Vice-Consul at Monastir, writing
       September 23, 1903:

       "According to the best data actually available, the number of
       persons now wandering on the mountains homeless and destitute
       cannot be estimated at less than 40,000, while the number of
       Christians massacred may be safely put down at 3,000. Some of
       my colleagues, notably the Austrian, French, and Italian
       Consuls, have sent even higher figures to their embassies."

          Parliamentary Papers
          (Turkey, No. 2, 1904), Cd. 1879.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
       The Mürzsteg Programme of Reforms in the Administration of
       Macedonia.

       During a meeting of the Emperors of Austria-Hungary and
       Russia, in 1903, at Mürzsteg, in the Austrian Alps, a plan of
       supervised administration in Macedonia (known since as the
       Mürzsteg Programme), to be pressed on the Turkish Government,
       was agreed upon by the two sovereigns and their advisers. With
       the assent and support of the other Powers in Europe this was
       submitted to the Porte, and was accepted in principle on the
       25th of November; but it was not until the following May that
       it could be said to have been brought at all into action.
       Turkey "agreed

       (1) to the appointment, for two years only, of Austrian and
       Russian civil agents, with a limited staff of dragomans and
       secretaries, to reside in the same place as the
       Inspector-General, and to make tours in the interior,
       accompanied by a Turkish official, to question the inhabitants
       as to their grievances;

       (2) to the appointment of an Italian general to reorganize the
       gendarmerie;

       (3) to consider the question of altering the administrative
       districts so as to establish a more regular grouping of the
       various nationalities;

       (4) that neither race nor religion shall be a hindrance to
       official employment;

       (5) that an amnesty shall be granted to all persons implicated
       in the insurrection, except those guilty of dynamite outrages;
       and

       (6) to exempt the inhabitants of destroyed villages from all
       taxation for one year."

          Annual Register, 1904, page 318.

       General De Giorgis, of Italy, was appointed to the command of
       the gendarmerie. Hostility to the arrangements of the Mürzsteg
       programme in Albania was carried to the extent of open
       warfare, and a number of serious engagements between Turkish
       and Albanian forces occurred. Other collisions between the
       various quarreling races—Greek, Bulgarian and Servian—were not
       stopped by the reorganized gendarmerie. Turkish action
       and inaction afforded about equal occasion for Bulgarian
       complaints; but in April the Bulgarian and Turkish governments
       came to mutual agreements, that the former would stop the work
       of revolutionary committees within her territory, and that the
       latter would carry out the reforms of the Mürzsteg programme
       in good faith. No effective performance of either engagement
       appears to have been secured.

    {653}

    TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Incursions of Armenian
       Revolutionists from Russia and Persia into Asiatic Turkey.
       Exaggerated accounts of retaliatory Massacre.

       Many bands of revolutionary Armenians who crossed the
       frontiers from Russia and Persia during 1903 and 1904, making
       incursions into Armenian Turkey, and bringing upon the
       inhabitants there the tender mercies of Turkish troops, appear
       to have been acting generally in cooperation with the
       Bulgarian revolutionists in Macedonia. The consequent
       barbarities were dreadful enough, no doubt, but were found to
       be greatly exaggerated in the reports current at the time.
       This was the conclusion of the British Ambassador to Turkey,
       derived from investigations made on the ground by a consular
       officer who traversed it with care. In a despatch dated August
       16, 1904, the Ambassador, Sir N. O’Conor, related a
       conversation on the subject that he had had with the Armenian
       Patriarch, Mgr. Ormanian, as follows:

       "In the course of conversation I told his Beatitude that I had
       heard with deep concern the statements he had made to several
       newspaper correspondents, to the effect that he believed that
       between 6,000 and 9,000 persons had been massacred in the
       Sasun and Talori districts during the late troubles, and that
       I deeply regretted that upon my applying for precise
       information which would enable me to make earnest
       representations to the Grand Vizier, his Beatitude has sent me
       word that he was unable to indicate the places at which these
       massacres had taken place or to affirm that his reports were
       based on really trustworthy information. His Beatitude replied
       that he had had no means of controlling these reports, and
       that he had communicated them to others as he had received
       them. I said that, judging from the reports of His Majesty’s
       Consul at Van, who had visited many of the districts in
       question, the numbers of victims mentioned by his Beatitude
       was grossly exaggerated. Captain Tyrrell was more inclined to
       estimate the number at 900 than 9,000, and he had, moreover,
       been unable to confirm the statements in the public press that
       there had been any massacre of Armenians in the ordinary sense
       of these words, although, no doubt, many innocent persons had
       been killed both by the insurgents and the troops. … I did not
       despair of following to the end the investigations which had
       been set on foot by the Grand Vizier. If, however, his
       Beatitude could now furnish me with more definite information,
       I would do all in my power, in conjunction with my French and
       Russian colleagues, to bring about a searching investigation
       on the spot. Mgr. Ormanian replied that he was not in a
       position to give me this information."

    TURKEY: A. D. 1903-1905.
       A "Holy War" in Arabia.
       The Sheik Hamid Eddin contesting the Caliphate
       with the Sultan.

       "Under the obscure heading of ‘Rebellion in the Yemen,’ a
       series of brief telegrams has recently appeared in the British
       and American press, describing in skeleton language the
       exploits of Sheik Hamid Eddin, the Sovereign of Hadramaut,
       against the troops of the Turkish Sultan. Absorbed in the
       contemplation of the Far-Eastern struggle, neither the writers
       nor readers of the newspapers have yet found leisure to
       reflect upon the meaning of the movement, which the Lord of
       the Land of Frankincense is leading. … But the Government in
       Constantinople, though it would fain throw dust in the eyes of
       Europe, is itself painfully conscious of the menacing
       character of the challenge which has gone forth from Arabia.
       It is, indeed, impossible for it any longer to doubt that
       Hamid Eddin, the namesake of Abdul Hamid, is contesting not
       only the possession of Yemen, but also the spiritual supremacy
       of Islam. A Holy War, in fact, has started in Arabia, and upon
       its issue depend the fate of Mecca and the title of Caliph. …

       "For several years, the propaganda proceeded on comparatively
       peaceful lines. Only occasionally it was marked by collisions
       with the Turkish troops. But, towards the end of 1903, the
       Sheik entered the northern district of the Yemen and laid
       siege to the Turkish garrison of Assyr. The engagement ended
       disastrously for the Turks. … For a whole year the Turks
       refrained from attempting any serious resistance to the
       Arabian movement. In February of this year, however, they
       succeeded in inflicting on Hamid Eddin a slight reverse, which
       the authorities in Constantinople, for political reasons, at
       once magnified into a disaster."

          W. F. Bullock,
          The Fight for the Caliphate
          (North American Review, August, 1905).

    TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Demand in Crete for Union with Greece.
       Resignation of Prince George as High Commissioner.
       Appointment of M. Zaimis.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Anti-British agitation in Egypt.
       Encroachments on the Sinai Frontier.
       The Tabah Incident.

          See (in this Volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1905-1906.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1905-1908.
       Continued Reign of Terror in Macedonia.
       Financial Reform forced on Turkey by a Naval Demonstration.
       Barbaric Warfare of Greek and Bulgarian Bands.
       Efforts of Great Britain to secure further action by the Powers.

       On the 17th of January, 1905, the Austro-Hungarian and Russian
       Governments proposed to supplement the Mürzsteg Programme by a
       measure of financial reform, which would empower the agencies
       of the Imperial Ottoman Bank to "act as Treasurer and
       Paymaster-General in the three vilayets of Salonika, Kossovo
       and Monastir," to receive the net revenues of those vilayets,
       and to "be intrusted with the issue of payments of whatever
       nature and in whatever form." The Turkish Government submitted
       a counter proposition, somewhat to the same purpose, on the
       5th of March; and, after much discussion between the six great
       Powers, of Austria-Hungary, Russia, Germany, Great Britain,
       France, and Italy, they joined in a note to the Sublime Porte,
       on the 8th of May, accepting the Turkish project of financial
       reform, provided the Porte would consent to complete it by
       adding the following:

       "To supervise the execution of the financial reforms and the
       application of the preceding Regulation, and to insure its
       observation, the Governments will each nominate a financial
       Delegate. These Delegates of the four Powers will act in
       concert with the Inspector-General and the Austro-Hungarian
       and Russian Civil Agents, whose functions were defined in the
       Mürzsteg programme. The Commission thus formed will have all
       the powers necessary for the accomplishment of its task, and
       particularly for the supervision of the regular collection of
       taxes, including also the tithe.
    {654}
       Before being finally settled, the budgets must be submitted to
       the Commission, which will have the right to amend, under the
       head of receipts and expenditure, any provision which may be
       inconsistent with the existing laws or unsuited to the
       economic and financial requirements of the country. With a
       view to facilitating its task, the Commission will have the
       power of nominating for each vilayet an inspector charged with
       the supervision of the agents employed in the different
       services of the Treasury."

       The Porte declined to acquiesce in a proposal which it
       declared to be "contrary to the essential principles of the
       maintenance of the rights and independence of the Imperial
       Government." The demand was persisted in by the six Powers,
       inflexibly, and resisted as determinedly by the Sultan and his
       Ministers, during more than six months of parley. By that time
       the Powers had arranged for a joint naval demonstration, and
       landed forces at Mytilene on the 26th of November. This
       brought the Turkish Government to terms; details of the
       financial reform were settled on the 16th of December, 1905,
       and the international fleet was withdrawn.

       Meantime conditions in the wretched country for which these
       attempted reforms of government were being so deliberately and
       laboriously prepared do not seem to have been much improved,
       if at all. On the 4th of September, the British Ambassador,
       Sir N. O’Conor, forwarded to his Government "a statistical
       résumé of the despatches recording occurrences in Macedonia"
       sent to him "by His Majesty’s Consuls at Salonica, Uskup, and
       Monastir between the 1st of January and the 27th of August,"
       giving "the number of deaths for which the various
       nationalities and organizations are responsible" in those
       eight months of the year. The statistics were as follows:

       Christians killed by Bulgarian Komitajis [Committees], 69;
       Moslems killed by Bulgarian Komitajis, 60;
       Christians killed by Greek Komitajis, 211;
       Moslems killed by Servian Komitajis, 12;
       Christians killed by Servian Komitajis, 10:
       total, 362.

       Troops killed by various bands, 60;
       Bulgar Komitajis killed by troops, 145;
       Greek Komitajis killed by troops, 38;
       Serb Komitajis, killed by troops, 83;
       total 326.

       Christians murdered by Moslems, 43;
       Christians killed during military operations, 54;
       total 97.

       Throughout the next two years the monthly reports of British
       consular officers and the despatches of the Ambassador at
       Constantinople, as published in the British Blue Books, are
       monotonous in their sickening enumeration of single murders,
       wholesale massacres, destruction of villages, flights to the
       mountains of starving refugees,—outrages and miseries beyond
       description. On the 10th of June, 1906, the Consul-General at
       Salonika wrote:

       "The general state of insecurity in the disturbed areas tends
       to grow worse rather than better, chiefly owing to the
       increase in the numbers and activity of the Greek bands and a
       slight recrudescence of Moslem crime, the most remarkable
       cases of which are attributed to a band of fifteen Albanians,
       who at the beginning of the month infested the forest country
       north of Niausta, where they robbed and murdered with
       impunity. The fact that their victims were nearly all Greeks
       has given rise to the belief in Greek circles that they have
       been acting in the interests of the Vlach and Bulgarian
       propagandas, though, so far as I know, there is no evidence
       whatever in support of this theory. The operations of Turkish
       troops have been on the whole very successful as against the
       small Bulgarian and Servian bands which still kept the field.
       Four of the former and two of the latter were totally
       destroyed, with comparatively small loss to the soldiery. It
       will be seen that the loss of life by violence again amounts
       to over 200 during the month. Of armed revolutionaries, about
       40 Bulgarians, 19 Servians and 26 Greeks were accounted for,
       at a loss to the Turkish army of 23 killed. The great majority
       of the unarmed victims were Bulgarians, of whom 33 were killed
       by Greek bands, 15 by soldiers or in operation by the troops,
       about 15 by the Moslems, and 12 by Bulgarian Komitajis of
       rival factions; while 11 Vlachs were killed by Greek bands, 14
       Greeks by Albanian brigands, 1 Greek by Bulgarian Komitajis,
       and 6 Mussulmans by Greek revolutionaries."

       Conditions were still the same at the end of another year, and
       in December, 1907, the British Government addressed a
       memorandum on the subject to France and similarly to the other
       Powers, reciting some of the recent facts reported by its
       consular officers, and saying: "These facts and the
       circumstances of the outrages committed afford striking
       evidence of the manner in which the gradual extermination of
       the Christian inhabitants is being tolerated in Macedonia,
       where the Ottoman authorities have displayed an utter
       incapacity to maintain public tranquility. It therefore
       devolves upon the Powers to suggest the adoption of measures
       which will put an end to such a condition of affairs, and His
       Majesty’s Government earnestly hope that the French Government
       will give their most serious consideration to the proposals
       which they are about to put forward. … His Majesty’s
       Government are profoundly convinced that the time has now
       arrived when General Degiorgis and the foreign Staff Officers
       should be intrusted with a full measure of executive control,
       and when the force under his command should be properly
       qualified for effective action by a substantial increase in
       numbers and an adequate equipment."

       To this communication there was no encouraging response from
       any other Government; and on the 3d of March, 1908, the
       British Foreign Minister, Sir Edward Grey, reopened the
       subject, expressing the regret with which His Majesty’s
       Government had received the replies made to their proposals.

       "The situation is not beyond remedy, but it cannot be remedied
       by half-measures. Were a Governor of Macedonia to be appointed
       who would be given a free hand and be irremovable for a term
       of years except with the consent of the Powers, and were an
       adequate force of gendarmerie and European officers placed at
       his disposal, His Majesty’s Government are convinced that the
       country might be cleared of bands and pacified in a short
       time."

    {655}

       The measure proposed to other Powers by the British
       Government, in this communication of the 3d of March, 1908,
       obtained the assent of none, but it opened a discussion of the
       subject between London and St. Petersburg which brought Great
       Britain and Russia together, in joint action that gave promise
       of effective results. The negotiations ensuing, between the
       two Governments led to the drafting of two schemes of further
       reform in Macedonia, to be pressed upon the Porte. Great
       Britain accepted the Russian scheme, submitted in the form of
       an aide mémoire, dated July 2, 1908. Some inkling of
       this new programme, which the European Concert of Powers was
       about to be asked to support, had been given to the public by
       this time, and it seems to have precipitated a revolutionary
       conspiracy for the self-reformation of Turkish Government,
       which had been in the process of organization for many years,
       and which had now drawn near to the point of open action.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1906.
       A Troublesome Punctilio removed.
       The United States represented at Constantinople
       by an Ambassador.

       "According to usage in Constantinople, an Ambassador may
       obtain an audience at any time with the Sultan, and force many
       items through even against the influence of both the Palace
       and the Porte. But every representative lower than an
       Ambassador can never appear before the Sultan except when
       called for by His Gracious Majesty. This invitation can be
       secured sometimes by indirect means; but when, for any reason,
       the Sultan does not wish to see a Minister of any foreign
       Power, the Palace officials can baffle him, if necessary, for
       years. Now, the American representative is called ‘Envoy
       Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,’ and is outranked
       by every Ambassador to Turkey. Hence, he lacks the
       all-important privilege of approaching the Sultan uninvited."

          Americus,
          Some Phases of the Issues between
          the United States and Turkey
          (North American Review, May, 1906).

       The obstacle to American influence with the Turkish Government
       which is explained in the statement above was removed in 1906,
       by raising the diplomatic representative of the United States
       at Constantinople to the rank of Ambassador.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1907-1909.
       The Cretan Situation as dealt with by
       the Four Protecting Powers.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRETE: A. D. 1907-1909.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1908.
       Building the Damascus to Mecca Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: ASIATIC: A. D. 1908.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (March).
       The Races in Macedonia.
       Struggle for Political Predominance.
       The Bulgarian Propaganda.

       "Macedonia, although a country of numerous tribes and tongues,
       has a population of which the chief ethnic elements are Serbs,
       Bulgarians, and Greeks. The last-named are numerically the
       most important, while the Turks are, so to say, intruders.
       Between Bulgarians and Serbs, a bitter struggle has been waged
       for political predominance, each party being supported more or
       less effectively by its kindred in the kingdom of Servia or
       the Principality of Bulgaria. Both races in Macedonia speak
       almost the same language, profess the same religion, and
       inter-marry, so that the need of distinguishing between them
       did not arise until the Bulgarian Church, freeing itself from
       the Greek Patriarch, established an exarchate. Then all the
       flock of the Exarchate was deemed to consist of Bulgarians,
       although in reality many were Serbs; and the vigorous
       proselytising campaign carried on by agents from the
       Principality was successful in gathering many thousands more
       into the true fold.

       "Bulgaria had luck from the outset. Before this people had
       been freed from the Mohammedan yoke the Turkish Government
       favoured them because it hated the Serbs, who were believed to
       be trying to gather together all Slavs and to found a powerful
       Slav state. After the creation of the Bulgarian Principality
       the Turks continued to wink at the Bulgarian propaganda in
       Macedonia, because of Stambuloff’s anti-Russian and Turcophile
       policy. And in this way crowds of Macedonians were won over to
       the Bulgarian Exarchate. Moreover, the Prince’s Government
       warmly seconded the efforts of its agents. Money was spent
       liberally and judiciously. Many Macedonians who distinguished
       themselves at school were sent to finish their education at
       Sofia, where the most gifted among them received high places
       in the civil service or the army. In time, however, peaceful
       agitation gave way to filibustering expeditions, culminated in
       bloodshed, and drove the Turks to repressive measures against
       the Bulgarian element in Macedonia."

          E. J. Dillon,
          Foreign Affairs
          (Contemporary Review, March, 1908).

    TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (July-December).
       The Young Turk party and its Revolutionary organization.
       Its Plans hurried by the Anglo-Russian project of a
       new Macedonian Intervention.
       Beginning and Rapid Spread of Revolt.
       Proclamation of the Constitution of 1876.
       Yielding of the Sultan.
       Intense Joy in the Empire.
       Election of a Parliament.

       Until July 3, 1908,—the day after M. Isvolsky, Russian
       Minister of Foreign Affairs, had dated (as stated above) his
       aide mémoire of Macedonian Reform, which he and Sir
       Edward Grey were about to submit to the Powers,—the Turkish
       party since famous under the name of "the Young Turks" had
       attracted not much general attention, and, even in diplomatic
       circles, there does not seem to have been much known of the
       extraordinary work of revolutionary propagandism and
       organization it had done. Its leadership, seated at Salonika,
       had been in a Committee, named formerly the Committee of
       Liberty, but styled in later years the Ottoman Committee of
       Union and Progress. Of the rise and origin of this Young Turk
       party, the following account was written some years before it
       leaped into public fame, by the veteran apostle of political
       liberty, Karl Blind:

       "I remember its rise and origin in the sixties, when, between
       1867 and 1868, a small group of Turkish exiles—namely, Zia
       Bey, Ali Suavi, and Aghaia Effendi—lived in London. They
       published here and in Paris an ably conducted journal, called
       the Mukhbir (the ‘Advertiser’), copies of which are
       still in my library. That paper came out under the auspices of
       Mustafa Fazil Pasha, the well-known statesman who contributed
       so much to the spread of public instruction and of Liberal
       ideas by sending young students and others—among them, a
       distinguished poet, Kemal—to Paris and London. In the
       Mukhbir, parliamentary institutions and all other
       desirable reforms were advocated.

    {666}

       "In 1876, the Sofia rising at Constantinople at last brought
       about the introduction of a Charter under the young Sultan,
       who had just come to the throne—the present Abdul Hamid the
       Second. It was a popular movement, officered by the better
       educated class of Mohammedans. In a famous rescript, the
       Sultan said that ‘if his sire had lived longer, a
       constitutional era would have been inaugurated under him.
       Providence, however, had reserved for him (the son) the task
       of accomplishing this happy transformation, which is the
       highest guarantee of the welfare of his subjects.’ He went on
       to denounce ‘the abuses which are the result of the arbitrary
       rule of one or of some individuals.’ He then enumerated the
       various reforms to be accomplished by the National Assembly:
       responsibility of ministers; parliamentary right of control;
       independence of the courts of justice; equilibrium of the
       budget.

       "All races and all creeds were represented in that Parliament,
       which sat during 1877-1878: Turks and Armenians, Bulgars,
       Greeks, Albanese, Syrians, and Arabs; Mohammedans,
       Greco-Catholics, Armenian Christians, Protestants, and Jews.
       Its debates, through the whole of which I went carefully at
       the time in the French text of the Constantinople press,
       exhibited a remarkable degree of ability. I learnt afterwards,
       from men conversant with Turkish, and who had repeatedly been
       present at the sittings, that these official reports had even
       considerably toned down the liveliness of the discussions.

       "I need not refer to the activity of Midhat Pasha, nor go into
       the many useful reforms then debated, including freedom of the
       press; equality before the law; liberty in matters of public
       instruction; admission of all citizens, irrespective of race
       and creed, to the various public employments; an equal
       imposition of taxes; free exercise of every religious cult,
       and so forth. …

       "How did that Assembly come to grief? When the Russian army
       arrived before the gates of Constantinople [in 1878], the
       Sultan, pressed close by the Czar, and being at issue with the
       representatives of the people on account of the exile of
       Midhat and about budget questions, suddenly prorogued
       Parliament. Alexander the Second, the ‘Divine Figure from the
       North,’ was thus freed from the danger of hearing Liberal
       subjects of his own uttering the cry: ‘Let us, by way of
       reward for our sacrifices in blood and money in this war, have
       parliamentary government as in Turkey!’

       "Prorogued the Turkish National Assembly was, let it well be
       remembered—not abolished; not dissolved even. Ever since, the
       Young Turkish party has called for its restoration."

          Karl Blind,
          Macedonia and England’s Policy
          (Nineteenth Century, November, 1903).

       When it came to be known, in the spring or early summer of
       1908, that Great Britain and Russia were concerting a fresh
       proposal to the Powers of more thorough going intervention in
       Macedonian affairs, the Young Turk leaders are said to have
       been driven to a hurried rearrangement of their own plans.
       They had not expected, it seems, to be in readiness for a
       decisive movement until some months or a year hence; but they
       could not afford to have the Concert of Europe as well as the
       despotism of the Sultan to deal with in their revolutionary
       undertaking, contemplating as that did a state of government
       for Turkey which outside nations would have no right or need
       to be meddlesome with. Hence they hastened preparations for an
       explosion of the revolt they had organized so patiently, and
       its first outbreaks chanced to occur just as M. Isvolsky had
       signed and dated the statement of his scheme of intervention
       for communication to other Powers.

       The beginnings, on the 3d of July, were in the vilayet of
       Monastir, where the officers and soldiers of two battalions,
       at Resna and Presba, with some officials of the district,
       formed themselves openly into a "Young Turk" band, seized arms
       and the military chest, and went into the mountains. Similar
       movements in the Kossovo and Salonika vilayets followed
       quickly. On the 7th, at the city of Monastir, General Shemsi
       Pasha, when setting forth to take command of operations
       against the insurgents, was shot, and the soldiers of his
       escort were reported to have allowed the assassins to escape
       by firing in the air. Other murders of officers who showed
       activity against the rebels were soon announced. The Ottoman
       Committee of Union and Progress had now issued a manifesto,
       announcing that the object of their League was to secure the
       restoration of the Constitution of 1876, and appealing to the
       Great Powers "to show their good will towards the peoples of
       Turkey by earnestly urging His Majesty, the Sultan, to yield
       to the legitimate demands of his subjects, who are loyal,
       though in revolt against the shameful situation of their
       country." The Committee protested solemnly that the League
       entertained no hostility to non-Moslems; that it would avoid
       useless bloodshed, and employ "energetic methods" only in
       extreme cases against the enemies of liberty.

       By the 22d of the month the Sultan had become sufficiently
       alarmed to dismiss his Grand Vizier, Ferid Pasha, and call
       Kiamil Pasha, the former Grand Vizier, to his council again.
       Kiamil exacted conditions which his master was slow in
       yielding to, and he seems to have been Grand Vizier de
       facto for a short time before he accepted the responsible
       title. Change of Ministry, however, did not check the
       deepening and spreading of revolt. On the 23d of July the
       Young Turks, having complete possession of the cities of
       Monastir and Salonica, and of several lesser towns, made
       solemn proclamation of the Constitution, with popular
       demonstrations and ceremonies of prayer and speech in which
       Moslems and Christians were joined. That night the Sultan held
       long counsel with his Ministers, at the Palace, and before
       morning the reestablishment of the suspended Constitution of
       1876 was decided.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

       The morning papers of the 24th gave the decree to the public
       of Constantinople and the news of it was flashed throughout
       the Empire and to the ends of the earth. This was the message
       that went from the Grand Vizier to Hilmi Pasha, Inspector
       General at Salonika:

       "In compliance with the wish expressed by the people and by
       order of His Majesty the Sultan, the Constitution promulgated
       on the 11th (23d) December, 1876, which had for various reasons
       been withdrawn, has been again enforced. The General Assembly
       (Senate and Chamber of Deputies) may assemble on the terms
       prescribed by law. I beg you to convey this news to the
       public."

    {657}

       According to all accounts of the time, the feeling evoked by
       the announcement of a constitutionalized government—as soon as
       the long oppressed people could be persuaded of its actuality
       —was quite extraordinary, and it swept away temporarily, at
       least, the enmities of religion and race to a remarkable
       extent. What occurred, for example, at Beirut, in Syria, as
       described by a missionary, was probably not exceptional in
       that place. "Men gathered," he says, "in large groups.
       Audiences and orators sprung up like mushrooms. The torrent of
       eloquence that poured forth there was such as would put
       Niagara to shame. There were people mingling together there
       who during the past years had been bitterly antagonistic to
       each other, but who now were showing their friendship in
       public; Greek Orthodox and Mohammedan priests were embracing
       each other; branches were cut down from the trees; rugs were
       brought out from the houses; the streets were lined with
       people offering their hospitality to their new-found brothers;
       everywhere, even among the criminal classes, there were these
       evidences of good fellowship."

          Howard S. Bliss,
          Address to National Geographic Society,
          December 18, 1908.

       On the night of the 26th of July the Sultan received a
       deputation, headed by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, who petitioned for
       the removal of certain obnoxious favorites of the "Palace
       camarilla," and especially for the dismissal of the notorious
       Izzet Pasha, one of his secretaries, who was hated and feared
       above all. Abdul Hamid refused at first; but three days later
       he ordered Izzet Pasha into exile and disgraced Ismail Pasha,
       his Aide-de-camp, who was said to be the chief spy of the
       military schools. Izzet succeeded, a few days later, in
       escaping from the country, and so, undoubtedly, saved his
       life.

       On the 29th of July the British Ambassador at Constantinople,
       Sir G. Lowther, sent the following telegram to Sir Edward
       Grey:

       "The Sultan has sworn on the Koran, as Caliph, not to repeal
       the Constitution, and the Sheikh-ul-Islam has officially
       notified the oath, which was registered at his Department, to
       the people. It religiously binds not only Abdul Hamid but also
       his successors in the Caliphate to govern in accordance with
       the Constitution, and becomes part of the Sheri law. This step
       was demanded by the Young Turkey and Constitutional party, in
       order to prevent the Constitution being put aside, as was that
       of 1876." On the 31st, announcement was made in the morning
       papers of Constantinople that "a Hatti Humayun which is
       binding on the successors of the Sultan will be publicly read
       at the Porte confirming the Constitution." Subsequently, on
       sending a copy of this instrument to his Government, Sir G.
       Lowther remarked that "a Hatti Humayun is the most binding
       form of legislation in the Ottoman Empire." In the present
       case it seems to have supplemented as well as confirmed the
       original Constitution, pledging equality of freedom and of
       rights to all subjects of every race and religion; supremacy
       of law; inviolability of the individual domicile;
       inviolability of the Post; freedom of the Press; freedom of
       Education, etc., etc.

       The ministers and spies of the old regime of despotism and
       corruption were now proceeded against with celerity and vigor.
       Some escaped, some were imprisoned, some were killed by
       enraged crowds of people. The latter was the fate of Fehim
       Pasha, who had been at the head of the secret police. At the
       same time exiles of an opposite character were returning to
       their country and meeting with excited welcomes as they came.

       Kiamil Pasha took his proper place as Grand Vizier on the 7th
       of August, and formed a new Cabinet, with Tewfik Pasha as
       President of the Council of State and Minister of Foreign
       Affairs. In announcing the composition of the Cabinet,
       Ambassador Lowther remarked: "Kiamil Pasha appears very wisely
       to have taken the League of Union and Progress into his
       counsels in forming his Ministry, all of whom were
       incorruptible opponents of the old regime, while two of them
       are Christians, in accordance with the principles of the
       Constitution."

       While practically dominating the Imperial Government on one
       hand, the ruling Committee of the League was likewise bringing
       to terms the lawless Bulgarian, Greek, and other bands which
       had tortured and terrorized Macedonia so long, and was
       respectfully but plainly intimating its expectation that
       foreign management of the gendarmerie and the finances of that
       region would soon be withdrawn. Already, as early as the 25th
       of July, M. Isvolsky had withdrawn, for the time being, at
       least, his project of further intervention, saying that
       "Russia will follow with the most sympathetic attention the
       efforts of Turkey to insure the working of the new regime. She
       will abstain, for her part, from all interference calculated
       to complicate this task, and will exercise all her influence
       in order to obviate and prevent all disturbing action on the
       part of the Balkan States." Of course the British Government
       was moved by the same feeling, and, as the new order in Turkey
       gave more and more promise of stability, the willingness to
       suspend the foreign organization of gendarmerie in the
       Macedonian provinces became general among the Powers. A
       collective note, accordingly, was addressed to the Sublime
       Porte in September, asking if the Imperial Government had any
       objection to a provisional suspension of its contract with
       foreign officers, with leave of absence to them sine
       die. The Porte promptly acquiesced and the Macedonian
       intervention came to an end.

       Preparations for the election of representatives in the new
       Parliament became active in October, the League of Union and
       Progress sending agents into the provinces to give much-needed
       instructions to officials and people as to what they must do
       and how. The elections were conducted under a complicated
       electoral law. Excepting foreign residents, natives in foreign
       service, soldiers not on furlough, bankrupts, criminals, and a
       few other classes, all male tax-payers twenty-five years of
       age were made "electors in the first degree." By their vote
       they chose, not the parliamentary representative, but
       "electors in the second degree" who would meet subsequently
       and make that choice. At the preliminary elections 250 to 750
       voters were entitled to one elector; 750 to 1250 to two, and
       so on. The representation in Parliament was by one Deputy for
       25,000 to 75,000 electors of the first degree; two for 75,000
       to 125,000,—and further at that rate. Candidates for
       Parliament were to be not less than thirty years of age.

    {658}

       According to the Constitution the chosen Deputies to
       Parliament were to assemble at Constantinople on the 30th of
       October, old style; but inevitable delays in the elections
       postponed the meeting of Parliament until the 17th of
       December, on which day it was opened by the Sultan in person,
       good order prevailing in the city. In a written Speech from
       the Throne, read by his First Secretary, he offered as an
       explanation of the long suspension of the Constitution of
       1876, that, in consequence of the difficulties encountered in
       operating the parliamentary system thirty years ago, it was
       thought best that "the execution of the said Constitution
       should be postponed until, by the progress of instruction in
       my Empire, the capacity of my people should be brought up to
       the desired level." As this was now believed to have been
       accomplished, he had "proclaimed the Constitution anew without
       hesitation, in spite of those who hold views and opinions
       opposed thereto." With marked abruptness the Sultan’s speech
       was then turned to some recent occurrences which have not yet
       been touched in this narrative of events. Its reference to
       them was in these words: "Whilst the Ministry formed under the
       Presidency of Kiamil Pasha, to whom the office of Grand Vizier
       was intrusted upon this change in the system of
       administration, was occupied with organizing the new
       Constitutional Administration, Prince Ferdinand, Prince of
       Bulgaria and Vali of the Province of Eastern Roumelia,
       departing, for whatever reason, from the loyalty due to our
       Empire, proclaimed the independence of Bulgaria; and
       immediately after this the Government of Austria-Hungary also
       announced to the Porte and to the Cabinets of the other Great
       Powers that it had decided to annex to the sphere of its
       dominion Bosnia and Herzegovina, which were subject to the
       temporary occupation and administration of Austria in
       accordance with the Treaty of Berlin. These two important
       events, which are prejudicial to existing legal rights and
       relations, are occurrences which have moved me to very great
       regret, and our Ministers have been intrusted with the task of
       taking the necessary action consequent on these encroachments
       and of safeguarding (he rights of the State. In regard to this
       matter, and under all circumstances, the help and support of
       Parliament are desired."

       The concluding words of the Sultan’s brief speech were these:

       "I open the Chamber of Deputies to-day with prayers for the
       happiness and prosperity of our Empire and country. I am happy
       to see in my presence the Deputies of my nation. My intention
       to govern our country under the Constitution is absolute and
       unalterable. Please God our Chamber of Deputies will
       accomplish good work for our Empire and our nation, and our
       fatherland will attain to happiness of every kind. May God
       make us all the objects of His divine grace!"

    TURKEY: A. D. 1909.
       American Mission Schools.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: TURKEY AND THE NEAR EAST.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (January-May).
       Wise Moderation of the Young Turks.
       Gathering of Opposition to them.
       The Counter-Revolution of April 13.
       Treacherous Agency of the Sultan in it.
       Quick Recovery of Power by the Young Turks.
       Battle in Constantinople.
       Moslem attack on Armenians in Asiatic Turkey.
       Deposition of Abdul Hamid.
       Mohammed V. placed on the Throne.

       The declaration of Bulgarian independence and the Austrian
       annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, protested against by the
       Sultan in his Speech from the Throne at the opening of the new
       Parliament, on the 17th of December, are recounted at some
       length in another place, with notice of the prolonged
       anxieties they produced in Europe at large.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1908-1909 (OCTOBER-MARCH).

       In Turkey itself the feeling roused by these offensive
       proceedings was overborne to a great extent by increasing
       excitements in home politics at the time. The first unity of
       welcome and support to the revolution, as organized by the
       League of Union and Progress, was now being broken, as always
       happens in such movements, by conflicts of ambition and
       differences of opinion and aim. In other words, contentions of
       party and faction were coming into play. The Young Turk
       leaders of the League had manifestly conducted the whole
       movement of revolution with extraordinary ability,
       self-effacement, and restraint. The President of Robert
       College, at Constantinople, Dr. C. Frank Gates, who must be
       accounted a trustworthy observer of events in the Ottoman
       capital, writing in The Outlook, November 7, 1908, of
       "Turkey under the New Regime," paid this high tribute to its
       chiefs:

       "One of the most striking features of this movement to those
       who have lived long in the country is the moderation shown by
       the Young Turks. The regime which has been overthrown was
       oppressive in the extreme, and all the people had suffered
       terribly from it. The Turks have often said, ‘We suffer more
       than the Christians.’ Many have predicted a day of terrible
       retribution, when the old regime should fall into the hands of
       its victims. But there have been no reprisals. Officers of the
       army were killed in order to gain control of the army, a few
       spies fell into the hands of the people and were killed, the
       notorious Fehim Pasha was torn to pieces by the mob at
       Broussa, but most of the rascals have been held for regular
       trial, and the leaders of the new movement have firmly
       insisted that it is no time for vengeance or for the
       gratification of personal animosities; only one consideration
       can be admitted, and that is the good of the country. Their
       eyes are upon the future, not upon the past. This is
       wonderful. If one could have expected a reign of terror
       anywhere, here was the place to expect it, but it has not
       come.

       "The Young Turks have shown a practical wisdom in dealing with
       the various parties and in solving the questions which have
       arisen which commands the admiration of all. A friend who is
       very well acquainted with the leaders in this movement said
       the other day, ‘The most wonderful thing of all is the
       committees.’ Properly speaking, there are no committees and no
       tangible organization. There are men who stand behind the
       present Government and practically guide and control it, but
       they are content to be unknown and to work in silence. They
       say, ‘It is the work of God,’ 'Do not congratulate us: thank
       God.’

    {659}

       "The difficulties which these men have to face are enormous.
       There is the difficulty of financing the Government, which is
       aggravated by the fact that some of the provinces have
       understood liberty as meaning freedom from taxes. Then there
       is the difficulty of forming a programme for the new regime.
       There have been two parties among the Young Turks, the
       Committee of Union and Progress, and the Party of
       Decentralization headed by Sebaheddin. … Sebaheddin has been
       explaining his programme to popular audiences. His plan is to
       have local assemblies in the provinces, to which shall be
       relegated many of the functions which have been centralized in
       Constantinople under the old regime."

       The working of the new machinery of government went smoothly,
       in appearance, for some weeks after this was written. On the
       1st of January the Sultan gave a banquet to the Deputies of
       Parliament at the Yildiz Kiosk, sitting with them at table and
       speaking to them with eloquent piety and patriotism;
       subsequently permitting a general kissing of his hands, which
       performance of affectionate reverence was much disapproved by
       some of the Turkish journals next day. A fortnight later Mr.
       Hagopian, special correspondent at Constantinople of the New
       York Evening Post, seemingly intimate in acquaintance
       with the inner circles of parties, began to be sharply
       critical of the Committee of Union and Progress, saying that
       their "arrogant programme" "has led more enlightened Turks to
       organize a new party, the Sons of Liberal Ottomans." Then he
       speaks of what appears to be another party, "the association
       of ‘Fedakiarans’ (Confederates), composed of all former
       political exiles and prisoners who became free after the
       establishment of the new regime. On the surface their aim is
       said to be to assist all their unfortunate members who have
       been brought to poverty, or disabled by the tortures of prison
       and exile. Their membership within the last four months has
       reached twenty thousand. …

       "The mistake which the Young Turks committed in opposing
       Kiamil Pasha, and in persecuting the Confederates," this
       writer goes on to say, "has strengthened the cause of
       Sabakheddin Bey and his followers. All the oppressed Christian
       races, who welcomed the inauguration of a liberal government
       in Turkey, were alarmed when a part of the young Turks came
       forward as champions of Panislamism, and to-day they are
       inclined to be in the rank and file of this new liberal
       movement. The Young Turkish Parliament has shown a tendency to
       be a Moslem institution."

       A fortnight later Kiamil Pasha, the Grand Vizier, or Prime
       Minister, as he preferred, it is said, to be called, dropped
       Ali Riza Pasha, Minister of War, and Aarif Pasha, Minister of
       Marine, from his Cabinet, appointing them to other posts,
       which they declined; and this completed his breach with the
       Committee of Union and Progress. Mr. Hagopian, in his next
       letter to the Evening Post, averred that the Grand
       Vizier had discovered a plot, organized by the Young Turks, to
       dethrone the Sultan and proclaim Youssuf-Izeddin, elder son of
       Abdul Aziz, the murdered former Sultan, and that he defeated
       their project by the sudden change he made in the Ministries
       of War and Marine. Other reporters from Constantinople to the
       Press do not seem to have given credit to this explanation.
       Whatever the inner facts may have been, the Young Turk
       Committee proved stronger than the Grand Vizier, and they
       forced his resignation on the 13th of February, by an
       overwhelming vote in the Chamber of Deputies, 198 to 8, that
       he "no longer possesses its confidence." He had commanded
       foreign confidence more, perhaps, than any other Turkish
       statesman, and his overthrow gave a serious shock for the
       moment to the hopefulness with which the Turkish
       constitutional experiment had come to be quite generally
       regarded.

       Hilmi Pasha, who had been Minister of the Interior under
       Kiamil, was now called by the Sultan to be Grand Vizier, and a
       new Cabinet was formed, Ali Riza Pasha resuming the portfolio
       of the Ministry of War, and with it that of the Marine. The
       administration was now entirely in harmony with the Committee
       of Union and Progress. During the next two months there was
       not much in Turkish affairs to command attention abroad. But
       political hostility to the Committee of Union and Progress was
       evidently increasing. The correspondent of the London
       Times wrote to his paper from Constantinople in March
       that "one of the most perplexing and disquieting features of
       the situation since the fall of the late Cabinet has been the
       persistent manner in which the Committee have denied that any
       extra-Parliamentary pressure was employed to effect that
       change, or that, since it was accomplished,
       extra-Parliamentary forces have exercised any influence on the
       conduct of affairs. Had they frankly admitted that such
       influences had been, and were still, brought to bear—as,
       indeed, the speech of the President of the Chamber implicitly
       acknowledges—but that such interference was justified by
       circumstances and would continue to be exercised until the
       country had safely emerged from the critical period through
       which it is passing, many who are now falling away from them
       would have been found to agree, and few persons capable of
       forming an unbiased opinion would have ventured to declare
       that their contention was altogether unreasonable and
       unjustifiable. By adopting a different course they have
       alienated much of the sympathy and confidence they hitherto
       commanded, and given rise to suspicions, quite possibly
       unfounded, as to the purity of their motives, with the result
       that the country, which needs and will long continue to need
       the united energies of all its ablest and most enlightened
       citizens, for the tremendous task of regeneration and
       reorganization, is now weakened by a fierce party struggle,
       and that many competent observers regard a fresh Ministerial
       crisis as an event which cannot be delayed for many weeks."

       The anticipated crisis came about four weeks after this had
       been written, in a form much more serious than that of a mere
       Ministerial collapse. It was precipitated by excitements that
       followed the murder, on the 6th of April, of a political
       journalist, Hassan Fehmi Effendi, editor of the
       Serbesti, the organ of the Liberal party. As the
       murdered man had been a vigorous critic and opponent of the
       Committee of Union and Progress, that organization was accused
       at once of having brought about his death.
    {660}
       This gave the start to agitations and demonstrations that were
       secretly pushed for several days, until they culminated, on
       the 13th, in an outbreak of soldiers and city mobs which
       reversed for a time the Young Turk revolution of the previous
       July. That the crafty Abdul Hamid had more than lent his hand
       to the reactionary outbreak was universally believed; but when
       it had accomplished the overthrow of Hilmi Pasha and his
       Ministry the Sultan did not venture to call creatures of his
       own to take their place. On the contrary, he gave the office
       of Grand Vizier to Tewfik Pasha, one of the most respected and
       independent of the elder officials of the Empire, charging
       him, in an imperial rescript, "to form a Cabinet to conform
       more directly to the sacred law and to maintain the
       Constitution and guard public order." These words are
       indicative of the nature of the hostility to the regime of the
       Young Turks which had been worked up. Formerly, as appears in
       one of the quotations above from Mr. Hagopian, the Young Turks
       had been accused of being "champions of Pan-Islamism," and
       their Parliament of showing "a tendency to be a Moslem
       institution." Latterly, Moslem orthodoxy had been appealed to
       against them on the charge that they were unfaithful to "the
       sacred law" (the Sheriat), and that they were making the
       Constitution a mere cover for designs that boded evil to
       Islam. A fair inference from the contradictoriness of the
       charges brought against them is decidedly favorable to the
       party of the Young Turks.

       At the outset of the revolutionary riot in Constantinople a
       few murders were committed and some fatal shooting at random
       was done, the victims including the Minister of Justice, an
       Albanian Deputy and a few officers of the riotous soldiery;
       but the mob-rising, as a whole, appears to have been kept
       under singular restraint. No important members of the League
       of Union and Progress are reported to have been killed. Those
       who were in Constantinople escaped, and their ruling Committee
       was soon established in activity at Salonika again, taking
       measures which resulted quickly in the recovery of more than
       the power that they had seemed for the moment to have lost.

       That no reaction of substantial influences at Constantinople
       against constitutional and representative government was
       signified by what had occurred there was made plain by an
       important proclamation, issued on the 16th of April, by the
       Committee of the Ulema, the Moslem Doctors of the Sacred Law.
       It was addressed to the Deputies and the Nation, in these
       words:

       "We are informed that certain Deputies, fearing for their
       lives, wish to resign, while, on the other hand, the public
       fears the return of despotic rule. The Committee of the Ulema,
       which has never doubted that the Constitution is in entire
       conformity with sacred law, and has not forgotten the burning
       of Islamic books at Gulhaneh in the days of absolutism, will
       defend the Constitution, which is in conformity with the
       Sheriat, to the last, aided by the army and Parliament. Its
       members consider it to be a religious duty to sacrifice their
       lives for this end. They and the nation preserve the
       confidence of Deputies, Moslem and non-Moslem alike, save such
       as have resigned, or have fled and are thereby considered to
       have resigned. Deputies, therefore, are informed that
       henceforth those who resign will be considered traitors. Let
       them do their duty justly and honourably, and they may be sure
       of the support of the nation and the spiritual aid of the
       Prophet. We beg the glorious army to maintain order and
       discipline, following the counsels of the Ulema, for it is
       thus that the Almighty will grant salvation to the country and
       happiness in this world and the next."

       But Asiatic Turkey was easily made distrustful and suspicious
       of a change in government which appeared to lower the
       authority and dignity of the Sultan-Caliph; and news of the
       seeming triumph of that sacred sovereign in what had happened
       at Constantinople must have had not a little to do with the
       sudden outburst, on the 15th of April, of Moslem hostility to
       the Armenian Christians in parts of Asia Minor and Syria. The
       fighting and massacre then begun, and which continued for many
       days, was most fiercely carried on within a circle of towns at
       the corner where Syria and Asia Minor touch, and where the
       Gulf of Iskanderun runs far into the land. On the northern and
       western side, this piece of the Turkish dominion was the
       ancient province of Cilicia, which Pompey added to the empire
       of Rome; in which St. Paul was born, and which received its
       modern name of Adana from Haroun al Raschid, the most famous
       of the Caliphs of Bagdad,—thanks to "The Arabian Nights." In
       and around its three principal towns, of Adana, Mersina, and
       Tarsus, the first and worst of the atrocities occurred.

       The League of Union and Progress had given way for an instant,
       only, to the outbreak at Constantinople, which must have taken
       its leaders by surprise. But the momentary reverse was a gift
       of opportunity, in fact, to prove the astonishing energy of
       ability that was in this remarkable body of men. They had been
       betrayed by a considerable part, at least, of the division of
       the army which garrisoned Constantinople, and which is said to
       have been heavily bribed with money that must have come from
       the Sultan’s purse. But the Second and Third Corps of the army
       in Macedonia were unshaken in fidelity to them and their
       cause. It was on Tuesday, the 13th of April, that their
       opponents at the capital had their triumph; on Wednesday, the
       14th, the two trusted corps were under orders from Salonika to
       march on Constantinople. Nine days later Mahmud Shevket Pasha,
       who commanded the movement, was in full possession of the
       city, with the Sultan a prisoner, and the victorious general
       was about to publish the following brief report of what had
       been done in the interval:

       "Our Second and Third Army Corps," he wrote, "being the
       nearest to Constantinople, undertook as the executive power of
       the whole Ottoman nation to shed the last drop of their blood
       in defence of the Constitutional régime. Having
       therefore taken counsel together and organized a force
       sufficient for the purpose, they marched to Constantinople, in
       order to counteract the effects of the despotic blow recently
       struck at that régime, to subdue and chastise the
       guilty, and to take the necessary measures for the prevention
       of similar attempts in the future. Leaving Salonika on
       Wednesday, I arrived the following day at San Stefano and gave
       orders for a general movement preparatory to entering the
       capital on Friday.
    {661}
       The troops quartered at the Ministry of War were compelled to
       surrender before they had time to defend themselves. Only the
       mutinous troops at Taslikishla and other barracks in Pera
       offered any resistance to the army of occupation. These
       barracks were accordingly bombarded and destroyed, their
       garrisons being disabled or forced to surrender. As our heroic
       army began operations at night and entered the town at dawn,
       and as the inhabitants remained in their houses and the shops
       were closed, there were no deaths in the civil population and
       no disorder took place. The losses on both sides were heavy,
       but the numbers are not yet known. I pray God that the hearts
       of all Ottomans may rejoice at the news of this great victory
       and that it may prove the dawn of a great future for our
       country."

       Military observers who accompanied Shevket Pasha and his army
       are said to have been profoundly impressed by the masterly
       handling of the whole operation, from start to finish. His
       fellow Constitutionalists were equally impressed by the
       qualities that he had revealed. A Press despatch to New York,
       from Constantinople, April 26, reported:

       "Schefket Pasha, commander of the Constitutional army, is the
       man of the hour. The leading civilian members of the Committee
       of Union and Progress desire him to be grand vizier in
       succession to Tewfik Pasha, and he has been assured that a
       majority of Parliament would gladly support a ministry under
       his leadership in succession to the Tewfik ministry, which
       resigned to-day. In reply to these proposals Schefket Pasha
       said that the premiership afforded such a splendid opportunity
       to assist in the political development of the country that he
       would have rejoiced to accept the honor had it come to him
       under any other circumstances, but that he could not accept it
       while still leader of the army. To do so would not accord with
       his ideas of civil and political liberty of action." This
       seems to have been a true exhibit of the fine spirit and
       intelligent patriotism of the man, and it added much to the
       hopefulness of the regenerative undertaking of the Young
       Turks. Shevket is an Arab, from Bagdad, who had his training
       as a soldier in Germany and had lived in Europe twelve years.

       What to do with Abdul Hamid was a question over which the
       Committee of Union and Progress wasted very little time. He
       became their captive on the 24th. On the 26th it was known
       that he would be deposed and exiled to Salonika. His falsity
       in all that he had professed of a willing adoption of
       constitutional government, and his treacherous engineering of
       the conspiracy against it, were believed to be open to no
       doubt. It was probably not easy to save him from the doom of
       death which he feared: but the men of calmly tempered mind and
       will who had ruled the revolution from its beginning were
       still in control. On the morning of the 27th a fetva or
       formal decision by the Sheik-ul-Islam, authorizing the
       deposition of Abdul Hamid from the Ottoman throne, was sent to
       the National Assembly and read. It was in the form of a
       question from that body, answered tersely by the supreme judge
       of the law of Islam,—as follows:

       "What becomes of an Imam [the title of the Sultan of Turkey as
       head of the Orthodox faith] who has destroyed certain holy
       writings, who has seized property in contravention to the
       Sheri laws, who has committed cruelties in ordering the
       assassination and imprisonment of exiles without any
       justification under the Sheri laws, who has squandered the
       public money, who, having sworn to govern according to the
       Sheriat, has violated his oath, who, by gifts of money, has
       provoked internecine bloodshed and civil war, and who no
       longer is recognized in the provinces?" To this the
       Sheik-ul-Islam replied: "He must abdicate or be deposed." At
       once, by unanimous vote, the deposition of Abdul Hamid and the
       succession of his younger brother, Mohammed Reschad Effendi
       was pronounced by the National Assembly. The new Sultan was
       proclaimed with impromptu ceremony in the afternoon, at the
       Seraskierat, to which he went in the plain costume of a
       Turkish gentleman. He was received by Mahmud Shevket Pasha and
       his staff in the central court. The Grand Vizier, the
       Sheikh-ul-Islam, Said Pasha, President of the Senate, and
       Ahmed Riza, President of the Chamber, stood at the foot of the
       stairs. All kissed hands, and the whole group, headed by his
       Majesty, proceeded to a reserved chamber, the gallery above
       the court being in the meantime crowded with Senators,
       Deputies, officers, journalists, and ordinary sightseers. The
       Deputies and Senators were then admitted to kiss hands, and a
       prayer was recited. This ended the simple ceremony of the day;
       but one of more solemnity occurred on the 10th of May, when
       the Sultan received the sword of Osman—the equivalent of a
       coronation—in the Mosque Ayub, which Christians are never
       permitted to enter, and was conducted in an imposing
       procession through the streets of the city.

       Mohammed Reschad Effendi, who reigns as Mohammed V., was in
       his sixty-fifth year when he came to the throne. Until the
       revolution of the previous July he had been practically a
       prisoner in one of the palaces on the Bosporus, surrounded by
       the creatures of his jealous and suspicious brother, without
       whose permission he could not leave the palace grounds.
       Latterly he had enjoyed some degree of personal freedom, for
       the first time in his life. An anonymous contributor to the
       London Times, who had had an opportunity to meet him
       since the revolution broke his bonds, wrote thus of the
       interview:

       "I had the privilege of a long conversation with Reschad when
       I was in Constantinople in the autumn, on condition that the
       visit should be conducted with some secrecy and should remain
       secret until the return of Hamidianism was beyond the range of
       possibility. I believe I was the first European whom he had
       seen since the revolution of July mitigated the severity of
       the reclusion enforced for 30 years by Abdul Hamid. The Heir
       Apparent was still living in the Palace adjoining Dolma
       Baghche, which had been his prison throughout the reign,
       jealously guarded by the Sultan’s Pretorians at the entrances
       from the main road, and by a gunboat moored in the Bosporus
       opposite the water approach. …

       "His Highness talked slowly and hesitatingly, often lowering
       his voice to a whisper and casting furtive glances round the
       room as if he was still haunted by the fear of spies, but he
       listened eagerly while I told him of my own many journeyings
       in Turkey, whose people I had known since the beginning of the
       Hamidian régime, occasionally interrupting me with an
       apposite remark, or asking for an explanation which showed
       both interest and intelligence.
    {662}
       There was something strangely pathetic in this desire for
       information about his own country, over which his Highness was
       soon destined to reign. A full hour’s conversation left the
       impression that, given favourable circumstances and good
       advisers, the Prince was well qualified to preside over a
       period of peaceful transition."

       Punishment of the authors of the counter-revolution followed
       quickly on the reestablishment of constitutional authority,
       and it was sternly meted out. As Mr. Hagopian expressed the
       feeling of the Young Turks, in his letter of April 26 to the
       New York Evening Post, they "could not afford to be
       lenient. The conspiracy of April 13," he added, "was no longer
       a secret. In the last two days 15,000 soldiers and 6,000
       hodjas and spies had been arrested. In their possession
       over half a million dollars had been found. Where had this
       money come from? Who could deny any longer that Abdul Hamid
       drew from his bank about ten million dollars a month ago? His
       favored son, Burhaneddin Effendi, went from barrack to barrack
       and distributed the money among the soldiers. Former spies,
       disguised in Turkish clergymen’s garments, went among the
       troops and won them over with the Sultan’s bribes. Soldiers,
       when arrested, were found to have an average of one hundred
       dollars; some had two hundred, three hundred, and even five
       hundred. Indeed, Abdul Hamid was the head of the conspiracy,
       and the massacre in Adana was instigated by his emissaries
       sent from Constantinople. The old and the new Yildiz cliques
       were not less responsible." By the 12th of May thirty-eight
       executions had been reported, most of them by hanging in
       public places. "A member of the court-martial that sentenced
       these men to death explained the reason of the public hangings
       by saying that Constantinople was such a city of rumor and
       traditions of corruption that, had the announcement been made
       that these men had been executed in private, it would not have
       been believed by the masses. It was desired to impress the
       people with the fact that the guilty had been punished."

    TURKEY: April-December.
       Outbreak of Massacre in Southeastern Asia Minor.

       The first news of the outbreak of massacre in southeastern
       Asia Minor came to Europe and America in a telegram from
       Constantinople, dated April 15, saying: "A massacre of
       Armenians is in progress to-day at Mersina, a seaport of Asia
       Minor on the Mediterranean." In this report the outbreak was
       ascribed to the provocation of a murder of two Moslems by an
       Armenian; but nothing that appeared subsequently gave any
       confirmation to this. The Sultan has been accused of having
       instigated the rising, as a means of starting complications
       which might check the Young Turks; but that remains unproved.

       Mersina, from which the first report of massacre came, is
       thirty-six miles by railway from Adana, the capital of the
       vilayet of that name and an important missionary station of
       several American missionary organizations. Adana was a city of
       about 45,000 inhabitants, mostly Mohammedans, but with
       Armenians in considerable numbers and a few Greeks. The
       Christian missions included important schools. In this city
       the murderous mob had begun its work on the 14th of April, a
       day prior to the Mersina report, and it is found to have been
       the center of the deadly outbreak throughout. The Moslem fury
       was directed against the Armenians, and, though two
       missionaries were among the killed, they do not appear to have
       been objects of attack, but to have suffered incidentally to
       the efforts they made for the protection of their Armenian
       neighbors and their schools. There were Turkish troops in the
       city from the beginning of the slaughter, but they did nothing
       to stop it for five days. According to some accounts the vali,
       or governor, kept them shut up in quarters; according to others
       they took part in the massacre. The Reverend Stephen
       Trowbridge, who was in Adana during these terrible days,
       declared a little later: "One man is responsible for the
       disorders here. This is the vali himself. He had it in his
       power to suppress lawlessness and massacre, but deliberately
       refrained from doing so. He said simply: ‘We are not
       responsible.’ The better class of Turks in Adana," Mr.
       Trowbridge continued, "the members of the Committee of Union
       and Progress, are deeply grieved and saddened at these
       dreadful events. Some of them are ready to join us in relief
       work for the Armenians. One Bey already has opened his house
       to refugees." This gives color to the belief that the outbreak
       was not mere mob-madness, but captained in some way from a
       higher center of Turkish authority. Such, indeed, was the firm
       conviction of many who were witnesses of what occurred.
       Writing on the 24th of April from Tarsus, which bore its share
       of the widespread attack, another missionary said: "The
       massacres all began on the same day, Wednesday, the 14th,
       showing, were there no other proof, that they were inaugurated
       by telegraphic orders from Adana, probably from
       Constantinople. The only places where the Christians took up
       arms for a short time to defend themselves were Adana, Hadjin,
       and near the battle-field of Issus; at the latter place they
       are still holding out. The statement by Turkish officials that
       there was an Armenian insurrection, that Turks were massacred,
       and houses burned by the Christians, etc., etc., are simply
       abominable lies. This cannot be put too strongly. … During
       fifty long hours, while battle and murder and burnings were
       going on all around our school and residence in Adana, the
       vali, though he had hundreds of soldiers at the Konak, sent
       not one to protect us and our property."

       According to a report made some months later, after
       investigations under the new Turkish regime, and quoted from a
       Turkish newspaper, the number killed in all parts of the
       province was 20,008; 620 were Moslems, and the remaining
       19,400 were non-Moslems. Of the non-Moslems killed, 418 were
       Old Chaldeans, 163 Chaldeans, 210 Armenian Catholics, 655
       Protestants, 99 Greeks, and the remainder Gregorian Armenians.
       The same report estimated the destruction of property as
       having been equal to two-thirds of the entire wealth of the
       province. The appearance of Adana and of the surrounding
       country after the massacres were stopped was described by one
       who made the journey from Tarsus to Adana, and who wrote:

    {663}

       "Leaving behind us the ruins of Tarsus, and the hundreds of
       weeping widows and orphans there, we came by train to Adana.
       Near the city the road runs for miles through vineyards and
       gardens, in former days a beautiful sight. But now it is a
       waste of desolation; all the houses of the Christians are
       heaps of ruins; in and around those houses more than five
       hundred were slain during the three terrible days of April.
       The houses of Moslems have not been injured. We noted a like
       contrast as respects the numerous farms on the plain between
       Tarsus and Adana. And yet the charge is made, and believed,
       that the Armenians were the aggressors!

       "In the once prosperous Adana, nothing but ruins; it is like
       the pictures I have seen of Pompeii. The wretched survivors
       wander by twos and threes around the places where once stood
       their happy homes; they look more like ghosts than human
       beings, these pale, dejected, barefooted widows and orphans."

       On the 12th of May, after the Young Turks had recovered power
       at Constantinople, the Turkish Embassy at London gave out the
       following announcement: "Order and tranquillity prevail
       throughout the Sanjak of Djebel-i-Bereket. Troops are arriving
       gradually and are being distributed according to the
       necessities of each place. The local authorities at Adana are
       about to proceed at once to confiscate stolen property and to
       disarm Musulmans and non-Musulmans alike. This measure will be
       adopted generally in the other parts of the vilayet as soon as
       the troops which are coming from the various places have
       reached the positions to which they have been assigned. The
       authorities are very busily engaged in finding homes for
       people who are without shelter and in supplying them with
       food. A Commission for that purpose has been appointed at
       Adana."

       A Court Martial and a Parliamentary Commission were now sent
       to Adana to investigate the massacre and punish the guilty.
       Their work was soon showing results. On the 24th of May a
       report came from Constantinople that "Ferid Pasha has informed
       a representative of the Tanin that several of the soldiers who
       took part in the recent massacres in Cilicia have been
       arrested. Nine persons have already been condemned to death by
       the Court-martial. With regard to the responsibility for the
       outbreak, the Minister said that, while he could not
       definitely ascribe it to official promptings, certain
       officials had failed to do their duty, among them the
       Mutesarrif of Jebel Bereket, who had been imprisoned pending
       an inquiry into his conduct. The reactionaries had certainly
       played a part in fomenting the outbreak, but other
       elements—which the Minister did not specify—had contributed
       thereto."

       On the 13th of July it was reported that "an Imperial Iradeh
       has been issued ordering the arrest of the ex-Governors of
       Adana and Djebel Bereket, the commander of the Adana garrison,
       and a number of notables of Cilicia, among whom is the editor
       of the Itidal, the notorious Baghdadi."

       Two days later it was said that "the ex-Governors of Adana and
       Djebel Bereket have been sent to Adana under a strong escort.
       Some 20 leading Moslem notables of Adana who have been
       arrested will be immediately brought before a Court-Martial.
       The Grand Vizier has given orders for a manifesto to be
       prepared by the Sheikh-ul-Islam, demonstrating by means of
       texts from the Koran and the Traditions that the duty of all
       good Moslems is to treat Christians with justice and to regard
       them as fellow-citizens with equal rights. It is to be
       distributed by the kadis, muftis, and hodjas in every town and
       village of the empire, and the most learned ulema are to take
       it as their text in the sermons to be preached during next
       Ramazan."

       July 18th the court-martial was stated to have made a report
       which concluded as follows:

       "‘Fifteen persons have been already hanged, 800 deserve death,
       15,000 deserve hard labour for life, and 80,000 deserve minor
       sentences. If it is decided to proceed with the punishment, we
       will draw a cordon around the town and deal expeditiously with
       the matter.’ In view, however, of the general reconciliation
       between the various elements, the Court-martial recommends a
       general amnesty on the occasion of the National Fête."

       The 11th of August brought accounts of the publication of a
       declaration by a Commission of three ministers in the Turkish
       Cabinet appointed to prepare it, acquitting the Armenians of
       all responsibility for the outbreak at Adana. This
       declaration, drawn up after a careful examination of the
       reports of the members of the Parliamentary Commission on the
       massacres and approved by the Council of Ministers, ascribes
       the massacre to the ignorance of the population. "In the reign
       of Abdul Hamid the people had become imbued with the idea that
       every Armenian was a separatist at heart, and were therefore
       averse from equality with the Armenian community. They had
       become in consequence the tools of religious or political
       agitators. The declaration censures severely the local
       officials for their failure, not only to quell the outbreak,
       but to warn the Government that the situation in Cilicia was
       critical."

       One of the Deputies of the Parliamentary Commission which
       investigated matters at Adana gave, perhaps, a more distinct
       idea of the causes that worked to produce the massacres, in an
       interview published during August, when he said:

       "The massacre in Adana had two strong causes: reaction and
       tyranny. The joy of the July demonstrations [of 1908] had
       scarcely passed when, at the beginning of August, tyrannical
       tendencies began to appear. The former Mufti of Bakhcheh went
       hither and thither declaring that liberty and the constitution
       were the work of the Christians, that the constitution was
       contrary to the Sheriat. In this way he stirred up Moslems
       against the Christians and the constitution. In place of the
       joy which appeared among all classes during the first days of
       the constitution, a spirit of revenge and enmity against
       non-Moslems began to spread."

       Evidently the amnesty recommended by the Court-martial in July
       was not granted; for the following telegram was sent from
       Constantinople on the 12th of December to the London
       Times: "Twenty-six Moslems, who were sentenced to death
       in connexion with the Adana massacres in April last, were
       executed at Adana yesterday and to-day. Order was maintained,
       although the population was much moved, the women relatives of
       the condemned publicly manifesting their grief. One Armenian
       is awaiting execution."

    {664}

       Nevertheless the Armenians have not been satisfied with the
       punishments inflicted, and the Armenian Patriarch resigned in
       September, as a mark of protest, maintaining that the real
       instigators of the massacres went unpunished.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (May-December).
       Hilmi Pasha, Grand Vizier.
       Parliament opened by the new Sultan.
       Constitutional Amendments on Religion and Education.
       The Committee of Union and Progress.
       Change of Ministry.

       From the 1st to the 5th of May Tewfik Pasha was Grand Vizier,
       by appointment from the new Sultan. Then, as had been
       expected, Hilmi Pasha was called to his place, and remained at
       the head of the Government until the last week of the year. On
       the 20th of the month the Sultan in person opened the session
       of Parliament, and, after a speech from the throne had been
       read by the Grand Vizier, pronounced the following words: "I
       have sworn to respect the Sheriat and the Constitution in its
       entirety, and not to transgress for one instant from
       safeguarding the national rights and interests of the country.
       You must now in return take the necessary oath." The oath was
       then taken by the Senators and Deputies in turn, his Majesty
       watching the proceedings from the Imperial box. On the 24th
       the Grand Vizier announced the programme of measures and
       general policy to be undertaken by his Ministry, and received,
       after debate, a vote of confidence by 190 to 5. The
       reconstituted Government was now a fully organized fact.

       Questions concerning the attitude of the State towards
       religion and education, as it should be defined in the
       Constitution, were among the earliest of high importance to be
       brought before the Parliament. On the 8th of June it adopted
       an amendment to the article in the Constitution of 1876
       reading as follows:

          See, (in this Volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.

       "Islam is the State religion.

       "The State, while safeguarding this principle, guarantees the
       free exercise of all cults recognized in the Empire, and
       maintains the religious privileges granted to divers
       communities, provided public order and morality be not
       infringed."

       On the subject of education the Constitution was amended to
       read:

       "Education is free.

       "All schools are placed under the control of the Government.
       The necessary measures shall be taken to assure to every
       Ottoman subject a uniform system of education. There shall be
       no interference with the religious education of the different
       communities."

       The Christian communities, especially the Greek, objected
       strenuously to this, fearing that governmental control would
       be found to mean the imposition of the Turkish language in all
       schools, as an instrument of nationalization.

       Another proposed amendment, making members of the Chamber of
       Deputies eligible for the posts of Parliamentary
       Under-Secretaries of State, failed to secure the requisite
       two-thirds majority, and this was regarded as a defeat of the
       civilian leaders of the "Young Turk" Committee of Union and
       Progress, who were supposed to be desirous of holding the
       posts in question, while sitting also in the Chamber.

       The firm control of affairs which the Committee in question
       had exercised throughout the revolutionary movement, while
       keeping itself mysteriously anonymous in the background, had
       been extraordinarily successful, indicative of high wisdom and
       a very genuine public spirit. But the forces thus handled by
       the Committee, especially in the military element of the
       revolution, were growing restive, it would appear, under the
       feeling of too much subordination, and gave increasing signs
       of discontent with the invisibility of the wires by which they
       were pulled. Without doubt, it was evidence of this which led
       the Committee, at a meeting at Salonika, in October, to
       resolve and announce that their organization should no longer
       be a secret society, but open to public knowledge and directed
       henceforth by a responsible executive. Whether the Committee
       did or did not strengthen itself by thus coming into the open,
       it has maintained its ascendancy and still exercises a
       controlling power.

       The second session of Parliament was opened by the Sultan, on
       the 14th of November, with a speech of roseate contentedness
       in its contemplation of Turkish affairs. Late in December a
       change of Ministry occurred, in somewhat obscure connection
       with a consolidation of steamer lines on the Euphrates. A
       British line of steamers, known as the Lynch Line, which had
       been running on that river since 1860, was being consolidated
       with a Turkish line that the Turkish Government controlled,
       and something in the transaction which raised an issue between
       Parliament and the Grand Vizier. Hilmi Pasha, led the latter
       to resign December 28. Nobody seems to have doubted, however,
       that the real cause of his leaving office was in the
       willingness of the Committee that he should do so. General
       Mahmud Shevket, the able military leader of the Revolution,
       was invited to form a Cabinet, but declined, as he is said to
       have done before. The high office was then conferred on Hakki
       Bey, Turkish Ambassador at Rome, and Mahmud Shevket Pasha
       accepted office in his Cabinet as Minister of War.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (October).
       Railway and Irrigation Projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta.

       Sir William Willcocks, the British engineer who has been
       engaged for some time past in surveys for the Turkish
       Government, having reference to irrigation and railway
       improvements for the reclamation of the great Mesopotamian
       region, made a report to the Ministry of Public Works at
       Constantinople in October, 1909, of which the following
       account was given to the Press through Reuter’s Agency:

       "Sir William Willcocks advocates the construction of a railway
       from Baghdad to the Mediterranean. The proposed railway would
       start from Baghdad, cross the Euphrates at Feludia, and follow
       the Valley to Hit. At Hit the line would take the Euphrates
       Valley and traverse the flat desert in a straight line to El
       Kaim, near Abu Kemal, the northern limit of the cataracts.
       From El Kaim to Der Zor, the Euphrates has no cataracts, and
       the river Khabour, which joins the Euphrates at Mayadin, the
       ancient Rehoboth, is, like the Euphrates, navigable during the
       whole year. These parts of the Euphrates and Khabour could be
       extensively developed and all their products transported to El
       Kaim by boat and thence by rail. From El Kaim the railway
       would proceed to Tidmor (Palmyra) and follow the old trade
       route over a flat desert supplied with water. From Palmyra the
       line would go either to Homs or Damascus. The total length of
       the railway from Baghdad to Damascus is placed at 880
       kilometres.

    {665}

       "The report next deals with the works of irrigation to be
       undertaken at once. These consist of barrages of the Hindich
       canal, dams on the Habbania and Sakhlawia, and works for the
       navigation on the Tigris. The total cost of the entire works
       on the Euphrates is estimated at £T1,034,000, while that of
       the works on the Tigris is placed at £T1,110,480. The cost of
       the works to be undertaken forthwith attains the following
       figures:—

       On the Euphrates, £T822,700;
       on the Tigris, £T710,000;
       total, £T1,532,700.

       The railway could be built in two years, while the irrigation
       works would take eight years to complete. To begin with, one
       million hectares of land would be restored to its former
       prosperity out of five million hectares which comprise the
       Tigris-Euphrates delta."

       ----------TURKEY: End--------

    TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE:
       Its Twenty-fifth Anniversary.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

    TWEEDMOUTH, LORD:
       First Lord of the Admiralty.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    TWO-HUNDRED-AND-THREE METRE HILL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    TWO POWER STANDARD, NAVAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          War, The PREPARATIONS for.

    TURNEY, DANIEL BRAXTON:
       Nominated for President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    TYRREL, Father George:
       Writer of a Famous Letter on Questions of Religion.
       His death.

       The Reverend George Tyrrel, widely known as Father Tyrrel,
       died on the 15th of July, 1909, at Storrington, Sussex,
       England. He was the writer of a letter which gave a notable
       impulse to the movement of thought in the Roman Catholic
       Church known as "Modernism," which Pope Pius X. condemned as
       heretical in his encyclical of 1907. The letter was addressed
       to an English man of science (supposed to have been Professor
       Mivart) who, being a Roman Catholic, found difficulty in
       reconciling his scientific convictions with the tenets of his
       Church. Parts of the letter obtained publication in Italy, and
       led to the expulsion of Father Tyrrel from the Society of
       Jesus. He then gave publication to the full text of the
       letter, under the title of "A Much Abused Letter." On the
       appearance of the encyclical against Modernism he criticised
       it with keenness, and was virtually excommunicated from the
       Church. The fact that on his death-bed, when stricken with
       speechlessness, he received the sacraments of the Church, gave
       rise to much controversy, as to his volition in the matter and
       as to the justification of the priest who ministered to him.

       Father Tyrrel had entered the Roman Church in 1879, under the
       influence of the writings of Cardinal Newman.

    TZE-HSI:
       Dowager-Empress of China.
       Her death.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    U.

    UGANDA:
       Its habitability by Whites.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    ULEMA, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    UNDERFED SCHOOL CHILDREN.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

    UNEMPLOYMENT, THE PROBLEM OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          POVERTY, THE PROBLEMS OF.

    UNIFORM STATE LAWS.

          See (in this Volume)
          LAW AND ITS COURTS: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED DRY GOODS COMPANIES.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &C.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    UNITED FREE CHURCH, OF SCOTLAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

    UNITED MINE-WORKERS, OF AMERICA.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, OF SCOTLAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904.

       ----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Start--------

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (September).
       The Assassination of President McKinley.

       "On the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an
       anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition at
       Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of that
       month. Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third
       who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is
       sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American
       citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third
       assassination of an American President, have a peculiarly
       sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President
       Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not
       uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a victim to the
       terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and
       President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed
       office-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly
       depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who
       object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against
       any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the
       most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the
       upright exponent of a free people’s sober will as to the
       tyrannical and irresponsible despot.

       "It is not too much to say that at the time of President
       McKinley’s death he was the most widely loved man in all the
       United States; while we have never had any public man of his
       position who has been so wholly free from the bitter
       animosities incident to public life. His political opponents
       were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute
       to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and
       gentleness of character, which so endeared him to his close
       associates.
    {666}
       To a standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the
       tender affections and home virtues which are all-important in
       the make-up of national character. A gallant soldier in the
       great war for the Union, he also shone as an example to all
       our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and
       intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred
       of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for
       the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who
       knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those
       murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by
       asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh
       against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this
       assassination even this base apology cannot be urged. …

       "The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all
       Presidents; at every symbol of government. President McKinley
       was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the
       Nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England
       town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the
       law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On
       no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be
       accepted as due to protest against ‘inequalities in the social
       order,’ save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a
       town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that
       social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail."

          Message of President Roosevelt to Congress,
          December 3, 1901.

          See (in this Volume)
          Buffalo: A. D. 1901.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (September).
       Settlement of Boxer Indemnity from China.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (December).
       Communication of German Claims and Complaints against Venezuela.
       The President’s Reply.
       Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       The "Boom Years" in Trade and Investment of Capital.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902.
       Efforts of Secretary Hay to maintain the "Open Door"
       in Manchuria.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902 (October-January).
       The Second International Conference of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1902 (November-February).
       Negotiation and Ratification of the Second Hay-Pauncefote
       Treaty, relative to a Ship Canal between the Atlantic
       and Pacific Oceans.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901-1902.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1903.
       Urgency of President Roosevelt for more Effective Legislation
       to control the Operation of so-called Trusts.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS: INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1903.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1903.
       Purchase of Franchises and Property of French Panama Canal Co.
       Failure of Canal Treaty with Colombia.
       Secession and recognized Independence of Panama.
       Treaty with the Republic of Panama.
       Undertaking of the Canal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1905.
       The Cabinet of President Roosevelt during his First Term.

       On succeeding the murdered President McKinley, to fill the
       unexpired term, President Roosevelt retained his predecessor’s
       Cabinet, three members of which remained in it throughout the
       term. These were John Hay, Secretary of State, Ethan Allen
       Hitchcock, Secretary of the Interior, and James Wilson,
       Secretary of Agriculture. Lyman J. Gage, Secretary of the
       Treasury, resigned in 1902 and was succeeded by Leslie M.
       Shaw. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, was succeeded by William
       H. Taft in 1904. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy, retired
       in 1902, to be succeeded by William H. Moody, who went two
       years later to the Department of Justice, as Attorney-General,
       taking the place of Philander C. Knox, and being followed in
       the Navy Department by Paul Morton. Charles E. Smith,
       Postmaster-General, left the Cabinet in 1902, and his place
       was taken by Henry C. Payne, who was succeeded in turn by
       Robert J. Wynne in 1904. The Department of Commerce and Labor,
       created in February, 1903, was filled first by George B.
       Cortelyou, until 1904, then by Victor H. Metcalf.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1905.
       Urgency of President Roosevelt for more effective Railway Rate
       Legislation.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1870-1908.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Governmental Action against Corporate Wrongdoing.
       A summary of Legislation, Litigation, and Court Decisions.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1906.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1909.
       Progress of Civil Service Reform under President Roosevelt.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901-1909.
       The great National Movement for an organized Conservation of
       Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902.
       Arbitration at The Hague of the Pious Fund Dispute with Mexico.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1902.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (August).
       Assertion to Germany of Principles involved in the Right of
       Expatriation.

          See (in this Volume)
          NATURALIZATION.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (January).
       Founding of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (February-March).
       Visit of Prince Henry of Prussia.

       A visit by Prince Henry of Prussia, brother of the German
       Emperor, was an event of considerable importance, in what it
       signified of friendly relations between Germany and the United
       States. The Prince arrived on the 22d of February and remained
       in the country until the 11th of March, visiting and being
       entertained at Washington (and Mt. Vernon), Annapolis, West
       Point, Philadelphia, New York, and making a six days trip into
       the West.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (March).
       Creation of a Permanent Census Bureau.

       After long urging, Congress, in February, 1902, passed a bill
       authorizing the organization of a permanent Census Bureau in
       the Department of the Interior.

    {667}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May).
       Unveiling of a Monument to Marshal de Rochambeau.

       A joint resolution of the two Houses of Congress, in the
       following words, was approved by the President on the 21st of
       March, 1902:

       "That the President be, and is hereby, authorized and
       requested to extend to the Government and people of France and
       the family of Marshal de Rochambeau, commander in chief of the
       French forces in America during the war of independence, and
       to the family of Marquis de Lafayette, a cordial invitation to
       unite with the Government and people of the United States in a
       fit and appropriate dedication of the monument of Marshal de
       Rochambeau to be unveiled in the city of Washington on the
       twenty-fourth day of May, nineteen hundred and two; and for
       the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this resolution
       the sum of ten thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, out of
       any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, the
       same, or so much thereof as may be necessary, to be expended
       under the direction of the Secretary of State."

       The invitation was conveyed to the President of France by an
       autograph letter from President Roosevelt, while Secretary
       Hay, at the same time, communicated it officially, through the
       American Ambassador at Paris, to representatives of the
       families of Marshal de Rochambeau and the Marquis de
       Lafayette. France, in response, sent a battleship, the
       Gaulois, bearing a general and an admiral, with two
       aids each, and two officials from the foreign office. The
       invitation was accepted by the present Count and Countess de
       Rochambeau; and, as explained by Ambassador Porter in a
       despatch, "Mr. Gaston de Sahune de Lafayette and his wife, not
       being able to proceed to the United States, the invitation is
       accepted for Mr. Paul de Sahune de Lafayette, who has been
       living in the United States for the last two years and who
       speaks English. He is the brother of Mr. Gaston de Sahune de
       Lafayette."

       The ceremonies of the unveiling of the monument took place at
       Washington on the 24th of May, and were followed by official
       hospitalities to the guests of the occasion at Washington,
       Annapolis, West Point, New York, Newport, and Boston. With the
       sailing of the Gaulois, on the 1st of June, the
       formalities of the visit came to an end.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May).
       Establishment of the Republic of Cuba.
       Transfer of Executive Authority from U. S. Military Governor
       to President-elect Palma.

          See (in this Volume )
          CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (May-November).
       The Restoration of the White House.

       Until 1902 the residence and the executive offices of the
       President of the United States were crowded together in the
       historic White House, with increasing inconvenience and
       impropriety. Many projects for their separation had been
       discussed, involving generally the erection of a new mansion
       for the chief magistrate; but they had no result until
       President Roosevelt, with characteristic resolution, took the
       matter in hand. His emphatic pronouncement that "under no
       circumstances should the President live elsewhere than in the
       historic White House" appealed strongly to a very common
       public feeling, and smoothed the way for an undertaking which
       speedily cleared the White House of its secretarial and
       clerical offices and made it a fit and worthy residence for
       the chief citizen of the Republic and his family.

       On consultation with the Park Commission of Washington, and
       especially with the architect, Mr. McKim, who was one of its
       members, as to the expenditure of the annual appropriations of
       Congress for repairs to the White House, it was decided to be
       thriftless policy "to patch a building that needed thorough
       reconstruction. When asked for his ideas as to such
       reconstruction, Mr. McKim advised that a temporary one-story
       building be located west of the White House, nearly on the
       site once occupied by Thomas Jefferson’s offices, and be
       distinctly subordinate to the main building; and that the
       White House be restored to its original uses as a residence.
       This solution commended itself to the President, but lateness
       in the session of Congress seemed to make the project
       impossible of immediate execution.

       "The discussion was still in the academic stage when, one day
       [in May, 1902], Mr. McKim outlined his ideas to the late
       Senator McMillan, who straightway asked the cost of the
       proposed changes. Pressed for an immediate answer, Mr. McKim
       made a rough estimate. The Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill was
       then pending in the Senate Committee on Appropriations, and
       within an hour from the time the figures were given that
       committee agreed to insert an item for the restoration of the
       White House and for the construction of temporary executive
       offices. To Senators Allison and Hale the President afterward
       submitted the architect’s scheme; and when the item was
       reached during the passage of the bill in the Senate, the plan
       was received with favor, and the appropriation was agreed to
       without objection."

       It passed the House with equal promptitude. The President then
       stipulated that "the work should be completed in time for the
       next social season, and that the executive offices and the
       living portion of the White House should be ready in November,
       1902. That meant a campaign. Stones for floors and stairways
       must be selected piece by piece at the distant quarry; steel
       must be found to replace the over-tired wooden floor-beams;
       velvets and silks must be woven; hardware must be fashioned;
       and a thousand and one details must be looked after, because
       in less than six months the White House was to be made over
       from cellar to garret, and every piece of woodwork, every item
       of furniture, each ceiling and panel and moulding, must be
       both architecturally correct and also befitting a house of the
       latter part of the eighteenth century. Such was the task which
       the architects, Messrs. McKim, Mead & White, took upon
       themselves. …

       "The total amount which Congress placed in President
       Roosevelt’s hands for both the executive offices and the
       White House was $530,641, and he might expend the money either
       by contract or otherwise in his discretion. This amount was
       based on estimates furnished by the architects, with the
       understanding that any portion saved on one item might be used
       on others, a very happy proviso, as it turned out, because the
       electric wiring had to be entirely renewed, new heating
       apparatus provided, and even a new roof put on the house--all
       unforeseen requirements. …

       "At the outset the architects discovered that simply by
       carrying out completely the early plans as to the exterior,
       and by making certain rearrangements in the interior, the …
       White House problems could be solved, at least for the
       immediate future, without destroying one single feature of the
       historic building. …

    {668}

       "By the restoration of the east and west terraces the White
       House now rises from a stylobate 460 feet in length, thus
       greatly enhancing the dignity of the structure. The roofs of
       these terraces (which are level with the ground on the north)
       are surrounded with stone balustrades bearing electric lamps."

          Charles Moore,
          The Restoration of the White House
          (Century Magazine, April, 1903).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (June).
       Reclamation (Irrigation) Act of Congress.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (October).
       Failure of Projected Purchase of the Danish West Indies.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1902.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Friendly course of Germany in undertaking Proceedings,
       with Great Britain and Italy, against Venezuela.
       Recognition of the Monroe Doctrine.
       Intermediation of the United States.

       "If any proof were needed of Germany’s purpose to maintain
       good relations with our country [the United States], her
       course in the Venezuela matter has amply supplied it.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904]

       Indeed, the fact that Germany came to an understanding with
       our government before taking forcible measures against
       Venezuela is of most momentous significance. Why? Because this
       was the first explicit recognition of the Monroe Doctrine by
       any Continental Power. It is a notable milestone passed in the
       history of our country and its relations with European
       governments. It gives the Monroe Doctrine a validity no longer
       to be disputed. All this was instantly recognized in Germany.
       ‘America for the Americans,’ said a great Berlin daily, ‘has
       become an irreversible fact.’ German Jingo organs were dazed,
       and angrily exclaimed, ‘Must we ask permission at Washington
       to collect our claims from Venezuela?’ Papers of more rational
       temper, however, accepted Germany's course, as not only
       without detriment to her dignity, but as in harmony with her
       political interests. Indeed, this saner section of the German
       press was even pleased that the government had thus made such
       an emphatic disavowal of the aims and dreams of the noisy,
       fantastic Pan-Germans."

          W. C. Dreher,
          A Letter from Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1902).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1903.
       Extension of Civil Service Classification
       to Rural Free Delivery Service.
       Order concerning Unclassified Laborers.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902-1905.
       Negotiation and Senatorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond
       Reciprocity Treaty with Newfoundland.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1902-1905.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1902 (February).
       Creation of the Department of Commerce and Labor in
       the National Government.
       The Bureau of Corporations.

       "The establishment of the Department of Commerce and Labor,
       with the Bureau of Corporations thereunder, marks a real
       advance in the direction of doing all that is possible for the
       solution of the questions vitally affecting capitalist and
       wage-workers. The act creating the Department was approved on
       February 14, 1903, and two days later the head of the
       Department was nominated and confirmed by the Senate. Since
       then the work of organization has been pushed as rapidly as
       the initial appropriations permitted, and with due regard to
       thoroughness and the broad purposes which the Department is
       designed to serve. After the transfer of the various bureaus
       and branches to the department at the beginning of the current
       fiscal year, as provided for in the act, the personnel
       comprised 1,289 employees in Washington and 8,836 in the
       country at large. The scope of the Department’s duty and
       authority embraces the commercial and industrial interests of
       the Nation. It is not designed to restrict or control the
       fullest liberty of legitimate business action, but to secure
       exact and authentic information which will aid the Executive
       in enforcing existing laws, and which will enable the Congress
       to enact additional legislation, if any should be found
       necessary, in order to prevent the few from obtaining
       privileges at the expense of diminished opportunities for the
       many.

       "The preliminary work of the Bureau of Corporations in the
       Department has shown the wisdom of its creation. Publicity in
       corporate affairs will tend to do away with ignorance, and
       will afford facts upon which intelligent action may be taken.
       Systematic, intelligent investigation is already developing
       facts the knowledge of which is essential to a right
       understanding of the needs and duties of the business World.
       The corporation which is honestly and fairly organized, whose
       managers in the conduct of its business recognize their
       obligation to deal squarely with their stockholders, their
       competitors, and the public, has nothing to fear from such
       supervision. The purpose of this Bureau is not to embarrass or
       assail legitimate business, but to aid in bringing about a
       better industrial condition—a condition under which there
       shall be obedience to law and recognition of public obligation
       by all corporations, great or small."

          Message of the President to Congress,
          December 7, 1903.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (February).
       Passage of the Act to further regulate Commerce with Foreign
       Nations and among the States, known commonly as
       the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903 (FEBRUARY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
       Settlement of the Alaska Boundary Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1903.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
       Lease from Cuba of two Coaling and Naval Stations.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1903.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
       New Treaty with China.
       Two Ports in Manchuria opened to Foreign Trade.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1903 (MAY-OCTOBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903 (October).
       Commercial Relations with Germany as affected by the
       new German Tariff Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1902 (OCTOBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
       The Financial Crisis.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1904.
       Contention against Canadian claims to Sovereignty over Land
       and Sea in Hudson Bay Region.
       Canadian Measures to establish it.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1905.
       Investigation and Prosecution of the "Beef Trust," so called.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1906.

    {669}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1903-1906.
       Unearthing of Extensive Frauds in the Land Office.

       Late in December, 1902, the Secretary of the Interior
       Department, the Honorable Ethan Allen Hitchcock, received
       information which led him, with the President’s approval, to
       demand the resignation of the Commissioner of the Land Office,
       Binger Hermann, of Oregon. Mr. Hermann was a man of importance
       in the Republican party, and he rallied powerful influences to
       his support. They could not anchor him durably in the Land
       Office, but they did delay his departure from it for about a
       mouth, during which time he is said to have destroyed
       thousands of letters and documents bearing on land frauds
       which he was under suspicion of having protected and promoted.
       Returning to Oregon from Washington he sought and obtained
       from his party an election to Congress, to fill a vacancy
       which death had caused opportunely, and this seemed to augment
       his political power. But agents of the Interior Department
       were in Oregon and other Western States at the same time,
       gathering evidence which soon removed all doubt of the huge
       conspiracy of fraud which Commissioner Hermann had been a
       party to, and which had wide ramifications wherever public
       lands of value were open to entry, under the Homestead Act,
       the Desert Land Act, or the Timber and Stone Act.

       The frauds were carried on under false appearances of
       compliance with the requirements of law, and the dismissal of
       Hermann had not cleared from the General Land Office all the
       treacherous connivance which made them possible. Other allies
       of the land-thieves were tracked to their official desks, some
       at Washington, some in the Interior Department, some in
       Congress, and some out in the land offices at the West. Then
       the Federal Grand Jury at Portland, Oregon, began to turn out
       indictments, on evidence handled by Francis J. Heney, now
       entering on a famous career, as special prosecutor for the
       Government. Mr. Heney was appointed by the President on the
       recommendation of Secretary Hitchcock and Attorney-General
       Knox, with neglect of advice from Oregon Senators and
       Congressmen. One of the first of the indictments found struck
       an Oregon Senator, John H. Mitchell, and brought him to a
       prison sentence, which death rescued him from. Another put a
       member of the House of Representatives, J. H. Williamson, on
       trial; a third put its brand on a recently removed United
       States District Attorney, John H. Hall. Binger Hermann, a
       State Senator, and several special agents of the Land Office
       were among the other subjects of prosecution, besides a large
       number of private operators in the land-thieves’ ring.

       These proceedings were at the beginning of vigorous measures
       which have gone far towards, if not fully to the end of
       arresting the frauds which were rapidly robbing the nation of
       the last of its valuable public lands.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904.
       Representation in the Interparliamentary Union.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May).
       Kidnapping of Mr. Ion Perdicaris at Tangier, for Ransom.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1904-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May-October).
       The Louisiana Purchase Exposition.

          See (in this Volume)
          ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1904.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (May-November).
       The Presidential Election.
       Parties, Candidates, and Platforms.
       Election of President Roosevelt.

       The questions of leading interest and influence in the canvass
       preliminary to the Presidential election of 1904 were
       undoubtedly those relating to the governmental regulation of
       interstate railways and of the capitalistic combinations
       called "trusts"; but those questions had not yet acquired the
       height of importance in the public mind which they reached
       before the next quadrennial polling of the nation occurred.
       The question of tariff revision and a moderated protective
       system, in the interest of the great mass of consumers, was
       rising in interest, especially at the West; but that, too, was
       but mildly influential in the campaign. As for the
       imperialistic ambitions that had been excited for a time by
       the conquests of 1898, they had cooled to so great a degree as
       to offer no longer much challenge to opposition; opinion in
       the country now differing on little more than the length of
       time to which American guardianship over the Philippine
       Islands should be allowed to run. The voters of the United
       States, in fact, made their election between the men who were
       offered to it as candidates, far more than between the parties
       and the policies whom the candidates represented; and
       President Roosevelt was reelected on personal grounds, in the
       main, because the kind of vigorous character he had shown was
       greatly to the liking of a large part of the people.

       The first nominating convention to be held was that of the
       Socialist party, whose delegates met at Chicago, May 2, and
       nominated for President Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana; for
       Vice-President Benjamin Hanford, of New York.

       On the same day the United Christian Party, whose declaration
       of principles appears below, met at St. Louis.

       The Convention of the Republican Party, also held at Chicago,
       came next in time, June 21, and, with Theodore Roosevelt, of
       New York, for reëlection as President, it named for
       Vice-President Charles Warren Fairbanks, of Indiana.

       The Prohibition Party, in convention at Indianapolis, June 29,
       named Silas C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania, for President, and
       George W. Carroll, of Texas, for Vice-President.

       On the 4th of July the People’s or Populist Party held
       convention at Springfield, Illinois, and nominated Thomas E.
       Watson, of Georgia, for President, with Thomas H. Tibbles, of
       Nebraska, for Vice-President.

       Meeting two days earlier, in New York City, but in session
       some days longer, the Socialist Labor Party named for
       President Charles Hunter Corregan, of New York, and for
       Vice-President William Wesley Cox, of Illinois.

       The convention of the Democratic Party opened its session, at
       St. Louis, on the 6th of July. Its nominee for President was
       Alton B. Parker, of New York; for Vice-President Henry G.
       Davis, of West Virginia.

       The National Liberty Party met at St. Louis on the 7th of July
       and put forth its platform of principles.

       The last of the nominations were presented on the 31st of
       August, at Chicago, by a convention representing a new party,
       the Continental, whose candidates then named declined and were
       subsequently replaced by Austin Holcomb, of Georgia, for
       President, and A. King, of Missouri, for Vice-President.

    {670}

       With some abridgment, the declarations of principles and
       pledges of party policy adopted by these several conventions
       on the main questions at issue are given conveniently for
       comparison in the following arrangement by subjects:

       Trusts.

       The Republican Party contented itself with a brief boast of
       "laws enacted by the Republican party which the Democratic
       party failed to enforce," but which "have been fearlessly
       enforced by a Republican President," and of "new laws insuring
       reasonable publicity as to the operations of great
       corporations and providing additional remedies for the
       prevention of discrimination in freight rates."

       The Democratic Party condemned with vigor the failure of
       Republicans in Congress to prohibit contracts with convicted
       trusts; declared that "gigantic trusts and combinations" "are
       a menace to beneficial competition and an obstacle to
       permanent business prosperity;" denounced "rebates and
       discrimination by transportation companies as the most potent
       agency in promoting and strengthening these unlawful
       conspiracies against trade," demanded "an enlargement of the
       powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission," "a strict
       enforcement of existing civil and criminal statutes against
       all such trusts, combinations and monopolies," and "the
       enactment of such further legislation as may be necessary to
       effectually suppress them."

       The People’s Party set forth the proposition that, "to prevent
       unjust discrimination and monopoly the Government should own
       and control the railroads and those public utilities which in
       their nature are monopolies." It should "own and operate the
       general telegraph and telephone systems and provide a parcels
       post." Corporations "should be subjected to such governmental
       regulations and control as will adequately protect the
       public," and demand was made for "the taxation of monopoly
       privileges, while they remain in private hands, to the extent
       of the value of the privileges granted."

       The Continental Party contended for a guarded chartering by
       Congress of "all railroad and other corporations doing
       business in two or more States," and for having the "creating
       of ‘corners’ and the establishing of exorbitant prices for
       products necessary to human existence … made a criminal
       offence."

       The United Christian Party declared that "Christian government
       through direct legislation will regulate the trusts and labor
       problem according to the golden rule."

       The Tariff.

       The Republican Party declared "Protection" to be its "cardinal
       policy," maintenance of the principles of which policy is
       insisted upon; wherefore "rates of duty should be readjusted
       only when conditions have so changed that the public interest
       demands their alteration," and "this work cannot safely be
       committed to any other hands than those of the Republican
       party."

       The Democratic Party, on the contrary, denounced "protection
       as a robbery of the many to enrich the few," favored "a tariff
       limited to the needs of the Government, economically
       administered," and called for a "revision and gradual
       reduction of the tariff by the friends of the masses, for the
       commonwealth, and not by the friends of its abuses, its
       extortions and its discriminations."

       The People’s Party declared for a change in our laws that
       "will place tariff schedules in the hands of an omni-partisan
       commission."

       The Continental Party limited its declaration on this subject
       to one pronouncing for an "adherence to the principles of
       reciprocity advocated by that eminent statesman, James G.
       Blaine, as applied to Canada and all American Republics."

       Capital and Labor.
       Public Ownership.
       Socialism.

       The Republican Party recognized "combinations of capital and
       labor" as "being the results of the economic movements of the
       age," but "neither must be permitted to infringe upon the
       rights and interests of the people"; "both are subject to the
       laws, and neither can be permitted to break them."

       The Democratic Party expressed similar impartiality, in
       favoring "the enactment and administration of laws giving
       labor and capital impartially their just rights."

       The People’s Party pledged its effort to "preserve inviolate"
       "the right of labor to organize for the benefit and protection
       of those who toil." It would seek "the enactment of
       legislation looking to the improvement of conditions for the
       wage-earners, the abolition of child labor, the suppression of
       sweat shops and of convict labor in competition with free
       labor"; also the "exclusion from American shores of foreign
       pauper labor," and "the shorter work day."

       The Continental Party adopted these expressions of the
       People’s Party, in identical words.

       The National Liberty Party asked "that the General Government
       own and control all public carriers in the United States."

       The Prohibition Party declared itself "in favor of … the
       safeguarding of the people’s rights by a rigid application of
       the principles of justice to all combinations and
       organizations of capital and labor."

       The United Christian Party pronounced simply for "Government
       ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public utilities."

       The Socialist Party pledged itself "to watch and work, in both
       the economic and the political struggle, for each successive
       immediate interest of the working class": for "shortened days
       of labor and increases of wages"; for "insurance of the
       workers against accident, sickness and lack of employment";
       for pensions; for "public ownership of the means of
       transportation, communication and exchange"; for graduated
       taxation of incomes, etc.; for "complete education of children
       and their freedom from the workshops"; for "free
       administration of justice"; for "the initiative, referendum,
       proportional representation, equal suffrage for men and women,"
       etc.; and for "every gain or advantage for the workers that
       may be wrested from the capitalist system and that may relieve
       the suffering and strengthen the hands of labor"; but in so
       doing it proclaims that it is "using these remedial measures
       as means to the one great end of the co-operative
       commonwealth."

       The Socialist Labor Party declared that "the existing
       contradiction between the theory of democratic government and
       the fact of a despotic economic system … perverts government
       to the exclusive benefit of the capitalist class"; wherefore,
       "against such a system the Socialist Labor Party raises the
       banner of revolt, and demands the unconditional surrender of
       the capitalist class."

    {671}

       Nomination and Election.
       Initiative and Referendum.

       The Democratic Party declared for the election of United
       States Senators by direct popular vote.

       he People’s Party demanded "that legal provision be made under
       which people may exercise the initiative and referendum, and
       proportional representation, and direct vote for all public
       officers, with the right of recall."

       The Continental Party demanded "the enactment by the several
       States of a primary election law"; the "elimination of the
       party ‘boss’"; "direct legislation by the method known as the
       initiative and referendum," and the possession by each State
       of "the sole right to determine by legislation the
       qualifications required of voters within its jurisdiction,
       irrespective of race, color or sex."

       The Prohibition Party expressed itself in favor of the popular
       election of United States Senators; of "a wise application of
       the principle of the initiative and referendum," and of making
       the right of suffrage "depend upon the mental and moral
       qualifications of the citizen."

       Natural Resources.
       Land.
       Reclamation.
       Waterways.

       The Republican Party pointed simply to the fact that it had
       "passed laws which will bring the arid lands of the United
       States within the area of cultivation."

       The Democratic Party congratulated "our western citizens upon
       the passage of the law known as the Newlands Irrigation Act,"
       claiming it as "a measure framed by a Democrat, passed in the
       Senate by a non-partisan vote, and passed in the House against
       the opposition of almost all Republican leaders, by a vote the
       majority of which was Democratic." It declared for "liberal
       appropriations for the improvement of waterways of the
       country," and pronounced its opposition to "the Republican
       policy of starving home development in order to feed the greed
       for conquest and the appetite for national prestige."

       The People’s Party asserted that "Land, including all the
       natural sources of wealth, is a heritage of all the people,
       and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes; and
       alien ownership of land should be prohibited."

       Each of the party platforms was fluent on many other topics,
       such as the protection of citizens at home and abroad, the
       Panama Canal, territories and dependencies, injunctions,
       public economy, taxation, monetary questions, pensions, the
       civil service, army and navy, merchant marine,
       liquor-licensing and prohibition (the specialty of the
       Prohibition Party), divorce, polygamy, etc.; but these entered
       so little into the canvass that the party declarations on them
       had small effect, if any, on the popular vote.

       At the election, in November, the votes given to the
       Republican nominees numbered 7,623,486; to Democratic,
       5,077,971; to Socialist, 402,283; to Prohibition, 258,536; to
       People’s, 117,183; to Socialist Labor, 31,249.

       The electoral votes cast were 336 for Roosevelt and Fairbanks;
       140 for Parker and Davis.

       The States which gave Republican majorities were California,
       Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana,
       Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota,
       Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New
       Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania,
       Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, Washington, West
       Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming,—32.

       Democratic majorities were given in Alabama, Arkansas,
       Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North
       Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,—12.

       In Maryland, where the electors are chosen by the Legislature,
       6 votes were given to the Democratic candidates and 2 to the
       Republican.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (October).
       Initial invitation by the President to the holding of a Second
       Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904 (November).
       President Roosevelt’s Renunciation of any Third Term Candidacy.

       On the evening of the day of election, as soon as the result
       was known to have given him a second term in the presidential
       office, President Roosevelt issued the following
       acknowledgment and announcement to the country:

       "I am deeply sensible of the honor done me by the American
       people in thus expressing their confidence in what I have done
       and have tried to do. I appreciate to the full the solemn
       responsibility this confidence imposes upon me, and I shall do
       all that in my power lies not to forfeit it. On the Fourth of
       March next I shall have served three and one-half years, and
       this three and one-half years constitutes my first term. The
       wise custom which limits the President to two terms regards
       the substance and not the form. Under no circumstances will I
       be a candidate for or accept another nomination."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904-1905.
       Beginning and Organization of Work on the Panama Canal.

          See (in this Volume)
          PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1904-1905.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1904-1909.
       Progress of State, County, and Town Prohibition.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
       Arbitration Treaty with Mexico.

          See (in this Volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1904-1905.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
       Reopened Controversy over American Fishing Rights on
       the Newfoundland coast.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1905-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905.
       Assistance to San Domingo against threatening Creditors.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (February).
       Concentration of Forest Service in the Department
       of Agriculture.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (February-June).
       Recovery from France of the body of Admiral John Paul Jones.

       On the 13th of February, 1905, President Roosevelt addressed
       a Message to Congress which gave the following information:

       "For a number of years efforts have been made to confirm the
       historical statement that the remains of Admiral John Paul
       Jones were interred in a certain piece of ground in the city
       of Paris then owned by the Government and used at the time as
       a burial place for foreign Protestants. These efforts have at
       last resulted in documentary proof that John Paul Jones was
       buried on July 20, 1792, between 8 and 9 o’clock P. M., in the
       now abandoned cemetery of St. Louis, in the northeastern
       section of Paris. About 500 bodies were interred there, and
       the body of the admiral was probably among the last hundred
       buried. It was encased in a leaden coffin, calculated to
       withstand the ravages of time.

    {672}

       "The cemetery was about 130 feet long by 120 feet wide. Since
       its disuse as a burial place the soil has been tilled to a
       level and covered almost completely by buildings, most of them
       of an inferior class. The American ambassador in Paris, being
       satisfied that it is practical to discover and identify the
       remains of John Paul Jones, has, after prolonged negotiations
       with the present holders of the property and the tenants
       thereof, secured from them options in writing which give him
       the right to dig in all parts of the property during a period
       of three months for the purpose of making the necessary
       excavations and searches, upon condition of a stated
       compensation for the damage and annoyance caused by the work.
       The actual search is to be conducted by the chief engineer of
       the municipal department of Paris having charge of
       subterranean works at a cost which has been carefully
       estimated. The ambassador gives the entire cost of the work,
       including the options, compensation, cost of excavating and
       caring for the remains as not exceeding 180,000 francs, or
       $35,000, on the supposition that the body may not be found
       until the whole area has been searched. If earlier discovered,
       the expense would be proportionately less."

       The President recommended an appropriation of the sum named,
       "or so much thereof as may be necessary for the purposes above
       described, to be expended under the direction of the Secretary
       of State."

       On the 14th of April following a telegram from the Ambassador
       at Paris, General Horace Porter, announced that his "six
       years’ search for the remains of Paul Jones" had resulted in
       success, and described the identification of the body. This
       had been verified by Doctors Capitan and Papillault,
       distinguished professors of the School of Anthropology, who
       had ample particulars of information from which to judge.
       Arrangements were made at once for sending a naval squadron,
       under Admiral Sigsbee, to France, to bring the remains to the
       United States. This was done in the following June, when the
       relics of the first of American naval heroes received the high
       honors that were due to his exploits. They were deposited in a
       vault on the grounds of the Naval Academy at Annapolis.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (June-October).
       Mediation by the President between Russia and Japan.
       The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905 (July).
       Proclamation of the Death of John Hay, Secretary of State.

       "John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, died on
       July 1st. His death, a crushing sorrow to his friends, is to
       the people of this country a national bereavement; and it is
       in addition a serious loss to all mankind, for to him it was
       given to stand as a leader in the effort to better world
       conditions by striving to advance the cause of international
       peace and justice. He entered the public service as the
       trusted and intimate companion of Abraham Lincoln, and for
       well nigh forty-five years he served his country with loyal
       devotion and high ability in many positions of honor and
       trust, and finally he crowned his life work by serving as
       Secretary of State with such far-sighted reading of the future
       and such loyalty to lofty ideals as to confer lasting benefits
       not only upon our own country, but upon all the nations of the
       earth.

       "As a suitable expression of national mourning, I direct that
       the diplomatic representatives of the United States in all
       foreign countries display the flags over their embassies and
       legations at half-mast for ten days; that for a like period
       the flag of the United States be displayed at half-mast at all
       forts and military posts and at all naval stations and on all
       vessels of the United States. I further order that on the day
       of the funeral the Executive Departments in the city of
       Washington be closed, and that on all public buildings
       throughout the United States the national flag be displayed at
       half-mast.

       "Done at the city of Washington this third day of July, A. D.
       1905, and of the Independence of the United States of America
       the one hundred and twenty-ninth. Theodore Roosevelt."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
       American Claims against Venezuela.

          See (in this Volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Part taken in the organization of the International
       Institute of Agriculture.

          See (in this Volume)
          AGRICULTURE.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1906.
       The new Period of Inflated Exploitation of Capital.
       Increased Cost of Living.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1907.
       Receivership of San Domingo Revenues.
       The "Modus Vivendi" and the Treaty.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1905-1907.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1905-1909.
       The Cabinet of President Roosevelt during his Second Term.

       During the second term of President Roosevelt his Cabinet
       underwent the following changes: On the death of John Hay, in
       July, 1905, Elihu Root became Secretary of State, and
       continued in the office until January, 1909, when he resigned,
       and was succeeded by the Assistant Secretary of State, Robert
       Bacon. Leslie M. Shaw left the Treasury Department in 1907,
       and the secretaryship was given to George B. Cortelyou.
       William H. Taft continued in charge of the War Department
       until his nomination for President, in 1908, when General Luke
       E. Wright was called to his place. Charles J. Bonaparte,
       appointed Secretary of the Navy at the beginning of the
       President’s new term, was transferred in 1907 to the
       Department of Justice, succeeding Attorney-General Moody,
       appointed to the bench of the Supreme Court, and being
       succeeded in the Navy Department by Victor H. Metcalf,
       previously Secretary of Commerce and Labor. In the Department
       of the Interior, Secretary Hitchcock resigned in 1907, and
       James R. Garfield, previously Commissioner of Corporations,
       came into his place. George B. Cortelyou had been called to
       the Post Office Department at the beginning of the new
       presidential term, and transferred thence to the Treasury
       Department in 1907. His place in the Post Office was then
       filled by George von L. Meyer. The Secretary of Agriculture,
       James Wilson, remained at the head of that Department
       throughout the term. On the transfer of Mr. Metcalf from the
       Department of Commerce and Labor to that of the Treasury, in
       1907, his place in the former was taken by Oscar S. Straus.

    {673}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
       Joint Action with Mexico in Central American Mediation.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
       Act for the Preservation of the Scenic Grandeur
       of Niagara Falls.

          See (in this Volume)
          NIAGARA FALLS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
       Dealings with Turkey facilitated by making the
       American Minister an Ambassador.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1906.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906.
       Enactment of a National Pure Food Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (January-April).
       Represented at the Algeciras Conference on
       the Morocco Question.
       Instructions to the Delegates.
       Declaration made on signing the Act of the Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (March).
       Supreme Court Decision enforcing the Demand of the Government
       for the production of Books and Papers by the so-called
       Tobacco Trust before a Federal Grand Jury.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1906.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April).
       Laying the Corner Stone of an Office Building for Congressmen.

       On the 14th of April, 1906, the corner stone of a building
       designed to supply each member of the House of Representatives
       with an office was laid with ceremony, the President
       delivering an address. Besides 410 distinct offices, the
       design of the building contemplated a large assembly room for
       public hearings before committees of the House. Its estimated
       cost was something over $3,000,000. A corresponding office
       building for the Senate was also in view.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April).
       Convention with British Government for Determining and
       Marking the Alaska Boundary Line.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1906.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (April-July).
       Long and Widespread Suspension of Coal Mining,
       both Anthracite and Bituminous.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (June).
       The Joint Statehood Act.

       By the Joint Statehood Bill, approved by the President June
       16, 1906, Indian Territory and Oklahoma were united to form
       the State of Oklahoma, the people being authorized to adopt a
       constitution. Arizona and New Mexico were proffered a similar
       union, in a State to be called Arizona. On the question of
       such union the Bill provided for a vote to be taken in each
       Territory, following which, if a majority in each should be
       found to favor the union, delegates to be chosen at the same
       election should meet and frame a constitution for submission
       to the people. The contemplated vote was taken at the election
       of November 6, and resulted in the rejection of the proposal
       by Arizona, while New Mexico gave assent. The project was thus
       defeated.

       The plan of union was successful, however, in the creation of
       the State of Oklahoma. Delegates to a convention for framing
       its Constitution were elected November 6, 1906; the convention
       began its session on the 20th of the same month, and finished
       its labors on the 16th of July, 1907. By proclamation of the
       President the new State,—the 46th of the Federal family,—was
       admitted to the Union on the 16th of November following, under
       the Constitution which had been ratified by vote of a majority
       of the citizens of each of the Territories now united in it.
       For some account of the Constitution;

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (July-August).
       The Third International Conference of American Republics,
       at Rio de Janeiro.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (August).
       The Brownsville Affair.

       On the 13th of August, 1906, a riotous affair of a
       much-disputed nature occurred at Brownsville, Texas, in which
       one man was killed and two, at least, were wounded. The
       shooting was alleged to have been done by colored soldiers who
       formed part of a battalion of the Twenty-fifth Infantry,
       United States Army, stationed at Brownsville. An investigation
       of the affair convinced the President that some few soldiers
       of the battalion were guilty of what had been done, and that
       their comrades knew of their guilt, but were shielding them,
       by assertions to the contrary. On this belief he ordered the
       entire battalion to be discharged from the service, and angry
       controversy over his action arose at once. The negro soldiers
       were championed by a considerable part of the Press of the
       country, and by a section of Congress when it met. The
       evidence of their guilt was declared to be more than doubtful,
       and the authority of the President to issue the order of
       discharge was challenged.

       In the annual report of the then Secretary of War, now
       President Taft, the action of President Roosevelt was firmly
       sustained. Secretary Taft’s version of the circumstances of
       the affair was substantially to the following effect: Some
       number of men, from a battalion of 170, formed a preconcerted
       plan to revenge themselves upon the people of a town for
       insults which they resented. They left their barracks about
       midnight and fired into the houses of the town for the purpose
       of killing those against whom they had a grievance. They did
       kill one man, wound another, and seriously injure the chief of
       police. There can be no doubt, therefore, that this squad of
       men were guilty; the purpose of one was the purpose of all.
       Within a few minutes after the crime was committed, the men
       returned to their places in the ranks (a call to arms having
       been sounded), and must have been among the last to take their
       places, for the firing continued after the formations had
       begun. The absence of their rifles from the racks could not
       have escaped the attention of the sergeants who had the keys;
       yet all the sergeants swear that the rifles were in the racks,
       untouched. It is impossible that many of the battalion who did
       not take part as active members of the conspiracy were not
       made aware, by one circumstance or another, of the identity of
       the persons who committed the offense, instead of giving to
       their officers or the inspectors the benefit of anything which
       they knew tending to lead to a conviction of the guilty men,
       there was a conspiracy of silence on the part of many who must
       have had some knowledge of importance. "These enlisted men,"
       said Secretary Taft, "took the oath of allegiance to the
       Government, and were to be used under the law to maintain its
       supremacy. Can the Government properly, therefore, keep in its
       employ for the purpose of maintaining law and order any longer
       a body of men, from five to ten per cent. of whom can plan and
       commit murder, and rely upon the silence of a number of their
       companions to escape detection? "

    {674}

       Mr. Taft then called attention to the fact that "when a man
       enlists in the army he knows that, for the very purpose of
       protecting itself, the Government reserves to itself the
       absolute right of discharge, not as a punishment, but for the
       public safety or interest." He thus corrected the supposition
       that the discharge was a punishment either of the innocent or
       the guilty. He said further: "The discharge ‘without honor’ is
       merely the ending of a contract and separation from the
       service under a right reserved in the statute for the
       protection of the Government, which may work a hardship to the
       private discharged, but which, in the public interest, must
       sometimes be arbitrarily exercised."

       Of the repeated investigations, Congressional and military,
       that ensued, and of the protracted disputation, led in
       Congress by Senator Foraker, and echoed in the newspapers, it
       is needless to attempt an account; for no greater certainty as
       to the facts in the case can be recognized to-day than when
       Secretary Taft's report was made.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (August-October).
       Insurrection in Cuba.
       American Intervention called for.
       The Cuban Government dissolved.
       Provisional Government established by Secretary-of-War Taft.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906 (October-November).
       Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco Schools.
       Resentment of the Japanese.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906-1909.
       The Provisional Government of Cuba.
       Reinstatement of the Republic.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A D. 1906-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1906-1909.
       The Reform of the Consular Service.

          See
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
       Monetary Panic.
       Distress among the Speculative Great Capitalists.
       Industrial Paralysis.
       Unemployment for Labor.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907.
       Enactment of a new Law of Citizenship.

          See (in this Volume)
          NATURALIZATION.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (January).
       Act to prohibit Corporations from making Contributions
       in connection with Political Elections.

       The following Act of Congress was approved by the President,
       January 26, 1907.

       "That it shall be unlawful for any national bank, or any
       corporation organized by authority of any laws of Congress, to
       make a money contribution in connection with any election to
       any political office. It shall also be unlawful for any
       corporation whatever to make a money contribution in
       connection with any election at which Presidential and
       Vice-Presidential electors or a Representative in Congress is
       to be voted for or any election by any State legislature of a
       United States Senator. Every corporation which shall make any
       contribution in violation of the foregoing provisions shall be
       subject to a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars, and
       every officer or director of any corporation who shall consent
       to any contribution by the corporation in violation of the
       foregoing provisions shall upon conviction be punished by a
       fine of not exceeding one thousand and not less than two
       hundred and fifty dollars, or by imprisonment for a term of
       not more than one year, or both such fine and imprisonment in
       the discretion of the court."

       According to a statement presented to the Senate in February,
       1908, the laws of the following nineteen States and
       Territories contain provisions for the publicity of election
       contributions or expenditures originally enacted at the dates
       given:

       Alabama, 1903;
       Arizona, 1895;
       California, 1893
       Colorado, 1891;
       Connecticut, 1895;
       Iowa, 1907;
       Massachusetts, 1892;
       Minnesota, 1895;
       Missouri, 1893;
       Montana, 1895;
       Nebraska, 1897;
       New York, 1890;
       Pennsylvania, 1906;
       South Carolina, 1905;
       South Dakota, 1907;
       Texas, 1905;
       Virginia, 1903;
       Washington, 1907;
       Wisconsin, 1897.

       The laws of the three following States, which contain no
       publicity provisions, forbid corporations to contribute in any
       manner for political purposes: Florida, 1897; Kentucky, 1897;
       Tennessee, 1897.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (April).
       First National Peace Congress.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907 (June-October).
       Represented at the Second Peace Conference.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1907-1909.
       The World-round Cruise of the Battleship Fleet.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: NAVAL.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908.
       Supreme Court Decision affirming right to specially limit
       the Hours of Labor for Women.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Conditional Ratification, by the Senate of the Peace
       Conference Convention for the Pacific Settlement of
       International Disputes.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Treaty with Great Britain respecting the Demarcation of the
       International Boundary between the United States and Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1908 (APRIL).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Convention for the Preservation and Propagation of Food
       Fishes in waters contiguous to the United States and Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          FOOD FISHES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April).
       Passage of Act relating to the Liability of Common Carriers
       by Railroad to their Employees.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (April-November).
       The Presidential Election.
       Parties, Candidates, and Platforms.
       Election of President Taft.

       In the interval between the presidential elections of 1904 and
       1908 the Trust and the Tariff questions had both received an
       increase of attention and of real study, and were factors of
       more influence in the latter than in the former election. The
       energy with which President Roosevelt had pressed both
       legislative and executive action, towards a more effective
       restraint and regulation of monopolistic combinations, had
       greatly strengthened his party in public favor. His
       extraordinary personal force, moreover, had made itself felt
       in many quickenings and stimulations of public spirit and of
       governmental action, which gave a cheering experience to the
       country.
    {675}
       The various ends to which this worked, and especially on the
       lines which looked to the rescuing of the rich natural
       resources of the country from private monopoly and reckless
       waste became associated in thought with the President, and
       widely talked of as belonging to "the Roosevelt policies."
       Popular satisfaction with these policies and their champion
       would have given Mr. Roosevelt a renomination by his party, if
       he had not emphatically reiterated his pledge of four years
       before, that "under no circumstances" would he "be a candidate
       for or accept another nomination." There were some who strove
       to persuade him to be false to that pledge; but they were not
       the people who esteemed him most truly. Naturally the
       nomination that would have gone again to Mr. Roosevelt if he
       had been free to accept it sought a candidate so closely
       identified with what he had stood for and labored for that no
       departure from the favored "policies" need be feared. Quite as
       naturally that candidate won a large majority of the popular
       votes.

       The first nominating convention held in 1904 was that of the
       People’s or Populist Party, which sat in St. Louis April 2-3,
       and again named its old leader, Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia,
       for President, with Samuel W. Williams, of Indiana, for the
       second place.

       Reverend Daniel Braxton Turney, of Illinois, was the next to
       be named for President, and L. S. Coffin, of Iowa, for
       Vice-President, by the United Christian Party, at Rock Island,
       Illinois, May 1.

       On the 10th of May the Socialist Party met in convention at
       Chicago and was in session until the 18th, again nominating
       Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana, and Benjamin Hanford, of New York,
       for President and Vice-President.

       The Republican convention was assembled at Chicago, June
       16-19, and its nominees were William Howard Taft, of Ohio, for
       President, and James Schoolcraft Sherman, of New York, for
       Vice-President.

       The Socialist Labor Party, at New York, July 24, nominated,
       for President, August Gillhaus, of New York; for
       Vice-President, Donald L. Munro, of Virginia.

       At Denver, July 7-10, the Convention of the Democratic Party
       named, for the third time, William Jennings Bryan, of
       Nebraska, for President, and for Vice-President John Worth
       Kern, of Indiana.

       The Prohibitionists convened at Columbus, Ohio, July 15-16,
       and the candidates named by them for President and Vice
       President were Eugene W. Chafin, of Illinois, and Aaron S.
       Watkins, of Ohio.

       The last of the parties to meet in convention was that
       organized by William R. Hearst and named the Independence
       Party. The candidates put forward were Thomas L. Hisgen, of
       Massachusetts, and John Temple Graves, of Georgia.

       Of the eight political parties which offered candidates to the
       voters of the nation, four presented them on special grounds,
       aside from which their standing on other questions of public
       policy was but slightly and incidentally made known. The
       "platforms" of the remaining four were of the scope of general
       politics, defining positions taken on all or most of the
       political discussions of the time. The declarations of these
       latter on the questions which enlisted real interest in the
       country will be given, as in the treatment of the party
       platforms of 1904, under a dissected arrangement, by subjects,
       for convenient comparison; while the former cannot easily be
       dealt with in that analytic way. In both cases the distinctly
       declaratory text of the platforms, only, will be given, with
       some abridgment, as follows:

       Trusts.

       "The Republican Party," it asserted, "passed the Sherman
       anti-trust law over Democratic opposition, and enforced it
       after Democratic dereliction. … But experience has shown that
       its effectiveness can be strengthened and its real objects
       better attained by such amendments as will give to the Federal
       Government greater supervision and control over, and secure
       greater publicity in, the management of that class of
       corporations engaged in interstate commerce having power and
       opportunity to effect monopolies."

       The Democratic Party demanded "the enactment of such
       additional legislation as may be necessary to make it
       impossible for a private monopoly to exist in the United
       States." Among the additional remedies required it specified
       three:

       (1) "A law preventing a duplication of directors among
       competing corporations";

       (2) requirement of a federal license for a manufacturing or
       trading corporation, "before it shall be permitted to control
       as much as 25 per cent. of the product in which it deals, the
       license to protect the public from watered stock, and to
       prohibit the control by such corporation of more than 50 per
       cent. of the total amount of any product consumed in the
       United States"; and

       (3) " a law compelling such licensed corporation to sell to
       all purchasers in all parts of the country on the same terms,
       after making due allowance for the cost of transportation."

       The People’s Party declared that "the Government should own
       and control the railroads and those public utilities which in
       their nature are monopolies," including the telegraph and
       telephone systems, and should provide a parcels post. From
       those trusts and monopolies which are not public utilities or
       national monopolies it demanded a withdrawal of the special
       privileges they enjoy; taxation of all such privileges while
       they remain in private hands, and "a general law uniformly
       regulating the powers and duties of all incorporated companies
       doing interstate business."

       The Independence Party denounced all combinations which "are
       not combinations for production, but for extortion," and
       demanded "the enforcement of a prison penalty against the
       guilty and responsible individuals controlling the management
       of the offending corporations." It advocated, "as a primary
       necessity for sounder business conditions and improved public
       service, the enactment of laws, State and National, to prevent
       watering of stock, dishonest issues of bonds and other forms
       of corporation frauds."

       Tariff.

       The declarations of the Republican and Democratic national
       conventions touching a revision of the tariff have been quoted
       already in this Volume.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

       The Independence Party, like the Democratic, demanded a
       revision of the tariff, not by its friends, but by the friends
       of the people, and declared for a gradual reduction of tariff
       duties.

    {676}

       Capital and Labor.
       Injunctions.

       The Republican Party recited the enactments of the existing
       Congress in the interest of labor, and pledged "its continued
       devotion to every cause that makes for safety and the
       betterment of conditions among those whose labor contributes
       to the progress and welfare of the country." On the burning
       question of the interference of courts of law, by writ of
       injunction, with labor "strikes," it declared that, while "the
       Republican Party will uphold at all times the authority and
       integrity of the courts," it believes "that the rules of
       procedure in the writ of injunction should be more accurately
       defined by statute, and that no injunction or temporary
       restraining order should be issued without notice, except
       where irreparable injury would result from delay, in which
       case a speedy hearing thereafter should be granted."

       The Democratic Party gave expression to the same desire to
       maintain the dignity of the courts, but had seen that
       "experience has proven the necessity of a modification of the
       present law relating to injunctions," and added: "we reiterate
       the pledges of our national platforms of 1896 and 1904 in
       favor of the measure which passed the United States Senate in
       1896, but which a Republican Congress has ever since refused
       to enact, relating to contempts in Federal courts and
       providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect contempt. …
       We deem … that injunctions should not be issued in any case in
       which injunctions would not issue if no industrial dispute
       were involved." Its further declarations were against any
       "abridgment of the right of wage-earners and producers to
       organize for the protection of wages and the improvement of
       labor conditions"; for "the eight hour law on all government
       work"; for the enactment by Congress of a "general employers’
       liability act," and for the creation of "a department of
       labor, represented separately in the President’s cabinet."

       The Independence Party denounced "the so-called labor planks
       of the Republican and Democratic platforms as political
       buncombe and contemptible clap trap," and asserted "that in
       all actions growing out of a dispute between employers and
       employees concerning terms and conditions of employment no
       injunction should issue until after a trial upon the merits;
       that such trial should be held before a jury, and that in no
       case of alleged contempt should any person be deprived of
       liberty without a trial by jury." In further declarations the
       party indorsed "those organizations among farmers and workers
       which tend to bring about a just distribution of wealth," and
       favored legislation to "remove them from the operation of the
       Sherman anti-trust law"; endorsed the eight-hour work day, and
       would have it applied to all work done for the Government;
       called for legislation to prohibit "any combination or
       conspiracy to blacklist employees"; demanded "protection for
       workmen through enforced use of standard safety appliances and
       provision of hygienic conditions"; advocated State and Federal
       inspection of railways to secure a greater safety for
       employees and the travelling public; condemned the manufacture
       and sale of prison-made goods; favored a Federal department of
       labor, with its chief in the Cabinet; and called for a Federal
       inspection of grain.

       The People’s Party condemned "all unwarranted assumption of
       authority by inferior Federal courts in annulling by
       injunction the laws of the States," and demanded legislation
       to "restrict to the Supreme Court of the United States the
       exercise of power in cases involving State legislation";
       condemned the "attempt to destroy the power of trades unions
       through the unjust use of the Federal injunction"; demanded
       the abolition of child labor in factories and mines,
       suppression of sweat shops, exclusion of foreign pauper labor,
       the enactment of an employers’ liability act and measures
       against carelessness in the operation of mines; opposed the
       use of convict labor; favored the eight-hour work-day, and
       "legislation protecting the lives and limbs of workmen through
       the use of safety appliances"; declared that when working men
       are thrown into enforced idleness works of public improvement
       should be inaugurated.

       Banking and Currency.

       The Republican Party approved "the emergency measures adopted
       by the government during the recent financial disturbances"
       and declared the party to be "committed to the development of
       a permanent currency system, responding to our greater needs."
       It favored the establishment of a postal savings bank system.

       The Democratic Party pointed to the panic of 1907, "coming
       without any legitimate excuse," as furnishing additional proof
       that the Republican party "is either unwilling or incompetent
       to protect the interests of the general public," having "so
       linked the country to Wall Street that the sins of the
       speculators are visited upon the whole people." It declared
       the belief that "in so far as the needs of commerce require an
       emergency currency, such currency should be issued, controlled
       by the Federal Government and loaned on adequate security to
       National and State banks." It pledged itself "to legislation
       under which the national banks should be required to establish
       a guarantee fund for the prompt payment of the depositors of
       any insolvent national bank under an equitable system which
       shall be available to all State banking institutions wishing
       to use it." It favored a postal savings bank "if the
       guaranteed bank can not be secured, and believed that it
       should be so constituted as to keep the deposited money in the
       community where the depositors live."

       The People’s Party reiterated its belief that "the issuance of
       money is a function of government and should not be delegated
       to corporation or individual." It therefore demanded "that all
       money should be issued by the Government direct to the people,
       without the intervention of banks, and shall be a full legal
       tender for all debts, public and private, and in quantities
       sufficient to supply the needs of the country." It also
       demanded postal savings banks.

       The Independence Party made a similar declaration, "that the
       right to issue money is inherent in the Government," and it
       favored "the establishment of a central governmental bank,
       through which the money so issued shall be put into general
       circulation." It also called for an extension of the parcels
       post system and for postal savings banks, the deposits in
       which should "be loaned to the people in the locality of the
       several banks."

       Railroads.

       The Republican Party approved the railroad rate law and "the
       vigorous enforcement by the present administration of the
       statutes against rebates and discriminations"; believing,
       "however, that the interstate commerce law should be further
       amended so as to give railroads the right to make and publish
       traffic agreements subject to the approval of the commission."
       It declared for legislation and supervision to "prevent the
       future overissue of stocks and bonds by interstate carriers."

    {677}

       The Democratic Party asserted "the right of Congress to
       exercise complete control over interstate commerce, and the
       right of each State to exercise like control over commerce
       within its borders"; and it demanded a needed enlargement of
       the powers of the interstate commerce commission. It
       recommended a valuation of railroads by the commission. It
       favored legislation to "prohibit the railroads from engaging
       in business which brings them into competition with their
       shippers"; to prevent the overissue of stocks and bonds, and
       to "assure such reduction in transportation rates as
       conditions will permit." It approved the laws prohibiting the
       pass and the rebate. It favored giving to the interstate
       commerce commission "the initiative with reference to rates
       and transportation charges," also permitting it, "on its own
       initiative to declare a rate illegal," and otherwise enhancing
       its efficiency.

       The Independence Party advocated "a bill empowering shippers
       in time of need to compel railroads to provide sufficient cars
       for freight and passenger traffic and other railroad
       facilities through summary appeal to the courts." It also
       favored "the creation of an Interstate Commerce Court, whose
       sole function it shall be to review speedily and enforce
       summarily the orders of the Interstate Commerce Commission,"
       and it urged that the Commission "should proceed at once with
       a physical valuation of railroads engaged in interstate
       commerce."

       Natural Resources.
       Public Lands.
       Waterways.

       The Republican Party indorsed "the movement inaugurated by the
       administration for the conservation of natural resources";
       commended "the work now going on for the reclamation of arid
       lands"; reaffirmed "the Republican policy of the free
       distribution of the available … public domain to the landless
       settler," and declared it to be "the further duty, equally
       imperative, to enter upon a systematic improvement, upon a
       large and comprehensive plan, just to all portions of the
       country, of the water harbors and Great Lakes."

       The Democratic Party repeated "the demand for internal
       development and for the conservation of our national resources
       contained in previous platforms," covering lines of policy the
       same as above, and adding "the development of water power and
       the preservation of electric power generated by this natural
       force from the control of monopoly." It insisted upon "a
       policy of administration of our forest reserve which shall …
       enable homesteaders as of right to occupy and acquire title to
       all portions thereof which are especially adapted to
       agriculture, and which shall furnish a system of timber sales
       available as well to the private citizen as to the larger
       manufacturer and consumer." It called for regulations "in
       relation to free grazing upon the public lands outside of
       forest or other reservations until the same shall eventually
       be disposed of." It favored the "immediate adoption of a
       liberal and comprehensive plan for improving every water
       course in the Union which is justified by the needs of
       commerce," with "the creation of an ample fund for continuous
       work."

       The People’s Party declared that the public domain is a sacred
       heritage of all the people, and should be held for homesteads
       for actual settlers only; alien ownership should be forbidden.

       The Independence Party rejoiced "in the adoption in both the
       Democratic and Republican platforms of the demand of the
       Independence party for improved national waterways." It
       declared for the reclamation of arid lands and generally for
       the conservation of the country’s natural resources. It called
       for provision to be made for free grazing on public lands
       outside of forest or other reservations. It protested against
       the sale of water and electric light power derived from public
       works to private corporations.

       On other subjects touched in their platforms the declarations
       of these parties varied little from those of 1904, and cannot
       be regarded as having much historical significance.

       Of the remaining parties, which are organizations with special
       objects, the Socialist set forth the most elaborate programme
       of demands, under three headings,—General, Industrial, and
       Political. The first included "immediate Government relief for
       the unemployed" by public works of many descriptions;
       collective ownership of railroads, telegraphs, etc., and all
       lands; "collective ownership of all industries which are
       organized on a national scale and in which competition has
       virtually ceased to exist"; inclusion of mines, quarries, oil
       wells, forests and water-power in the public domain.
       Industrial demands included improved industrial conditions;
       shortened work days; a weekly rest-period of not less than a
       day and a half; effective inspection of factories and shops:
       no child labor under sixteen years of age; no interstate
       transportation of products of child labor; substitution of
       compulsory insurance against unemployment, illness, age, etc.,
       for all official charity. Political demands were for extended
       and graduated inheritance taxes; a graduated income tax; equal
       suffrage for men and women; the initiative, referendum,
       recall, and proportional representation; abolition of the
       Senate; abolition of power in the Supreme Court to pass on the
       constitutionality of legislation; amendability of the
       Constitution by a majority vote, election of all judges for
       short terms; free administration of justice; further measures
       for general education and conservation of health.

       The Socialist Labor Party repeated in substantially the same
       words its general declarations of 1904, against a "despotic
       economic system," as quoted above, under the heading "Capital
       and Labor."

       The Prohibition Party embodied its fundamental object in
       demands for the submission of a constitutional amendment
       prohibiting the manufacture, sale, etc., of alcoholic liquors
       for beverage purposes; suppression of the liquor traffic in
       all places under the jurisdiction of the National Government,
       and repeal of the internal revenue tax on alcoholic liquors.
       To this it added demands for a popular election of United
       States Senators; graduated income and inheritance taxes;
       postal savings banks; guarantee of deposits in banks;
       regulation of corporations doing an interstate business; a
       permanent tariff commission; uniform marriage and divorce
       laws; enforcement of law against the social evil; an equitable
       employers’ liability act; court review of post office
       decisions; prohibition of child labor in mines, workshops and
       factories; suffrage based on ability to read and write the
       English language; preservation of the resources of the
       country, and improvement of highways and waterways.

    {678}

       The United Christian Party, basing its platform, as before, on
       the ten commandments and the golden rule, favored "direct
       primary elections, the initiative, referendum, recall, uniform
       marriage and divorce laws, equal rights for men and women,
       government ownership of coal mines, oil wells and public
       utilities; the regulation of trusts and the election of the
       president and vice-president and senators of the United States
       by the direct vote of the people."

       The votes cast at the popular election, November 3, numbered
       7,637,676 for the Republican nominees; 6,393,182 for the
       Democratic; 420,464 for the Socialist; 231,252 for the
       Prohibitionist; 83,183 for the Independence; 33,871 for the
       Populist; 15,421 for the Socialist Labor. The total of votes
       polled, including a few thousands to other than party
       nominees, was reported to be 14,863,711.

       The States which gave Republican majorities were California,
       Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas,
       Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nevada,
       New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota, Ohio,
       Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah,
       Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming,—29.

       The States which gave Democratic majorities were Alabama,
       Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana,
       Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina, Oklahoma,
       South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia,—16.

       Maryland, where the electors are chosen by the Legislature,
       divided its vote, giving 6 to the Democratic nominees and 2 to
       the Republican.

       The total vote in the Electoral College was 326 for Taft and
       Sherman and 157 for Bryan and Kern.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (May).
       The Emergency Currency Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE; UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (July).
       Remission to China of Part of Boxer Indemnity.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (October).
       Reply of Secretary Root to the announcement from Belgium of
       the Annexation of the Congo State.
       Recognition of the Annexation reserved.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONGO STATE: A. D. 1906-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (November).
       Supreme Court Decision in Case of Virginia Railroads vs.
       the State Corporation Commission of Virginia.

          See (in this Volume)
          RAILWAYS. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (November).
       Exchange of Notes with Japan embodying a Declaration of
       Common Policy in the East.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (December).
       Extension of the Competitive System of Appointment to
       Fourth Class Postmasters in a large section of the Country.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1908.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908 (December).
       Relief for the Survivors of the Earthquake at
       and around Messina.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: ITALY.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Diminished Consumption of Whiskey and Beer.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       The Government giving attention to Liberian Affairs.

          See (in this Volume)
          LIBERIA: A. D. 1907-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909 (August-February).
       The Country Life Commission, and its Report.

       On the 10th of August, 1908, President Roosevelt addressed a
       letter to five gentlemen whom he asked to serve upon a
       Commission on Country Life. The five thus addressed were
       Professor L. H. Bailey, New York State College of Agriculture,
       Ithaca (named as Chairman of the Commission); Mr. Henry
       Wallace, of Wallace’s Farmer, Des Moines, Iowa;
       President Kenyon L. Butterfield, Massachusetts Agricultural
       College, Amherst; Mr. Gilford Pinchot, of the United States
       Forest Service; Mr. Walter H. Page, of The World's
       Work, New York. Subsequently, Mr. Charles S. Barrett, of
       Georgia, and Mr. William A. Beard, of California, were added
       to the Commission.

       In his letter to the original appointees the President wrote:
       "I doubt if any other nation can bear comparison with our own
       in the amount of attention given by the Government, both
       Federal and State, to agricultural matters. But practically
       the whole of this effort has hitherto been directed toward
       increasing the production of crops. Our attention has been
       concentrated almost exclusively on getting better farming. In
       the beginning this was unquestionably the right thing to do.
       The farmer must first of all grow good crops in order to
       support himself and his family. But when this has been secured
       the effort for better farming should cease to stand alone, and
       should be accompanied by the effort for better business and
       better living on the farm. It is at least as important that
       the farmer should get the largest possible return in money,
       comfort, and social advantages from the crops he grows as that
       he should get the largest possible return in crops from the
       land he farms. Agriculture is not the whole of country life.
       The great rural interests are human interests, and good crops
       are of little value to the farmer unless they open the door to
       a good kind of life on the farm. … The farmers have hitherto
       had less than their full share of public attention along the
       lines of business and social life. There is too much belief
       among all our people that the prizes of life lie away from the
       farm."

       The Commission entered promptly on its task, of obtaining wide
       and exact information as to the existing conditions of farm
       life and work in the country, as to homes and schools; means
       of communication and intercourse, by postal service,
       telephone, highway, electric railway and other railways;
       neighborhood organizations to promote mutual advantages in
       buying and selling; profitable sale of products; supply of
       labor; facilities for business in banking, credit, insurance;
       sanitary conditions; social entertainment; meetings for mutual
       improvement, etc., etc.

    {679}

       This was sought, in the first instance, by a circular of
       questions, about 550,000 copies of which were sent to names
       supplied by the United States Department of Agriculture, state
       experiment stations, farmers’ societies, women’s clubs, to
       rural free deliverymen, country physicians and ministers, and
       others. To these inquiries about 115,000 persons have replied
       before the report of the Commission was made, "mostly with
       much care and with every evidence of good faith."

       In addition to the replies given to the circular questions, a
       great number of persons sent carefully written letters and
       statements that were invaluable. At thirty places, in all
       sections of the country, the Commission, or part of it, held
       appointed hearings in November and December, and obtained much
       light from those. Its report of the conclusions to which it
       had been led was presented to the President on the 23d of
       January, 1909, and transmitted by him to Congress on February
       9th.

       The Commission found an unquestionable lack in the country of
       a well organized rural society, and came to clear conclusions
       concerning the many causes therefor, which are fully discussed
       in its report. The leading specific causes are summarized with
       brevity at the outset, as follows.

       "A lack of knowledge on the part of farmers of the exact
       agricultural conditions and possibilities of their regions;

       "Lack of good training for country life in the schools;

       "The disadvantage or handicap of the farmer as against the
       established business systems and interests, preventing him
       from securing adequate returns for his products, depriving him
       of the benefits that would result from unmonopolized rivers
       and the conservation of forests, and depriving the community,
       in many cases, of the good that would come from the use of
       great tracts of agricultural land that are now held for
       speculative purposes;

       "Lack of good highway facilities;

       "The widespread continuing depletion of soils, with the
       injurious effect on rural life;

       "A general need of new and active leadership.

       "Other causes contributing to the general result are: Lack of
       any adequate system of agricultural credit, whereby the farmer
       may readily secure loans on fair terms; the shortage of labor,
       a condition that is often complicated by intemperance among
       workmen; lack of institutions and incentives that tie the
       laboring man to the soil; the burdens and the narrow life of
       farm women; lack of adequate supervision of public health."

       To this summary of main deficiencies the Commission adds the
       following, of chief remedies:

       "Congress can remove some of the handicaps of the farmer, and
       it can also set some kinds of work in motion, such as:

       "The encouragement of a system of thorough-going surveys of
       all agricultural regions, in order to take stock and collect
       local fact, with the idea of providing a basis on which to
       develop a scientifically and economically sound country life;

       "The encouragement of a system of extension work in rural
       communities, through all the land-grant colleges, to the
       people at their homes and on their farms;

       "A thorough investigation by experts of the middleman system
       of handling farm products, coupled with a general inquiry into
       the farmer’s disadvantages in respect to taxation,
       transportation rates, cooperative organizations and credit,
       and the general business system;

       "An inquiry into the control and use of the streams of the
       United States, with the object of protecting the people in
       their ownership and of saving to agricultural uses such
       benefits as should be reserved for these purposes;

       "The establishing of a highway engineering service, or
       equivalent organization, to be at the call of the States in
       working out effective and economical highway systems;

       "The establishing of a system of parcel posts and postal
       savings banks;

       "Providing some means or agency for the guidance of public
       opinion toward the development of a real rural society that
       shall rest directly on the land. …

       "Remedies of a more general nature are: A broad campaign of
       publicity, that must be undertaken until all the people are
       informed on the whole subject of rural life, and until there
       is an awakened appreciation of the necessity of giving this
       phase of our national development as much attention as has
       been given to other phases or interests; a quickened sense of
       responsibility in all country people, to the community and to
       the State, in the conserving of soil fertility, and in the
       necessity for diversifying farming in order to conserve this
       fertility and to develop a better rural society, and also in
       the better safe-guarding of the strength and happiness of the
       farm women; a more widespread conviction of the necessity for
       organization, not only for economic but for social purposes,
       this organization to be more or less cooperative, so that all
       the people may share equally in the benefits and have voice in
       the essential affairs of the community; a realization on the
       part of the farmer that he has a distinct natural
       responsibility toward the laborer in providing him with good
       living facilities and in helping him in every way to be a man
       among men; and a realization on the part of all the people of
       the obligation to protect and develop the natural scenery and
       attractiveness of the open country.

       "Certain remedies lie with voluntary organizations and
       institutions. All organized forces, both in town and country,
       should understand that there are country phases as well as
       city phases of our civilization, and that one phase needs help
       as much as the other."

       In his Message communicating the reports of the Commission to
       Congress the President focussed attention on four "great
       general and immediate needs of country life" which stand out
       of the exhibit before all others:

       "First, effective coöperation among farmers, to put them on a
       level with the organized interests with which they do
       business.

       "Second, a new kind of schools in the country, which shall
       teach the children as much outdoors as indoors and perhaps
       more, so that they will prepare for country life, and not as
       at present, mainly for life in town.

       "Third, better means of communication, including good roads
       and a parcels post, which the country people are everywhere,
       and rightly, unanimous in demanding.

    {680}

       "To these may well be added better sanitation: for easily
       preventable diseases hold several million country people in
       the slavery of continuous ill health.

       "The commission points out, and I concur in the conclusion,
       that the most important help that the Government, whether
       National or State, can give is to show the people how to go
       about these tasks of organization, education, and
       communication with the best and quickest results. This can be
       done by the collection and spread of information."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Spasmodic Process of Recovery from
       the Financial Crisis of 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: A. D. 1901-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1908-1909.
       Second Conference of State Governors and Report
       of National Conservation Commission.
       Its Inventory of Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
       Existing Treaties with China and existing Enactments relative
       to the Admission of Chinamen to the United States.
       The Question of their Consistency with each other.
       Chinese Complaints.
       The present Status of the Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          RACE PROBLEMS: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
       The Census Bill and the President’s Veto.
       he Amended Bill, which became Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
       Protest against the Russo-Chinese Agreement of May, relative
       to Municipalities on the line of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909 (MAY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909.
       Trouble with Nicaragua.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (January).
       The Waterways Treaty with Great Britain, concerning Waters
       between the United States and Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
       Anti-Opium Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
       Initiative in securing International Opium Commission
       at Shanghai.

          See (in this Volume)
          OPIUM PROBLEM.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (February).
       Invitation of Canada and Mexico to a Conference on
       the Conservation of Natural Resources.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: NORTH AMERICA.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March).
       The Inauguration of President Taft.
       Intimations of Policy in his Inaugural Address.
       His Cabinet.

       The ceremonies of the inauguration of President Taft on the
       4th of March were performed under singularly unfavorable
       circumstances, in consequence of one of the most dreadful
       storms that ever visited the Capital. Trains blocked by it
       contained thousands of people who reached Washington too late
       for what they had travelled far to witness or to take part in,
       while those who did arrive on the scene were hardly gladdened
       by their success. The President, however, accepted the
       untoward conditions with a characteristic high-hearted
       equanimity. His inaugural address, delivered in the Senate
       Chamber, instead of in the open air at the East front of the
       Capitol, opened with the following words:

       "Any one who takes the oath I have just taken must feel a
       heavy weight of responsibility. If not, he has no conception
       of the powers and duties of the office upon which he is about
       to enter, or he is lacking in a proper sense of the obligation
       which the oath imposes.

       "The office of an inaugural address is to give a summary
       outline of the main policies of the new Administration, so far
       as they can be anticipated. I have had the honor to be one of
       the advisers of my distinguished predecessor, and as such, to
       hold up his hands in the reforms he has initiated. I should be
       untrue to myself, to my promises, and to the declarations of
       the party platform upon which I was elected to office, if I
       did not make the maintenance and enforcement of those reforms
       a most important feature of my administration. They were
       directed to the suppression of the lawlessness and abuses of
       power of the great combinations of capital invested in
       railroads and in industrial enterprises carrying on interstate
       commerce. The steps which my predecessor took and the
       legislation passed on his recommendation have accomplished
       much, have caused a general halt in the vicious policies which
       created popular alarm, and have brought about, in the business
       affected, a much higher regard for existing law. To render the
       reforms lasting, however, and to secure at the same time
       freedom from alarm on the part of those pursuing proper and
       progressive business methods, further legislative and
       executive action are needed."

       From this general intimation of the course to which his mind
       was turned, the incoming President went on to a more specific
       unfolding of his views on many subjects of governmental care.
       The following is a summary of the suggestions of future policy
       conveyed in the Address:

       Reorganization of the Department of Justice and the Bureau of
       Corporations of the Department of Commerce and Labor and of
       the Interstate Commerce Commission.

       Tariff revision in accord with the promises made in the
       national platform adopted at Chicago.

       A continuation of scientific experiments in the Department of
       Agriculture for the improvement of agricultural conditions.

       The enactment and carrying out of laws for the conservation of
       the resources of the country.

       Maintenance of the army and navy in such a state of
       preparation as will insure a continuance of peace with other
       countries.

       A continuation of that treatment of aliens which will insure
       for the people of the United States respect and fair treatment
       among the peoples of other countries.

       The enactment of legislation which will empower the Federal
       government to enforce treaty promises made to other countries
       within every State.

       Such changes in the monetary and banking laws as will insure a
       greater elasticity of the currency.

       The enactment of a law providing for postal savings banks.

       The encouragement of American shipping through the use of mail
       subsidies.

       A continuation of work on the Panama canal along the plans
       which have been adopted for a lock type with such energy as
       will insure the earliest possible completion of the work.

       The continuation of a colonial policy which will still further
       increase the business prosperity of our dependencies.

    {681}

       The betterment of the condition of the negro in the South
       through observance of principles laid down in the Fifteenth
       Amendment.

       The promotion of legislation for the protection of labor and
       the betterment of labor conditions.

       On the day following his inauguration the President named his
       chosen Cabinet to the Senate, and the nominations were duly
       confirmed, as follows.

       Philander C. Knox of Pennsylvania, to be Secretary of State.

       Franklin MacVeagh of Illinois, to be Secretary of the Treasury.

       Jacob M. Dickinson of Tennessee, to be Secretary of War.

       George W. Wickersham of New York, to be Attorney-General.

       Frank H. Hitchcock of Massachusetts, to be Postmaster-General.

       George von L. Meyer of Massachusetts, to be Secretary
       of the Navy.

       Richard A. Ballinger of Washington, to be Secretary
       of the Interior.

       James Wilson of Iowa, to be Secretary of Agriculture.

       Charles Nagel of Missouri, to be Secretary of Commerce and
       Labor.

       A few days after the appointment of the Cabinet, Mr.
       Dickinson, the new Secretary of War, in a speech at Chicago,
       explained why President Taft had chosen him, a Democrat, for a
       place in a Republican Cabinet, and why he had accepted it. He
       said that Mr. Taft, as President of the whole country, desired
       to have a representative of the South among his counsellors.
       To have chosen a Southern Republican would have been to
       perpetuate the bitter sectionalism which it was Mr. Taft's
       desire to obliterate. He had therefore chosen a Democrat who
       had voted against him. Mr. Dickinson continued:—

       "That his purpose was broad, magnanimous, and patriotic none
       can question. The wisdom both of his purpose and his selection
       must be tried by time, but I have every assurance that his
       action in appointing me, and my action in accepting, are
       approved by the South, and, having this approval, I can bear
       with equanimity any criticism from individual Democrats
       elsewhere."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March).
       Passage of new Copyright Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          COPYRIGHT.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (March-August).
       Tariff Revision.
       The Payne-Aldrich Tariff-Act.

          See (in this Volume)
          TARIFFS: UNITED STATES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
       Creation of the Senate Committee on Public Expenditures.

       An important incident of the Special Session of Congress which
       was called by President Taft immediately after his
       inauguration, was the creation by the Senate of a new Standing
       Committee, on Public Expenditures, the function of which was
       indicated in the following resolution of the Senate, adopted
       May 29:

       "Resolved, That the Committee on Public Expenditures be, and
       they are hereby, authorized and directed, by subcommittee or
       otherwise, to make investigations as to the amount of the
       annual revenues of the Government, and as to the expenditures
       and business methods of the several departments, divisions,
       and branches of the Government, and to report to the Senate
       from time to time the result of such investigations and their
       recommendations as to the relation between expenditures and
       revenues and possible improvements in Government methods; and
       for this purpose they are authorized to sit, by subcommittees
       or otherwise, during the recesses or sessions of the Senate,
       at such times and places as, they may deem advisable, to send
       for persons and papers, to administer oaths, and to employ
       such stenographic, clerical, expert, and other assistance as
       may be necessary, and to have such printing and binding done
       as may be necessary, the expense of such investigations to be
       paid from the contingent fund of the Senate."

       Seven members of the Committee are the chairmen of the seven
       committees in the Senate to some one of which every bill
       providing for revenue or carrying an appropriation is
       submitted. "Thus," as has been remarked, "is provided a medium
       for better co-ordination and co-operation between what may be
       termed the revenue and appropriation committees. The powers of
       existing committees are not affected, but an avenue is
       provided for concentration and distribution of information—a
       committee forum for the discussion and recommendation of
       fundamentals affecting the Government."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
       Establishment in the Government of a General Supply Committee.

       On the 13th of May the President issued an Executive Order
       establishing an Administrative General Supply Committee, which
       is to purchase all supplies for Government use, paying one
       price instead of several prices for the same supplies.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (May).
       Second National Peace Congress.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (July).
       Proposed Constitutional Amendment authorizing
       the Levying of an Income Tax.

       Without a dissenting vote, on the 5th of July, 1909, the
       Senate adopted a joint resolution providing for the submission
       to the several States of a proposed amendment to the
       Constitution of the United States, as follows:

       "Article XVI.
       The congress shall have the power to lay and collect taxes on
       incomes, from whatever source derived, without any
       apportionment among the several states and without regard to
       any census or enumeration."

       In reporting this action, a newspaper correspondent of
       considerable sagacity remarked that the ease with which the
       resolution glided through the Senate, and would with certainty
       pass the House, must be regarded as "an indication of the
       expectation of the representatives of capital and of high
       protection that twelve states can be found among the forty-six
       in the union to refuse their assent to the amendment, in which
       event it will fail."

       The endorsement of the House to the resolution was given on
       the 12th, by a vote of 317 to 14, the negative votes being all
       from Republicans. An attempt to have the resolution amended so
       that the constitutional amendment would be submitted to state
       conventions for ratification instead of to legislatures was
       ruled out of order, and an appeal from Speaker Cannon’s ruling
       was voted down, 185 to 143, on a strict party division.

    {682}

       The first State to act on the proposed amendment was Alabama,
       where it was ratified by the Legislature and signed by the
       Governor, August 17.

       In the State of New York, on the 5th of January, 1910,
       Governor Hughes addressed a special message to the
       Legislature, recommending that the amendment in its proposed
       form should not be ratified. He said: "I am in favor of
       conferring upon the Federal government the power to lay and
       collect an income tax without apportionment among the States
       according to population. I believe that this power should be
       held by the Federal government so as properly to equip it with
       the means of meeting national exigencies.

       "But the power to tax incomes should not be granted in such
       terms as to subject to Federal taxation the incomes derived
       from bonds issued by the State itself, or those issued by
       municipal governments organized under the State’s authority.
       To place the borrowing capacity of the State and of its
       governmental agencies at the mercy of the Federal taxing power
       would be an impairment of the essential rights of the State,
       which, as its officers, we are bound to defend. …

       "The comprehensive words, 'from whatever source derived,' if
       taken in their natural sense, would include not only incomes
       from ordinary real or personal property, but also incomes
       derived from State and municipal securities. It may be urged
       that the amendment would be limited by construction. But there
       can be no satisfactory assurance of this. The words in terms
       are all-inclusive. …

       "In order that a market may be provided for State bonds, and
       for municipal bonds, and that thus means may be afforded for
       State and local administration, such securities from time to
       time are excepted from taxation. In this way lower rates of
       interest are paid than otherwise would be possible. To permit
       such securities to be the subject of Federal taxation is to
       place such limitations upon the borrowing power of the State
       as to make the performance of the functions of local
       government a matter of Federal grace."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (July).
       The Question of American Participation in the
       Hankau-Szechuan Railway Loan.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1904-1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (September).
       Visit of a Commercial Commission from Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (September-October).
       Tour of President Taft.
       Meeting with President Diaz on Mexican Soil.

       In the fall of 1909 President Taft made an extended tour of
       the country, from New England to the Pacific Coast and
       southward to Mexico and the Gulf, speaking to great assemblies
       at many points on all the important questions, political and
       economical, that were then before the country. In the course
       of the tour a meeting between President Diaz of Mexico and
       himself was arranged, and took place on the 16th of October,
       first at El Paso, on the Texas side of the Rio Grande, and
       then at Ciudad Juarez, on the Mexican side, formal visits
       being thus exchanged. Finally, in the evening, President Taft
       was entertained at dinner in the Mexican city by President
       Diaz. This was a second time that a President of the United
       States had left the soil of his own country while in office,
       President Roosevelt having done the same at Panama in 1906.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (October-November).
       Further Disclosures of Corruption in the Customs Service.

       The shameful disclosure in 1907-1908 of Sugar Trust frauds on the
       Federal Treasury afforded glimpses of a state of corruption in
       the Customs Service of the Government, at the port of New York
       especially, which were more than verified within the next year
       and a half.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1907-1909.

       The Collector of Customs, Mr. William Loeb, Jr., who took
       charge of the New York office in the spring of 1909, exercised
       a watchfulness which soon put him on the traces of fraud, and
       he pursued them with an energy and determination that cannot
       have been brought into action before. The first case brought
       to light was that of a cheese-importing firm, the members of
       which, father and son, were found to have paid bribes to
       weighers of the Custom House for false reports of the
       quantities on which duties were paid. Conviction was obtained
       by means of evidence from some of the guilty officials, who
       were given immunity and retained in service, in order to
       secure information without which, it was said, the
       well-covered corruption in the service could not be
       successfully probed. In his annual report, made in December,
       1909, Secretary MacVeagh, of the Treasury Department, had this
       to say of the vigorous reformatory measures thus undertaken at
       the port of New York, and of the significance of the
       consequent revelations:

       "The revelations made and proven were so startling and
       impressive that opposition was silenced; and in this silence
       the necessary, clear-cut measures could be carried out without
       meeting serious obstructions.

       "It soon developed that the frauds of the American Sugar
       Refining Company, while, perhaps, the most important
       instances, were as had been apprehended, symptoms of a
       diseased condition, not universal by any means, but almost
       general. And difficult as it always is to sufficiently bring
       to light the facts of such a condition to afford a basis for
       rehabilitation, this has been already largely accomplished.
       Much has been discovered to afford an understanding of the
       situation, with the result of numerous seizures, of numerous
       prosecutions made or projected, and of important and
       successful beginnings of a complete rehabilitation. While the
       recovery of evaded duties, and the prosecution of individuals
       have been of large significance, the greatest asset to the
       government of these disgraceful conditions is the knowledge
       and the light which guarantee in time a wholesome
       reorganization.

       "The study of the causes of the demoralization which has been
       revealed is still incomplete, but the main causes are evident.
       It is clear, for instance, that the influence of local
       politics and politicians upon the customs service has been
       most deleterious, and has promoted that laxity and low tone
       which prepare and furnish an inviting soil for dishonesty and
       fraud. Unless the customs service can be released from the
       payment of political debts and exactions, and from meeting the
       supposed exigencies of political organizations, big and
       little, it will be impossible to have an honest service for
       any length of time. Any considerable share of the present cost
       of this demoralization to the public revenues, to the
       efficiency of the service, and to public and private morality
       is a tremendous amount to pay in mere liquidation of the small
       debts of political leaders.

    {683}

       "It is also clear that the widespread disposition of returning
       American travellers to evade the payment of legal duties has
       greatly helped to create the conditions which have become
       intolerable. Those Americans who travel abroad belong to the
       sections of the people which most readily create public
       sentiment, and are most responsible for it; and the fact that
       in so many instances these travellers are willing to defraud
       the government out of considerable or even small sums creates
       an atmosphere on the docks that strongly tends to affect the
       morale of the entire customs service. And when to this is
       added the frequent willingness upon the part of these
       responsible citizens to specifically corrupt the government's
       men, then the demoralization is further accentuated."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (November).
       Arbitration of the Alsop Claim against Chile.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1909.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1909 (December).
       Proposal to neutralize Manchurian Railways.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909-1910.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1910 (January).
       President’s Message on Legislation relating to "Trusts"
       and Interstate Commerce.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910,
          and
          RAILWAYS: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1910.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
       Movements of Reform in Municipal Government.

          See (in this Volume)
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
       Comparative Statement of the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
       The Interchange of People between the United States and Canada.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1896-1909.

       ----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: End--------

    UNITED STATES SENATORS:
       Proposed Election by Direct Popular Vote.

       "On December 3, 1895, the State of Idaho, taking advantage of
       that provision of article 5, which permits States to apply to
       Congress for authority to hold a constitutional convention,
       passed a resolution requesting Congress to call such a
       convention. Since then the States of Wyoming, Ohio, Minnesota,
       Montana, Utah, North Carolina, North Dakota, Nevada,
       Washington, Tennessee, South Dakota, Colorado, Oregon,
       Michigan, Nebraska, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Illinois,
       Wisconsin, New Jersey, Louisiana, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania,
       Indiana, Texas, California, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Alabama,
       have taken legislative action in some form or other expressing
       either a demand similar to that of the State of Idaho, or a
       sympathy with the intent of the Idaho resolution. These
       thirty-one States form a constitutional two-thirds of the
       forty-six States of the Union.

       "One of the complications which have arisen in connection with
       these resolutions is the fact that only twenty-four of them
       are of record as having been actually received by the Senate
       of the United States. One of them, that of the State of Ohio,
       which was the third State to act, was only recently discovered
       to be in the Senate files. It is possible therefore, that
       since the question of submitting the proposed amendment has
       become a live issue, a further search of the files may
       increase the number of State resolutions on this subject which
       are actually on hand.

       "A legal quibble is bound to ensue over the form of some of
       these resolutions. Nine of the resolutions now on file in the
       Senate are already held to be of doubtful legality, but the
       ground on which they are held doubtful will appeal to most
       people as a mere splitting of legal hairs. Nevertheless, the
       Senate of the United States, at least, is, as a whole, a
       notorious legal hair-splitter, and this fact must be taken
       into account.

       "It is, of course, a matter of record, that the House of
       Representatives has four times sent to the Senate a proposed
       joint resolution calling for the direct election of United
       States Senators."

          Washington Correspondent of the New York Evening Post,
          October 13, 1909.

    UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION:
       Its conflict with the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel
       and Tin Plate Workers.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

    UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION:
       The Placing of its Stock among its Employés.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: PROFIT-SHARING.

    UNIVERSITIES.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION.

    URIBE-URIBE, RAFAEL.

          See (in this Volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

    URUGUAY: A. D. 1901-1906.
       Participation in Second and Third International Conferences
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    URUGUAY: A. D. 1904.
       Rebellion and prolonged Civil War.

       On the 8th of January, 1904, the American Minister at
       Montevideo reported by telegram to the State Department at
       Washington "that another crisis is at hand in Uruguay; that
       encounters have taken place between groups of ‘Blanco,’ and
       the Government forces, and that the former, who were neither
       concentrated nor well organized, have been dispersed. A number
       were killed and wounded. The Government is making an
       aggressive campaign and demands obedience to the constituted
       authority as a condition before peace negotiations will be
       entered into."

       This was the beginning of a state of civil war that was
       prolonged through nine months, with infinite harm to the
       country.

       When peace came, at the end of September, it was practically
       bought from the insurgents, the terms of submission, as
       officially announced, including the following: "Sixth,
       incorporation into the army of all the chiefs and officers
       included in the amnesty law. Seventh. A mixed committee
       appointed by agreement by the Government and insurgents will
       distribute the sum of $100,000 between the chiefs, officers,
       and soldiers of the rebel forces."

    URUGUAY: A. D. 1910.
       Agreement with Argentina concerning the River Plate.

          See (in this Volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1910.

    URUSSOFF, PRINCE:
       Speech in the Duma.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    URYU, ADMIRAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    UTAH:
       Law limiting Hours of Adult Labor in Mines.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902.

    UTILITIES, PUBLIC.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC UTILITIES.

    {684}

    V.

    VACUUM OIL COMPANY.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES. A. D. 1904-1909.

    VALIAHD, The:
       Heir to the Persian throne.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1905-1907.

    VANNOVSKY, GENERAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904.

    VALPARAISO, DESTRUCTIVE EARTHQUAKE AT.

          See (in this Volume)
          EARTHQUAKES: CHILE.

    VEHEMENTER NOS, THE PAPAL ENCYCLICAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1906 (FEBRUARY).

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.
       Claims and Complaints of Germany.
       Memorandum presented to the Government of the United States.
       Its Reply.
       Interpretation of the Monroe Doctrine.

       On the 11th of December, 1901, the German Embassy at
       Washington presented to the State Department of the Government
       of the United States a memorandum of the claims and complaints
       of Germany against the Government of Venezuela. The principal
       claim recited was that of the Berlin Company of Discount, "on
       account of the non-performance of engagements which the
       Venezuelan Government has undertaken in connection with the
       great Venezuelan Railway which has been built by the said
       Government." In respect to this it is remarked that the
       "behaviour of the Venezuelan Government could, perhaps, to a
       certain degree, be explained and be excused by the bad
       situation of the finances of the State; but our further
       reclamations against Venezuela, which date from the Venezuelan
       civil wars of the years 1898 until 1900, have taken during
       these last months a more serious character. Through those wars
       many German merchants living in Venezuela and many German
       land-owners have been seriously damaged"; and the treatment of
       claims for these damages is characterized as "a frivolous
       attempt to avoid just obligations." After some recital of
       circumstances in these cases, the memorandum proceeds to
       announce that "the Imperial Government believes that further
       negotiations with Venezuela on the present base are hopeless,"
       and that measures of coercion are contemplated. "But we
       consider it of importance to let first of all the Government
       of the United States know about our purposes, so that we can
       prove that we have nothing else in view than to help those of
       our citizens who have suffered damages. … We declare
       especially that under no circumstances do we consider in our
       proceedings the acquisition or the permanent occupation of
       Venezuelan territory."

       In reply, the Department of State returned a memorandum, in
       part as follows:

       "The President in his Message of the 3d of December, 1901,
       used the following language: ‘The Monroe Doctrine is a
       declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement
       by any non-American Power at the expense of any American Power
       on American soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any
       nation in the Old World.’ The President further said: ‘This
       doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of
       any American Power, save that it in truth allows each of them
       to form such as it desires. … We do not guarantee any State
       against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that
       punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of
       territory by any non-American Power. … The President of the
       United States, appreciating the courtesy of the German
       Government in making him acquainted with the state of affairs
       referred to, and not regarding himself as called upon to enter
       into the consideration of the claims in question, believes
       that no measures will be taken in this matter by the agents of
       the German Government which are not in accordance with the
       well-known purpose, above set forth, of His Majesty the German
       Emperor."

          Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations
          of the United States
          (House Doc’s, 57th Congress 1st Session, Volume 1),
          pages 192-195

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901.
       Delegates withdrawn from Second International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1904.
       Concerted Action by Great Britain, Germany, and Italy
       to enforce Claims.
       Blockade of Ports and seizure of Warships.
       Intermediation of the United States.
       Agreements Secured.
       Reference to the Tribunal at The Hague.

       The rebellion and revolution in Venezuela which gave control
       of the government to General Cipriano Castro, in 1899, and the
       speedy outbreak of revolt against his self-assumed
       administration, are told of in Volume VI. of this work.

          See, also, (in this Volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902.

       The first insurrection was overcome in May, 1900; but other
       risings, concentrated in leadership finally under Manuel A.
       Matos, followed in 1901-1902. Partly growing out of the
       disturbances in the country and partly due to the arbitrary
       and wayward conduct of Castro (who obtained election to the
       Presidency in 1902, for six years) many claims for indemnity
       and debt against that Government accumulated and citizens of
       many countries were interested in them. As no satisfaction
       could be obtained from President Castro by diplomatic methods,
       peremptory proceedings against Venezuela were concerted in
       1902 by Great Britain, Germany and Italy. A blockade of
       Venezuelan ports and seizure of war vessels was undertaken by
       the three Powers, with results which are narrated as follows
       in the Message of President Roosevelt to the Congress of the
       United States, on its meeting in December, 1903:

       The "employment of force for the collection of these claims
       was terminated by an agreement brought about through the
       offices of the diplomatic representatives of the United States
       at Caracas and the Government at Washington, thereby ending a
       situation which was bound to cause increasing friction, and
       which jeoparded the peace of the continent. Under this
       agreement Venezuela agreed to set apart a certain percentage
       of the customs receipts of two of her ports to be applied to
       the payment of whatever obligations might be ascertained by
       mixed commissions appointed for that purpose to be due from
       her, not only to the three powers already mentioned, whose
       proceedings against her had resulted in a state of war, but
       also to the United States, France, Spain, Belgium, the
       Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, and Mexico, who had not
       employed force for the collection of the claims alleged to be
       due to certain of their citizens.

    {685}

       "A demand was then made by the so-called blockading powers
       that the sums ascertained to be due to their citizens by such
       mixed commissions should be accorded payment in full before
       anything was paid upon the claims of any of the so-called
       peace powers. Venezuela, on the other hand, insisted that all
       her creditors should be paid upon a basis of exact equality.
       During the efforts to adjust this dispute it was suggested by
       the powers in interest that it should be referred to me for
       decision, but I was clearly of the opinion that a far wiser
       course would be to submit the question to the Permanent Court
       of Arbitration at The Hague. It seemed to me to offer an
       admirable opportunity to advance the practice of the peaceful
       settlement of disputes between nations and to secure for the
       Hague Tribunal a memorable increase of its practical
       importance. The nations interested in the controversy were so
       numerous and in many instances so powerful as to make it
       evident that beneficent results would follow from their
       appearance at the same time before the bar of that august
       tribunal of peace.

       "Our hopes in that regard have been realized. Russia and
       Austria are represented in the persons of the learned and
       distinguished jurists who compose the Tribunal, while Great
       Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium, the
       Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, Mexico, the United States, and
       Venezuela are represented by their respective agents and
       counsel. Such an imposing concourse of nations presenting
       their arguments to and invoking the decision of that high
       court of international justice and international peace can
       hardly fail to secure a like submission of many future
       controversies. The nations now appearing there will find it
       far easier to appear there a second time, while no nation can
       imagine its just pride will be lessened by following the
       example now presented. This triumph of the principle of
       international arbitration is a subject of warm congratulation
       and offers a happy augury for the peace of the world."

          Message of President Roosevelt,
          December 7, 1903.

       The claims of the Powers against Venezuela, presented in
       September, summed up as follows:

       France,        $16,040,000;
       United States, $10,900,000;
       Italy,          $9,300,000;
       Belgium,        $3,003,000;
       Great Britain,  $2,500,000;
       Germany,        $1,417,300;
       Holland,        $1,048,451;
       Spain,            $600,000;
       Mexico,           $500,000;
       Sweden,           $200,000.

       The claim of Great Britain, Germany, and Italy to a right of
       priority in payment, because of their action which compelled
       the Government of Venezuela to arrange a settlement, was
       submitted to the Tribunal at The Hague in November. The
       decision, rendered in the following January, affirmed the
       right of the three Powers which had exercised coercion in the
       case to priority in the payment of their claims, and it
       imposed on the United States the duty of overseeing the
       fulfilment of the agreements which Venezuela had made. In this
       last particular the decision of the Tribunal could be regarded
       as an international affirmation of the Monroe Doctrine, and of
       signal importance in that view.

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1902-1905.
       A short Period of Comparative Tranquility.

       "After the blockade instituted in December, 1902, by Germany,
       Great Britain and Italy, had been raised, and protocols had
       been signed for the settlement of all duly recognized claims
       of foreign nations against Venezuela, Venezuela enjoyed a
       short period of tranquility; but, by the beginning of 1905,
       every legation in Caracas had a list of grievances founded on
       alleged unfair awards of arbitrators, on denials of justice on
       the part of the Venezuelan courts and on the diminution by
       President Castro of the percentage he had agreed to pay to the
       creditor nations from the receipts of his custom-houses.
       Moreover, Germany and Great Britain began to show signs of
       restlessness, because President Castro had not provided, as
       had been agreed in the protocols, for the payment of interest
       to British and German bondholders. The situation looked even
       worse than before the blockade, for the principal nation
       aggrieved was the United States, and it had the moral support
       of all other nations represented in Caracas by legations.

       "The main issue between the United States and Venezuela was
       the asphalt case. In July, 1904, President Castro had demanded
       ten million dollars from the American Company, known as the
       ‘New York and Bermudez Asphalt Company,’ and had threatened,
       if that amount was not paid immediately, that the whole
       asphalt lake and the property of the Company would be seized.
       He based his demand on the alleged support given by the
       Asphalt Company to the Matos revolution of 1902; but, as he
       did not demand anything from the countless other supporters of
       the revolution, it was clear that his demand on the Asphalt
       Company was piratical."

          H. W. Bowen,
          Queer Diplomacy with Castro
          (North American Review, March 15, 1907).

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1904.
       Adoption of a new Constitution.

       The following summary of the provisions of a new Constitution,
       adopted in Venezuela, on the 27th of April, 1904, was
       communicated to the State Department at Washington by United
       States Minister Bowen:

       It reduces the number of States to thirteen—Aragua, Bermudez,
       Bolivar, Carabobo, Falcon, Guarico, Lara, Merida, Miranda,
       Tachira, Trujillo, Zamora, and Zulia—and provides for five
       Territories—Amazonas, Cristobal Colon, Colon, Delta Amacuro,
       and Yururari—and the Federal District, which is composed of
       the Departments Libertador, Varagas, Guaicaipuro, and Sucre,
       and the island of Margarita.

       The States enjoy equality and autonomy, having all rights not
       delegated to the central Government. The Territories are
       administered by the President.

       The Government is divided into three branches—the legislative,
       the executive, and the judicial.

       The legislative branch is called the Congress, and is composed
       of two bodies—the Senate and the House of Deputies. One deputy
       will be elected by every 40,000 inhabitants, and all deputies,
       as well as senators (two from every State) and the President,
       will serve for six years. Deputies must be 21 years of age,
       senators 30, and the President over 30. No extraordinary
       powers are given to the Congress, except that 14 of its
       members shall be chosen by itself to elect every sixth year a
       President, a first and a second vice-president, and to elect a
       successor to the second vice-president.

    {686}

       The President, besides being charged with the usual executive
       duties, is authorized to declare war, arrest, imprison, or
       expel natives or aliens who are opposed to the reëstablishment
       of peace, to issue letters of marque and reprisal, to permit
       aliens to enter the public service, to prohibit the
       immigration into the Republic of objectionable religious
       teachers, and to establish rules for the postal, telegraph,
       and telephone services.

       The judicial power is vested in the Corte Federal y de
       Casacion (seven judges elected by the Congress) and the lower
       courts (appointed by the State governments).

       All Venezuelans over 21 years of age may vote, and aliens can
       obtain that right by getting naturalized. No length of time is
       prescribed for an alien to live in the Republic before he can
       become naturalized.

       Article 15 of the constitution denies the right of natives or
       aliens to present claims to the nation or States for damages
       caused by revolutionists.

       Article 17 abolishes the death penalty.

       And article 120 provides that all of Venezuela’s international
       treaties shall hereafter contain the clause, "All differences
       between the contracting parties shall be decided by
       arbitration, without going to war."

       In conclusion, the constitution provides that the next
       constitutional terms shall begin May 23, 1905. Up to that date
       General Castro will be Provisional President. He took his oath
       of office as such on the 5th instant, and on the same day Juan
       Vicente Gomez was made first vice-president and Jose Antonio
       Velutini second vice-president.

       As Provisional President, General Castro has been authorized
       to name the presidents of the States, to organize the Federal
       Territories, to fix the estimates for the public expenses,
       and, in short, to exercise the fullest powers.

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1906.
       Troubles with the United States and France.
       President Castro’s Vacation.

       Both France and the United States had troubles which became
       acute in 1905 with the arrogant President of Venezuela,
       growing out of his high-handed treatment of French and
       American business interests and rights in that country. In the
       case of the United States, the most serious grievance, as
       stated above, was that of the New York and Bermudez Company,
       which had a concession dating back to 1883, and a later mining
       title, under Venezuela laws, to the asphalt deposit known as
       Bermudez Lake, together with the fee-simple ownership of land
       surrounding the lake. Ever since the advent of Castro, the
       company had been harassed by litigious proceedings, behind
       which the Government was said to be always in action. In 1905
       these were carried to the point of putting the whole property
       into the hands of a receiver or "depositary," practically
       transferring its capital and plant to its rivals in business.
       A little later, a judicial decision, pronounced by a Venezuela
       court, annulled the company’s concession. The main ground of
       this confiscation appears to have been the charge that the
       company had contributed funds to the support of the Matos
       revolt, in 1901.

       The same accusation was brought against the French Cable
       Company, whose franchise was annulled and its property
       confiscated in like manner. In both cases, the matter was a
       proper one for arbitration, and this Castro refused,
       maintaining the finality of the decision of the Venezuela
       courts. Neither France nor the United States could afford to
       permit such a penalty of confiscation to be imposed on its
       citizens without a searching investigation of the justice of
       the act. Under instructions from Secretary Hay, the American
       Minister to Venezuela informed the Government of that country
       that if it refused to arbitrate the questions involved in this
       and other American claims, "the Government of the United
       States may be regretfully compelled to take such measures as
       it may find necessary to effect complete redress without
       resort to arbitration"; and France, about the same time, made
       a significant movement of armored cruisers to the French
       Antilles. Not contented with the strain thus brought on the
       relations of his Government with those of two considerable
       Powers in the world, the Venezuelan President soon—in January,
       1906—gave a fresh and quite wanton provocation to France. The
       French Chargé d’ Affaires in Venezuela had gone on
       board a French steamer without official permit, and was
       refused permission to return to shore, on the pretence that he
       might bring yellow fever infection. France at once dismissed
       the Venezuelan Chargé from Paris, and added a demand
       for apologies to her other claims.

       Having brought his country into this interesting situation,
       the eccentric Castro, of incalculable mind and temper, found
       the occasion opportune for a vacation, and announced it, April
       9, 1906, in a proclamation which opened as follows:

       "Fatigue, produced by constant labor, and which I have been
       endeavoring to overcome for some time past, makes it
       imperative for me now, in order to restore my broken health,
       to retire from the exercise of the office of prime magistrate.

       "In accordance with a provision of the constitution I have
       called to power General Juan Vincente Gomez, a very
       meritorious citizen of well-known civic virtues, who in my
       absence will fulfill strictly the duties of his office. You
       all know him, and you know perfectly well that in view of his
       character you must support him without any hesitation
       whatever, in order that the administration may continue, as it
       has up to now, under the surest bases of stability, order, and
       progress, thus making the action of the executive the most
       expeditious possible.

       "On retiring from power I wish you to take into consideration
       my effort and my sacrifices for the country’s cause, which has
       been, and still is, the cause of the people, of reason,
       justice, and right, so that you will agree with me that he who
       has thus labored has a right to even a slight rest, and this
       cannot be taken except in retirement and solitude.

       "On the other hand, our present international situation,
       completely defined and clear, gives us reason to hope that
       everything will continue harmoniously and on a basis of mutual
       respect and consideration."

    {687}

       The next morning he left quietly for Los Teques, where he has
       a private estate; his late cabinet resigned, and a new
       Ministry was formed by the acting President, Gomez. Six weeks
       later, on the 23d of May, the President-on-vacation, from his
       retirement, issued a second proclamation, announcing his wish
       to withdraw permanently from public life, and his intention to
       resign the presidency at the next session of Congress. But
       differences appear to have arisen soon after this between the
       retired President and his substitute, General Gomez, over
       cabinet appointments, and presently there was a delegation
       sent to request the former to abandon his intended
       resignation. The delegation succeeded in its mission, and on
       the 4th of July the now rested and refreshed Chief Magistrate
       returned to Caracas and reburdened himself with the cares of
       state.

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1905-1909.
       Trouble given to Colombia over the Navigation of Rivers
       flowing through both countries.

          See (in this Volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1905-1909.

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1906.
       No participation in Third International Conference
       of American Republics.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1907-1909.
       President Castro’s obstinate Provocations to France and
       the United States.
       His Quarrel with Holland.
       His unwary venture Abroad.
       The Triumph of his Enemies in Venezuela.
       The Foreign Governments he Quarrelled with take part
       in Preventing his Return.

       President Castro, practically Dictator in Venezuela, continued
       obstinate in his provocative attitude towards both France and
       the United States, and added Holland at length to the list of
       exasperated nations which were questioning and studying how to
       deal with insolence from so petty a source. His courts, after
       confiscating the franchises and seizing the property of the
       French Cable Company and the American asphalt concessionaries,
       imposed fines of $5,000,000 on each. Of the five claims for
       redress or indemnity which the American Government pressed
       upon him he refused to submit any to arbitration, in any form,
       at The Hague or elsewhere. This situation continued until the
       American Legation was withdrawn from Caracas, in June, 1908,
       to signify that negotiation was ended, and the whole
       correspondence of the State Department with Venezuela was laid
       before Congress, for such action as it might see fit to take.

       Castro had opened his quarrel with Holland in a characteristic
       way. The bubonic plague had got a footing at the Venezuelan
       port of La Guayra, and he refused to allow his own medical
       officers, who reported the fact, to take measures for
       preventing the spread of the disease. Then, when his Dutch
       neighbors at Curaçao protected themselves by a quarantine
       against La Guayra he retaliated by an embargo on commerce with
       Curaçao, exchanged angry letters with the Dutch Minister at
       Caracas, and ordered him finally to quit the country. The
       Netherland Government acted slowly, with deliberation, on the
       matter, despatching a battle-ship, at length, to the scene,
       and otherwise manifesting serious intentions.

       But now the domestic situation in Venezuela underwent a sudden
       change; or, rather, a recurrence to the situation in 1906,
       when Castro had found it easy to lay down the reins of
       authority and take them up again at his pleasure. He was
       afflicted with some ailment, for which he went abroad to seek
       treatment, appointing Vice-President Gomez to conduct the
       Government in his absence. Landing at Bordeaux on the 10th of
       December, 1908, he made a short visit to Paris, receiving no
       official recognition or entertainment, and went thence to
       Berlin. In Germany he stayed with his family and suite for
       about three months, undergoing a surgical operation with
       subsequent treatment for his malady. Meantime, in Venezuela,
       his enemies, or the opponents of his rule, had acquired the
       upper hand, and were prepared to resist his return. On the
       16th of December a mob at Caracas, crying "Down with Castro,"
       wrecked considerable property of his friends. A few days later
       some of his partisans were arrested on the charge of having
       plotted the death of Acting-President Gomez, and that trusted
       representative of the absent President became openly
       antagonistic to him. The Castro Cabinet was dismissed, and an
       anti-Castro Ministry was formed.

       Pacific overtures were now made to the foreign governments
       with which Castro had quarrelled. The Honorable William I.
       Buchanan, an able diplomat, of much experience in
       Spanish-America, was sent from the United States to reopen
       negotiations at Caracas, where he arrived on the 20th
       December, and the late Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs
       went abroad as an agent of President Gomez to treat with the
       Netherlands, Great Britain, and France. Mr. Buchanan found
       difficulty in arranging modes of settlement in the case of two
       American claims, that of the New York and Bermudez Company,
       and that of the Orinoco Corporation, which claimed very
       extensive concessions; but the obstacles were overcome and a
       satisfactory protocol signed, February 13, 1909.

       Before this time, criminal proceedings had been instituted
       against Castro, on the charge that he had instigated the
       assassination of Vice-President Gomez, and the High Federal
       Court had decided that adequate evidence had been adduced to
       warrant the action. To this accusation Castro made answer from
       Dresden, February 27, saying: "The only charge that has been
       raised against me is that I tried to instigate the murder of
       Gomez. It is incredible that, after having shown my interest
       in him in so many ways, I should try to cause him to be
       murdered. If Gomez had given me occasion to suspect him, I
       would have given orders regarding him before my departure from
       Venezuela, and I would not have been so stupid as to send such
       an order by cable. Whoever knows me knows also that I am
       incapable of such disgraceful cowardice. I give this
       declaration in the interest of truth to the press and to the
       foreign countries, in order to set at rest in places where I
       am not known all doubts and suspicions regarding my behavior."

       Having no apparent doubt that he could master the adverse
       situation in Venezuela, Castro was now making his arrangements
       to return. On the 24th of March he arrived at Paris, on his
       way to Bordeaux, to take passage on the Steamer
       Guadeloupe. There he was met by a statement from the
       steamship company, "that it had been informed by the
       Venezuelan government that Señor Castro will not be permitted
       to land in Venezuela; that he will be arrested on board the
       Guadeloupe if this vessel calls at a Venezuelan port, and that
       even the movement of the Guadeloupe in Venezuelan ports
       will be controlled by the authorities, if Castro is a
       passenger.
    {688}
       As a result of this communication the company will embark
       Castro only on condition that he leave the Guadeloupe
       before reaching Venezuela, either at Martinique or Trinidad.
       This official notification to the steamship company was handed
       in by José de Jesus Paul, the special Venezuelan envoy to
       Europe. Señor Paul says in part:

       "‘Cipriano Castro is under criminal prosecution in Venezuela,
       and the High Federal Court having suspended his function as
       President, he is liable, in accordance with the laws of
       Venezuela, to imprisonment pending the result of the trial. A
       warrant of arrest can be executed even on board the
       Guadeloupe at the first Venezuelan port.’ "

       At Bordeaux he was forced to take passage with the
       understanding that he must leave the ship before she reached a
       Venezuelan port, and he accepted tickets to Port-au-Spain,
       Trinidad. On leaving Paris his parting words had been: "I
       believe that God and destiny call me back to Venezuela. I
       intend to accomplish my mission there, even though it involves
       revolution." But he mistook the call, and mere earthly
       authority sufficed to frustrate the mission he had in mind.
       The British Government, after consultation with the United
       States and other Powers most interested in the avoidance of
       fresh disturbances in Venezuela, forbade his landing at
       Trinidad, and he found no port to receive him but that of Fort
       de France, Martinique. From that French soil, too, he was
       ordered away the next day, and look passage back to France,
       ultimately settling himself with his family in Spain. If he
       has made further efforts or plans to recover a footing in
       Venezuela, the public has not learned of them.

       As soon as the out-cast President had been thus eliminated
       from Venezuelan politics, he was cleared, May 21, of the
       charge of plotting to assassinate General Gomez, by decision
       of the Criminal Court. Both Holland and France had settled, by
       this time, their differences with Venezuela, and restored
       diplomatic relations. On the 12th of August, Vice-President
       Gomez was formally elected Provisional President by Congress
       in the exercise of powers claimed under the new Constitution.
       On the 11th of September announcement was made that all but
       one of the five American claims for which Mr. Buchanan had
       arranged modes of settlement had been settled, and that one—of
       the Orinoco Steamship Company—was before the tribunal at The
       Hague.

    VENICE: A. D. 1902.
       Fall of the Campanile of St. Marks.

       On the morning of July 14, 1902, the Campanile or bell-tower
       of the cathedral of St. Marks fell to the ground. An attentive
       architect had been calling attention for several years to
       signs of danger in its walls, but nothing had been done to
       avert the destruction of the most interesting monument of
       antiquity in the city. The building of the tower was begun in
       the year 888, and underwent a reconstruction in 1329. Its
       height was 322 feet.

       "At 9 o’clock, according to the story of an American architect
       who witnessed the fall of the tower from the neighborhood of
       the Rialto, he saw the golden angel slowly sink directly
       downward behind a line of roofs, and a dense gray dust arose
       in clouds. Instantly, from all parts of the city, a crowd
       rushed toward the Piazza, to find on their arrival that
       nothing was left of all that splendid nave but a mound of
       white dust, 80 feet high." A press telegram from Venice,
       January 4, 1910, announced that "the Campanile, after seven
       years’ work, is now approaching completion. The shaft is
       finished, and only lacks the belfry, the separate pieces of
       which are ready to be set in place."

    VEREENIGING, BOER-BRITISH TREATY OF PEACE AT.

          See (in this Volume)
          South Africa: A. D. 1901-1902.

    VERESTCHAGIN, VASILI, DEATH OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    VERNON-HARCOURT, LOUIS:
       First Commissioner of Works.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1905-1906.

    VESUVIUS, MOUNT:
       Violent Eruption in 1906.

          See (in this Volume)
          VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS.

    VETO, CIVIL, IN PAPAL ELECTIONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1904.

    VIBORG CONFERENCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    VICTOR EMMANUEL III., KING OF ITALY:
       His Agency in founding the International Institute
       of Agriculture.

          See (in this Volume)
          AGRICULTURE.

    VILHENA, SENHOR.

          See (in this Volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1906-1909.

    VILLAZON, ELIDORO:
       President of Bolivia.

          See (in this Volume)
          ACRE DISPUTES.

    VIRCHOW, RUDOLPH:
       Celebration of his Eightieth Birthday.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATIONS.

    VIRGINIA: A. D. 1907.
       The Jamestown Tercentennial Exposition.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAMESTOWN.

    VITHÖFT, ADMIRAL.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    "VLADIMIR’S DAY."

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905.

    VLADIVOSTOCK:
       In the Russo-Japanese War.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: ITALY: A. D. 1906 (April).
       Great Outburst of Vesuvius.
       The Most Violent since 1631.

       "At a meeting of the Geological Society, London, on May 9, a
       paper giving a scientific account of the recent great eruption
       of Mount Vesuvius was read by Professor Giuseppe de Lorenzo,
       of the Mineralogical Museum in the Royal University of Naples,
       a foreign correspondent of the society. According to the
       report in the London Times Professor de Lorenzo stated
       that after the great eruption of 1872 Vesuvius lapsed into
       repose, marked by merely solfataric phenomena, for three
       years. Fissuring of the cone and slight outpourings of lava
       began in May, 1905, and continued until April 5, 1906, when
       the fourth great outburst from the principal crater occurred,
       accompanied by the formation of deeper and larger fissures in
       the south-eastern wall of the cone, from which a great mass of
       fluid and scoriaceous lava was erupted. After a pause the
       maximum outburst took place during the night of April 7 and 8,
       and blew 3,000 feet into the air scoriæ and lapilli of lava as
       fragments derived from the wreckage of the cone.
    {689}
       The southwesterly wind carried this ash to Ottajano and San
       Giuseppe, which were buried under three feet of it, and even
       swept it on to the Adriatic and Montenegro. At this time the
       lava which reached Torre Annunziato was erupted. The
       decrescent phase began on April 8, but the collapse of the
       cone of the principal crater was accompanied by the ejection
       of steam and dust to a height of from 22,000 to 26,000 feet.
       On April 9 and 10 the wind was northeast, and the dust was
       carried over Torre del Greco and as far as Spain; but on April
       11 the cloud was again impelled northward. The ash in the
       earlier eruptions was dark in color and made of materials
       derived directly from the usual type of leucotephritic magma;
       but later it became grayer and mixed with weathered elastic
       material from the cone. The great cone had an almost
       horizontal rim on April 13, very little higher than Monte
       Somma, and with a crater possibly exceeding 1,300 feet in
       diameter; this cone was almost snow white from the deposit of
       sublimates. Many deaths, Professor de Lorenzo states, were due
       to asphyxia, but the collapse of roofs weighted with dust was
       a source of much danger, as was the case at Pompeii in A. D.
       79. The lava streams surrounded trees, many of which still
       stood in the hot lava with their leaves and blossoms
       apparently uninjured. The sea level during April 7 and 8 was
       lowered six inches near Pozzuoli, and as much as twelve inches
       near Portici, and had not returned to its former level on
       April 13. The maximum activity conformed almost exactly with
       full moon, and at the time the volcanoes of the Phlegræan
       Fields and of the islands remained in their normal condition.
       Professor de Lorenzo believes that this eruption of Vesuvius
       is greater than any of those recorded in history with two
       exceptions—those of A. D. 79, the historic eruption which
       destroyed Pompeii and Herculaneum, and of 1631, when Torre del
       Greco was overwhelmed and 4,000 persons perished."

          Scientific Notes and News
          (Science, May 25, 1906).

    VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: WEST INDIES: A. D. 1902 (May).
       Of Mont Pelee and La Souffrière, on the islands of Martinique
       and St. Vincent.
       Destruction of the City of St. Pierre.

       The most appalling catastrophe in the annals of the Western
       Hemisphere is that which burst from the long torpid volcano of
       Mont Pelée, overlooking the city of St. Pierre, on the French
       island of Martinique, and from its slumbering neighbor, La
       Souffrière, of the British island of St. Vincent, on the
       morning of the 8th of May, 1902. The following particulars of
       the frightful volcanic explosion are borrowed from a graphic
       account prepared for The American Review of Reviews by
       W. J. McGee, of the Smithsonian Institution.

       "The outbreak of Mont Pelée seems to have been second only to
       that of Krakatoa in explosive violence in the written history
       of the world. Nor was the catastrophe confined to a mountain
       and a city, or even to an island: the towns and villages of
       northern Martinique were devastated or utterly destroyed as
       far southward as Fort de France, while the scant 400 square
       miles of the whole island were at once shaken from below and
       showered from above with uncounted tons of hot rock-powder,
       scorching what it touched, and desolating the tropical
       luxuriance of one of the fairest among the gems of the
       Antilles. At the same time the Vulcanian spasm thrilled afar
       through subterranean nerves and stirred into sympathetic
       resurrection other long-dead volcanoes; and one of these,—La
       Souffrière, on the island of St. Vincent, over a hundred miles
       away,—sprang into baleful activity, poured out vast sheets of
       viscid lava, showered land and sea with its own scorching
       rock-powder, devastated another gem in the Antillean necklace,
       and slew its thousands. The vigor of such volcanic outbursts
       as those of Martinique and St. Vincent, and the vastness of
       their products, are beyond realization. The governor of
       Barbados, Sir Frederick Hodgson, estimates that ‘two million
       tons of volcanic dust’ fell on his island, which is 110 miles
       from La Souffrière, and still farther from Mont Pelée. …

       "About the middle of April of the present year the inhabitants
       of Martinique and passing seafarers began to note the
       appearance of ‘smoke’ about the crest of the mountain; and
       within a few days the report spread that Mont Pelée was in an
       ugly mood. The smoky columns and clouds increased at
       intervals, and anxiety deepened both at St. Pierre and Fort de
       France; but as the days went by without other manifestations,
       apprehension faded. On May 5, detonations were heard and a
       tremor shook St. Pierre, while a mass of mud was violently
       erupted from the old crater. The indications are that this
       eruption was occasioned by the rise of viscous lava,
       accompanied by steam and other gases attending its formation,
       probably through the old vent, in sufficient quantity and with
       sufficient violence to blow the lake out of the ancient crater
       and vaporize the water. Portions of the lava were apparently
       blown into dust by the flashing into steam of water imprisoned
       in its interstices, after the manner of volcanic ejecta
       generally; and this material (better called ‘lapilli’ than
       ‘ashes’) hastened condensation of the aqueous vapor in the air
       already overcharged by the addition of that cast up from the
       lake. The consequence was a shower of mud, apparently of
       limited extent. Some of the accounts indicate that the greater
       part of this mud was not vomited into the air, but that it
       welled up in such wise as to fill and overflow the old crater,
       and send scalding streams down the gorges seaming the rugged
       sides of Mont Pelée; one of these flooded a sugar factory and
       enveloped a score or more of the employees; others mingled
       with the rivers, converting them into hot and muddy torrents,
       carrying destruction down their channels to the sea. … So
       matters rested, with Pelée still grumbling, until the evening
       and night of May 7, when the black vapor-clouds and
       subterranean groanings grew more terrifying; but it was too
       late to escape before another day.

       "About 7:50 A. M. on May 8 came the great shock, of which that
       of May 5 was the precursor; and within ten minutes St. Pierre
       and the smaller towns of Martinique were in ruins. Few
       witnesses were left to describe the event, and the accounts of
       these vary so widely as to require interpretation through the
       testimony of other witnesses of similar eruptions elsewhere.
       Briefly it seems evident that the lava mass, of which the
       uppermost portion exploded on May 5, had continued to rise in
       the vent after the temporary shock due to the recoil of the
       initial explosion, and that by the morning of May 8 it had
       reached such a height in the throat as to find relief from the
       stupendous pressure of the lower earth-crust.
    {690}
       Coming up with the high temperature of subterranean depths,
       the mass was, like other rocks in a state of nature, saturated
       with water held in liquid state by the pressure, and charged
       with other mineral substances ready to flash into gas or to
       oxidize on contact with the air; and these more volatile
       materials, being of less density than the average, were more
       abundant in the upper portions of the mass.

       "As the viscid plug of red-hot rock forced its way upward, the
       mighty mountain travailed, the interior rocks were rent, and
       the groaning and trembling were conveyed through the outer
       strata to the surface and strange shakings of the shores and
       quiverings of the sea marked the approach of the culmination.
       Then the plug passed above the zone of rock-pressure great
       enough to compress steam into water whatsoever the heat,—and
       with this relief the liquid flashed into steam and the
       superheated rock-matter into gases, while the unoxidized
       compounds leaped into flame and smoke as they caught the
       oxygen of the outer air. The lava was probably acidic, and
       hence highly viscous; and when the imprisoned droplets of
       water expanded, they formed bubbles, or vesicles, often much
       larger than the Volume of rock-matter; doubtless some of this
       matter remains in the form of vesicular pumice; but
       unquestionably immense quantities were blown completely into
       fragments representing the walls of the bubbles and the
       angular spicules and thickenings between bubbles. Of these
       fragments lapilli, or so-called volcanic ashes, consists; and
       the Mont Pelée explosion was so violent that much of the
       matter was dust-fine, and drifted hundreds of miles before it
       settled from the upper air to the sea or land below. When the
       imprisoned water burst into steam, the heavier gases were
       evolved, also, with explosive violence; and while the steam
       shot skyward, carrying lapilli in vast dust-clouds, these
       gases rolled down the slopes, burning (at least in part) as
       they went; and at the same time the heavier lava fragments,
       together with rock-masses torn from the throat of the crater
       by the viscid flood, were dropped for miles around. …

       "Both press dispatches and physical principles indicate that
       it was the debacle of burning gas that consumed St. Pierre
       even before the red-hot rocks reached the roofs and balconies.
       Meantime the aerial disturbance was marked by electrical
       discharges, with continuous peal of thunder and glare of
       lightning, while portions of the hot rock-powder were washed
       down from the clouds by scalding rains. The heat of millions
       of tons of red-hot lava and of the earth-rending explosion, as
       well as of the burning gases, fell on Martinique; green things
       crumbled to black powder, dry wood fell into smoke and ashes,
       clothing flashed into flame, and the very bodies of men and
       beasts burst with the fervent heat. Such, in brief, were the
       evil events of Pelée and St. Pierre for May 8."

       Simultaneously, on St. Vincent’s Island, the outbreak of La
       Souffrière occurred that day. "The accounts are vague or
       conflicting as to the hour and as to the precise nature of the
       initial and later throes; yet it would appear, from the burden
       of the testimony, that the outbreak quickly succeeded that of
       Pelée. Apparently, too, the extravasation of rock-matter, both
       of liquid and lava, exceeded that of the northern neighbor;
       yet the indications are that the explosion was feebler, and
       that the formation of gases was proportionately less abundant.
       Lapilli are reported to cover the entire island to depths
       ranging from an inch or more to several feet, several
       roofs,—like those of Pompeii of old,—being crushed in by the
       weight; the estimates of human mortality ranged from a few
       hundreds in the early reports to over two thousand, and were
       afterward slightly reduced, while the destruction of property
       seems to have been relatively greater than on Martinique. So
       far as the accounts of the two outbursts go, they indicate
       that the Pelée eruption was primarily an explosion due to the
       flashing of water and other gases on relief from pressure,
       with attendant heat and meteorologic disturbances, followed by
       a limited and quiet outflow of lava from the deeper and drier
       portion of the lava plug; but that the upwelling lava of
       Souffrière was in some way nearer equilibrium,—perhaps drier,
       perhaps cooler, perhaps from less depth and pressure,—and
       hence poured out in broad sheets of viscid rock-matter,
       likened by some observers to burning sealing wax.

       "Such, in brief, is the record of La Souffrière on May 8,—a
       record that would have appalled the nations had it not been
       eclipsed by the ghastly tale of Mont Pelée and St. Pierre."

       In the case of St. Pierre almost the entire population had
       remained in the town, not sufficiently warned by the outbreak
       of May 5, and was, in consequence, destroyed. It is estimated
       that 30,000 people perished in or near that town alone. Death
       came to them almost instantaneously,—not from the flow of lava
       or the showers of hot ashes that fell to the depth of perhaps
       two feet, but from such a fierce current of burning gases that
       men breathed flames instead of air.

       On the English island, there was no large town close to the
       mountain, and therefore not as great loss of life as in
       Martinique, but nearly two thousand persons in the rural
       districts lost their lives. These were burned to death by hot
       sand or were killed by lightning, there being no suffocation,
       as in St. Pierre. A layer of ashes fell over the entire
       island, and in the northeastern part the land was buried in
       ashes and stones to the depth of eighteen inches. As a
       consequence, all the crops were destroyed.

       Repeated outbreaks of both Mont Pelée and La Souffrière
       occurred at intervals during more than a year following the
       great explosion, adding much to the destruction of the means
       of living on large parts of the islands and to the misery of
       the inhabitants remaining in the regions affected, though not
       greatly to the loss of life. Of the relief in money and
       supplies from all sources that was poured into the two
       afflicted islands no full reckoning can be obtained; but the
       Governor of the Windward Islands reported to the Colonial
       Office at London on the 20th of June, 1903, that total
       receipts for the Eruption Fund to that date were £77,000, and
       expenditures £42,787. "I shall have sufficient funds left in
       the Colony," he added, "to meet all present needs, unless any
       further unforeseen misfortune takes place."

    VULGATE, REVISION OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1907-1909.

    {691}

    W.

    WAGES AND COST OF LIVING.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR REMUNERATION: WAGES, &c.

    WAI-WU-PU.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901-1908.

    WALDECK-ROUSSEAU, PIERRE MARIE:
       Resignation of Ministry.

          See (in this Volume )
          FRANCE: A. D. 1902 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    WALLER, DR. AUGUSTUS.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: OPSONINS.

    WALL STREET INVESTIGATION, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          FINANCE AND TRADE: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

       ----------WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: Start--------

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: At Large:
       Contradictory Feeling and Action in the World.
       Its Causes.
       International Barbarism with Inter-Personal Civilization.
       The Two Main Knots of Difficulty in the Situation.
       The British and the German Posture.

       There was never before in the world so wide-spread and so
       passionate a hatred of War, among civilized peoples, or so
       earnest and determined an endeavor to supplant it by rational
       methods of composing international disputes. At the same time,
       there was never so frenzied a rivalry of preparation among the
       nations for Warfare, by monstrous accumulation of its horrible
       engines and tools. How can the glaring inconsistency be
       accounted for without impeaching the general sanity of
       mankind?

       The strangeness of the situation was described most
       graphically and feelingly, not long since, by Lord Rosebery,
       in speaking at a banquet given to the delegates attending the
       British Imperial Press Conference, at London, in June, 1909,
       and his own feeling that went into the description of it
       affords an explanation of the anomaly. "I do not know," said
       the eloquent Earl, "that in some ways I have ever seen a
       condition of things in Europe so remarkable, so peaceful, and
       in some respects so ominous as the condition which exists at
       this moment. There is a hush in Europe, a hush in which you
       may almost hear a leaf fall to the ground. There is an
       absolute absence of any questions which ordinarily lead to
       war. One of the great Empires which is sometimes supposed to
       menace peace is entirely engrossed with its own internal
       affairs. Another great Eastern empire which furnished a
       perpetual problem to statesmen has taken a new lease of life
       and youth in searching for constitutional peace and reform.

       "All forebodes peace; and yet at the same time, combined with
       this total absence of all questions of friction, there never
       was in the history of the world so threatening and so
       overpowering a preparation for war. That is a sign which I
       confess I regard as most ominous. For 40 years it has been a
       platitude to say that Europe is an armed camp, and for 40
       years it has been true that all the nations have been facing
       each other armed to the teeth, and that has been in some
       respects a guarantee of peace. Now, what do we see? Without
       any tangible reason we see the nations preparing new
       armaments. They cannot arm any more men on land, so they have
       to seek new armaments upon the sea, piling up these enormous
       preparations as if for some great Armageddon—and that in a
       time of profoundest peace. We live in the midst of what I
       think was called by Petrarch tacens bellum—a silent
       warfare, in which not a drop of blood is shed in anger, but in
       which, however, the last drop is extracted from the living
       body by the lancets of the European statesmen. There are
       features in this general preparation for war which must cause
       special anxiety to the friends of Great Britain and the
       British Empire, but I will not dwell upon these. I will only
       ask you who have come to this country to compare carefully the
       armaments of Europe with our preparations to meet them, and
       give your impressions to the Empire in return. (Cheers.) I
       myself feel confident in the resolution and power of this
       country to meet any reasonable conjunction of forces. But when
       I see this bursting out of navies everywhere, when I see one
       country alone asking for 25 millions of extra taxation for
       warlike preparation, when I see the absolutely unprecedented
       sacrifices which are asked from us on the same ground, I do
       begin to feel uneasy at the outcome of it all and wonder where
       it will stop, or if it is nearly going to bring back Europe
       into a state of barbarism, (hear, hear), or whether it will
       cause a catastrophe in which the working men of the world will
       say, ‘We will have no more of this madness, this foolery which
       is grinding us to powder.’ (Cheers.)

       "We can and we will build Dreadnoughts—or whatever the newest
       type of ship may be (loud cheers)—as long as we have a
       shilling to spend on them or a man to put into them. (Loud
       cheers.) All that we can and will do; but I am not sure that
       even that will be enough, and I think it may be your duty to
       take back to your young dominions across the seas this message
       and this impression—that some personal duty and responsibility
       for national defence rests on every man and citizen. (Loud and
       prolonged cheers.) Yes, take that message back with you. Tell
       your people—if they can believe it—the deplorable way in which
       Europe is lapsing into militarism and the pressure which is
       put upon this little island to defend its liberties—and yours.
       (Cheers.) But take this message also back with you—that the
       old country is right at heart, that there is no failing or
       weakness in heart, and that she rejoices in renewing her youth
       in her giant dominions beyond the seas. (Loud cheers.) For her
       own salvation she must look to herself, and that failing her
       she must look to you. (Cheers.)"

    {692}

       Here, in the feeling of one superlatively civilized man, is
       the feeling of more than half the world epitomized. It shrinks
       with horror from the enormity of preparations that are "as if
       for some great Armageddon," and shudders over what seems to be
       "nearly going to bring back Europe into a state of barbarism";
       but suspicion, distrust, fear impel it nevertheless, to cry
       with Lord Rosebery: "We can and we will build Dreadnoughts as
       long as we have a shilling to spend on them or a man to put
       into them—because others are building them who may use them
       against us." There is senselessness in this predicament of
       mind, but it is the senselessness of a persisting
       international barbarism, which keeps nation-neighbors still
       standing in attitudes toward one another which became
       foolishness to individual neighbors a thousand years ago. It
       means, simply, that the society of nations is as barbaric as
       it was when Englishmen and Normans fought at Senlac; and that
       it is only in little street-neighborhoods that men have
       arrived at the rational relationships which offer an
       appearance of civilization in some parts of the world.

       Two principal knots of difficulty must be cut in some way,
       before an international civilization can be developed, by the
       rational and moral processes which have civilized us
       interpersonally in some considerable degree. The hardest of
       these knots is tightened upon England, by the weight and the
       strain of her great world-wide empire on the little island to
       which it is bound. Not only the whole exterior fabric of
       British Empire, but the bare subsistence of the people of the
       small island at its center, depends on the uninterrupted use
       of the surrounding seas for trade and travel between its
       parts. To lose freedom in that use means the downfall of Great
       Britain, not merely as a militant power, but in everything
       that could carry her past importance into the future of the
       world. It means so much as this, because the resources of the
       island-home of the nation, within themselves, are so small.
       There can be no wonder, then, that Englishmen reckon nothing
       else so important to them as an indisputable free use of the
       seas. Nor can there be wonder that they learned in the past to
       look on an indisputable free use of the seas as implying a
       mastery of the sea. Until within the last generation or two
       this was the sole condition on which there could be security
       in ocean trade. That it remains so still is the continued
       belief of all the Governments which put millions on millions
       into bigger and bigger steel-clad battleships, and of the
       publics behind the Governments, which cry with Rosebery, "We
       can and we will build Dreadnoughts as long as we have a
       shilling to spend on them or a man to put into them." England
       differs from the rest only in the imperativeness to her of
       what is simply important to them. If security in the use of
       the seas is still impossible of attainment without the
       supremacy over them of an irresistible sea-power, then England
       has justifications for the enormity of her naval armament
       which no other nation can claim.

       So long as a majority of Englishmen feel constrained to
       believe that their ocean trade is made secure from hostile
       obstruction by nothing but their naval strength, so long they
       will strive to maintain a navy that shall be equal to the
       combined navies of any other two Powers; and so long as that
       "Two Power Standard" of British naval policy remains
       inflexible, it seems forbidding to the hope of a common
       agreement among the maritime nations to reduce their building
       of battleships. With other Powers than Germany there might be
       possibilities of such an agreement, even subject to a
       concession of British naval supremacy, because of the
       exceptionality of circumstance in England’s case; but it is
       here that we come to the second of the two principal knots of
       difficulty which hinder the international civilization of the
       world, now so flagrantly over-due. Germany, coming late, by a
       tardy unification, into the national career which the German
       people are entitled to, by their energy of spirit and capacity
       of brain, is impatient in the ambitions that were repressed so
       long. Her industries, her commerce, her maritime undertakings
       have been pushed in the last generation, against the older
       competitions of Europe and America, with an impassioned
       determination that has won extraordinary triumphs on every
       line. Here, again, as in the case of England, there is an
       exceptional exposure of the nation to those perils from war
       which the state of international barbarism still keeps in
       suspense. Germany elbows so many close neighbors in Europe
       that nothing but a perfectly trusting friendship or a
       perfectly organized reign of law among them can make safety
       for any. In the absence of both friendly trust and
       authoritative law, they stand on guard against each other in
       the twentieth century as they did in the tenth; but with arms
       a hundred-fold more hellish and a thousand-fold more ruinous
       in cost. Under the pressure of her long-pent ambitions and
       energies, Germany has beaten all her neighbors in this as in
       other fields of exertion. She commands the best trained, the
       best organized, the best equipped army in the world, and
       stands admittedly the first among military Powers. But
       military power does not give "world power," in the accepted
       meaning of that term, and Germany is impelled by all the
       strong motives of our time to acquire that. She is competing
       with England in commerce, in shipping, in exploitations of
       enterprise, everywhere, and she manifestly hopes yet to make
       good the lateness of her coming into the field of colonial
       plantation. By everything in the prevailing theories of
       statesmanship, this calls for a development of naval power to
       mate the military; and Germany has been zealously obedient to
       the call,—so zealously that England has taken alarm. Since
       about the year 1900 a German navy has been created so fast
       that the "two power standard" of Great Britain has begun of
       late to be a seriously difficult, because a frightfully
       costly, naval standard to maintain. Yet England more than ever
       believes that she must maintain it at any cost; because the
       strenuousness of the German navy-building inspires her with a
       new distrust. Hence these two Powers are setting a new pace to
       the increase of naval armament, all other Governments catching
       some infection from the new temper of suspicion and distrust
       which works in theirs.

       And this, mainly, at least, is why the world is busier to-day
       than it was ever busy before in building monstrous ships and
       guns and horrible inventions of a thousand sorts for battle,
       while it loathes battle and war as they were never loathed by
       mankind before.

    {693}

       One of the most impressive of recent utterances on this grave
       subject fell from the lips of the Secretary for Foreign
       Affairs in the Government of Great Britain, Sir Edward Grey,
       on the 29th of March, 1909, when he said in Parliament: "Sir,
       the martial spirit, I should be the last to deny, has its
       place, and its proper place, in the life of a nation. That the
       nation should take pride in its power to resist force by force
       is a natural and wholesome thing. It is a source of perfectly
       healthy pride to have soundness of wind and limb and physical
       strength, and it has no unworthy part in the national spirit.
       That I sympathize with entirely, but I would ask the people to
       consider to what consequences the growth of armaments has led.
       The great countries of Europe are raising enormous revenues
       and something like one-half of them is being spent on naval
       and military preparations. You may call it national insurance,
       that is perfectly true; but it is equally true that one-half
       of the national revenue of the great countries in Europe is
       being spent on what are, after all, preparations to kill each
       other. Surely the extent to which this expenditure has grown
       really becomes a satire and a reflection upon civilization.
       (Cheers.) Not in our generation, perhaps, but if it goes on at
       the rate at which it has recently increased, sooner or later I
       believe it will submerge that civilization. The burden already
       shows itself in national credit—less in our national credit
       than in the national credit of other nations—but sooner or
       later, if it goes on at this rate, it must lead to national
       bankruptcy. Is it to be wondered that the hopes and
       aspirations of the best men in the leading countries are
       devoted to trying to find some means of checking it? (Cheers.)
       Surely that is a statement of the case in which, however
       attached a man may be to what I may call the martial spirit,
       he may at least see that the whole of Europe is in the
       presence of a great danger. But, Sir, no country alone can
       save that."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: At Large:
       Lord Morley on the Responsibility of the Press.

       Speaking to the Imperial Press Conference, at London, in June,
       1909, and referring to the "rebarbarism of Europe—the
       rattling back into arms and the preparation to use arms," Lord
       Morley said he thought the Press was more answerable for this
       than all the ministers, officers, and diplomatists taken
       together, and he pleaded for a systematic and persevering work
       on the part of newspapers in behalf of peace among the
       nations.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: Military:
       Average Cost of the Armies of the Great Military Powers.

       In his report on the French army budget of 1909 M. Gervais
       made a calculation of the average military expenditure of the
       six Powers—namely, Russia, Germany, France, Austria-Hungary,
       Italy, and Japan, which can mobilize the largest armies, and
       found the total amount spent annually to be no less than 5,037
       million francs (more than $1,000,000,000), and the number of
       men which they could put into the field to be 31,700,000. The
       army which England can mobilize comes seventh, and is given as
       555,000 men, though her average annual expenditure is the same
       as that of France—namely, 700 million francs ($140,000,000).
       Comparing next the expenditure and the effectives of France
       and Germany, the report states that the German army estimates
       show an increase in 1909 to 69 million francs, being fixed at
       1,067,862,437f., of which 838,037,151f., belong to the
       ordinary budget and 229,825,226f. to the extraordinary budget.
       The French army estimates for the year were 742,443,745f.
       ($150,000,000). The totals on either side were: Germany,
       34,118 officers and 602,670 men; France, 27,310 officers and
       511,930 men. The average cost per man in Germany is l,398f.
       and in France 1,150f.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Belgian Military Service Stiffened.
       Substitution Abolished.
       Personal Service Exacted.

       Conscription of a mild type has existed in Belgium for some
       years, supplemented by voluntary enlistments and ameliorated
       by hired substitution, which released the well-to-do from
       military service if they wished to escape it. The Liberals and
       Socialists have for a long time been advocating the abolition
       of the practice of substitution in favor of a system of
       personal and universal military service; and, latterly they
       were joined in the demand by a section of the Catholics. The
       question became a dominant one in politics, and brought about
       an extraordinary session of the Belgian Chamber in October,
       1909, for discussion of a comprehensive measure of military
       reform, for strengthening the self-defense of the kingdom. It
       resulted in a decision that "general personal service
       restricted to one son per family should be introduced, that
       the annual contingent should be raised to 18,000 men, that the
       peace strength should stand at 48,400, and that the eventual
       war strength should be 250,000 men. It was also agreed that,
       the ecclesiastics should be exempt."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Brazilian Military Service.

       Service in the Brazilian army was made obligatory by
       legislation in 1907.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The British Territorial Force.
       The Reorganization of 1907-1908.
       Lord Roberts’ Criticism.
       His Bill for Compulsory Training.

       The volunteer or militia forces of the United Kingdom, for
       home service, underwent an important reorganization in 1907,
       according to the provisions of an Act entitled the
       "Territorial and Reserve Forces Act," the general scheme of
       which may be learned from the following clauses, taken out of
       the text of the Act:

       "For the purposes of the reorganisation under this Act of His
       Majesty’s military forces other than the regulars and their
       reserves, and of the administration of those forces when so
       reorganised, and for such other purposes as are mentioned in
       this Act, an association may be established for any county in
       the United Kingdom, with such powers and duties in connection
       with the purposes aforesaid as may be conferred on it by or
       under this Act. Associations shall be constituted, and the
       members thereof shall be appointed and hold office in
       accordance with schemes to be made by the Army Council."

       "It shall be the duty of an association when constituted to
       make itself acquainted with and conform to the plan of the
       Army Council for the organisation of the Territorial Force
       within the county and to ascertain the military resources and
       capabilities of the county, and to render advice and
       assistance to the Army Council and to such officers as the
       Army Council may direct, and an association shall have,
       exercise, and discharge such powers and duties connected with
       the organisation and administration of His Majesty’s military
       forces as may for the time being be transferred or assigned to
       it by order of His Majesty signified under the hand of a
       Secretary of State or, subject thereto, by regulations under
       this Act, but an association shall not have any powers of
       command or training over any part of His Majesty’s military
       forces."

    {694}

       "The Army Council shall pay to an association, out of money
       voted by Parliament for army services, such sums as, in the
       opinion of the Army Council, are required to meet the
       necessary expenditure connected with the exercise and
       discharge by the association of its powers and duties.

       "All men of the Territorial Force shall be enlisted by such
       persons and in such manner and subject to such regulations as
       may be prescribed: Provided that every man enlisted under this
       Part of this Act—

       (a)
       Shall be enlisted for a county for which an association has
       been established under this Act and shall be appointed to
       serve in such corps for that county or for an area comprising
       the whole or part of that county as he may select, and, if
       that corps comprises more than one unit within the county,
       shall be posted to such one of those units as he may select:

       (b)
       Shall be enlisted to serve for such a period as may be
       prescribed, not exceeding four years, reckoned from the date
       of his attestation:

       (c)
       May be re-engaged within twelve months before the end of his
       current term of service for such a period as may be prescribed
       not exceeding four years from the end of that term."

       "Any part of the Territorial Force shall be liable to serve in
       any part of the United Kingdom, but no part of the Territorial
       Force shall be carried or ordered to go out of the United
       Kingdom. Provided that it shall be lawful for His Majesty, if
       he thinks fit, to accept the offer of any part or men of the
       Territorial Force, signified through their commanding officer,
       to subject themselves to the liability to serve in any place
       outside the United Kingdom."

       "Subject to the provisions of this section, every man of the
       Territorial Force shall, by way of annual training—

       (a)
       Be trained for not less than eight nor more than fifteen, or
       in the case of the mounted branch eighteen, days in every year
       at such times and at such places in any part of the United
       Kingdom as may be prescribed, and may for that purpose be
       called out once or oftener in every year:

        (b)
        Attend the number of drills and fulfill the other conditions
        relating to training prescribed for his arm or branch of the
        service":

       "His Majesty in Council may—Order that the period of annual
       training in any year of all or any part of the Territorial
       Force be extended, but so that the whole period of annual
       training be not more than thirty days in any year."

       The King is empowered to make orders with respect to pay and
       allowances of the Territorial Force, as well as concerning its
       government and discipline.

       Under this Act the Territorial Force assumed form on the 1st
       of April, 1908. The former organizations of Yeomanry and
       Volunteers were given until 30th June to transfer to the new
       Force. The strength of the Yeomanry and Volunteers on 31st
       March had been 9,174 officers and 241,085 men. On 1st July the
       strength of the new Force, including both transfers and
       recruits, was about 8,000 officers and 176,500 men. Of these
       some 112,000 men had joined for one year.

       The latest published statement of the enrollment in the
       Territorial Force (that can be referred to, here) was made on
       the 26th of April, 1909, in the House of Lords, by Lord Lucas,
       speaking for the Government, in reply to questions as to "how
       many of the 315,000 men required to complete the Territorial
       Force had been enrolled up to date; how many of these now
       serving in the force were under 20 years of age; what was the
       lowest age at which they had been and were now accepted; and
       how many Territorials now serving had engaged for one year
       only." The answer was: "the strength of the Territorial Force
       on the first of this month was 8,938 officers out of an
       establishment of 11,267, or 79 percent.; 254,524 men out of a
       strength of 302,047; or a total of 263,462 out of an
       establishment of 313,314, which came out at 84 per cent. In
       answer to the second question he was sorry that they had not
       got later particulars than October 1, 1908, but on that day
       there were 188,785 men on the strength of the Territorial
       Force of whom 62,288 were under 20. The answer to the third
       question was that the limit of age for men was 17, and for
       boys 14. In answer to the fourth, he could not give the noble
       earl the actual number of men serving at the present time for
       one year, but the figures he could give would make it pretty
       clear. They had last year 107,857 one-year men serving in the
       force—Volunteers who had transferred for one year. On April 1
       last out of these 107,857 men 56,238 had already reengaged for
       one year or more. That was to say, that these men had
       signified their intention of re-engaging before their year was
       actually up."

       Lord Roberts has no confidence in the efficiency of the
       Territorial Force, as a voluntary organization. In a letter
       read to the House of Lords on the 17th of May, 1909, when a
       motion expressive of this opinion was to be made and he found
       himself unable to attend and support it personally, he wrote:

       "On July 10, 1905, I said that ‘I have no hesitation in
       stating that our armed forces as a body are as absolutely
       unfitted and unprepared for war as they were in 1899-1900.
       Close upon four years have passed since then, and I have no
       hesitation in reaffirming my conviction."

       Subsequently Lord Roberts introduced in the House of Lords a
       "National Service (Training and Home Defence) Bill," on which
       he spoke with great earnestness on the 12th of July. His Bill
       imposed on all male subjects the obligation of serving in the
       Territorial Force between the ages of 18 and 30, excepting
       officers of the Regular and Reserve Forces, naval and
       military, and some others; but subject to this and other
       modifications every person who came under the Bill would be in
       the same position as a person who voluntarily joins the
       existing Territorial Force. The liability to training would
       not extend over the whole term of service, but be limited to
       four years. The Bill provided for absolute equality of
       treatment of all classes, no purchase of discharge or of
       exemption from service being allowed; but in the matter of
       training various exemptions were provided for.

       The Bill encountered more opposition than support in the
       debate on it, and did not secure a second reading.

    {695}

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       British Army Reorganization.
       Creation of a General Staff.
       Result of the Report of the Esher Army Commission.
       Work of the Defence Committee.

       Speaking, in April, at the Imperial Conference of 1907, Mr.
       Haldane, the Secretary for War in the British Ministry, gave a
       brief but clear account of the reforms in the organization of
       the Army which had been in progress since 1904. "The effect of
       the war in South Africa," he said, "made a profound impression
       on the minds of our advisers here. We realized that we had
       gone into the war without adequate preparation for war on a
       great scale, and that we had never fully apprehended the
       importance of the maxim that all preparation in time of peace
       must be preparation for war; it is of no use unless it is
       designed for that; it is the only justification for the
       maintenance of armies—the preparation for war. In consequence,
       when the war was over, the then Government set to work—and the
       present Government has continued to work—to endeavour to put
       the modern military organization into shape. In 1904 a very
       important committee sat. It was presided over by a civilian
       who had given great attention to the study of military
       organization, Lord Esher, and it contained on it two very
       distinguished exponents of naval and military views, Sir John
       Fisher and Sir George Clarke, as its other members. The
       committee reported, and its report contained a complete scheme
       for the reorganization of the War Office and of the Army. That
       scheme was adopted by the late Government and has been carried
       on by the present Government. One broad feature is this, that
       our naval organization has been the one with which we have
       been conspicuously successful in the history of this country,
       as distinguished from our military organization, and,
       therefore, as far as was possible, the naval organization was
       taken as a type. But the broad feature which emerged with
       regard to military preparations was this—Count Moltke was
       able to organize victory for the Prussian and German armies in
       1866, and again in 1870, because he and the General Staff
       working under him were free to apply their minds wholly to war
       preparation. That he was able to do this was due to the fact
       that the organization and business administration of the Army
       in peace were kept entirely distinct from the service which
       consisted in the study of war problems and in the higher
       training of the Staff and of the troops. That was the
       principle recommended by the Esher Committee, and it
       culminated in the provision of a brain for the Army in the
       shape of a General Staff. That General Staff we have been at
       work on for a long time past in endeavouring to get together.
       The task was not as difficult as it seemed at first, because
       the effect of the war was to bring to the front a number of
       young officers who had shown remarkable capacity, and who
       constituted the nucleus of a serious and thoughtful military
       school. They were got together under the Esher reorganization,
       and virtually there has been a General Staff in existence for
       some time. But it was not until last September that it
       received formal and complete shape in the Army Order of that
       month."

       Besides this fundamental reform, the Esher Commission pointed
       the way to other important changes or effective improvements
       in the administrative system of the Army. In place of the
       commander-in-chief, a new post, that of inspector-general,
       with a term of five years, was proposed, the principal duty of
       the office being to inspect and report on the efficiency of
       the military forces. Earl Roberts had just retired from the
       position of commander-in-chief, and the Duke of Connaught
       became inspector-general under the new regime. The existing
       Defence Committee, instituted in 1902, was to be enlarged by
       the addition of a permanent secretary, holding office for five
       years; two naval officers, selected by the admiralty; two
       military officers, chosen by the Viceroy of India; and, if
       possible, other colonial representatives, holding office for
       two years.

       Of the importance of this Defence Committee, and of its work,
       Prime Minister Asquith took occasion to speak recently in
       Parliament (July 29, 1909). "Under the present Government," he
       said, "during the four years we have been in office the full
       Committee constituted by my predecessor, and which has since
       rendered the same service to myself, has consisted of six
       Cabinet Ministers in addition to the Prime Minister—namely,
       the four Secretaries of State other than the Home Secretary,
       the First Lord of the Admiralty, and the Chancellor of the
       Exchequer. It has consisted next, as representing the Navy, of
       the First Sea Lord and the Director of Naval Intelligence, and
       as representing the Army the Chief of the General Staff and
       the Director of Military Operations; and in addition to these
       official members it has had the services and the coöperation
       of the Inspector-General of the Forces (Sir John French), who
       occupies an independent position; of Lord Esher, who is a
       great expert in all these matters; and latterly, at my
       nomination, Admiral Sir Arthur Wilson. That has been the
       composition of the full Committee, but from time to time we
       were able to add to it, and we ought to add to it, members
       ad hoc. …

       "The functions of the Defence Committee arise out of the
       necessity felt, I think, in almost all the great countries of
       the world, but which is nowhere so pressing as it is here
       owing to our geographical and economic conditions—the
       necessity of coordinating the work of the Navy and Army. It is
       the primary business of the Defence Committee to study and
       determine what is the best provision that can from time to
       time be made for the military and naval requirements of the
       Empire as a whole, to keep both naval and military
       requirements, and their due relation to each other, constantly
       in view." Giving examples of the subjects which the committee
       had discussed, he said they had had under consideration the
       military needs of the Empire with reference to recent changes
       in Army organization; its military requirements as affected by
       the defence of India; the strategical aspects of the Firth of
       Clyde Canal; aerial navigation in view of the present and
       prospective developments; our policy in regard to the Channel
       tunnel and to the means of transit across the Channel; the
       standard of fixed defences and garrisons in various parts of
       the Empire, and the scale of reinforcements.

    {696}

       "In 1905 Mr. Balfour, who was then Prime Minister, made a
       statement of the highest importance in regard to the
       possibility of an invasion of these islands. Since then Lord
       Roberts had asked for a reinvestigation of the problem in the
       light of new facts and of the changed situation, and in 1907 a
       special committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence was
       appointed to go into the whole matter. In arriving at their
       conclusion the committee conceded to those who were
       apprehensive of invasion that it would take place when our
       Regular Forces were absent upon some foreign expedition and
       that the attack might be a surprise attack. The view
       unanimously arrived at was, in the first place, that as long
       as the naval supremacy of the country was adequately assured,
       invasion on a large scale, involving the transport of 150,000
       men, was an absolutely impracticable operation. The committee
       held, on the other hand, that if we were permanently to lose
       command of the sea, whatever might be the strength and
       organization of our military forces at the moment—even if we
       had an army like that of Germany—the subjection of the country
       by the enemy would be inevitable. It followed from this that
       it was the business of the Admiralty to maintain our naval
       supremacy at such a height as would enable us to retain
       command of the sea against any reasonably possible
       combination. The second conclusion arrived at was that we
       ought to have an Army for home defence sufficient in numbers
       and organization to repel raids and to compel an enemy who
       contemplated invasion to embark a force so considerable that
       it could not possibly evade our Fleet. The belief of the
       Admiralty was that a force of 70,000 men could not get
       through; but an ample margin must be allowed for safety, and
       it therefore became the business of the War Office to see that
       we had a force capable of dealing effectively with 70,000 men.
       For this country, then, to be secure against invasion we ought
       to have an unassailable supremacy at sea and a home Army ready
       to cope with a force of the dimensions he had named. It was
       upon these conclusions that both the military and naval policy
       of the country during his administration would be carried on."

       Speaking in Parliament, in June, 1909, of the peculiar
       character and efficient quality of the Regular Army of Great
       Britain, Mr. Haldane, the Secretary for War, described it as
       "an Army of the kind which no other Power in the world
       possesses to the same extent as we do. It is customary," he
       said, "to speak of the small British Army; but what Power in
       the world has 80,000 white soldiers raised in their own
       country stationed in a country like India, and 40,000 in other
       parts of the Empire, and a further large force at home which
       is tending to increase—and more and more the overseas
       Dominions are tending to undertake their own defence? Now that
       force is not primarily for use at home, though it may be used
       for that; its real purpose is to work with the Navy overseas
       and to undertake wars there. The great armies of the Continent
       can only be mobilized for a limited time, and they cannot
       undertake wars which last for two or five or ten years, as
       ours can because it is a professional Army and leaves the
       resources of the nation unaffected. That kind of overseas Army
       is a peculiarity of the military organization of this country,
       a peculiarity which is too often overlooked, but which is just
       as essential as the command of the sea."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       German Emperor’s Speech.

       The following speech by the Emperor William was made at
       Karlsruhe, September 11, 1909, after a military review in
       Baden: "We Germans are a people glad to bear arms and proud of
       the game of war (kriegsspielfreudiy). We carry the
       burden of our defence lightly and willingly, for we know that,
       we must preserve and maintain our peace in which alone our
       labour can prosper. At the review from which I have just come
       I have seen that portion of the warrior sons of our Fatherland
       which springs from the land of Baden. Today, under the command of
       their illustrious lord, they have given me the most complete
       satisfaction. So long as there are peoples there will be
       enemies and envious folk; and so long as there are enemies and
       envious folk it will be necessary to be on one’s guard against
       them. Consequently there will continue to be prospects of war,
       and even war itself, and we must be ready for everything.
       Hence our army before all forms the rocher de bronze on
       which the peace of Europe is based and with which no one
       intends to pick a quarrel. It is to preserve this peace, to
       maintain the position in the world which is our due, that our
       army serves; this also is the aim of the strenuous days which
       are expected of it. But I am firmly convinced that it will
       stand its test successfully and that our German Fatherland may
       rest in confidence that we are on guard and that with God’s
       help and under God’s protection nothing will befall us."

    MILITARY AND NAVAL;

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       British Imperial Defence Conference of 1909.
       Its Agreements for an Imperial System.
       Compulsory Military Training contemplated in Australia.

       In connection with the doubts that were awakened in Great
       Britain, and throughout the British Empire, in 1909, as to the
       adequacy of their general preparations for defence, the
       Premier announced in the House of Commons, on the 3d of May,
       that steps had "been taken to ascertain whether the
       Governments of the self-governing Dominions are prepared to
       favour a conference at an early date for the discussion of
       Imperial co-operation for defence. The Government had
       suggested, he said, that the conference should be held this
       summer—if possible, in July." The proposal was approved
       throughout the Empire, and delegates to the Conference from
       each of the self-governing Dominions came to London and held
       sessions with representatives of the Home Government,
       beginning on the 28th of July. The delegates in attendance
       were the following;

       Commonwealth of Australia.—
       Colonel J. F. Foxton, Minister without portfolio, assisted by
       Captain Creswell and Colonel Bridges, naval and military
       experts.

       New Zealand.—
       Sir Joseph Ward, Prime Minister and Minister of Defence.

       Canada.—
       Sir Frederick Borden, Minister of Militia and Defence, Mr. L.
       Brodeur, Minister of Marine and Fisheries, these Ministers
       being assisted by Admiral Kingsmill and General Sir Percy
       Lake, as naval and military advisers.

       Newfoundland.—
       Sir E. P. Morris, Prime Minister.

       Cape Colony.—
       Mr. J. F. X. Merriman, Prime Minister.

       Natal.—
       Mr. J. R. Moor, Prime Minister, assisted by
       Colonel Greene, Minister of Railways.

       The Transvaal.—
       General J. C. Smuts, Colonial Secretary.

       Orange River Colony.—
       General Hertzog, Colonial Secretary.

    {697}

       The discussions of the Conference were unreported, but on the
       26th of August, after its adjournment, the Premier, in a
       statement to the House of Commons, summarized its main
       conclusions as follows: "First as regards military defence:
       after the main Conference at the Foreign Office, a military
       Conference took place at the War Office, and resulted in an
       agreement on the fundamental principles set out in papers
       which had been prepared by the General Staff for consideration
       by the delegates. The substance of these papers, which will be
       included among the papers to be published, was the
       recommendation that, without impairing the complete control of
       the Government of each Dominion over the military forces
       raised within it, those forces should be standardized, the
       formation of units, the arrangements for transport, the
       patterns of weapons, and so forth, being as far as possible
       assimilated to those which have been recently worked out for
       the British Army. Thus while the Dominion troops would in each
       case be raised for the defence of the Dominion concerned, it
       would be made readily practicable in case of need for that
       Dominion to mobilize and use them for the defence of the
       Empire as a whole. The military Conference then entrusted to a
       sub-Conference, consisting of military experts at headquarters
       and from the various Dominions, and presided over by Sir
       William Nicholson, acting for the first time in the capacity
       of Chief of the Imperial General Staff, the duty of working
       out the detailed application of these principles. I may point
       out here that the creation early this year of an Imperial
       General Staff thus brought into active working is a result of
       the discussions and resolutions of the Conference of 1907.
       Complete agreement was reached by the members of the
       sub-Conference, and their conclusions were finally approved by
       the main Conference and by the Committee of Imperial Defence,
       which sat for the purpose under the presidency of the Prime
       Minister. The result was a plan for so organizing the forces
       of the Crown wherever they are that while preserving the
       complete autonomy of each Dominion, should these Dominions
       desire to assist in the defence of the Empire, in a real
       emergency, their forces could be rapidly combined into one
       homogeneous Imperial Army.

       "Naval defence was discussed at meetings of the Conference
       held at the Foreign Office on August 3, 5, and 6. The
       Admiralty memorandum which had been circulated to the Dominion
       representatives formed the basis of the preliminary
       conference. The alternative methods which might be adopted by
       Dominion Governments in co-operating in Imperial naval defence
       were discussed. New Zealand preferred to adhere to her present
       policy of contribution; Canada and Australia preferred to lay
       the foundation of fleets of their own. It was recognized that
       in building up a fleet a number of conditions should be
       conformed to. The fleet must be of a certain size in order to
       offer a permanent career to the officers and men engaged in
       the service: the personnel should be trained and
       disciplined under regulations similar to those established in
       the Royal Navy, in order to allow of both interchange and
       union between the British and the Dominion services, and with
       the same object the standard of vessels and armaments should
       be uniform. A remodelling of the squadrons maintained in Far
       Eastern waters was considered on the basis of establishing a
       Pacific Fleet, to consist of three units in the East Indies,
       Australia, and the China Seas. … The generous offer of New
       Zealand and then of the Commonwealth Government to contribute
       to Imperial naval defence by the gift each of a battleship was
       accepted with the substitution of cruisers of the new
       ‘Indomitable’ type for battleships, these two ships to be
       maintained one on the China and one on the Australian station.
       Separate meetings took place at the Admiralty with the
       representatives of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, and
       general statements were agreed to in each case for further
       consideration by their respective Governments.

       "As regards Australia, the suggested arrangement is that with
       some temporary assistance from Imperial funds the Commonwealth
       Government should provide and maintain the Australian unit of
       the Pacific Fleet. The contribution of the New Zealand
       Government would be applied towards the maintenance of the
       China unit, of which some of the smaller vessels would have
       New Zealand waters as their headquarters. The New Zealand
       armoured cruiser would be stationed in China waters. As
       regards Canada, it was considered that her double seaboard
       rendered the provision of a fleet unit of the same kind
       unsuitable for the present. It was proposed according to the
       amount of money that might be available that Canada should
       make a start with cruisers of the ‘Bristol’ class and
       destroyers of the improved ‘River’ class, a part to be
       stationed on the Atlantic seaboard and a part on the Pacific.
       In accordance with an arrangement already made, the Canadian
       Government would undertake the maintenance of dockyards at
       Halifax and Esquimault, and it was a part of the arrangement
       proposed by the Australian representatives that the
       Commonwealth Government should eventually undertake the
       maintenance of the dockyard at Sydney. Papers containing all
       the material documents will be laid before Parliament in due
       course, and it is hoped before the conclusion of the Session."

       In Australia and New Zealand there had been eagerness for some
       time to take a more effective part in the defence of the
       Empire, their remote position and their contiguity to swarming
       alien populations giving their people some special anxieties
       which are reasonable enough. They are lonely communities of
       Europeans, planted on the edge of the prodigious populations
       of the Asiatic world. They have learned suddenly that some, at
       least, of those populations can do things, in war and
       otherwise, that were supposed to be reserved especially for
       effective performance by the white variety of the human race.
       What disposition of mind will move the Eastern folk in the
       exercise of these powers of action—which are discoveries as
       new to them as to us—has yet to be learned. It is doubtful if
       they themselves know what the inclination of their career will
       be, when they have really digested the new contents of their
       minds and have fully surveyed their new position in the world.
       Meantime, Australia has good reason to think anxiously of what
       Japan certainly and China most probably can do, if they are
       moved by imperialistic ambitions to an aggressive career.

    {698}

       If anywhere in the British Empire there was reason for the
       lively stir of increased preparation for defence, it was Far
       East Australasia. New Zealand, in March, had put a heavy
       strain on its resources by offering to build a
       Dreadnought for the Imperial Navy, and Australia had
       followed quickly by the proffer of another. When,
       subsequently, these projects were superseded by the
       arrangement made at the London Conference, funds raised by
       private subscription for the Australian Dreadnought
       were applied partly to the foundation of a naval college near
       Sydney for the training of officers of the Australian
       squadron, and partly to the establishment of at least two
       farms for the training of young British immigrants, who will
       be specially selected by the county colonization societies.

       In acting promptly to realize the plans of military
       organization that were formed at the London Conference,
       Australia went far beyond anything that is likely to be done
       by any other of the British Dominions, unless it may be New
       Zealand; for that Commonwealth has undertaken to organize a
       system of compulsory military training. A Defence Bill
       introduced in the Federal Parliament on the 21st of September
       applies compulsory training to all males from the age of 12 to
       that of 20. "Junior cadets are to have annually 120 hours’
       physical drill, elementary marching, and practice with
       miniature rifles, for two years. Senior cadets will have 96
       hours’ annually, including four whole-day drills, elementary
       naval or military exercises, and musketry practice at ranges
       up to 500 yards, for four years. The citizen forces are to
       have 16 whole-day drills or their equivalent annually,
       including eight days in camp for two years. Those who are to
       undergo naval, artillery, and engineer training will have 25
       days instead of 16. Males from the age of 20 to 26 will remain
       enrolled, attending only one muster parade each year.
       Exemptions will be made only on the ground of unfitness or in
       the case of persons of non-European descent. The latter,
       however, will be trained in non-combatant duties. Sparsely
       populated districts may be exempted temporarily. Persons
       failing to attend the training will be fined from £5 to £500
       according to the culprit’s wealth, or may be confined and
       trained till they have performed the duties they have shirked.
       Persons failing to reach efficiency must undergo another
       year’s training. The cadet training begins in 1911, and the
       citizen training in 1912. When the scheme is in full working
       order it is estimated that it will provide 40,000 junior
       cadets, 75,000 senior cadets, and 55,000 citizen soldiers
       under 21. The Militia, 25,000 strong, will thenceforth be
       recruited only from the fully-trained, and will become a corps
       d'élite."

       On this subject of British imperial defence,

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1909.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       New Zealand adoption of Compulsory Military Training.

       An Act which establishes compulsory military training in New
       Zealand, on lines similar to that in Australia, passed the
       colonial Parliament during its session which closed December
       29, 1909.

    NAVAL:

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Brazil and Argentina in a "Dreadnought" Competition.

       "The controversy between Brazil and Argentina about what is
       called ‘equilibrium of armament’ is still carried on with much
       animation in the Press of both countries, but apparently
       without producing any effect, good or otherwise. The subject
       of discord is the Brazilian Government’s order for three large
       battleships of the ‘Dreadnought’ type, which is to be met by
       an Argentine triplet, for which tenders are urgently called.
       Fortunately these big ships take a long time to build, and by
       the time they are ready the Press will probably be commenting
       upon the entente cordiale in South America and the
       obsolescence of floating engines of war; but in the meantime
       taxpayers in both countries are inclined to support the
       somewhat daring proposal from Buenos Ayres that Brazil should
       keep the first ‘Dreadnought,’ cede the second to Argentina,
       and cancel the order for the third."

          Rio de Janeiro Correspondent
          London Times, December 22, 1902.

       Four months later the same correspondent telegraphed, May 3,
       1909, among other statements quoted from the President’s
       Message to Congress, that day: "In regard to the navy seven
       vessels would be launched under the new programme. Two-thirds
       of the total expenditure of £4,500,000 had already been paid
       from ordinary resources, and this proved that the
       reorganization of the navy would not be disastrous to the
       national finances. Tenders would shortly be invited for the
       construction of a new dry dock."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       British Navy War Council.

       The following is from an official statement issued by the
       British Admiralty, October 11, 1909: "In further development
       of the policy which has actuated the Board of Admiralty for
       some time past of organizing a Navy War Council, it has been
       decided to place on an established footing the arrangements
       made in previous years for the study of strategy and the
       consideration and working out of war plans. A new department,
       called the Naval Mobilization Department, has been formed
       under the directorship of a flag officer, and there is
       concentrated in it that part of the business of the Naval
       Intelligence Department and the Naval War College which
       related to war plans and mobilization. Under the presidency of
       the First Sea Lord, the officers directing the Naval
       Intelligence Department and the Naval Mobilization Department,
       and the Assistant Secretary of the Admiralty will form the
       standing Navy War Council."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The British "Two Power Standard."

       During the debate in the British House on the Navy Estimates,
       in the spring of 1909, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, was called on
       by the Opposition to define the Government's understanding of
       the requirements of the "two Power standard" of naval
       strength, so called (see above). In reply, he laid it down
       that in dealing with this standard they must not merely take
       into account the number of Dreadnoughts and Invincibles, but
       the total effective strength of the British for defensive
       purposes as compared with the combined effective strength of
       any two other navy Powers. That was the two-Power standard as
       understood by successive Administrations, and the present
       Government had in this matter in no way changed the policy
       pursued by preceding Administrations. For the moment this
       question was an academic one, because whatever two Powers
       might be selected, their combined effective strength for
       aggressive purposes against Great Britain was far below the
       defensive strength of the latter. The expression "two-Power
       standard" was a purely empirical generalization, a convenient
       rule of thumb, and he should be very sorry to predict that
       this formula would be an adequate or necessary formula some
       years hence.
    {699}
       In measuring the combined effective strength of the two next
       strongest fleets the power of one powerful homogeneous fleet
       ought to be borne in mind. Further it had been established
       that the rule only applied to battleships and ships ejusdem
       generis. Then in existing conditions "we ought not," he said,
       "to limit our vision to Europe alone; but at the same time,
       while considering the combined effective strength of any other
       two Powers for aggressive purposes against this country regard
       should be had to geographical conditions." Supposing China had
       a fleet of Dreadnoughts, no rational Minister would treat that
       fleet as standing upon the same footing for the purpose of the
       two-Power standard as the German or French fleet. In the same
       way, the fleet of the United States could not be put in the
       same category with the fleets of France and Germany.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Canadian Share of the Undertakings of British Imperial Defence.

       For performance of the share assumed by Canada, of
       undertakings of British imperial defence agreed to at the
       Imperial Conference in London, July, 1909 (see above), Sir
       Wilfrid Laurier brought forward a Bill in the Dominion House
       of Commons, on the 12th of January, 1910, the essential
       provisions of which he set forth in a speech from which the
       following passages are taken:

       "The bill is entitled ‘An act respecting the naval service of
       Canada.’ It provides for the creation of a naval force to be
       composed of a permanent corps, of a reserve force, and of a
       volunteer force on the same pattern absolutely as the present
       organization of the militia force. … Every man who will be
       enrolled for naval service in Canada will be enrolled by
       voluntary engagement. There is no compulsion of any kind, no
       conscription, no balloting. … ‘Active service’ as defined by
       the act means service or duty during an emergency, and
       emergency means war, invasion or insurrection, real or
       apprehended. The act provides also that at any time when the
       Governor in Council deems it advisable, in case of war,
       invasion, or insurrection, the force may be called into active
       service. There is also an important provision that while the
       naval force is to be under the control of the Canadian
       Government, and more directly under the control and
       administration of the Department of Marine, yet in case of
       emergency the Governor in Council may place at the disposal of
       his Majesty for general service in the Royal Navy the naval
       force or any part thereof, and any ships or vessels of the
       naval service and any officers or men serving on these
       vessels, or any officers or men of the naval service. There is
       a subsequent provision that if action is taken by the Governor
       in Council at a time when Parliament is not sitting,
       Parliament shall immediately be called. …

       "Another important provision of the bill is that it provides
       for the establishment of a naval college on the pattern of the
       Military College now in existence at Kingston."

       Coming to a statement of the armament contemplated, the
       Premier said: "Two plans were proposed and discussed, one
       involving the expenditure of $2,000,000 a year and the other
       involving an expenditure of $3,000,000. The first one would
       have consisted of seven ships, the second one would have
       consisted of eleven ships, namely—four Bristols, one Boadicea,
       and six destroyers. We have determined to accept the second
       proposition, that is to say, the larger one of eleven ships.
       That is the force which we intend to create, and to start with
       four Bristols, one Boadicea and six destroyers. Perhaps it
       will be interesting to the House to understand what is meant
       by a fleet unit, by a Bristol, a Boadicea, and a destroyer.
       The fleet unit, which was suggested and which has been
       accepted by Australia, and to which the government contributed
       a certain sum per annum, is to be composed of one armored
       cruiser of the type of the Indomitable, three protected
       cruisers, six destroyers and three submarines. Now the fleet
       which we have agreed to accept is to be composed of four
       Bristols, one Boadicea, and six destroyers.

       "A Bristol is a protected cruiser, which means that it has a
       steel deck which protects all the vital parts of the ship. It
       has a tonnage of 4,800 tons, with a speed of 25 knots. The
       number of guns has not yet been determined, but the largest
       Indomitable carries eight guns. A Boadicea carries six guns,
       so that it is probable that the number of guns will be eight.
       It has a total crew of 391 men, of which twenty are officers.
       The Boadicea is an unarmored cruiser, with a tonnage of 3,300
       tons, and carries six 4-inch guns. It has a crew of 278 men,
       of whom seventeen are officers. We are to build six destroyers
       of what is known as the improved river class. …

       "The total cost of these eleven ships will be, according to
       the British figures, £2,338,000, or a little more than
       $11,000,000. According to Canadian prices, supposing the ships
       were to be built in Canada, we would have to add at least 33
       per cent, to the cost just given. I may say that it is our
       intention to start at the earliest possible moment with the
       construction of this fleet, and, if possible, to have the
       construction done in Canada."

       The leader of the Opposition, Mr. Borden, who spoke after Mr.
       Laurier, endorsed fully the purpose of the Bill, but
       criticised the proposals of the Government as being
       inadequate. "They are," he said, "either too much or too
       little. They are too much for carrying on experiments in the
       organization of a Canadian naval service; they are too little
       for immediate and effective aid, and it seems to me that the
       policy of the Government will be attended with a very great
       waste of money, with no immediate effective result."

       The Bill embodying the naval programme of the Government, as
       set forth by the Prime Minister, was enacted on the 11th of
       March, 1910, by 119 votes to 78.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Chilian Navy-building.

       It was reported from Santiago de Chile to the English Press,
       October 21, 1909, that "the Government has decided upon a
       naval expenditure of £4,000,000, which includes a 20,000 ton
       battleship, two ocean-going destroyers, and several
       submarines. Instructions for tenders have been sent to the
       Commission in London." A later message to the American Press,
       November 12, stated that "the naval building programme decided
       upon by the Chilian government, provides for the construction
       of one battleship, four torpedo boat destroyers, and two
       submarines at an expenditure of $14,000,000."

    {700}

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The Chinese Programme.

       A Press message from Peking, October 11, 1909, announced that
       a naval commission, consisting of Prince Tsai-hsun, the
       Regent’s brother, Admiral Sa Chen-ping, and Sir Chen Tung
       Liang Cheng, who was secretary to the Special Chinese Embassy
       to the Diamond Jubilee celebrations in 1897, left that day for
       Europe. This was understood to be the first step toward the
       fulfilment of China’s programme for the expenditure of
       £40,000,000 on the rehabilitation of her army and navy.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Denmark’s Fortification and Naval Defense.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The "Dreadnought" Era.
       Outclassing of all Battleships built prior to 1906.
       The New Type.
       Effects of its Introduction.

       The evolution of sea-fighting monstrosities received a
       startling and revolutionizing impulsion in 1906, when a new
       Dreadnought (replacing an obsolete battleship of that
       name) was added to the British navy. In size, plan and
       armament it embodied naval teachings just taken from the
       Russo-Japanese War, and was supposed to put every other
       existing battle-ship into an inferior second class. It brought
       suddenly a new standard into all comparative measurements of
       naval power, impairing seriously the worth of the costly
       monsters then afloat. It signalled, in fact, a start for
       entirely new racing among the competitors for "sea-power,"
       since the prizes of substantial fighting efficiency among the
       navies must all be won over again, by the quickest builders of
       the Dreadnought type of ship. England had more reason
       than any other nation to lament this happening, and her Lords
       of the Admiralty have been sharply criticised for bringing it
       about; though the new type of battle-ship would have had
       creation elsewhere (as still newer types of monstrosity are
       being created already) if English naval architects had not
       produced it. Even Admiral Lord Charles Beresford has lashed
       the naval authorities of his country for bringing on the
       Dreadnought craze. In a speech at London within the
       past year he said that "he did not object to Dreadnoughts or
       improvements in battleships; what he did object to was the
       advertisement connected with the first Dreadnought. Then they
       had told another nation that that ship would sink the whole of
       its fleet, and the result was that that nation set to work
       upon a definite naval programme of its own. Having given that
       insane advertisement of their Dreadnought, the British delayed
       ship-building with the inevitable result that they would have
       to pay a great deal more than if they had kept up their yearly
       proportion of ships. The command of the seas was their life,
       and he believed that they would have to spend £50,000,000 more
       than they need have spent through that insane advertisement.
       It would be absolutely impossible for Great Britain alone,
       under present conditions, to keep up the two-Power standard,
       and if there were no other alternative, there could only be
       the prospect of bankruptcy or defeat; but the two-Power
       standard could easily be kept up with an Imperial Navy."

       Similar criticism appeared in a pamphlet published last year
       by Mr. Carnegie; and when his attention was called to the fact
       that both Japan and Russia had bigger ships than the
       Dreadnought on the stocks before the latter was begun,
       he wrote:

       "Britain, having so much larger a Navy compared with any other
       Power or compared with several other Powers together, should
       have adopted the policy of waiting before building a type that
       rendered most of her ships ineffective. She had nothing to
       fear from Japan, Russia, nor the United States, and could
       easily have overtaken Germany if Germany began building the
       new type. Britain made such a noise about the Dreadnought as
       to attract the attention of the whole world."

       The following account of the Dreadnought and of the
       interest she had excited in naval circles appeared in a
       prominent technical magazine while the building of the ship
       was in progress:

       "Not for many years has the building of a man-of-war excited
       such wide-spread interest as that of H. M. S.
       Dreadnought. In many respects this ship has assumed a
       sensational character; she is the largest vessel ever
       constructed for any war fleet; she was the first to be
       commenced after the recent great struggle in the Far East; her
       design, which embodies many new features, has hitherto been
       kept an official secret, and the work of construction has been
       pressed forward with so much success that it is hoped she will
       be in commission within fourteen months of the laying of the
       keel plates. All these facts have contributed to arouse
       curiosity, particularly as it is well known that British naval
       attaches were accorded special privileges by the Japanese and
       were enabled to watch the progress of the war to greater
       advantage than the representatives of other powers.
       Consequently, from the day when the first whispers of the
       coming of the Dreadnought were heard, an unusual amount
       of interest has been taken in this ship, not only in the
       United Kingdom, but in foreign countries, and the influence of
       the design may be traced in the new programmes of several
       rival Powers. … The essential feature of the
       Dreadnought which distinguishes her from all
       battleships now in commission in the world’s fleets is that
       she is of huge size and mounts only one type of gun for use in
       line of battle, instead of three types, as in the 'King Edward
       VII.’ class.

       "The war between Japan and Russia conclusively showed that the
       intermediate armament carried by the vessels flying European
       flags was not effective at modern battle ranges. Even on the
       partial evidence obtained by the French authorities it has
       been calculated that the effective ranges for battle have been
       raised from 3000 yards to 7000 or 8000 yards. Careful
       calculations show that at such a distance the striking power
       of 7.5-inch and 6-inch guns, which have been the favourite
       intermediate weapons in the British Navy hitherto, are
       comparatively useless. … It is understood that originally the
       Dreadnought was to have carried twelve guns of the
       12-inch type, but difficulties arose in working out the
       design, and it was eventually decided to drop out two of these
       weapons in order to mount effectively ten pieces of this
       colossal striking power, so as to enable eight of them to fire
       on the broadside, six ahead and four astern, without
       endangering either the stability of the ship or running any
       undue risks owing to the blast. … With a broadside of eight
       12-inch guns, the Dreadnought is equivalent to any two
       battleships built for the British fleet prior to the
       construction of 'King Edward VII.,' and yet her total cost,
       complete with guns, will be only £1,797,497, while the ships
       of the ‘King Edward VII.,’ class, carrying only four 12-inch
       guns and the same number of 9.2-inch guns, represent an outlay
       of just under a million and a half sterling."

          Cashier's Magazine,
          June, 1906.

    {701}

       The steadily increasing sine of the Dreadnought ships
       is shown in the following, reported from Portsmouth, England,
       September 30, 1909: "Since the launch of the
       Dreadnought by the King in February, 1906, each
       successive ship which has taken the water at Portsmouth has
       exceeded her predecessor in size. The weight of the
       Neptune, successfully floated by the Duchess of Albany
       to-day shows an advance of no fewer than 1,500 tons upon that
       of the vessel launched by his Majesty; and of 500 tons over
       that of the St. Vincent, the preceding battleship on the
       building slip. The ship which is to be laid down next month
       will probably far exceed the dimensions of the
       Neptune."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       England and Germany.
       Their "Dreadnought" Building Compared.
       The Question in the British Parliament and the Hysteria
       in the Country.

       An exciting period of debate in Parliament and of discussion
       throughout Great Britain was opened on the 17th of March,
       1909, when the Navy estimates for the coming year were
       submitted to the House of Commons. In his speech on bringing
       forward the Estimates, which contemplated an expenditure of
       £35,142,700, being nearly £3,000,000 in excess of the
       expenditures of the current year, the First Lord of the
       Admiralty, Mr. Reginald McKenna, explained the reasons for the
       increase at length, saying in part: "We cannot take stock of
       our Navy, and measure our requirements except in relation to
       the strength of foreign navies. I am, therefore, obliged to
       refer to foreign countries in making estimates of our naval
       requirements. Several of the Powers are rapidly developing
       their naval strength at this moment; but none at a pace
       comparable with that of Germany. If in what I have to say now
       I select that Power as the standard by which to measure our
       own requirements, the House will understand that I do so only
       for what may be called arithmetical purposes, and without
       presuming upon the expression of any feeling or opinion of my
       own—except it be one of respectful admiration for
       administrative and professional efficiency. …

       "When the Estimates were presented to Parliament a year ago we
       had seven battleships of the Dreadnought class and three
       cruisers of the Invincible class, either afloat or in process
       of construction. The whole of these were due for completion by
       the end of 1910. At that time Germany was building four
       Dreadnoughts and one Invincible, of which two Dreadnoughts
       were expected to be completed by the end of this year, and the
       remaining three ships in the autumn of 1910. Thus, at that
       time, we had a superiority in these classes of ships of ten to
       five in course of construction, with the additional advantage
       that the whole of ours were expected to be completed some
       months in advance of the last three of the German ships. The
       new German Fleet Bill had at that time become law, and
       according to our interpretation of its provisions three
       Dreadnoughts and one Invincible would be laid down in the
       course of the year 1908-1909. The financial provisions of that
       Bill were such as to lead us to the opinion that no work would
       be commenced upon these four ships until the month of August
       last year, and that they would not be completed before
       February, 1911. This time last year, therefore, we had to
       contemplate five German ships under construction, three of
       which would be completed in the autumn of 1910 and four more
       ships to be commenced about August, 1908, and commissioned in
       February, 1911. In view of this state of affairs this House of
       Commons last year approved of a programme of two large ships
       to be laid down at such a time as would give to this country a
       total of 12 of these new ships, as against a possible
       completed German total of nine. In the face of last year’s
       programme no one could with any fairness charge this
       Government with having started upon a race of competitive
       armaments. By example as well as by precept we sought to check
       the rapid rate of shipbuilding. We failed. …

       "The difficulty in which the Government find themselves placed
       at this moment is that we do not know—as we thought we did—the
       rate at which German construction is taking place. We know
       that the Germans have a law which, when all the ships under it
       have been completed, will give them a navy more powerful than
       any at present in existence. We know that, but we do not know
       the rate at which the provisions of this Act are to be carried
       into execution. We now expect that the four German ships of
       the 1908-1909 programme will be completed, not in February, 1911,
       but in the autumn of 1910. I am informed, moreover, that the
       collection of materials and the manufacture of armaments,
       guns, and gun-mountings have already begun for four more ships
       which, according to the Navy Law, belong to the programme of
       1909-1910. Therefore we have to take stock of the new
       situation, in which we reckon not nine but 13 German ships may
       be completed in 1911, and in 1912 such further ships, if any,
       as may be begun in the course of the next financial year, or
       laid down in April, 1910. We may stop here and pay a tribute
       to the extraordinary growth of the power of constructing ships
       of the largest size in Germany. Two years ago, I believe,
       there were in Germany, with the possible exception of one or
       two slips in private yards, no slip capable of carrying a
       Dreadnought. To-day they have actually no less than 14 such
       slips and three more under construction. And what is true of
       the hull of the ships is true also of the guns, armour, and
       mountings. Two years ago any one familiar with the capacity of
       Krupp’s and other great German firms would have ridiculed the
       possibility of their undertaking the supply of all the
       component parts of eight battleships in a single year. To-day
       this productive power is a realized fact, and it will tax the
       resources of our own great firms if we are to retain the
       supremacy in rapidity and Volume of construction.

    {702}

       "Having said so much on foreign naval development, I turn to
       our own programme of construction. As I have said, we shall
       have in March, 1911, eight completed Dreadnoughts and four
       Invincibles. We propose to lay down two more Dreadnoughts in
       July of this year, and the terms of the contracts will provide
       that they shall be completed in July, 1911. … Two more ships
       will be laid down in November this year, to be completed in
       1911, and in that year our total strength in Dreadnoughts and
       Invincibles will be 12 of the former and four of the latter.
       The date, however, which we have to bear in mind is that up to
       which the present programme must provide—April, 1912. I have
       shown that we shall in the course of 1911 have 16 of these
       modern ships, as against 13 ships for which Germany is already
       making provision. The German law provides for four more ships
       to be laid down in 1910-1911. But if the construction of these
       ships is accelerated—as I understand was the case of the four
       ships of the 1909-1910 programme—they would be completed by
       April, 1912. Therefore on that date Germany would have 17
       Dreadnoughts and Invincibles. But even if no acceleration
       takes place before April, 1910, this number would be completed
       in the autumn of 1912. This is a contingency which his
       Majesty’s Government have to take into account.

       "We cannot afford to run risks. If we are to be sure of
       retaining superiority in this by far the most powerful types
       of battleships, the Board of Admiralty must be in a position,
       if the necessity arises, to give orders for guns,
       gun-mountings, armour, and other materials at such a time and
       to such an amount as will enable them to obtain delivery of
       four more large armoured ships by March, 1912. We should be
       prepared to meet the contingency of Germany having 17 of these
       ships in the spring of 1912 by our having 20, but we can only
       meet that contingency if the Government are empowered by
       Parliament to give the necessary orders in the course of the
       present year. I can well imagine that this method of
       calculating in Dreadnoughts and Invincibles alone may seem
       unsatisfactory, and even unfair to many persons. They may say:
       ‘What has become of the Lord Nelsons, the King Edwards, the
       Duncans, and the Formidables and the earlier battleships on
       which our naval superiority has been so constantly reckoned?
       Is no account to be taken of our powerful fleet of armoured
       cruisers, numbering no less than 35?’ Yes; the Board of
       Admiralty have not forgotten these ships. They still
       constitute a mighty fleet. The Dreadnought has not rendered
       them obsolete, and many of them would give a good account of
       themselves in the line of battle for many years to come. But,
       though they have not been rendered obsolete by the
       Dreadnoughts and the Invincibles, yet their life has been
       shortened. … A battleship must be regarded as a machine of
       which the output is fighting capacity. All improvements in the
       designs of ships which increase the fighting capacity
       necessarily shorten the life of earlier battleships just as in
       the case of any other machine. The greater the value of the
       improvements, the sooner the earlier ships become obsolete."

       Mr. McKenna’s reckoning of the comparative numbers of
       Dreadnoughts that Great Britain and Germany would have in 1912
       was challenged at once by the leader of the Opposition, Mr.
       Balfour, who said: "On the two-years’ basis of building we
       shall in December, 1910, as I calculate, have ten, and only
       ten, Dreadnoughts. But the Germans at that date, as I
       calculate, will have 13. That assumes, of course, that I am
       right in stating, and I do not think I shall be contradicted,
       that the Germans anticipated their programme by four months.
       If you work that out, and assume that the German ships begun
       last November, in anticipation by five months of the ordinary
       date, are completed in two years, then you will find that I am
       not wrong in saying that in December, 1910, we shall have only
       ten Dreadnoughts and the Germans will have 13. That danger
       period in which, according to my calculation, the ratio of
       British to German Dreadnoughts is as ten to 13 extends, on the
       basis of two years’ building, from December, 1910, to the end
       of March, 1911. On April 1, 1911, the Germans, as I understand
       it, will have only 13 and we shall have raised our number to
       12. We should still, therefore, on April 1, 1911, according to
       my calculation, have one less than the Germans, and that
       period of what I might call the 12 British to 13 Germans will
       last until July, 1911. Then we shall have 14; but in the
       meanwhile the Germans, if they build their four ships this
       year, in addition to the anticipated ships they laid down in
       November, will have 17, as I understand. We should still have
       14 in July, 1911, but the Germans would, as I make out, have
       17."

       Mr. Balfour contended that the four ships which, according to
       the German programme, were to be laid down on the 1st of April
       coming (1909) had been actually laid down in advance of that
       time. He had information to that effect; whereas Mr. McKenna
       was informed that materials for them had been collected in
       advance, but that the construction was not begun. Mr. Balfour
       contended stoutly for the correctness of his own information,
       and argued: "If they [the four battleships supposedly waiting
       to be laid down April 1, 1909] were laid down in November, as
       I believe, that means that the Germans laid down eight
       Dreadnoughts last year. They may lay down no Dreadnoughts this
       year, and they may say, ‘We anticipated our four ships for
       1909-1910; we anticipated them by laying them down in November;
       we have no ships for this financial year.’ But there are two
       other things to remember. Having laid down eight ships last
       year, they may lay down four ships this year, or they may lay
       down eight ships this year. That the capacity of their yards
       and their great engineering shops renders that process
       perfectly feasible no one now doubts. … If the Germans go on
       at that rate, which is more than possible, the probability is
       that they will have on April 1, 1912, 21 Dreadnoughts to our
       20. The hypotheses, then, are these, and I want to make it
       clear to the Government and to the House:—Eight Dreadnoughts
       have been laid down in 1908 by Germany. If four are laid down
       in 1909, there will be 17 on April 1, 1912; if eight are laid
       down—as eight have been laid down last year—there will be 21
       on April 1, 1912, to our 20; and if the Germans imitate the
       policy of the present Government and lay down not only their
       eight in the financial year, but begin a new group of four
       when the Government propose their group of four, on April 1,
       12 months hence, they will then have 25."

    {703}

       Over this difference of information as to the facts of German
       Dreadnought-building, and consequent differences of
       conclusion, controversy raged throughout the kingdom for
       weeks. The Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, tried unavailingly to
       moderate the impeachment of German good faith in the matter.
       "It is fair and right to the German Government that I should
       say," he remarked, "that we have had a most distinct
       declaration from them that it is not their intention to
       accelerate their programme (cheers) and we cannot possibly, as
       a Government, believing as we do most explicitly in the good
       faith of those declarations (cheers), we cannot possibly put
       before the House of Commons and Parliament a programme based
       on the assumption that a declaration of that kind will not be
       carried out. Be it observed—I want to be very careful in the
       language I use about this—I am not saying that it is a pledge
       in the sense of an agreement between the two countries.
       Nothing of the kind. I should not accuse the German Government
       of anything in the nature of bad faith if they altered their
       intention. We have been told by them expressly and explicitly
       that that is their intention, an intention not to accelerate,
       or in other words not to do what the right honourable
       gentleman contemplates, when he credits them with the
       intention possibly of doing—namely, of laying down as many as
       eight ships in one financial year. It is impossible in framing
       these Estimates to do so while at the same time ignoring that
       declaration from the German Government, and that is why I say
       in taking this power to lay down if need be four ships on
       April 1 next year we are making such provision as prudence
       shows to be necessary for all the contingencies which we can
       reasonably anticipate at the present moment."

       At the same time, Mr. Asquith made a statement of importance
       in reply to the question, Why should there be an increasing
       competition in naval expenditure between these two countries?
       "The question," he said, "has been raised by us, the British
       Government, more than once, with a view to ascertaining
       whether any proposal for a mutual reduction of expenditure for
       naval purposes would be accepted by the German Government, but
       we have been assured more than once, and in the most formal
       manner, that their naval expenditure is governed solely by
       reference to their own needs, and that their programme does
       not depend upon ours. That is the statement which has been
       made to us. They tell us quite plainly that if we build 100
       Dreadnoughts we must not assume that they would add to their
       naval programme, and, on the other hand, if we built no
       Dreadnoughts at all they would go on with their programme just
       as it is. If that is so, it is perfectly clear that there is
       no possibility of an arrangement for mutual reduction. I
       regret it very much, but I do not complain. The Germans, like
       every other nation, are the best judges of their own national
       requirements and necessities."

       As will have been learned from Mr. McKenna’s statement, quoted
       above, the Government desired authority to begin construction
       of two new Dreadnoughts in July and two in November, 1909,
       with contingent authority in addition to give orders during
       the year for four more, if reasons for doing so appeared. This
       did not satisfy the Opposition, which insisted that not less
       than eight the new type of battle-ships should be built
       outright; and a veritable panic of public excitement on the
       subject of German designs against England was created in the
       country, by the combined agency of speech and press and the
       melodramatic stage. The Government was so little shaken by the
       clamor that a motion of censure on its "declared policy" in the
       matter was defeated in the House of Commons by a majority of
       218. Nevertheless, on the 26th of July, Mr. McKenna made the
       following announcement of a modification in its naval
       programme:

       "After very anxious and careful examination of the condition
       of shipbuilding in foreign countries the Government have come
       to the conclusion that it is desirable to take all the
       necessary steps to ensure that the second four ships referred
       to in this year’s programme should be completed by March,
       1912. They propose to take all the necessary steps in the way
       of preparation of plans, getting out of specifications,
       invitations to tender, and, finally, the giving of orders
       which will procure the delivery of these ships at the time I
       have named. As was said in the month of March, there will be
       no need to lay the keels of these ships in the course of the
       present financial year. It will be quite time enough if the
       keels are laid in the month of April next. …

       "The examination of the state of foreign shipbuilding
       programmes to which I have referred is bound to lead in the
       minds of most members of the Committee to the conclusion that
       the Government had no other course open to them. The Committee
       had stated to them last March very amply what was the
       condition of foreign shipbuilding up to that date. Since then
       the development of shipbuilding in foreign countries has gone
       on apace. Two countries, Italy and Austria, have now declared
       a definite programme of four large armoured ships of the
       latest type. In Italy one of those ships is already laid down,
       a second is to be laid down immediately, and the remaining two
       are both to be laid down in the course of the present year.
       With regard to the Austrian programme, sceptics might say they
       would never believe in it until, as in the case of Italy, they
       saw the keels actually laid down, but the fact is every
       earnest has been given of the determination of the Austrian
       Government, and two large slips have been prepared for the
       construction of battleships of the largest type."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The English Naval Programme for 1910.

       "The navy estimates for 1910, which were issued by the British
       Admiralty last night, provide for an expenditure of
       $203,000,500, [thousands digits, "000", obscured and unknown]
       an increase of $27,805,000 over 1909. The increase is almost
       wholly taken up by shipbuilding armaments authorized by
       Parliament before dissolution. The new programme provides for
       five large armored ships, five protected cruisers, twenty
       destroyers, and a considerable number of submarines. By April
       1 there will be under construction seven battleships, three
       armored, nine protected, and two unarmored cruisers,
       thirty-seven destroyers, and nine submarines."

          New York Evening Post,
          March 10, 1910.

    {704}

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The French Naval Administration.
       Alarming discovery of Bad Conditions.

       France was greatly startled and shocked in March, 1909, by
       rumored scandals in naval administration, uncovered by the
       investigations of a Parliamentary Commission, but not yet
       officially made known. The report of the Commission was not
       published until late in June, and when it appeared it
       confirmed, not the worst of the state of things which rumor
       had described, but enough to show an alarming and unsuspected
       weakness of the nation on that side of its armament for war.
       From the conclusion of the elaborate report a few translated
       passages will suffice to indicate some of the conditions it
       brought to light. In this final summary, the Commission states
       that the testimony submitted by it establishes, among other
       facts, the following:

       "That during the last ten years Parliament has been asked to
       authorize the construction of ships for which in most cases
       the plans have not been definitely (sérieusement)
       fixed; that months, and most generally years, elapsed between
       the different contracts for the essential parts of the ships,
       the hulls, the turrets, the boilers, &c., entailing
       considerable loss of time and of money …; that numerous and
       important changes were introduced in the course of
       construction, … changes the chief inconvenience of which,
       apart from the increase of expenditure and the retardation of
       construction, is to impair that homogeneity which is the
       supreme quality of a squadron; that most of these defects are
       aggravated in the case of the six battleships of the Danton
       type, the original contract for which, signed at the end of
       December, 1906, has undergone hundreds of modifications which
       must now be placed on a proper basis. …

       "That the arsenals are not at present in a state to carry out
       with the rapidity which is desirable new constructions and
       repairs; that the mechanical equipment is in general
       inadequate and out of date; that the abolition of piece-work,
       which has coincided with a reduction of working hours and the
       diminution of the powers and authority of the superintendents
       in charge, has resulted in a considerable lessening of
       production; and that lack of material sometimes entails a
       stoppage of work. …

       "That the four divisions of battleships and the cruiser
       division of the Mediterranean Squadron have not the regulation
       supply of steel shells, that the two divisions of armoured
       cruisers of the Northern Squadron have only one-third of their
       proper supply of steel shells, and that for both squadrons the
       stores for renewing their supplies of steel shells are not
       ready.

       "That the various branches of the administration are wanting
       in unity of views and purpose, in method and in defined
       responsibility, and that neglect, disorder, and confusion too
       frequently prevail. …

       "In view of the fact that only a small part of the scheme of
       1901 for modernizing ports and (lock yards in accordance with
       the requirements of the construction programme of 1900 has
       been executed, and in view of the total failure to provide
       docking accommodation for the large battleships of the Danton
       class, the Commission invites the Chamber to censure the want
       of foresight and the indifference which these lamentable
       discoveries disclose."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       French Naval Programme revised in 1909.
       Radical Changes in the Department of the Marine.

       A despatch from Paris, June 8, 1909, announced:

       "According to the Temps this evening, the Navy Council
       has finally decided to recommend that, in addition to 45 ships
       of the line, the fleet shall consist of 12 ‘scout cruisers,’
       60 large destroyers, and 64 submarines. The importance
       attached to an increase in the number of capital ships, which
       is the chief feature of the new proposals, is illustrated by a
       comparison with the so-called ‘programmes’ of 1900 and 1907.
       In 1900 it was decided on paper that the fleet should consist
       of 28 battleships, 24 armoured cruisers, 52 destroyers, 263
       torpedo-boats, and 38 submarines or submersibles. In 1907 the
       composition of the fleet was changed to 38 battleships, 20
       armoured cruisers, six scouts, 109 destroyers, 170
       torpedo-boats, 82 submarines for offensive purposes, and 49
       defence submarines.

       "A comparison of these three ‘programmes’ shows an increase in
       the number of capital ships and destroyers, the abolition of
       armoured cruisers as a separate class and of torpedo-boats in
       favour of destroyers, and a decrease in the number of
       submarines. With regard to the existing armoured cruisers,
       which the Navy Council no longer regards as efficient fighting
       units, it may be noted that two out of the four 14,000-ton
       Gambettas have not yet been completed. Given the age limit of
       armoured ships as fixed at 20 years, only the six Danton and
       the six République battleships would still figure on the
       effective list by 1925. In other words, 33 armoured ships
       would have to be completed during the next 16 years. In
       addition, 12 scout cruisers would have to be constructed, and,
       besides a number of submarines, over 100 destroyers would have
       to be laid down, since the life of this class of vessel is
       fixed at 17 years."

       On the 29th of July the Paris correspondent of the London
       Times wrote: "It is semi officially announced this
       evening that the Council of Ministers at its meeting to-day
       approved a number of radical changes proposed by the new
       Minister of Marine, among the higher ranks of the
       personnel of the naval administration. All the heads of
       departments at the Ministry of Marine appointed under the old
       regime have been removed and their places have been filled by
       Admiral Boué de Lapeyrère’s own nominees. So complete a
       reconstruction of a public department is without precedent in
       modern French history. These changes, moreover, are
       supplemented by a number of new appointments in the commands
       afloat."

       On the first of April, 1910, it was announced from Paris that
       the Chamber of Deputies had voted to lay down two battle-ships
       in the current year, designed to equal the latest type added
       to the navies of Great Britain and Germany.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       French Naval Administration.
       Parliamentary Investigation.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1909 (MARCH-JUNE).

    {705}

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The German Emperor’s Statement of his Peace Policy based
       on Preparation for War.

       In the spring of 1905, speaking at Bremen, on the unveiling of
       a monument to his father, the Emperor made an impressive
       statement of his motives in striving for the creation in
       Germany of a great naval and military power. He said that in
       boyhood he had been angered at the weakness of the German
       navy, and that his policy had sprung from that feeling, not
       directed toward aggression, but to the command of respect from
       the rest of the world. His aim was to "do everything possible to
       let bayonets and cannon rest, but to keep the bayonets sharp
       and the cannon ready, so that envy and greed shall not disturb
       us in tending our garden or building our beautiful house." "I
       vowed," he said, "never to strike for world-mastery. The
       world-power that I then dreamed of was to create for the
       German Empire on all sides the most absolute confidence as a
       quiet, honest, and peaceable neighbor. I have vowed that if
       ever the time comes that history shall speak of a German
       world-power, or a Hohenzollern world-power, this should not be
       based upon conquest, but should come through the mutual
       striving of nations after common purposes."

       It is not difficult to believe in the perfect truthfulness of
       this assertion of high motives, and the perfect sincerity with
       which they have been obeyed, while seeing at the same time how
       much, in their working, they have threatened the peace of the
       world. As the power of Germany has grown under his hand, the
       Kaiser has been tempted more and more to impose his will on
       neighbors whose cannon were not as ready or their sharpened
       bayonets as many as his. The world-power of his desire has
       become more and more a dictatorial power. The peace he has
       preserved by it has been peace on his own terms, more than
       once. The result has been to excite throughout the world such
       a feeling of being menaced by war as had not been known since
       Napoleon’s day, and to impel among nations, big and little, a
       more feverish and competitive arming for war than ever busied
       them before. As worked out by the man, the Kaiser’s policy of
       peace-making by the tools of war has certainly lost the
       innocence it had when conceived by the boy.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The German Side of the Navy-building Question.

       When, in March, 1909, debate on the Navy Estimates in England
       started excitement over the rapidity with which Germany seemed
       to have developed the building of Dreadnoughts, Chancellor
       Bülow, on the 29th of that month, said in the Reichstag: "The
       Federated Governments entertain no thoughts of entering into
       competition with British sea-power by means of the
       construction of the German navy. According to the provisions
       of the Navy Law, the immovable purpose of German naval policy
       is founded upon the fact that we desire to create our naval
       armaments solely for the protection of our coasts and our
       trade. It is, moreover, an indisputable fact that the
       programme of our naval construction lies open in absolute
       publicity. We have nothing to keep secret, nothing to hide,
       and it is not intended to accelerate the carrying out of our
       construction programme beyond the limits of time contemplated
       by the law (über die gesetzliche Frist hinaus zu
       beschleunigen). All rumours to the contrary are false. In
       the autumn of 1912, at the earliest, we shall have ready for
       service the 13 large new ships, including three armoured
       cruisers, provided by law."

       This statement was supplemented by one from Admiral Tirpitz,
       who said:

       "Now, as previously, we build all ships in about 36 months
       —about 40 months in the small yards. To that period are added
       trials, which last for several months. Equally inaccurate is
       the assertion that, with a view to more rapid construction,
       the contracts for the newer ships are placed sooner than is
       allowed by the estimates. All that is true is the following:
       Subject to approval by the Reichstag, contracts for two ships
       of the 1909 financial programme were last autumn promised to
       two private yards at comparatively low prices. This was done
       because there was a danger that, if orders for four ships were
       placed at the same time at the beginning of 1909 there would
       be a considerable advance in price. If orders for two ships
       were already placed the Imperial Navy Office was in a much
       more favourable position for placing orders for the other two.
       We can put the Imperial yards into competition with the
       private yards. The Imperial yards cannot undertake more than
       two ships at once. The private firms, therefore, will be
       compelled to ask lower terms. If the matter has been kept
       secret, that is solely because the firms must not be made
       aware of the business transactions of the Navy Office.
       Contracts for the ships have not been placed; assurances only
       have been given. The contract is concluded only after the
       voting of the estimate. The period for delivery is 36 months
       from April 1, 1909. Not a penny is available for the
       ‘promised’ ships before April 1. That must be clear to
       everybody who knows the Parliamentary conditions and our
       accounts system. Not even indirectly has any money been
       procured from banks for the yards in any way whatever by the
       agency of the Navy Office.

       "In regard to the placing of the order for the first of the
       two ships special account was taken of the fact that the yard
       in question is principally engaged in the construction of this
       kind of ship. Accelerated completion of these two ships is
       neither asked for nor intended. The firms get their money only
       in quarterly instalments. Contracts for the two other ships of
       this year’s programme are not to be placed until some months
       after the conditions for tendering are drawn up late in the
       summer. As the private yards no more than the Imperial yards
       know whether they will get the orders for these ships, there
       can be no possibility of special preparation of material. If
       there has been any such accumulation, it is, presumably, due
       to business reasons, certainly to no incentive of ours.

       "In conclusion, I repeat once more with emphasis that, as the
       Imperial Chancellor has already said, we shall have ready for
       use in 1912 ten Dreadnoughts and three Invincibles—in all 13,
       and not 17, large modern ships—and that not in the spring, but
       in the autumn. How far it is right to base comparisons of
       naval strength upon the number of Dreadnoughts is a question
       which I shall not here discuss."

       As to the suggested readiness and desire of Great Britain to
       join in an international agreement for the limiting of naval
       armaments, the Germans have always had a rather reasonable
       answer, which was phrased forcibly by one of the Agrarian
       organs when it said:

       "When the weaker promises the stronger to abstain from all
       means of increasing his strength, the strong man needs to make
       no further effort to retain his relative preponderance for
       ever. If the other naval Powers entered into such an
       agreement, England, without taking upon herself any further
       burdens, would retain mastery at sea before which all must
       bow. Little need as we have to interfere with regard to
       England’s programme, even so little need has England to look
       askance upon our construction of ships, not to attack England,
       but only in order to have a naval power with which even the
       strongest opponent will not light-heartedly engage in battle.
       This good right of ours we shall not surrender by any
       agreement."

    {706}

       But a better view was that taken by one of the German
       Conservative journals, the Kreuz Zeitung, which said
       last summer: "First of all we must complete our construction
       programme. Before that we could not agree to any limitation of
       naval armaments. Otherwise we should not be able to create the
       navy of moderate size which corresponds to our position as a
       seafaring people. … Even after the completion of our
       construction programme our navy will be but a dwarf as
       compared with the British Navy. Nevertheless, the moment ought
       then to have arrived for entering into an international
       agreement about limitation of armaments, and on the part of
       Germany there will, presumably, be readiness for it."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Elasticity of the German Navy Law.

       At the annual meeting of the German Navy League in June, 1909,
       Admiral Weber, speaking of the German Navy Law, praised its
       elasticity. "In international relations," he said, "it had
       lately proved to be a political instrument of equal force with
       the American Monroe doctrine and the English two-Power
       standard. In 1906 the Reichstag had agreed to increase the
       size of capital ships without altering the number. The
       amending law of 1908 (which shortened the ‘life’ of
       battleships) had rendered possible a rational fulfilment of
       all immediate possibilities with regard to battleships, small
       cruisers, torpedo-boats, and submarines."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Italian and Austrian Programmes of Naval Construction.

       A despatch from Rome in May, 1909, announced that the minister
       of marine, Admiral Mirabello, had obtained the approval of the
       Cabinet to a naval programme that provides for the
       construction within three years at a total expense of
       $52,800,000 of four "Dreadnoughts" and a number of fast scout
       cruisers. A local paper stated that the decision to build
       these vessels was reached after Italy had learned that
       Austria-Hungary was going to spend $40,000,000 on increased
       naval power.

       Four months later, on the 1st of October, a report came to the
       English Press from Rome as follows:

       "The Minister of Marine announced in June that the ships would
       be begun at once, and completed before the middle of 1912.
       Only one, the Dante Alighieri, has yet been laid down, and
       owing to some blunder with regard to her steel plates, no work
       has been done on her for more than a month. The second is
       still awaiting the completion of a building slip before it can
       be laid down. As to the other two, according to the
       Tribuna, the contracts, which ought to have been
       concluded with two shipbuilding firms last June, have not yet
       been even examined by the Council of State; consequently
       neither firm has yet been able to begin the work which will be
       necessary in its yards before the ships can be laid down. The
       Tribuna throws the blame upon the bureaucratic system."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Italian Fighting Strength at the End of 1909.

       The fighting strength of the Italian Navy was reckoned by the
       Rome correspondent of the London Times, in November,
       1909, as follows:

       "Counting in all four of the San Giorgio cruisers [only two of
       which were then finished] as forming part of the available
       navy at the end of this year, and setting aside some 20 ships
       of various kinds and 40 or 50 torpedo-boats, which may,
       however, be of some secondary use, the full fighting force of
       the Italian navy at the beginning of 1910 should be six
       first-class battleships, five second class battleships, seven
       first-class armoured cruisers, three second-class armoured
       cruisers, 19 destroyers, and 36 first-class torpedo-boats. But
       it must be borne in mind that eight of the first 21 fighting
       units—the five battleships and three armoured cruisers
       described here as of the second class—are not very modern
       ships.

       "The shipbuilding programme of Admiral Mirabello promises,
       besides other less important vessels, four battleships of the
       Dreadnought type. As far as one could learn at first these
       ships were to be on much the same lines as the Bellerophon,
       with a displacement of 18,200, and an armament of ten 12 inch
       guns. The chief question then was, When would they be ready
       for sea? Admiral Mirabello said in 1912. In order to effect
       this he would have had to revolutionize the whole system of
       shipbuilding in the Italian navy."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Japan’s Armament, Present and Prospective.

       The naval status of Japan in December, 1909, as ascertained
       and described by the Tokio correspondent of The Times,
       London, was as follows:

       "Ever since the Russo-Japanese War it has been well-nigh
       impossible for the public to form a clear idea of what steps
       were in progress with regard to the expansion and maintenance
       of the Japanese Navy. In the year before the outbreak of the
       conflict—namely, 1903, a programme of expansion was approved
       by the Diet. It involved the building of three battleships,
       three armoured cruisers, and two second-class cruisers; that
       is to say, eight fighting vessels, displacing 100,000 tons
       approximately. The cost was set down as ten millions sterling,
       and the programme was to have been spread over a period of 11
       years, ending in 1913. Subsequently, however, owing to
       financial expediency, the time of completion was extended,
       first to 1915, and thereafter to 1916, so that seven years
       still remain. Knowing this and observing carefully what ships
       were laid down from time to time, there should have been, it
       will appear, no difficulty in forming a clear perception of
       the actual conditions at any moment.

    {707}

       "But naturally the war produced a radical change in the plans
       of the Japanese Admiralty. It became necessary at once to
       adopt special measures for recouping the losses suffered in
       battle, as well as for renewing armaments. Of course the
       general public was not taken into official confidence in such
       matters, and some time elapsed before people became vaguely
       conscious that not one building programme only, but three, had
       been taken in hand. Occasionally announcements were made of the
       launch of such-and-such a battleship or the laying down of
       such-and-such a cruiser, but as to which vessel belonged to
       which programme, and what dimensions the several programmes
       were ultimately to take, nothing could be clearly ascertained.
       Now, at length, this obscurity has been removed. It is seen
       that two of the programmes were undertaken with funds included
       in the war expenditures, and that, therefore, the nation is
       not required to make any further provision of money on these
       accounts. These programmes are, first, an emergency programme,
       carried out with what is called an ‘implementing fund,’ and,
       secondly, an emergency programme carried out with an
       ‘adjustment fund.’ Under the three programmes, respectively,
       the following vessels have been bought, built, or are
       building:—

          Third Period Expansion Programme.

                                  Tons.

       Katori, battleship         15,950

       Kashima, battleship        16,400

       Ibuki, armoured cruiser    14,600

          Emergency Implementing Programme.

       Aki, battleship            19,150

       Satsuma, battleship        19,150

       Tsukuba, armoured cruiser  13,750

       Ikoma, armoured cruiser    13,750

       Kurama, armoured cruiser   14,600

       Tone, cruiser               4,400

       Yodo, despatch boat         1,250

       Mogami, despatch boat       1,350

          Emergency Adjustment Programme.

       Kawachi, battleship        21,000

       Settsu, battleship         21,000

       "There is here a total of 13 ships displacing 176,000 tons,
       approximately, and to these have to be added 29 destroyers
       built under the ‘emergency implementing programme.’ As for
       the vessels which have still to be built, but which have not
       yet been laid down, they are as follows:-

          Third Period Programme.

       Battleship, 1           16,000 tons

       Armoured cruisers, 2    11,000 tons each

       Cruisers, 2              5,000 tons each

          Emergency Implementing Programme.

       Armoured cruiser, 1     14,600 tons

       Cruisers, 2              4,100 tons each

       Destroyers, several        375 tons each

       Torpedo-boats, 6           120 tons each

       "These eight vessels, exclusive of torpedo craft, aggregate
       over 70,000 tons, and if the two lists be combined, we get a
       total of 21 ships displacing 247,000 tons, approximately,
       apart from about 35 destroyers and six torpedo boats. …

       "It may be mentioned that in February last the ships on the
       active list of the Japanese Navy were:—

       Battleships          13

       Armoured Cruisers    12

       Other Cruisers       43

       Destroyers           59

       Torpedo-boats        69"

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       Russian "Dreadnoughts" Building.

       "The keels of the four Dreadnoughts which are to represent the
       nucleus of Russia’s future navy were laid down in St.
       Petersburg this morning. The materials to be employed will be
       throughout Russian; the designs and the supervision will be
       British. It is an open secret that the Tsar has taken a deep
       personal interest in arrangements that have been made for
       placing the contracts for the new ships."

          St. Petersburg Correspondent
          London Times, June 16, 1909.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The United States Navy in 1909.

       As summarized in the Annual Report of the Navy Department for
       the fiscal year 1909, the United States Navy was composed, on
       the 30th of June in that year, of the following vessels:

       Fit for Service, including those under Repair:
       First-class battle ships, 25;
       second-class battle ship, 1;
       armored cruisers, 12;
       armored ram, 1;
       single-turret harbor-defense monitors, 4;
       double-turret monitors, 6;
       protected cruisers, 22;
       unprotected cruisers, 3;
       scout cruisers, 3;
       gunboats, 9;
       light-draft gunboats, 3;
       composite gunboats, 8;
       training ships, 3;
       training brigantine, 1;
       special class (Dolphin, Vesuvius), 2;
       gunboats under 500 tons, 12;
       torpedo boat destroyers, 16;
       steel torpedo boats, 33;
       wooden torpedo boat, 1;
       submarine torpedo boats, 12;
       iron cruising vessels, steam, 5;
       wooden ditto, 5;
       wooden sailing vessels, 5;
       tugs, 44;
       auxiliary cruisers, 5;
       converted yachts, 21;
       colliers, 8;
       transport and supply ships, 8;
       hospital ships, 2;
       receiving ships, 4;
       prison ships, 3.
       Total, 292.

       Under Construction:
       First-class battle ships, 6;
       torpedo boat destroyers, 20;
       submarine torpedo boats, 16;
       tug, 1;
       colliers, 6.
       Total 49.

       Authorized:
       First-class battle ships, 2;
       gunboat for Great Lakes, 1;
       submarine torpedo boats, 4;
       colliers, 2.
       Total 9.

       Unfit for Service:
       Of all descriptions, 12.

       Grand Total, 362.

       Since the above report, the House of Representatives, by vote
       on the 8th of April, 1910, authorized the building of two
       additional battle ships of the first class, at a cost of
       $6,000,000 each.

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The World-round Cruise of the American Battleship Fleet,
       1907-1909.

       On the 16th of December, 1907, a fleet of battle-ships which,
       comprised practically the whole available fighting force of
       the United States Navy steamed away from Hampton Roads, on the
       longest and most notable cruise ever made by so formidable an
       assemblage of ships of war. Its primary appointment was to
       circuit the American continents from the Atlantic to the
       Pacific shores of the United States, and the further direction
       of the voyage was left for future decision. Ultimately,
       invitations from foreign governments drew the fleet to
       Australia, New Zealand, China and Japan, and it returned from
       these visits in the Far East by way of the Suez Canal and the
       Mediterranean Sea. The duration of the long voyage was a year,
       two months and six days, and the total miles of ocean
       traversed were about 45,000. Many foreign ports were visited,
       South American, Australasian, Asiatic and European, and
       boundless hospitalities were bestowed everywhere on the fleet.
       Its stay of some days at San Francisco, before leaving
       American waters, was the grand event of the year to Americans
       of that coast, and its call at Manila gave emphasis to
       American authority in the Philippines.

       Until it reached San Francisco the fleet was under the command
       of Rear-Admiral Robley D. Evans; but physical disabilities
       then compelled the retirement of Admiral Evans, and he was
       succeeded in the command by Rear-Admiral Charles S. Sperry,
       under whom the remainder of the voyage was made. The sixteen
       battleships of the fleet were divided into two squadrons and
       four divisions, each division consisting of vessels of the
       same general type; the first division comprised the
       Connecticut, Admiral Evans’s flag-ship, the Kansas, the
       Vermont, and the Louisiana; the second included the Georgia,
       the New Jersey, the Rhode Island and the Virginia; the third
       included the Minnesota, the Ohio, the Missouri, and the Maine;
       the fourth contained the Alabama, the Illinois, the Kearsarge,
       and the Kentucky. The battle-ships were accompanied by two
       supply-ships, a repair-ship, and a tender, and were preceded
       from Hampton Roads by a flotilla of six torpedo-boats and a
       squadron of armored cruisers.

    {708}

       From San Francisco to New Zealand the voyage of 6000 miles was
       made with one stop, only, at Honolulu, and so perfectly in
       order, it is said, that only twice did any ship fall out of
       the line of formation, in which the ships steamed steadily
       together, two hundred and fifty yards apart. This order, with
       time-table regularity of movement, was maintained from
       beginning to end, and when, on the 22d of February, 1909,
       President Roosevelt welcomed the return of the fleet to
       Hampton Roads, he was able to say with just pride: "This is
       the first battle fleet that ever circumnavigated the globe.
       Those who perform the feat again can but follow your
       footsteps. You have falsified every prediction of failure made
       by the prophets. In all your long cruise not an accident
       worthy of mention has happened to a single battleship, nor yet
       to the cruisers or torpedo-boats. You left this coast in a
       high state of battle efficiency, and you return with your
       efficiency increased as a war machine, as the fleet returns in
       better shape than when it left. In addition, you have shown
       yourselves the best of all possible ambassadors and heralds of
       peace. Wherever you have landed you have borne yourselves so
       as to make us at home proud of being your countrymen."

       Before the undertaking of this notable cruise of a battle-ship
       fleet having no militant mission, many political reasons for
       and against the movement were urged and discussed. From the
       naval point of view, professionally, the true motive of the
       project was stated undoubtedly by Captain A. T. Mahan, in an
       article published in the Scientific American, and it
       had no political purpose whatever. "A perfectly sufficient
       reason," said Captain Mahan, "is the experience to be gained
       by the fleet in making a long voyage, which otherwise might
       have to be made for the first time under the pressure of war,
       and the disadvantage of not having experienced at least once
       the huge administrative difficulties connected with so distant
       an expedition by a large body of vessels dependent upon their
       own resources. By ‘own resources’ must be understood, not that
       which each vessel carries in herself, but self-dependence as
       distinguished from dependence on near navy-yards—the great
       snare of peace times. The renewal of stores and coal on the
       voyage is a big problem, whether the supply vessels accompany
       the fleet or are directed to join from point to point."

       The following statistics are given of the cost of the cruise:
       "The fleet burned 400,320 tons of coal, costing $1,078,994.
       The transportation of this coal by naval and hired colliers
       cost $1,463,825. The total coal bill was $2,646,069. There
       were used on the engines and other machinery 125,000 gallons
       of oil costing $43,750. No official statement has been made of
       the cost of ammunition used in target and battle practice. The
       figure is put at above a million dollars, and $20,000,000 is
       estimated as the total cost of the 14 months’ cruise."

    WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR:
       The World Naval Armament.
       Fleets of the Great Powers in March, 1910.

       A British Parliamentary Paper made public on the 29th of
       April, 1910, gave statistics of the navies of the greater
       Powers as they existed on the 31st of March. The following
       summary of the figures appeared in the next issue of The
       Mail. The letters at the heads of the columns signify—
       E., England;
       F., France;
       R., Russia;
       G., Germany;
       I., Italy;
       U., United States; and
       J., Japan:--

          Ships Built.

                                E.  F.   R.  G.  I.   U.  J.

       Battleships              56  17   7   33  10   30  14

       Armored C. D. Vessels     -   8   2    7   -   10   -

       Armored Cruisers         38  20   4    9   8   15  12

       Protected Cruisers, I.   18   5   7    -   -    3   2

       Protected Cruisers, II.  35   9   2   23   3   16  11

       Protected Cruisers, III  16   8   2   12   11   2   6

       Unprotected Cruisers      2   -   -   10    -   5   6

       Scouts                    8   -   -    -    -   3   -

       Torpedo Vessels          23  10   6    1    5   2   2

       T. B. Destroyers       150   60  97   85   21  25  57

       Torpedo Boats          116  246  63   82   96  30  69

       Submarines              63  56   30    8    7  18   9

          Ships Building.

                                E.  F.   R.  G.  I.   U.  J.

       Battleships              9    6    8    8    2   4   3

       Armored Cruisers         3    2    2    3    2   -   1

       Protected Cruisers, II.  9    -    -    5    -   -   3

       Unprotected Cruisers     2    -    -    -    -   -   -

       T. B. Destroyers        37   17    -   12    2  15   2

       Submarines              11   23    3    *    -  10   3

       * Number uncertain.

       ----------WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR: End--------

       ----------WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: Start--------

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1899-1909.
       General Treaties of Arbitration concluded since the First
       Peace Conference at The Hague.

       "Arbitration in the sense of the present day dates from Jay’s
       Treaty of 1794, in which Great Britain and the United States
       bound themselves to arbitrate contested boundary claims
       (Article 5); claims preferred by British creditors (Article
       6); and, more especially, the claims of American and British
       creditors based upon ‘irregular or illegal captures or
       condemnations of their vessels and other property’ (Article
       7). …

       "The first award under it [Jay’s Treaty] was made in 1798, so
       that exactly one hundred years elapsed until the call of the
       First Hague Conference. Arbitrations in this period were very
       frequent. Writers differ as to the exact number; for example
       Dr. Darby instances no less than 471 cases, but in his
       enthusiasm for the peaceful settlement of international
       differences he has included a large number of interstate
       arrangements, which cannot be regarded as international
       arbitrations in the strict sense of the word. Mr. Fried, in
       his Handbook of the Peace Movement, enumerates some 200. M. La
       Fontaine gives a list of 177 instances to the year 1900, which
       should be reduced to 171 arbitrations or agreements to
       arbitrate before the meeting of the First Conference in 1899.
       Professor John Bassett Moore is more conservative and
       enumerates 136 cases of international arbitration during the
       nineteenth century, in 57 of which the United States was a
       party, with a like number of 57 to which Great Britain has
       been a party.

    {709}

       "But, as happily said by M. Descamps, arbitration is not a
       question of mathematics, and whether the instances be 471,
       according to Darby or 136, according to Professor Moore, the
       recourse to arbitration bids fair to become a habit with
       nations."

          James Brown Scott,
          The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907,
          Volume 1, pages 210 and 224-225.

       Dr. Scott cites from M. La Fontaine a table showing the
       participation of each State in arbitration. Germany has no
       representation in the table, either as a whole or by any of
       its parts; whereas every other nation of the least importance
       in the world appears as having arbitrated some of its
       disputes, prior to the preparation of this table.

       At the First Peace Conference, of 1899, an attempt, strongly
       supported, was made to frame and secure the adoption of a
       treaty of arbitration by which the nations would bind
       themselves to arbitrate a carefully selected list of subjects.
       This failed, says Dr. Scott, in the work quoted above, "owing
       to the opposition of Germany. As a compromise, Article 19 of
       the convention for the peaceful adjustment of international
       differences was adopted:

       "‘Independently of existing general or special treaties
       imposing the obligation to have recourse to arbitration on the
       part of any of the Signatory Powers, these powers reserve to
       themselves the right to conclude, either before the
       ratification of the present convention or subsequent to that
       date, new agreements, general or special, with a view of
       extending the obligation to submit controversies to
       arbitration to all cases which they consider suitable for such
       submission’ (re-enacted in 1907 as Article 40).

       "The article did not seem at the time to be of any special
       importance and it was generally looked upon as useless because
       independent and sovereign States possess the right without
       special reservation to conclude arbitration agreements,
       general or special, without being specifically empowered to do
       so. The fact is, however, that this article, insignificant and
       useless as it may seem, marks, one may almost say, an era in
       the history of arbitration. The existence of the article has
       called attention to the subject of arbitration and by
       reference to it many States have negotiated arbitration
       treaties. It is true that there is no legal obligation created
       by the article and it is difficult to find a moral one, for it
       is not declared to be the duty of any State to conclude
       arbitration treaties. The moral effect of the article has,
       however, been great and salutary, and the existence of
       numerous arbitration treaties based upon the reservation
       contained in the article shows the attention and respect which
       nations pay to the various provisions of the Hague
       Conference."

       Dr. Scott adds to these remarks a list of treaties, of the
       character contemplated, which had been entered into since the
       First Hague Conference, up to the time at which he wrote, with
       appended notes describing briefly the nature of the variously
       broadened or narrowed reference clauses contained in them. A
       more extended list has been published since by the
       International Peace Bureau of Berne, Switzerland, for a copy
       of which I am indebted to Mr. Frederick P. Keppel, Secretary
       of Columbia University, New York. The list below is mainly
       that of the International Peace Bureau, with the addition of a
       few more recent treaties to which the United States has been a
       party, obtained from the State Department at Washington. Some,
       but not all, of Dr. Scott’s notes have been borrowed, with his
       permission.

       In the list of treaties as they are given here the date of
       signature is entered first, with the prefix S.; that of
       ratification follows, with the prefix R. When two dates of
       ratification are given, the first is that by the government
       named first in the entry of the parties to the treaty in
       question. [Notes "A", "B", "C" and "E" are defined following
       entry 105 below.]

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
       List of States between which Permanent Treaties of Arbitration
       have been concluded since the First Peace Conference at The
       Hague, with the Dates of their Signature and Ratification.

       1. Brazil and Chile.
       S. May 18, 1899.
       R. March 7, 1906, at Santiago.

       2. Argentine and Uruguay.
       S. June 8, 1899.
       R. December 21, 1901.
       Additional protocol
       S. December 21, 1901.
       R. December 18, 1901.

       3. Argentine and Paraguay,
       S. November 6, 1899.
       R. June 5, 1902.
       Additional protocol
       S. January 25, 1902.
       R. June 5, 1902.

       4. Bolivia and Peru.
       S. November 21, 1901.
       R. December 29, 1903.

       5. Spain and Mexico.
       S. January 11, 1902.
       R. July 18, 1902.

       6. Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica.
       S. January 20, 1902.
       [R. No date given.]

       7. Argentine and Spain.
       S. January 28, 1902.
       [R. No date given.]

       8. Spain and Salvador.
       S. January 28, 1902.
       R. July 18, 1902.

       9. Spain and Dominican Republic.
       S. January 28, 1902.
       R. July 18, 1902.

       10. Spain and Uruguay.
       S. January 28, 1902.
       R. July 18, 1902.

       11. Pan-American Treaty of obligatory arbitration between
       Argentine, Bolivia, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay.
       Peru, Dominican Republic, Salvador, and Uruguay (for
       differences relating to diplomatic privileges, rights of
       navigation, questions of frontiers and interpretation and
       enforcement of treaties). E
       S. January 29, 1902, at Mexico. According to Article 21 of the
       Treaty it would become of force as soon as three States among
       those which signed the Treaty should make known their
       approbation to the government of Mexico, which would
       communicate the information to other governments. It has been
       ratified by the governments of Salvador, May 28, 1902, of
       Guatemala, August 25, 1902, and of Uruguay, January 31, 1903.

       12. Special Treaty between the seventeen States represented at
       the Pan-American Conference at Mexico, including the United
       States of America, relating to the adjustment by means of
       arbitration of difficulties resulting from financial
       questions.
       S. January 30, 1902, at Mexico.
       [R. No date given.]

       13. Argentine and Bolivia.
       S. February 3, 1902.
       R. March 13, 1902.

       14. Bolivia and Spain.
       S. February 17, 1902.
       R. October 10, 1903.

       15. Colombia and Spain.
       S. February 17, 1902
       R. July 18, 1902.

       16. Spain and Guatemala.
       S. February 28, 1902.
       R. July 18, 1902.

    {710}

       17. Mexico and Persia.
       S. May 14, 1902.
       [R. No date given.]

       18. Argentine and Chile. E
       S. May 28, 1902.
       R. July 30, 1902.

       19. Germany and Venezuela.
       S. May 7, 1903.
       (R. La ratification n’a pas étc exigée.)

       20. Paraguay and Peru.
       S. May 18, 1903.
       [R. No date given.]

       21. France and Great Britain. C
       S. October 14, 1903.
       R. February 25, 1904.

       22. Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras and Salvador.
       S. November, 1903.
       [R. No date given.]

       23. France and Italy. C
       S. December 25, 1903.
       R. March 26, 1904-March 7, 1904.

       24. Great Britain and Italy. C
       S. February 1, 1904.
       Not ratified.

       25. Denmark and The Netherlands. B
       S. February 12, 1904.
       R. March 8, 1906, at The Hague.

       26. Spain and France. C
       S. February 26, 1904.
       R. March 7, 1904-April 20, 1904.

       27. Spain and Great Britain. C
       S. February 27, 1904.
       R. March 7, 1904-March 16, 1904.

       28. France and The Netherlands. C
       S. April 6, 1904.
       R. July 5, 1905, at Paris.

       29. Spain and Portugal.
       S. May 31, 1904.
       Not ratified.

       30. France and Sweden. C
       S. July 9, 1904.
       R. November 9, 1904.

       31. France and Norway. C
       S. July 9, 1904.
       R. November 9, 1904.

       32. Germany and Great Britain. C
       S. July 12, 1904.
       Without reserve of ratification.

       33. Great Britain and Sweden. C
       S. August 11, 1904.
       R. November 9, 1904.

       34. Great Britain and Norway. C
       S. August 11, 1904.
       R. November 9, 1904.

       35. The Netherlands and Portugal.
       S. October 1, 1904.
       R. October 29, 1908, at The Hague.

       36. Spain and Nicaragua.
       S. October 4, 1904.
       R. March 19, 1908.

       37. Belgium and Russia. A
       S. October 17/30, 1904.
       R. September 9/August 27, 1905-July 27 /August 9, 1905.

       38. Belgium and Switzerland. A
       S. November 15, 1904.
       R. August 19, 1905.

       39. Great Britain and Switzerland. C
       S. November 16, 1904.
       R. July 12, 1905.

       40. Great Britain and Portugal. C
       S. November 16, 1904.
       Not ratified.

       41. Germany and The United States of America.
       S. November 22, 1904.
       Not ratified.

       42. Italy and Switzerland. C
       S. November 23, 1904.
       R. December 5, 1905.

       43. Norway and Russia. A
       S. November 26/December 9, 1904.
       R. February 27, 1905-February 12/25, 1905.

       44. Russia and Sweden. A
       S. November 26/December 9, 1904.
       R. February 12/25-February 27/14, 1905.

       45. Belgium and Sweden. A
       S. November 30, 1904.
       R. August 11, 1905.

       46. Belgium and Norway. A
       S. November 30, 1904.
       R. August 11, 1905-October 30, 1906.

       47. Austria-Hungary and Switzerland. C
       S. December 3, 1904.
       R. October 17, 1905, at Vienna.

       48. France and Switzerland. C
       S. December 14, 1904.
       R. July 13, 1905.

       49. Sweden and Switzerland. A
       S. December 17, 1904.
       R. July 13, 1905.

       50. Norway and Switzerland. A
       S. December 17, 1904.
       R. July 13, 1905.

       51. Austria-Hungary and The United States of America.
       S. January 6, 1905.
       Not ratified.

       52. Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. C
       S. January 11, 1905.
       R. May 17, 1905, at Loudon.

       53. Spain and Sweden.
       S. January 23, 1905.
       R. March 20, 1905.

       54. Spain and Norway.
       S. January 23, 1905.
       R. March 20, 1905.

       55. Belgium and Spain. A
       S. January 23, 1905.
       R. December 16-July 28, 1905.

       56. Great Britain and The Netherlands. C
       S. February 15, 1905.
       R. July 12, 1905, at London.

       57. Denmark and Russia. A
       S. February 16/March 1, 1905.
       R. April 11, 1905-March 20/April 3, 1905.

       58. Italy and Peru.
       S. April 18, 1905.
       R. November 11, 1905.

       59. Belgium and Greece. A
       S. April 19/May 2, 1905.
       R. July 9/22, 1905.

       60. Belgium and Denmark. A
       S. April 26, 1905.
       R. May 2, 1906.

       61. Portugal and Sweden. C
       S. May 6, 1905.
       Not ratified.

       62. Norway and Portugal. C
       S. May 6, 1905.
       Not ratified.

       63. Italy and Portugal. C
       S. May 11, 1905.
       Not ratified.

       64. Spain and Honduras.
       S. May 13, 1905.
       R. July 16, 1906.

       65. Belgium and Roumania. A
       S. May 27/14, 1905.
       R. October 9/September 26, 1905.

       66. Portugal and Switzerland. C
       S. August 18, 1905.
       R. October 23, 1908, at Berne.

       67. Argentine and Brazil.
       S. September 7, 1905.
       R. September 28, 1908-October 2, 1908.

       68. Colombia and Peru.
       S. September 12, 1905.
       R. July 6, 1906, with the modus rivendi.

       69. Denmark and France. C
       S. September 15, 1905.
       R. May 31, 1906.

       70. Denmark and Great Britain. C
       S. October 25, 1905.
       R. May 4, 1906.

       71. Norway and Sweden. A
       S. October 26, 1905.
       Without reserve of ratification.

       72. Denmark and Spain. A
       S. December 1, 1905.
       R. May 10, 1906-May 14. 1906.

       73. Denmark and Italy. B
       S. December 16, 1905.
       R. May 22--March 30, 1906.

       74. Austria-Hungary and Portugal. C
       S. February 13, 1906.
       R. October 16, 1908, at Vienna.

       75. Belgium and Nicaragua.
       S. March 6, 1906.
       Not ratified.

       76. France and Portugal. C
       S. July 29, 1906.
       Not ratified.

       77. Denmark and Portugal. B
       S. March 20, 1907.
       R. October 26, 1908, at Copenhagen.

       78. Nicaragua and Salvador.
       S. April 3, 1907.
       Not ratified.

       79. Spain and Switzerland. C
       S. May 14, 1907.
       R. July 9, 1907.

       80. Argentine and Italy.
       S. September 18, 1907.
       Not ratified.

       81. Italy and Mexico.
       S. October 16, 1907.
       R. December 31, 1907.

       82. Honduras, Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
       S. December 20, 1907, at Washington.
       R. March, 1908.

       83. United States of America and France. D
       S. February 10, 1908.
       R. March 12, 1908, at Washington.

       84. United States of America and Greece.-
       S. February 29, 1908.
       Not ratified [?].

       85. United States of America and Switzerland. D
       S. February 29, 1908.
       R. December 23, 1908.

       86. United States of America and Mexico. D
       S. March 24, 1908.
       R. June 27, 1908, at Washington.

    {711}

       87. United States of America and Italy. D
       S. March 28, 1008.
       R. January 22, 1900.

       88. United States of America and Great Britain. D
       S. April 4, 1008.
       R. June 4, 1908, at Washington.

       89. United States of America and Norway. D
       S. April 4, 1908.
       R. June 24, 1908, at Washington.

       90. United States of America and Portugal. D
       S. April 6, 1908.
       R. November 14, 1908.

       91. United States of America and Spain. D
       S. April 20, 1908.
       R. June 2, 1908, at Washington.

       92. United States of America and Sweden. D
       S. May 2, 1908.
       R. August 18, 1908, at Washington.

       93. United States of America and The Netherlands. D
       S. May 2, 1908.
       R. March 25, 1909.

       94.   United States of America and Japan. D
       S. May 5, 1908.
       R. August 24, 1908, at Washington.

       95. Denmark and the United States of America. D
       S. May 18, 1908.
       R. March 29, 1909.

       96. Denmark and Sweden. D
       S. July 17, 1908.
       Not ratified.

       97. China and the United States of America. D
       S. October 8, 1908.
       R. April 6, 1909.

       98. Denmark and Norway.
       S. October 8, 1908.
       Not ratified.

       99. United States of America and Austria-Hungary. D
       S. January 15, 1909, at Washington.
       R. May 13, 1909.

       100. United States of America and Peru. D
       S. December 5, 1908, at Washington.
       R. June 29, 1909.

       101. United States of America and Salvador. D
       S. December 21, 1908, at Washington.
       R. July 3, 1909.

       102. United States of America and Costa Rica. D
       S. January 13, 1909, at Washington.
       R. July 20, 1909.

    NOTES.

       The treaties differ in the range given to the obligation
       imposed on the signatory parties, as to the nature of the
       differences which they shall submit to arbitration. Most of
       them, however, are divisible in this respect into three
       classes, distinguished above by the reference letters "A,"
       "B," and "C," and the distinction described in the following
       notes thus marked, from Dr. Scott’s work. Treaties concluded
       by the United States have an otherwise distinct character, as
       explained in note "D."

       A.—The article of reference in these treaties is substantially
       (when not identically) as follows:

       "The high contracting parties agree to submit to the permanent
       Court of Arbitration established at The Hague by the
       Convention of July 29, 1899, the differences which may arise
       between them in the cases enumerated in Article 3, in so far
       as they affect neither the independence, the honor, the vital
       interests, nor the exercise of sovereignty of the contracting
       countries, and provided it has been impossible to obtain an
       amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic negotiations
       or by any other method of conciliation.

       "1. In case of disputes concerning the application or
       interpretation of any convention concluded or to be concluded
       between the high contracting parties and relating—a. To
       matters of international private law; b. To the management of
       companies; c. To matters of procedure, either civil or
       criminal, and to extradition.

       "2. In cases of disputes concerning pecuniary claims based on
       damages, when the principle of indemnity has been recognized
       by the parties.

       "Differences which may arise with regard to the interpretation
       or application of a convention concluded or to be concluded
       between the high contracting parties and in which third powers
       have participated or to which they have adhered shall be
       excluded from settlement by arbitration."

       "B. The treaties of this noble class are the few thus far
       concluded which pledge the parties engaged in them to submit
       all differences that may arise between them to pacific
       arbitration, reserving no dispute, of any nature, to
       become a possible entanglement in war. The formula of
       reference in them is substantially this:

       "The high contracting parties agree to submit to the permanent
       Court of Arbitration established at The Hague by the
       Convention of July 29, 1899, all differences of every nature
       that may arise between them, and which cannot be settled by
       diplomacy, and this even in the case of such differences as
       have had their origin prior to the conclusion of the present
       Convention."

       C.—The reference clause in these treaties is substantially
       alike in all, to the following purpose:

       "Differences which may arise of a legal nature, or relating to
       the interpretation of treaties existing between the two
       contracting parties, and which it may not have been possible
       to settle by diplomacy, shall be referred to the Permanent
       Court of Arbitration, established at The Hague by the
       convention of the 29th July, 1899; provided, nevertheless,
       that they do not affect the vital interests, the independence,
       or the honor of the two contracting States, and do not concern
       the interests of third parties."

       D.—In the treaties of arbitration negotiated by the United
       States the article of reference is like that last quoted, in
       Note C; but the following is added to it:

       "In each individual case the High Contracting Parties, before
       appealing to the Permanent Court of Arbitration, shall
       conclude a special Agreement, defining clearly the matter in
       dispute, the scope of the powers of the arbitrators, and the
       periods to be fixed for the formation of the Arbitral Tribunal
       and the several stages of the procedure. It is understood that
       on the part of the United States such special agreements will
       be made by the President of the United States, by and with the
       advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and on the part of
       Costa Rica shall be subject to the procedure required by the
       Constitution and laws thereof."

       This was required by the United States Senate, which rejected
       a number of earlier arbitration treaties, negotiated by
       Secretary Hay, because they would have allowed cases of
       controversy with other nations to be referred to The Hague
       Tribunal by the President without specific consent from the
       Senate in each particular case. This brings the general treaty
       of arbitration down very close to absurdity, leaving almost
       nothing of its intended pacific influence to act.

       E.—See below: A. D. 1901 (November), and 1902.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1901 (November).
       Treaty of Unreserved Arbitration for all Controversies between
       Bolivia and Peru.

       On the 21st of November, 1901, the republics of Bolivia and
       Peru set a great example of trust in arbitration as a means of
       settling controversies between nations, by concluding a
       convention which pledged them for ten years to submit every
       disagreement between themselves to that peaceful solution,
       reserving no question whatsoever. Their example, as will be
       seen, was remarkably imitated among their Spanish-American
       neighbors in the following year. The subjoined are the
       important articles of their compact of peace:

       "Article 1.
       The high contracting parties pledge themselves to submit to
       arbitration all the controversies which have thus far been
       pending, and those which, while the present treaty is in
       force, may arise between them, whatever may be their nature
       and causes provided that it has been found impossible to
       settle them by direct negotiation.

       "Article 2.
       In each case that may arise the contracting parties shall
       conclude a special agreement with a view to determining the
       subject-matter of the controversy, to fixing the points that
       are to be settled, the extent of the powers of the
       arbitrators, and the procedure to be observed.

       "Article 3.
       In case the high contracting parties do not succeed in
       agreeing on the points referred to in the foregoing article,
       the arbitrator shall be authorized to determine, in view of
       the claims of both parties, the points of fact and of law that
       are to be decided for the settlement of the controversy, and
       to establish the mode of procedure to be followed.

    {712}

       "Article 4.
       The high contracting parties agree that the arbitrator shall
       be the permanent court of arbitration that may be established
       in virtue of the decisions adopted by the Pan-American
       Conference now sitting in the City of Mexico.

       "Article 5.
       For these two cases: (a) If the court referred to in
       the foregoing article shall not be created, and (b) if
       there is need of having recourse to arbitration before that
       court shall be created, the high contracting parties agree to
       designate as arbitrator the Government of the Argentine
       Republic, that of Spain, and that of the United Mexican States
       for the performance of this duty, one to act in case of the
       disability of the other, and in the order in which they are
       named.

       "Article 6.
       If, while the present treaty is in force, and in the two
       contingencies referred to in the foregoing article, different
       cases of arbitration shall arise, they shall be successively
       submitted for decision to the aforesaid governments in the
       order above established.

       "Article 7.
       The arbitrator shall further be competent:

       1. To pass upon the regularity of his appointment, the
       validity of the agreement, and the interpretation thereof.

       2. To adopt such measures as may be necessary, and to settle
       all difficulties that may arise in the course of the debate.
       Concerning questions of a technical or scientific character
       that may arise during the debate, the opinion of the Royal
       Geographical Society of London or that of the International
       Geodetic Institute of Berlin shall be asked.

       3. To designate the time in which he shall perform his
       arbitral functions.

       "Article 8.
       The arbitrator shall decide in strict obedience to the
       provisions of international law, and, on questions relating to
       boundary, in strict obedience to the American principle of
       ‘uti possedetis’ of 1810, whenever, in the agreement mentioned
       in article 2, the application of the special rules shall not
       be established, or in case the arbitrator shall (not ?) be
       authorized to decide as an amicable referee.

       "Article 9.
       The decision shall decide, definitely, every point in dispute,
       stating the reasons therefor. It shall be prepared in
       duplicate, and notice thereof shall be given to each of the
       parties through its representative before the arbitrator.

       "Article 10.
       The decision, legally pronounced, shall decide, within the
       limits of its scope, the contest between the parties.

       "Article 11.
       The arbitrator shall fix, in his decision, the time within
       which said decision is to be executed.

       "Article 12.
       No appeal from the decision shall be allowed, and its
       execution is intrusted to the honor of the nations that sign
       this treaty.

       "Nevertheless, an appeal for revision to the arbitrator who
       pronounced it shall be admissible, provided that such appeal
       be taken before the expiration of the time fixed for its
       execution, in the following cases:

       1. If the decision has been pronounced on the basis of a
       counterfeit document, or of one that has been tampered with.

       2. If the decision has been, either in whole or in part, the
       consequence of a fact resulting from the proceedings or
       documents of the case."

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
       Noble Treaties between Argentina and Chile for Obligatory
       Arbitration of all Disputes, and for Restriction of Naval
       Armaments.

       Notwithstanding the fortunate arrangement, in 1898, for
       arbitration of a serious boundary dispute between the
       Argentine Republic and Chile (see, in Volume VI. of this work,
       Argentine Republic), there continued to be troublesome
       frictions between the two Spanish-American neighbors, while
       awaiting the decision of the arbitrator, King Edward VII.,
       which was not rendered until November 27, 1902. These had led
       to a ruinous rivalry in naval armament. Reporting on this
       state of affairs in May of that year, Mr. William P. Lord, the
       American Minister to the Argentine Government, wrote:

       "Both countries have incurred heavy expense for the equipment
       and maintenance of largely increased army and naval forces.
       Chile has recently contracted for two formidable warships
       involving a heavy cost with the object of putting her navy
       upon an equality with the Argentine navy, whereupon Argentina,
       not to be outdone, contracted for two war ships larger in size
       and perhaps more formidable at a like heavy cost in order to
       continue and maintain her naval superiority. The costly
       expenditure incurred on account of war and naval preparations
       is paralyzing industrial activity and commercial enterprise.
       Both countries are largely in debt and confronted with a
       deficit. Both have appropriated their conversion funds which
       had been set apart for a specific purpose, and which, it would
       seem, should have been preserved inviolable. Neither is able
       to make a foreign loan without paying a high rate of interest
       and giving guarantees to meet the additional expenses which
       their war policy is incurring, and both Governments know and
       their people know that the only remedy to which either can
       resort to meet existing financial conditions is to levy fresh
       taxes of some description, notwithstanding nearly everything
       that can be taxed is now taxed to the utmost limit. The weight
       of taxation already imposed bears heavily upon the energies
       and activities of the people. The outlook is not promising,
       business being dull, wage employment scarce, and failures
       frequent."

       Happily, good sense prevailed over this folly very soon after
       Minister Lord wrote his account of it. On the 3d of June,
       1902, the same writer was enabled to forward to Washington the
       text of four remarkable "peace agreements" which had been
       signed on the 28th of May, at the Chilean capital, by the
       Chilean Minister of Foreign Relations and the Argentine
       Minister Plenipotentiary to Chile, who had been brought to
       negotiations by the friendly mediation of Great Britain. The
       four documents were: a political convention declaring a common
       international policy on the part of the two republics; a broad
       treaty of general arbitration; an agreement for the reducing
       of naval forces; an agreement for the conclusive marking of
       boundary lines by the engineers of the arbitrator, King
       Edward. The general arbitration treaty is no less unreserved
       and comprehensive than that between Peru and Bolivia and
       offers another Spanish-American model for imitation in the
       interest of peace. Its articles are as follows:

       "Article 1.
       The high contracting parties bind themselves to submit to
       arbitration every difficulty or question of whatever nature
       that may arise between them, provided such questions do not
       affect the precepts of the respective constitutions of the two
       countries, and that they can not be solved through direct
       negotiation.

    {713}

       " Article 2.
       This treaty does not embrace those questions that have given
       rise to definite agreements between the two parties. In such
       cases the arbitration shall be limited exclusively to
       questions of validity, interpretation, or fulfillment of these
       agreements.

       "Article 3.
       The high contracting parties designate as arbitrator the
       Government of His Britannic Majesty or, in the event of either
       of the powers having broken off relations with the British
       Government, the Swiss Government. Within sixty days from the
       exchange of ratifications the British Government and the Swiss
       Government shall be asked to accept the charge of arbitrators.

       "Article 4.
       The points of controversy, questions or divergencies shall be
       specified by the high contracting parties, who may determine
       the powers of the arbitrator or any other circumstance
       connected with the procedure.

       "Article 5.
       In the case of divergence of opinion, either party may solicit
       the intervention of the arbitrator, who will determine the
       circumstances of procedure, the contracting parties placing
       every means of information at the service of the arbitrator.

       "Article 6.
       Either party is at liberty to name one or more commissioners
       near the arbitrator.

       "Article 7.
       The arbitrator is qualified to decide upon the validity of the
       obligation and its interpretation, as well as upon questions
       as to what difficulties come within the sphere of the
       arbitration.

       "Article 8.
       The arbitrator shall decide in accordance with international
       law, unless the obligation involves the application of special
       rules or he have been authorized to act as friendly mediator.

       "Article 9.
       The award shall definitely decide each point of controversy.

       "Article. 10.
       The award shall be drawn up in two copies.

       "Article 11.
       The award legally delivered shall decide within the limits of
       its scope the question between the two parties.

       "Article 12.
       The arbitrator shall specify in his award the term within
       which the award shall be carried out, and he is competent to
       deal with any question arising as to the fulfillment.

       "Article 13.
       There can be no appeal from the award, and its fulfillment is
       intrusted to the honor of the signatory powers. Nevertheless,
       the recourse of revision is admitted under the following
       circumstances:

          1. If the award be given on the strength of a false
          document;

          2. If the award be the result, either partially or totally,
          of an error of fact.

       "Article. 14.
       The contracting parties shall pay their own expenses and each
       a half of the expenses of the arbitration.

       "Article 15.
       The present agreement shall last for ten years from the date
       of the exchange of the ratifications, and shall be renewed for
       another term of ten years, unless either party shall give
       notice to the contrary six months before expiry."

          Papers relating to the Foreign Relations
          of the United States, 1902, pages 13-20.

       In their convention on naval armaments the two governments
       "renounced the acquisition of the war vessels they have in
       construction and the making for the present of any new
       acquisitions," agreeing to reduce their fleets to "a prudent
       equilibrium."

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
       Ten South and Central American Nations join in Protocol
       of Convention for Compulsory Arbitration.

       "Ten of the nineteen nations represented at the City of Mexico
       [Second Pan-American Conference, 1902] united in the project
       of a treaty, to be ratified by their respective governments,
       providing for compulsory arbitration of all controversies
       which, in the judgment of any of the interested nations, do
       not affect either their independence or national honor; and it
       is prescribed that in independence and national honor are not
       included controversies concerning diplomatic privileges,
       limits, rights of navigation, or the validity, interpretation,
       and fulfillment of treaties. Mexico became a party to this
       project, but the United States declined; thus showing an
       entire change of attitude on the part of these two nations
       since the Washington conference of 1890. Mexico had in the
       meantime adjusted its boundary dispute with Guatemala. But
       since Mr. Blaine’s ardent advocacy of compulsory arbitration
       the Senate of the United States had manifested its opposition
       to the policy by the rejection of the Olney-Pauncefote
       arbitration treaty of 1897, and it is to be inferred that the
       Secretary of State did not think it wise to commit our
       government to a measure which had been disapproved of by the
       coordinate branch of the treaty-making power."

          J. W. Foster,
          Pan-American Diplomacy
          (Atlantic Monthly, April, 1902).

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1902.
       Central America.
       Treaty of Compulsory Arbitration between Nicaragua, Salvador,
       Honduras, Costa Rica, and Guatemala.

       A treaty of compulsory arbitration and obligatory peace,
       between four of the States above named, in fulfillment of the
       agreement at Mexico was signed at Corinto on the 20th of
       January, 1902.

          See (in this Volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS: SECOND INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE.

       Its essential provisions were the following:

       "The Governments of Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, and Costa
       Rica, desirous of contributing by all the means in their power
       to the maintenance of the peace and good harmony that exists
       and should exist among them, have agreed to celebrate a
       convention of peace and obligatory arbitration, and to that
       effect have named as their respective plenipotentiaries: …
       Who, after having presented their credentials and the same
       being found in good and due form, have agreed upon the
       following covenant:

       "Article 1.
       It is declared that the present convention has for object the
       incorporation in form of public treaty the conclusions to
       which have arrived their excellencies, the Presidents, General
       Don J. Santos Zelaya, General Don Tomas Regalado, General Don
       Terencio Sierra, and Don Rafael Iglesias, in the several
       conferences that have been held in this port with the sole
       object of maintaining and assuring, by all possible means, the
       peace of Central America.

       "Article 2.
       The contracting Governments establish the principle of
       obligatory arbitration, in order to adjust every difficulty or
       question that might present itself between the contracting
       parties, binding themselves in consequence to submit them to a
       tribunal of Central American arbitrators.

    {714}

       "Article 3.
       Each one of the contracting parties shall name an arbitrator
       and a substitute to constitute the tribunal. The terms of the
       arbitrators shall be for one year, counting from their
       acceptance, and then they may be reelected.

       "Article 4.
       The arbitrators of those states among whom exists the
       disagreement shall not form part of the tribunal for the
       consideration of the concrete case, this remaining entirely
       with the arbitrator or arbitrators of the remaining states.

       "Article 5.
       If, through pairing, there should be no decision, the tribunal
       shall select a third among the substitutes. The third should
       necessarily adhere to one of the views given out.

       "Article 6.
       As soon as a difficulty or question presents itself between
       two or more states, their respective Governments shall advise
       the remaining signers of the present convention.

       "Article 7.
       The contracting Governments establish and recognize the right
       of each one of them to offer without delay, singly or
       conjointly, their good offices to the Governments of the
       states that are in disagreement, even without previous
       acceptation by them, and though they should not have notified
       them of the difficulty or question pending.

       "Article 8.
       The friendly offices exhausted without satisfactory result,
       the government or governments that would have exercised them
       shall notify the others, declaring at the proper time
       arbitration proceedings. This declaration shall be
       communicated with the greatest possible brevity to the member
       of the tribunal corresponding to the president of same, with
       the object that within a period not exceeding fifteen days the
       tribunal that is to know and decide the case comes together.
       The installation of the tribunal shall be communicated by
       telegraph to the signing governments, demanding from the
       contending parties the presentation of their claims within the
       fifteen days following.

       "Article 9.
       The tribunal shall give its judgment within five days
       following the expiration of the term which has been spoken of.

       "Article 10.
       The difficulties that may arise through questions of pending
       limits, or through interpretation, or execution of treaties of
       limits, shall be submitted by the governments interested to
       the knowledge and decision of a foreign arbitrator of American
       nationality

       "Article 11.
       The Governments of the states in dispute solemnly agree not to
       execute any hostile act, warlike preparations, or mobilization
       of forces, with the object of not impeding the arrangement of
       the difficulty or question through the means established by
       the present agreement."

       On the 1st of March following the signing of this peace treaty
       by the four Presidents named above, the United States Minister
       to Costa Rica, Mr. William Lawrence Merry, reported to his
       Government that the President of Guatemala had added his
       signature to theirs.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1903.
       Gift of a Court House and Library for the Permanent Court
       of Arbitration at The Hague.

       By a deed signed October 7, 1903, Mr. Andrew Carnegie created
       a foundation or trust under the Netherland law (a
       Stichting in the Dutch language), "for the purpose of
       building, establishing, and maintaining in perpetuity at The
       Hague a court-house and library (temple of peace) for the
       permanent court of arbitration established by the treaty of
       July 29, 1899." As stated in the deed, "the Netherland
       Government, according to agreement, will see to the
       appointment of a board of directors under proper control, and
       draw up the rules according to which the ‘Stichting’ shall be
       governed, so as to ensure in perpetuity its maintenance and
       efficiency. The words maintaining, maintenance, in this
       agreement are not to be construed as relieving the signatory
       powers to the treaty of July 29, 1899, from the financial
       obligations incurred and so far discharged in connection with
       the permanent court of arbitration. If at any time the purpose
       for which the 'Stichting' was founded should fail, the assets
       of the ‘Stichting’ shall be employed for promoting the cause
       of international peace and concord in such a manner as shall
       be determined jointly by the sovereign of the Netherlands and
       the President of the United States."

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
       International Peace Congresses.
       The Thirteenth at Boston.

       The First International Peace Congress was held in London in
       1843, when men who could think of the possibility of ending
       war were jeered at, and little heed was given to their talk.
       In the next ten years it had six successors, all in Europe,
       and three of them in Great Britain. Then came the succession
       of wars in the fifties, sixties and seventies, which seemed to
       discourage peace-dreams, and it was not until 1878, on the
       occasion of the Paris Exposition, that an eighth international
       gathering of the dreamers was attempted. Then they waited
       eleven years for hope and faith enough to draw them for a
       ninth time together. After that date the series ran on under
       growing impulsions and encouragements, and when Boston, in
       1904, invited its moving spirits to honor America, for the
       first time, with their assemblage, the Congress gathered in
       that city, in early October, was the Thirteenth of its name
       and kind. It was given exceptional brilliancy by the
       attendance of many distinguished people from abroad who had
       been drawn to the United States that season by the Exposition
       at St. Louis and the various conferences there.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904.
       A Philosopher’s Plan for Ending War.

       "Man lives inhabits, indeed, but what he lives for is thrills
       and excitements. The only relief from Habit’s tediousness is
       periodical excitement. From time immemorial wars have been,
       especially for non-combatants, the supremely thrilling
       excitement. Heavy and dragging at its end, at its outset every
       war means an explosion of imaginative energy. The dams of
       routine burst, and boundless prospects open. The remotest
       spectators share the fascination. …

       "This is the constitution of human nature which we have to
       work against. The plain truth is that people want war.
       They want it anyhow; for itself; and apart from each and every
       possible consequence. It is the final bouquet of life’s
       fireworks. The born soldiers want it hot and actual. The
       non-combatants want it in the background, and always as an
       open possibility, to feed imagination on and keep excitement
       going. …

    {715}

       "We do ill, I fancy, to talk much of universal peace or of a
       general disarmament. We must go in for preventive medicine,
       not for radical cure. We must cheat our foe, politically
       circumvent his action, not try to change his nature. In one
       respect war is like love, though in no other. Both leave us
       intervals of rest; and in the intervals life goes on perfectly
       well without them, though the imagination still dallies with
       their possibility. … Let the general possibility of war be
       left open, in Heaven’s name, for the imagination to dally
       with. Let the soldiers dream of killing, as the old maids
       dream of marrying. But organize in every conceivable way the
       practical machinery for making each successive chance of war
       abortive. Put peace-men in power; educate the editors and
       statesmen to responsibility;—how beautifully did their trained
       responsibility in England make the Venezuela incident
       abortive! Seize every pretext, however small, for arbitration
       methods, and multiply the precedents; foster rival excitements
       and invent new outlets for heroic energy; and from one
       generation to another, the chances are that irritations will
       grow less acute and states of strain less dangerous among the
       nations. Armies and navies will continue, of course, and will
       fire the minds of populations with their potentialities of
       greatness. But their officers will find that somehow or other,
       with no deliberate intention on any one’s part, each
       successive ‘incident’ has managed to evaporate and to lead
       nowhere, and that the thought of what might have been remains
       their only consolation."

          William James,
          Remarks at the Peace Banquet
          (Atlantic Monthly, December, 1904).

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1904-1909.
       The Interparliamentary Union.

       The Interparliamentary Union, composed of members of the
       parliamentary bodies of many countries, had its origin in
       1888, when, on the 31st of October, thirty members of the
       French Chamber of Deputies met with ten members of the British
       Parliament, at Paris, to discuss the practicability of
       cooperation in efforts for the promotion of international
       peace. William Randal Cremer, a labor union member of
       Parliament, is credited with the conception and the active
       agency which set the movement on foot, and in 1903 he received
       the Nobel Prize of $35,000, for distinguished service to the
       cause of peace. He devoted the money to the same cause. He
       received further honors from the Government of France, which
       made him a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor. The results of
       the undertaking he led have already acquired high importance,
       and exhibit more each year. If the glorious dream of a World
       Parliament, empowered to enact international law, is ever
       realized, the realization may be a growth from this seed.

       Thus far, the growth has produced an Interparliamentary Union
       composed of representatives from the legislatures of every
       country in Europe which has a really constitutional
       government, and from the United States. The Congress of the
       latter became represented in the Union in the winter of 1904,
       and the next meeting of the Union was held at St. Louis that
       year, while the Louisiana Purchase Exposition was in progress.
       The membership of the Union had then risen to about 2000 in
       number, drawn entirely from the national law-making bodies of
       the world,—elected representatives of many millions of people,
       making up a powerfully influential combination of experienced
       public men. The St. Louis meeting was attended by two hundred
       of these, including many of distinguished standing in the
       parliaments of their several countries. This session of the
       Union was under the presidency of the Honorable Richard
       Bartholdt, Member of Congress from Missouri. Its most
       important action was the adoption, by unanimous vote, of the
       following resolution:

       "Whereas, Enlightened public opinion and the spirit of
       modern civilization alike demand that differences between
       nations should be adjudicated and settled in the same manner
       as disputes between individuals are adjudicated—namely, by
       the arbitrament of courts in accordance with recognized
       principles of law;

       "The Conference requests the several governments of the world
       to send representatives to an International Conference, to be
       held at a time and place to be agreed upon by them, for the
       purpose of considering—

       "First, the questions for the consideration of which the
       Conference at The Hague expressed a wish that a future
       conference be called;

       "Second, the negotiation of arbitration treaties between the
       nations represented at the Conference to be convened;

       "Third, the advisability of establishing an International
       Congress to convene periodically for the discussion of
       international questions;

       "And this Conference respectfully and cordially requests the
       President of the United States to invite all the nations to
       send representatives to such a Conference."

       Subsequently, this resolution was presented to the President,
       at Washington, by the members of the Union, and his assent to
       the request was received. Out of this came the train of
       proceedings which brought about the Second Peace Conference at
       The Hague.

       In 1905 the meeting of the Interparliamentary Union was held
       at Brussels; in 1906 at London; in 1908 at Berlin.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
       The First National Peace Congress in the United States,
       assembled at New York.

       The Peace Congress assembled at New York April 14, 1907, (the
       first National assembly of its character), on the initiative
       of Andrew Carnegie, "surpassed expectation. First of all, in
       numbers. Delegates registered by the thousand. The best hall
       in the metropolis proved inadequate. Overflow and additional
       meetings were held in other halls and in churches. For the
       first time in the history of great conferences, two banquets
       were necessary at the close, taking place coincidentally, with
       some of the same speakers passing from one to the other, no
       hotel accommodations being sufficient for the function if all
       applicants were to be housed in one place. Even with this
       doubling the issuance of tickets had to be stopped.

       "Secondly, the Congress was the first really National peace
       meeting in America. In comparison, previous peace congresses
       have been sectional. But at last week’s over thirty-five
       States were represented by their Governors or their
       representatives, by members of State tribunals and State
       Legislatures, and by Mayors of important cities. The Federal
       Government was represented by members of the Hague Court, of
       the Supreme, Circuit, and District Courts, and of Congress.
       Thus the resultant body was a peculiarly representative
       official gathering. …

    {716}

       "Still another striking feature of the Congress lay in the
       prominent place given to the representatives of labor and
       commerce, a feature comprised in two meetings, addressed by
       prominent leaders of the various industries. The general
       position was well taken by Mr. Samuel Gompers, President of
       the American Federation of Labor: ‘Not as workers will we
       permit ourselves to be shot down in order to conquer the
       markets of barbarians and savages. I know of no gathering of
       labor in the last twenty-five years which has not declared
       itself unequivocally for international brotherhood and
       peace.’"

       "A final and chief feature of interest lay in the notably
       practical character of the vast majority of speakers and
       listeners. The Congress was no ‘collection of cranks and
       fools,’ as a hard-headed man of affairs dubbed it in passing
       the hall, without looking in to verify his statement. Neither
       was it a collection of white-blooded, weak-kneed theorists,
       feebly appreciating the actual conditions that govern
       individual passions and national prejudices. As one glanced
       around, there were the faces of great captains of industry, of
       practical leaders of labor, of men who bulk large in
       commercial enterprises, of trusted political leaders. Nor was
       the Congress any mere anti-war affair: its business was
       positive, not negative; it was to affirm the necessity of
       substituting reason for passion. There was a general sentiment
       that it ought to emphasize, not ‘rainbows’ or distant Utopias,
       but only practical plans certain of realization, and of
       realization, too, not in the far future, but in this very
       coming summer by action at The Hague."

          The Outlook,
          April 27, 1907.

       Among the prominent speakers were Mr. Carnegie, who presided,
       Mr. Root, Secretary of State, Governor Hughes, of New York,
       Ambassador Bryce, Mr. William J. Bryan, Congressman Bartholdt,
       President of the American group in the Inter-parliamentary
       Union, Professor Münsterberg, President Eliot, Baron
       d’Estournelles, the eminent peace advocate of France, and Mr.
       W. T. Stead. Mr. Root pointed out the great obstacle to
       arbitration—a fear that the tribunals selected would not be
       impartial, because arbitrators are thought often to act
       diplomatically rather than judicially. "We need," he said,
       "for arbitrators, not distinguished public men concerned in
       all the international questions of the day, but judges
       interested only in the question appearing on the record before
       them. Plainly, this end is to be attained by the establishment
       of a court of permanent judges."

       Mr. Bryan made the excellent suggestion that in time of war
       money-lenders shall not be allowed to wax fat by loans, taking
       advantage of a nation’s weakness and urging it to continue
       hostilities. A loan by the citizens of a neutral nation, he
       pointed out, is practically a loan by the nation itself, and
       should be objected to as much as furnishing shot and shell.

       Mr. Stead, writing of the Congress in the American Review
       of Reviews, characterized it as "in many respects the most
       notable Congress of its kind that has ever been held in the
       Old World or the New," and as being "the pioneer or John the
       Baptist of the Second International Conference" soon to meet
       at The Hague. "It represented," he said, "the first
       rudimentary, crude, but nevertheless definite effort on the
       part of the New World to impress its will on the Old World."
       But he thought the resolutions of the Congress, "as a whole,
       were hardly worthy of the importance of the occasion or the
       representative character of the conference," and criticised
       the committee for taking "no steps for pressing their adoption
       upon other governments than their own."

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907.
       Second International Peace Conference at The Hague:
       Its Conventions, Declarations, and Recommendations.
       Text of the Convention for a Pacific Settlement of
       International Disputes, and of the "Final Act," with its
       recommended Draft Convention for the Creation of a Judicial
       Arbitration Court.

       "Pursuant to a request of the Interparliamentary Union, held
       at St. Louis in 1904, that a further peace conference be held,
       and that the President of the United States invite all nations
       to send representatives to such a conference, the late
       Secretary of State, at the direction of the President,
       instructed, on October 21, 1904, the representatives of the
       United States accredited to each of the signatories to the
       acts of The Hague Conference of 1889 to present overtures for
       a second conference to the ministers for foreign affairs of
       the respective countries.

       "The replies received to this circular instruction of October
       21, 1904, indicated that the proposition for the calling of a
       second conference met with general favor. At a later period it
       was intimated by Russia that the initiator of the First
       Conference was, owing to the restoration of peace in the
       Orient, disposed to undertake the calling of a new conference
       to continue as well as to supplement the works of the first.
       The offer of the Czar to take steps requisite to convene a
       second international peace conference was gladly welcomed by
       the President, and the Final Act of the Conference only
       recites in its preamble the invitation of the President.

       "The Russian Government thus assumed the calling of the
       Conference, and on April 12, 1906, submitted the following
       programme, which was acceptable to the Powers generally and
       which served as the basis of the work of the Conference:

       "1. Improvements to be made in the provisions of the
       convention relative to the peaceful settlement of
       international disputes as regards the Court of Arbitration and
       the International commissions of inquiry.

       "2. Additions to be made to the provisions of the convention
       of 1899 relative to the laws and customs of war on land—among
       others, those concerning the opening of hostilities, the
       rights of neutrals on land, etc. Declaration of 1899. One of
       these having expired, question of its being revived.

       "3. Framing of a convention relative to the laws and customs
       of maritime warfare, concerning—

       "The special operations of maritime warfare, such as the
       bombardment of ports, cities, and villages by a naval force;
       the laying of torpedoes, etc.

       "The transformation of merchant vessels into war ships.

       "The private property of belligerents at sea.

       "The length of time to be granted to merchant ships for their
       departure from ports of neutrals or of the enemy after the
       opening of hostilities.

    {717}

       "The rights and duties of neutrals at sea, among others the
       questions of contraband, the rules applicable to belligerent
       vessels in neutral ports; destruction, in cases of vis
       major, of neutral merchant vessels captured as prizes.

       "In the said convention to be drafted there would be
       introduced the provisions relative to war on land that would
       be also applicable to maritime warfare.

       "4. Additions to be made to the convention of 1899 for the
       adaptation to maritime warfare of the principles of the Geneva
       Convention of 1864.

       "The United States, however, reserved the right to bring to
       discussion two matters of great importance not included in the
       programme, namely, the reduction or limitation of armaments
       and restrictions or limitations upon the use of force for the
       collection of ordinary public debts arising out of contracts.

       "It was finally decided that the Conference should meet at The
       Hague on the 15th day of June, 1907, and thus the Conference,
       proposed by the President of the United States, and convoked
       by Her Majesty the Queen of The Netherlands upon the
       invitation of the Emperor of All the Russias, assumed definite
       shape and form. …

       "In the circulars of October 21 and December 16, 1904, it was
       suggested as desirable to consider and adopt a procedure by
       which States nonsignatory to the original acts of The Hague
       Conference may become adhering parties. This suggestion was
       taken note of by the Russian Government and invitations were
       issued to forty-seven countries, in response to which the
       representatives of forty-four nations assembled at The Hague
       and took part in the Conference. No opposition was made to the
       admission of the nonsignatory States."

       The delegation of the United States to the Conference was
       composed of the following members: Commissioners
       plenipotentiary with the rank of ambassador extraordinary:
       Joseph H. Choate, of New York, Horace Porter, of New York,
       Uriah M. Rose, of Arkansas; Commissioner plenipotentiary:
       David Jayne Hill, of New York, envoy extraordinary and
       minister plenipotentiary of the United States to the
       Netherlands; Commissioners Plenipotentiary with rank of
       minister plenipotentiary: Brigadier General George B. Davis,
       Judge-Advocate-General, United States Army, Rear-Admiral
       Charles S. Sperry, United States Navy, William I. Buchanan, of
       New York; Technical delegate and expert in international law:
       James Brown Scott, of California; Technical delegate and
       expert attache to the Commission: Charles Henry Butler, of New
       York; Secretary to the Commission: Chandler Hale, of Maine;
       Assistant secretaries to the Commission: A. Bailly-Blanchard,
       of Louisiana, William M. Malloy, of Illinois.

       "The Dutch Government set aside for the use of the Conference,
       the Binnenhof, the seat of the States-General, and on the 15th
       day of June, 1907, at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, the
       Conference was opened by his excellency the Dutch minister for
       foreign affairs in the presence of delegates representing
       forty-four nations. … At the conclusion of the address of
       welcome his excellency suggested as president of the
       Conference His Excellency M. Nelidow, first delegate of
       Russia, and, with the unanimous consent of the assembly, M.
       Nelidow accepted the presidency and delivered an address." …

       In accordance with the suggestion of the president, an order
       of procedure, in twelve articles, was adopted, and the
       Conference was divided into four Commissions, between which
       the subjects specified in the programme of the Conference were
       apportioned. "The actual work of the Conference was,
       therefore, done in commission and committee. The results, so
       far as the several commissions desired, were reported to the
       Conference sitting in plenary session for approval, and after
       approval, submitted to the small subediting committee for
       final revision which, however, affected form, not substance.
       The results thus reached were included in the Final Act and
       signed by the plenipotentiaries on the 18th day of October,
       1907, upon which date the Conference adjourned."

          Report of the Delegates of the United States
          (60th Congress, 1st Session Senate Doc. 444).

       The results of the Conference are embodied in fourteen
       Conventions duly formulated and signed, and a "Final Act" in
       which certain principles are declared as being "unanimously
       admitted." Of the Conventions entered into, that most
       important one which provides means for a pacific solution of
       international conflicts is but a revision of the Convention
       for the same purpose which the Powers represented at the First
       Peace Conference, of 1899, gave adhesion to, and the full text
       of which is printed in Volume VI. of this work (pages
       356-359). To a large extent the articles of the Convention are
       unchanged, and the changes made are mostly in the nature of an
       amplification of provisions and prescriptions of procedure for
       carrying out the agreements set forth in the compact of 1899.
       This occurs especially in Part III., relating to
       "International Commissions of Inquiry," the specifications for
       which, merely outlined in six articles of the Convention of
       1899, were detailed with precision in twenty-eight articles of
       the Convention of 1907. A similar amplification was given to
       the chapters on "The System of Arbitration" and "Arbitral
       Procedure." By a verbal change of some significance, the
       parties to the Convention are designated "Contracting Powers,"
       instead of "Signatory Powers," as before.

       Other important features of the revision are noted in an
       article which the Honorable David Jayne Hill, one of the
       American Commission at the Conference, communicated to The
       American Review of Reviews of December, 1907. Dr. Hill
       wrote:

       "With regard to good offices and mediation, a slight step
       forward was taken by the acceptance of the American
       proposition that the initiative of powers foreign to the
       controversy in offering them is not only ‘useful’ but
       ‘desirable.’ Greater precision has been given to the operation
       of commissions of inquiry, whose great utility has already been
       tested, but it was decided that the functions of such
       commissions should be confined to a determination of facts and
       should not extend to fixing responsibility. As regards
       arbitration, while it was reasserted that ‘in questions of a
       legal character, and especially in the interpretation or
       application of international conventions, arbitration is
       recognized by the contracting powers as the most efficacious
       and at the same time the most equitable means of settling
       differences that have not been adjusted by diplomacy,’ and,
       ‘in consequence, it would be desirable that, in contentions of
       this character, the powers should resort to arbitration,’ it
       was not found possible to render this resort an obligation.

    {718}

       "It is necessary to state, however, that while unanimity upon
       this proposal was not obtainable—even for a convention that
       omitted all questions affecting ‘the vital interests,
       independence, or honor’ of the contestants and included only a
       meagre list of mainly unimportant subjects—32 powers voted in
       favor of it, only 9 were opposed, and 3 abstained from voting.
       As practical unanimity was held to be necessary for the
       inclusion of a convention in the final act, even this very
       moderate attempt at obligatory arbitration was unfruitful.
       Still, as this strong manifestation of a disposition to make a
       definite engagement could not conveniently be nullified
       without being in some measure recognized, it was resolved,
       with four abstentions, that the first commission was:
       ‘Unanimous (1) in recognizing the principle of obligatory
       arbitration; and (2) in declaring that certain differences,
       notably those relative to the interpretation and application
       of conventional stipulations, are susceptible of being
       submitted to obligatory arbitration without restriction.’

       "Regarding this resolution as a retreat from the more advanced
       position that had been taken by 32 powers, the head of the
       American delegation clearly explained its attitude and
       refrained from voting.

       "It must, in justice, he added that some of the powers voting
       against an obligatory arbitration convention probably did so
       chiefly for the purpose of avoiding the isolation of others,
       and that some of the powers most earnest in opposing the
       project not only have negotiated special treaties of
       obligatory arbitration, but declare their intention of
       negotiating many more. The state of the question, then, is
       this: All accept the principle of obligatory arbitration in
       certain classes of cases, 32 powers are prepared to make
       definite engagements with all the rest, 9 prefer to make them
       only with states on whose responsibility they can rely, and 3
       decline at present to commit themselves."

       On the part of the United States, when this important
       Convention was submitted subsequently to the Senate, it was
       ratified conditionally, by the following resolution, adopted
       April 2, 1908.

       "Resolved (two-thirds of the Senators present concurring
       therein), That the Senate advise and consent to the
       ratification of a convention signed by the delegates of the
       United States to the Second International Peace Conference,
       held at The Hague from June sixteenth to October eighteenth,
       nineteen hundred and seven, for the pacific settlement of
       international disputes, subject to the declaration made by the
       delegates of the United States before signing said convention,
       namely:

       "‘Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed
       as to require the United States of America to depart from its
       traditional policy of not intruding upon, interfering with, or
       entangling itself in the political questions of policy or
       internal administration of any foreign state; nor shall
       anything contained in the said convention be construed to
       imply a relinquishment by the United States of its traditional
       attitude toward purely American questions.’

       "Resolved further, as a part of this act of
       ratification, That the United States approves this
       convention with the understanding that recourse to the
       permanent court for the settlement of differences can be had
       only by agreement thereto through general or special treaties
       of arbitration heretofore or hereafter concluded between the
       parties in dispute; and the United States now exercises the
       option contained in article fifty-three of said convention, to
       exclude the formulation of the ‘compromis’ by the permanent
       court, and hereby excludes from the competence of the
       permanent court the power to frame the ‘compromis’ required by
       general or special treaties of arbitration concluded or
       hereafter to be concluded by the United States, and further
       expressly declares that the ‘compromis’ required by any treaty
       of arbitration to which the United States may be a party shall
       be settled only by agreement between the contracting parties,
       unless such treaty shall expressly provide otherwise."

       Of the other Conventions agreed to and signed at the
       Conference it will be sufficient to give here in part a
       summary statement of their objects and provisions which was
       prepared by the Honorable James Brown Scott, one of the
       Technical Delegates to the Conference from the United States,
       originally for publication in The American Journal of
       International Law for January, 1908. They are described by
       Mr. Scott as follows:

       "The second is the convention restricting the use of force for
       the recovery of contract debts. This was introduced by the
       American delegation, loyally and devotedly seconded by Doctor
       Drago, who has battled for the doctrine to which he has given
       his name. Without the support of Doctor Drago, it is doubtful
       if Latin America—for whose benefit it was introduced—would
       have voted for this very important doctrine. The proposition
       is very short; it consists of but three articles, but we must
       not measure things by their size. In full it is as follows;
       ‘In order to avoid between nations armed conflicts of a purely
       pecuniary origin arising from contractual debts claimed from
       the government of one country by the government of another
       country to be due to its nationals, the contracting powers
       agree not to have recourse to armed force for the collection
       of such contractual debts.

       "‘However, this stipulation shall not be applicable when the
       debtor state refuses or leaves unanswered an offer to
       arbitrate, or, in case of acceptance, makes it impossible to
       formulate the terms of submission, or after arbitration, fails
       to comply with the award rendered.

       "‘It is further agreed that arbitration here contemplated
       shall be in conformity, as to procedure, with Title IV,
       Chapter III of the convention for the pacific settlement of
       international disputes adopted at The Hague, and that it shall
       determine, in so far as there shall be no agreement between
       the parties, the justice, and the amount of the debt, the time
       and mode of payment thereof.’ …

    {719}

       "The third convention relates to the opening of hostilities
       and provides, in Article I, that the contracting powers
       recognize that hostilities between them should not commence
       without notice, which shall be either in the form of a formal
       declaration of war or of an ultimatum in the nature of a
       declaration of conditional war. This is to protect
       belligerents from surprise and bad faith. Article 11 is meant
       to safeguard the rights of neutrals. The state of war should
       be notified without delay to neutral powers, and shall only
       affect them after the receipt of a notification, which may be
       sent even by telegram.’ …

       "The fourth convention concerns the laws and customs of land
       warfare, [and is] a revision of the convention of 1899. It is
       highly technical and codifies in a humanitarian spirit the
       warfare of the present.

       "The fifth convention attempts to regulate the rights and
       duties of neutral powers and of neutral persons in case of
       land warfare. Short, but important, its guiding spirit is
       expressed in the opening paragraph of the preamble, namely, to
       render more certain the rights and duties of neutral powers in
       case of warfare upon land and to regulate the situation of
       belligerent refugees in neutral territory. …

       "The sixth is the convention concerning enemy merchant ships
       found in enemy ports or upon the high seas at the outbreak of
       hostilities. Custom forbids the capture of enemy vessels
       within the port of the enemy on the outbreak of hostilities
       and allows them a limited time to discharge or load their
       cargo and depart for their port of destination. The attempt
       was made to establish this custom or privilege as a right. The
       proposition, however, met with serious opposition and, instead
       of the right, the convention states that it is desirable that
       enemy ships be permitted freely to leave the port. The
       convention, therefore, was restrictive rather than declaratory
       of existing international practice. The same might be said of
       another provision of the convention concerning the treatment
       of enemy merchant ships upon the high seas. It may be said
       that the expression of a desire is tantamount to a positive
       declaration, but, strictly construed, the convention is not
       progressive. It lessens rights acquired by custom and usage,
       although it does, indeed, render the privilege granted
       universal. The American delegation, therefore, refrained from
       signing the convention.

       "The seventh convention deals with the transformation of
       merchant ships into ships of war, and it must be said that the
       positive results of this convention are of little or no
       practical value. The burning question was whether merchant
       ships might be transformed into men-of-war upon the high seas.
       As the transformation of merchant vessels into war vessels
       upon the high seas caused an international commotion during
       the recent Russo-Japanese war. Great Britain and the United
       States insisted that the transfer should only be allowed
       within the territorial jurisdiction of the transforming power.
       Some of the continental states, on the contrary, refused to
       renounce the exercise of the alleged right. The great maritime
       states were thus divided, and as the question was too simple
       and too plain to admit of compromise, it was agreed to drop it
       entirely for the present. In order, however, that something
       might remain of the careful and elaborate discussions of the
       subject, a series of regulations was drawn up regarding the
       transformation of merchant ships into vessels of war,
       declaratory of international custom. … Indirectly, the
       rightfulness or wrongfulness of privateering was concerned,
       and inasmuch as the United States would not consent to abolish
       privateering unless the immunity of private property be
       safeguarded, the American delegation abstained from signing
       the convention.

       "The eighth convention relates to the placing of submarine
       automatic mines of contact, a subject of present and special
       interest to belligerents; while the interest of the neutral is
       very general. … Mines break from their moorings and endanger
       neutral life and property. The conference, therefore, desires
       to regulate the use of mines in such a way as not to deprive
       the belligerents of a recognized and legitimate means of
       warfare, but to restrict, as far as possible, the damage to
       the immediate belligerents. …

       "The ninth convention forbade the bombardment by naval forces
       of undefended harbors, villages, towns, or buildings. The
       presence, however, of military stores would permit bombardment
       of such ports for the sole purpose of destroying the stores,
       provided they were not destroyed or delivered up upon request.
       Notice, however, should be given of the intention to bombard.
       In like manner, the convention permitted the bombardment of
       such undefended places if provisions were not supplied upon
       requisition to the naval force. Bombardment, however, was not
       allowed for the collection of mere money contributions. …

       "The tenth convention adapted to maritime warfare the
       principles of the Geneva Convention of 1906. …

       "The eleventh convention relates to certain restrictions in
       the exercise of the right of capture in maritime war. It is a
       modest document, but is all that was saved from the wreck of
       the immunity of private property. The American delegation
       urged the abolition of the right of capture of unoffending
       enemy private property upon the high seas, but great maritime
       powers such as Great Britain, France, Russia, and Japan were
       unwilling to relinquish this means of bringing the enemy to
       terms. …

       "The twelfth convention sought to establish an international
       court of prize, and there only remains the ratification of
       this convention by the contracting powers in order to call
       into being this great and beneficent institution. For years
       enlightened opinion has protested against the right of
       belligerents to pass final judgment upon the lawfulness of the
       capture of neutral property, and it is a pleasure to be able
       to state that the interests of the neutrals in the neutral
       prize are henceforward to be placed in the hands of neutral
       judges with a representation of the belligerents, in order
       that the rights of all concerned may be carefully weighed and
       considered. …

    {720}

       "The thirteenth convention concerns and seeks to regulate the
       rights and duties of neutral powers in case of maritime war.
       This is an elaborate codification of the rights and duties of
       neutrals in which the conference essayed to generalize and
       define on the one hand the rights of neutrals and the
       correlative duties of the belligerents, and in the second
       place to set forth in detail the duties of neutrals, thus
       safeguarding the rights of belligerents in certain phases of
       maritime warfare. … The result, however, was unsatisfactory to
       some of the larger maritime powers, which prefer their present
       regulations on the subject of neutrality or which were
       unwilling to accept the modifications proposed. The United
       States was not satisfied with certain provisions of the
       convention, and reserved the right to study the project in
       detail before expressing a final opinion. It therefore
       abstained from voting and signing.

       "The fourteenth convention is a reenactment of the declaration
       of 1899 forbidding the launching of projectiles and explosives
       from balloons. The original declaration was agreed to for a
       period of five years, and as this period had expired the
       powers were without a regulation on the subject. The
       reenactment provided that the present declaration shall
       extend, not merely for a period of five years, but to the end
       of the Third Conference of Peace."

          Reprinted in
          Senate Document Number 433, 60th Congress, 1st Session.

       Appended to these Conventions are the Resolutions or
       Declarations of accepted Principles embodied in the "Final
       Act"; and these are far from being the least important of the
       fruits of the Conference. They need presentation in full.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
       Final Act of the Second International Peace Conference.

       "At a series of meetings, held from the 15th June to the 18th
       October, 1907, in which the above Delegates [named in a
       preamble] were throughout animated by the desire to realize,
       in the fullest possible measure, the generous views of the
       august initiator of the Conference and the intentions of their
       Governments, the Conference drew up for submission for
       signature by the Plenipotentiaries, the text of the
       Conventions and of the Declaration enumerated below [named in
       their order, as summarized above] and annexed to the present
       Act:—

       "These Conventions and Declaration shall form so many separate
       Acts. These Acts shall be dated this day, and may be signed up
       to the 30th June, 1908, at The Hague, by the Plenipotentiaries
       of the Powers represented at the Second Peace Conference.

       "The Conference, actuated by the spirit of mutual agreement
       and concession characterizing its deliberations, has agreed
       upon the following Declaration, which, while reserving to each
       of the Powers represented full liberty of action as regards
       voting, enables them to affirm the principles which they
       regard as unanimously admitted;—

       "It is unanimous—

       "1. In admitting the principle of compulsory arbitration.

       "2. In declaring that certain disputes, in particular those
       relating to the interpretation and application of the
       provisions of International Agreements, may be submitted to
       compulsory arbitration without any restriction.

       "Finally, it is unanimous in proclaiming that, although it has
       not yet been found feasible to conclude a Convention in this
       sense, nevertheless the divergences of opinion which have come
       to light have not exceeded the bounds of judicial controversy,
       and that, by working together here during the past four
       months, the collected Powers not only have learnt to
       understand one another and to draw closer together, but have
       succeeded in the course of this long collaboration in evolving
       a very lofty conception of the common welfare of humanity.

       "The Conference has further unanimously adopted the following
       Resolution:—

       "The Second Peace Conference confirms the Resolution adopted
       by the Conference of 1899 in regard to the limitation of
       military expenditure; and inasmuch as military expenditure has
       considerably increased in almost every country since that
       time, the Conference declares that it is eminently desirable
       that the Governments should resume the serious examination of
       this question.

       "It has besides expressed the following opinions:—

       "1. The Conference calls the attention of the Signatory Powers
       to the advisability of adopting the annexed draft Convention
       for the creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court, and of
       bringing it into force as soon as an agreement has been
       reached respecting the selection of the Judges and the
       constitution of the Court.

       "2. The Conference expresses the opinion that, in case of war,
       the responsible authorities, civil as well as military, should
       make it their special duty to ensure and safeguard the
       maintenance of specific relations, more especially of the
       commercial and industrial relations between the inhabitants of
       the belligerent States and neutral countries.

       "3. The Conference expresses the opinion that the Powers
       should regulate, by special Treaties, the position, as regards
       military charges, of foreigners residing within their
       territories.

       "4. The Conference expresses the opinion that the preparation
       of regulations relative to the laws and customs of naval war
       should figure in the programme of the next Conference, and
       that in any case the Powers may apply, as far as possible, to
       war by sea the principles of the Convention relative to the
       Laws and Customs of War on land.

       "Finally, the Conference recommends to the Powers the assembly
       of a Third Peace Conference, which might be held within a
       period corresponding to that which has elapsed since the
       preceding Conference, at a date to be fixed by common
       agreement between the Powers, and it calls their attention to
       the necessity of preparing the programme of this Third
       Conference a sufficient time in advance to ensure its
       deliberations being conducted with the necessary authority and
       expedition.

       "In order to attain this object the Conference considers that
       it would be very desirable that, some two years before the
       probable date of the meeting, a preparatory Committee should
       be charged by the Governments with the task of collecting the
       various proposals to be submitted to the Conference, of
       ascertaining what subjects are ripe for embodiment in an
       International Regulation, and of preparing a programme which
       the Governments should decide upon in sufficient time to
       enable it to be carefully examined by the countries
       interested. This Committee should further be intrusted with
       the task of proposing a system of organization and procedure
       for the Conference itself.

       "In faith whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
       present Act and have affixed their seals thereto."

    {721}

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
       Draft Convention recommended for the Creation of
       a Judicial Arbitration Court.

       The following are the more important provisions of the
       "annexed draft Convention for the creation of a Judicial
       Arbitration Court" which the Signatory Powers are asked, in
       the first of the "Opinions" expressed above, to consider "the
       advisability of adopting":

       "Article I.
       With a view to promoting the cause of arbitration, the
       Contracting Powers agree to constitute, without altering the
       status of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, a Judicial
       Arbitration Court, of free and easy access, composed of Judges
       representing the various juridical systems of the world, and
       capable of insuring continuity in jurisprudence of
       arbitration.

       "Article II.
       The Judicial Arbitration Court is composed of Judges and
       Deputy Judges chosen from persons of the highest moral
       reputation, and all fulfilling conditions qualifying them, in
       their respective countries, to occupy high legal posts, or be
       jurists of recognized competence in matters of international
       law. The Judges and Deputy Judges of the Court are appointed,
       as far as possible, from the members of the Permanent Court of
       Arbitration. The appointment shall be made within the six
       months following the ratification of the present Convention.

       "Article III.
       The Judges and Deputy Judges are appointed for a period of
       twelve years, counting from the date on which the appointment
       is notified to the Administrative Council created by the
       Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International
       Disputes. Their appointments can be renewed. Should a Judge or
       Deputy Judge die or retire, the vacancy is filled in the
       manner in which his appointment was made. In this case, the
       appointment is made for a fresh period of twelve years.

       "Article IV.
       The Judges of the Judicial Arbitration Court are equal and
       rank according to the date on which their appointment was
       notified. The Judge who is senior in point of age takes
       precedence when the date of notification is the same. The
       Deputy Judges are assimilated, in the exercise of their
       functions, with the Judges. They rank, however, below the
       latter.

       "Article V.
       The Judges enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities in the
       exercise of their functions, outside their own country. Before
       taking their seat, the Judges and Deputy Judges must swear,
       before the Administrative Council, or make a solemn
       affirmation to exercise their functions impartially and
       conscientiously.

       "Article VI.
       The Court annually nominates three Judges to form a special
       delegation and three more to replace them should the necessity
       arise. They may be re-elected. They are balloted for. The
       persons who secure the largest number of votes are considered
       elected. The delegation itself elects its President, who, in
       default of a majority, is appointed by lot. A member of the
       delegation cannot exercise his duties when the Power which
       appointed him, or of which he is a national, is one of the
       parties. The members of the delegation are to conclude all
       matters submitted to them, even if the period for which they
       have been appointed Judges has expired.

       "Article VII.
       A Judge may not exercise his judicial functions in any case in
       which he has, in any way whatever, taken part in the decision
       of a National Tribunal, of a Tribunal of Arbitration, or of a
       Commission of Inquiry, or has figured in the suit as counsel
       or advocate for one of the parties. A Judge cannot act as
       agent or advocate before the Judicial Arbitration Court or the
       Permanent Court of Arbitration, before a Special Tribunal of
       Arbitration or a Commission of Inquiry, nor act for one of the
       parties in any capacity whatsoever so long as his appointment
       lasts. …

       "Article X.
       The Judges may not accept from their own Government or from
       that of any other Power any remuneration for services
       connected with their duties in their capacity of members of
       the Court.

       "Article XI.
       The seat of the Judicial Court of Arbitration is at The Hague,
       and cannot be transferred, unless absolutely obliged by
       circumstances, elsewhere. …

       "Article XII.
       The Administrative Council fulfills with regard to the
       Judicial Court of Arbitration the same functions as to the
       Permanent Court of Arbitration.

       "Article XIV.
       The Court meets in session once a year. The session opens the
       third Wednesday in June and lasts until all the business on
       the agenda has been transacted. …

       "Article XVII. The Judicial Court of Arbitration is competent
       to deal with all cases submitted to it, in virtue either of a
       general undertaking to have recourse to arbitration or of a
       special agreement.

       "Article XXXII.
       The Court itself draws up its own rules of procedure, which
       must be communicated to the Contracting Powers. After the
       ratification of the present Convention the Court shall meet as
       early as possible in order to elaborate these rules, elect the
       President and Vice-President, and appoint the members of the
       delegation.

       "Article XXXIII.
       The Court may propose modifications in the provisions of the
       present Convention concerning procedure. These proposals are
       communicated through the Netherland Government to the
       Contracting Powers, which will consider together as to the
       measures to be taken."

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
       The sequent International Naval Conference
       at London in 1908-1909.

       The action of the Peace Conference which contemplated the
       establishment of an International Prize Court (embodied in the
       Twelfth Convention described above) had a sequel in the next
       year, resulting from the suggestion by the British Government
       that, preliminary to the creation of such a court, the prior
       holding of an International Naval Conference was desirable,
       for the purpose which it explained in the following words:
       "Having regard to the importance attached by his Majesty’s
       Government to the setting up of that Court, they decided to
       take the initiative in inviting the co-operation of the Powers
       whose belligerent rights would be most directly affected, in
       formulating in precise terms a set of rules relative to the
       law of prize, which should be recognized as embodying
       doctrines held to be generally binding as part of the existing
       law of nations." In connection with this suggestion a list of
       questions was submitted to the several Governments consulted,
       "on which his Majesty’s Government, after careful examination,
       considered that an understanding should if possible be
       reached, and which would therefore appropriately constitute
       the programme of a special naval conference to meet in
       London."

    {722}

       The questions were as follows:

       "(a.)
       Contraband, including the circumstances under which particular
       articles can be considered as contraband; the penalties for
       their carriage; the immunity of a ship from search when under
       convoy; and the rules with regard to compensation where
       vessels have been seized but have been found in fact only to
       be carrying innocent cargo;

       "(b.)
       Blockade, including the questions as to the locality where
       seizure can be effected, and the notice that is necessary
       before a ship can be seized;

       "(c.)
       The doctrine of continuous voyage in respect both of
       contraband and of blockade;

       "(d.)
       The legality of the destruction of neutral vessels prior to
       their condemnation by a Prize Court;

       "(e.)
       The rules as to neutral ships or persons rendering ‘unneutral
       service’ (‘assistance hostile’);

       "(f.)
       The legality of the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a
       war-ship on the high seas;

       "(g.)
       The rules as to the transfer of merchant-vessels from a
       belligerent to a neutral flag during or in contemplation of
       hostilities;

       "(h.)
       The question whether the nationality or the domicile of the
       owner should be adopted as the dominant factor in deciding
       whether property is enemy property."

       Responses to the British invitation by the greater naval
       Powers were favorable, and the resulting International Naval
       Conference had sittings in London from December 4, 1908, until
       February 26, 1909. The Powers sending representatives to take
       part in it were Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia,
       Austria-Hungary, Italy, the United States, Japan, Spain,
       Holland. A report of the proceedings and conclusions arrived
       at was made public on the 22d of March. On two, only, of the
       questions, proposed by Great Britain, no agreement was
       reached, and these were left open,—namely; "the legality of
       the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a war-ship on the
       high seas, and the question whether the nationality or the
       domicile of the owner should be regarded as the dominant
       factor in deciding the character, neutral or enemy, of
       property." Original differences on other questions were
       compromised.

       A serious difficulty in the undertakings of the Conference was
       occasioned by the fact that the Constitution of the United
       States is held to preclude any right of appeal from decisions
       of its Supreme Court. What was done to overcome this
       difficulty is explained in the report of the British Delegates
       as follows: "The Conference was asked to express its
       acceptance of the principle that, as regards countries in
       which such constitutional difficulty arose, all proceedings in
       the International Prize Court should be treated as a rehearing
       of the case de novo, in the form of an action for
       compensation, whereby the validity of the judgments of the
       national courts would remain unaffected, whilst the duty of
       carrying out a decision of the International Court ordering
       the payment of compensation would fall upon the government
       concerned. The proposal was further coupled with the
       suggestion that the jurisdiction of the International Prize
       Court might be extended, by agreement between two or more of
       the signatory Powers, to cover cases at present excluded from
       its jurisdiction by the express terms of the Prize Court
       Convention, and that in the hearing of such cases that court
       should have the functions, and follow the procedure, laid down
       in the Draft Convention relative to the creation of a Judicial
       Arbitration Court, which was annexed to the Final Act of the
       Second Peace Conference of 1907.

       "Great hesitation was felt in approaching these questions. It
       was undeniable that they lay wholly outside the programme
       which the Conference had been invited to discuss, and to which
       the Powers accepting the invitation had expressly assented. It
       was, however, not disputed that so much of the United States
       proposal as related to the difficulties in the way of the
       ratification of the Prize Court Convention was in so far
       germane to the labours of the Conference, as these also were
       avowedly directed to preparing the way for the more general
       acceptance of the Prize Court Convention. As it must clearly
       be desired by all countries interested in the establishment of
       the International Prize Court that the United States should be
       one of the Powers submitting to its jurisdiction and bound by
       its decisions, the Conference thought it right,
       notwithstanding its lack of formal authority, to go so far as
       to express the wish (‘vœu’) which stands recorded in the final
       Protocol of its proceedings, and of which the substance is
       that the attention of the various Governments represented is
       called by their delegates to the desirability of allowing such
       countries as are precluded by the terms of their constitution
       from ratifying the Prize Court Convention in its present form,
       to do so with a reservation in the sense of the first part of
       the United States proposal. On the other hand, the question of
       setting up the Judicial Arbitration Court, which seemed to
       have no necessary connexion with the Prize Court Convention,
       was decided by all the delegations, except that which had
       brought it forward, to be one which the Conference could not
       discuss."

          Parliamentary Papers, 1909:
          Papers by Command, 4554.
          Also,
          London Times, March 22, 1909.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
       Central American Peace Conference at Washington.
       General Treaty of Peace and Amity.
       Convention establishing a Central American Court of Justice.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1907.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1908.
       Waning of the Military Passion in France.

       Two very striking indications of the cooling in the French
       people of the militant passion which made them in former times
       one of the most warlike of the European races have been
       afforded within the past three years. The first appeared in
       the winter of 1907, when a Paris newspaper of great
       circulation collected votes from its readers on the question,
       "Who was the Greatest Frenchman of the Nineteenth Century?"
       Much interest in the query was excited, and more than
       15,000,000 [votes] were said to have been cast.
    {723}
       From any prior generation the answer of a big majority would
       undoubtedly have been, "Napoleon Bonaparte"; but the French of
       the Twentieth Century have developed so different an estimate of
       human greatness that Louis Pasteur, the Man of Science, led
       the poll, receiving 1,838,103 votes; while Victor Hugo came
       next below him, by somewhat more than a hundred thousand
       votes, and Gambetta was put third in the list. Napoleon
       received only the fourth place of honor in the estimate of
       fifteen millions of the French of these days.

       About a year later the same change was betokened in a hardly
       less significant way, by a speech from the Prime Minister of
       France. The occasion of the address was the inauguration of a
       monument to M. Scheurer-Kestner, who had been vice-president
       of the French Senate when the Dreyfus iniquities began to be
       dragged out of darkness into light, and who was one of the few
       men in public life then who strove heroically to have the
       truth ascertained and justice done. Scheurer-Kestner was an
       Alsatian, and this fact gave Premier Clemenceau an opportunity
       to break silence on the sore subject of the loss of Alsace,
       which French statesmen have not ventured to refer to since the
       heart-breaking surrender of 1871. His breaking of that silence
       was meant to break, and assuredly does break, the long
       brooding of revengefulness in French hearts which has been a
       menace to the peace of Europe for nearly 40 years.

       "I do not fear," he said, "to call up the memory of that
       bloody past. I am mindful of the responsibility which belongs
       to my office, and I can speak without constraint of events
       which have entered into history. I can proclaim feelings which
       we cannot repudiate—which we cannot even hide without lowering
       ourselves." And this is his open proclamation of the feeling
       to which France has come, in its thought of Alsace:

       "We received France issuing from frightful trial. To rebuild
       her in her legitimate power of expansion as well as in her
       dignity as a great moral person, we have no need either to
       hate or to lie, nor even to recriminate. We look to the
       future. Sons of a great history, jealously careful of the
       lofty impulses native to us, in which the civilizing virtue of
       France was fashioned, we can look in quiet of soul on the
       descendants of strong races which for centuries have measured
       themselves with the men of our lands in battlefields beyond
       numbering. Two such great rival peoples, for the very honor of
       their rivalry, have a like interest to keep their respect, the
       one for the other."

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1907-1909.
       German Opposition to the "Navy Fever,"
       in High Circles as well as Low.
       Views of Herr Von Holstein and Admiral Galster.

       How far the naval ambitions and costly naval policy of Germany
       are supported by public opinion is much of a question. It is
       certain that they are a cause of wide discontent in the
       industrial classes, and no less certain that the weightiest
       influence behind them is that of the Emperor, who stimulates
       the exertions of a powerful Navy League. That there is an
       effective disapproval of the policy in high political circles
       has been shown lately by the publication of some expressions
       on the subject by the late Herr von Holstein, who was for many
       years the chief of the Political Department of the German
       Foreign Office,—the mentor and prompter from behind the scenes
       of several successive Chancellors of the Empire. In some
       reminiscences of this important official, by an intimate
       friend, Herr von Rath, who published them in September, 1909,
       he is quoted as having, in 1907, denounced what he called
       "navy fever" in Germany in these strong words;

       "This dangerous disease is fed upon the fear of an attack by
       England, which is not in accordance with facts. The effect
       of the ‘navy fever’ is pernicious in three directions—in
       domestic politics on account of the intrigues of the Navy
       League, which also produce the greatest ill-feeling in South
       Germany; in the finances on account of the prohibitive
       expenditure; in foreign politics on account of the mistrust
       which these armaments awake. England sees in them a menace
       which keeps her bound to the side of France. At the same time,
       even with taxation strained to the utmost limit, the
       construction of a fleet able to cope with the united fleets of
       England and France is entirely out of the question. From the
       menace which everybody in England sees in German naval
       construction the present Liberal Government in England will
       not draw serious conclusions. It will be different when the
       Conservatives come into power. The danger of war between
       Germany on the one hand and England and France on the other is
       even today playing a part in the political calculations of
       other countries. Against armaments on land nobody will offer
       any objection, because they are justified by the needs of
       defence. In our naval armaments several Powers see a perpetual
       menace.

       "Even among Parliamentary Deputies there are many who condemn
       the ‘navy fever,’ but no one of them will take the
       responsibility of refusing to vote ships, a responsibility
       which would recoil upon him in the event of a defeat at sea.
       Anybody who to-day makes a stand against the prevailing ‘navy
       fever’ is attacked from all sides as wanting in patriotism,
       but a few years hence the justice of my opinion will be
       established."

       According to Herr von Rath, Herr von Holstein declared in
       February, 1909, three months before his death, that the navy
       question transcended all others in importance. He is said to
       have watched with approval the campaign which is still more or
       less vigorously carried on by Vice-Admiral Galster and others
       against the "big ship policy," and to have said, with
       reference to one of Admiral Galster’s pamphlets:—"The main
       thing is to expose the lying and treacherous fallacy expressed
       in the statement that every fresh ship is an addition to the
       power of Germany—when every fresh ship causes England, to say
       nothing of France, to build two ships."

       The Vice-Admiral Galster here referred to contends that
       submarines are more effective for defence than Dreadnoughts,
       and he labors to persuade his fellow countrymen to be
       satisfied with defensive armament, repudiating what creates
       suspicion of offensive designs.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
       School Peace League, The American.

       "The American School Peace League [organized in 1908] aims to
       secure the cooperation of the educational public of America in
       the project for promoting international justice and equity. …
       It is hoped that every teacher in the country will subscribe
       to the purposes of the League by becoming a member. Much of
       the work will be done by committees, five of which have been
       organized up to the present time. …

    {724}

       "The Committee on Meetings and Discussion aims to induce
       educational associations throughout the country to place the
       subject of internationalism on their programs. It also seeks
       to stimulate literary and debating societies, in colleges and
       schools, to study the subject. The Committee recommends to
       educational associations the establishment of International
       Committees, or Departments, for the purpose of making a
       detailed study of the relation of the International Movement
       to school instruction.

       "The Committee on Publications intends to build up a body of
       literature, dealing with the interrelation between peoples and
       nations along political, industrial, and social lines. To this
       end, the Committee purposes to issue, directly or indirectly,
       a series of publications for the young, that may be used in
       the geography, history, science, and literature classes; it
       also intends to make a collection of the present songs which
       illustrate the peace sentiment, and to stimulate the writing
       of new ones.

       "The Press Committee, which comprises some of the leading
       educational editors of the country, is prepared to acquaint
       teachers with the work of the League through the columns of
       the educational magazines.

       "The Committee on Teaching History will study the textbooks
       with reference to the space devoted respectively to war and to
       peace. It hopes to develop among teachers a sentiment which
       shall lay emphasis on the arts of peace, and on the industrial
       and social conditions of the people, rather than on campaigns,
       battles, and other military details. It further aims to
       arrange, if possible, courses in history to be given at summer
       schools and teachers’ institutes, with special attention to
       the growth of international friendship.

       "The International Committee intends to make a constructive
       study of international cooperation in activities which
       particularly affect educational work."

          Mrs. Fannie Fern Andrews, Secretary.
          Objects of the American School Peace League,

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1908.
       Evasion of the Conscription in Russia.

       According to statistics published in the spring of 1909 by the
       military organ, the Russky Invalid, the conscription of
       1908 took place in the following circumstances. The annual
       contingent had been fixed by the Duma at 456,481 men.
       Altogether 1,281,655 conscripts were called up for
       examination. Of this huge number 80,165 men failed to appear,
       including 20,693 Jews, out of a total of 64,005 Jews
       conscripted. The largest number of absentees was in the
       provinces of Suwalki, Lomja, Plotzk, and Kovno. It is from
       these provinces that a general exodus of Polish, Lithuanian,
       and Jewish youths to America is noticeable. The actual number
       found to be fit for military service in 1908 was 17,926 short
       of the contingent fixed by the Duma. This deficiency was
       composed of 943 Russians, 5,154 other Christians, 10,677 Jews,
       1,082 Mahomedans, and 70 other non-Christians. The recruiting
       stations noted a general falling off in the physique of the
       conscripts.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
       Changed Conditions in Europe making for Peace.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1909.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST:
       International School of Peace.
       Mr. Ginn’s Great Fund for Peace Propagandism.

       Members of the various Boston peace organizations took part
       last evening [December 15] in the formation of an
       International School of Peace. The idea originated with Edwin
       Ginn, the publisher, and the ‘house warming’ took place at No.
       29 Beacon Street, where a room was appropriately adorned for
       the occasion with the flags of many nations and large
       portraits of Sumner and Cobden and other great international
       leaders.

       "Mr. Ginn welcomed the company in a speech wherein the motives
       and experience which prompted him to found the school were set
       forth. He explained what he hoped of the organization, how he
       had for years appealed to various millionaires to unite with
       him in some larger provision than any which existed for the
       systematic education of the people in peace principles, the
       response to which had been disappointing.

       "Mr. Ginn felt that some large beginning must be made by
       somebody; and so he had appropriated $50,000 a year to the
       work from now on, and provided in his will that the bulk of
       his estate, after proper provision for family and friends,
       should go to this cause, which he felt to be the greatest and
       most necessary cause in the world. This action had brought him
       multitudes of letters, he said, and clearly awakened much
       interest; and if it prompted others to do much more than he
       could do, that was what he wanted. The friends of the cause,
       especially its wealthy friends, had been strangely asleep to
       the pressing need for this work of popular education. It must
       be thoroughly organized to reach the schools and colleges, the
       churches and newspapers and business men. He gave
       illustrations of the awful cost and waste of the present
       military system, which he said violated every principle of
       good business, political economy, and common sense. …

       ‘The room is not only a bureau for the office force, but a
       reading-room and library, where the latest information
       touching the progress of the movement will always be furnished
       to teachers, preachers, and all who are interested. Regular
       conferences upon the different aspects of the movement will
       also be held there."

          The Boston Transcript,
          December 16, 1909.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
       The Second National Peace Congress in the United States,
       assembled at Chicago.

       The Second National Peace Congress in the United States held
       its session in Chicago, May 3-5, 1909. The attendance was
       large, the speaking of high quality and the prevailing spirit
       earnest in its repudiation of all reasoning or feeling that is
       tolerant of the barbarism of war. Respectful attention was
       given to an address by the German Ambassador to the United
       States, Count Bernstorff, who defended the attitude of his
       Government on the question of a limitation of armaments, but
       the expressions of the Congress on the subject were not toned
       to agreement with his plea. Among its resolutions was the
       following:

       "Resolved, That no dispute between nations, except such as may
       involve the national life and independence, should be reserved
       from arbitration, and that a general treaty of obligatory
       arbitration should be included at the earliest possible date.
       Pending such a general treaty, we urge upon our government,
       and the other leading Powers, such broadening of the scope of
       their arbitration treaties as shall provide, after the example
       of the Danish Netherlands treaty, for the reference to the
       Hague Court of all differences whatever not settled otherwise
       by peaceful means."

    {725}

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
       The Annual Lake Mohonk Peace Conferences in the United States.

       The annual Peace Conferences at Lake Mohonk, in the United
       States, have been held with regularity. At the Fifteenth,
       convened in May, 1909, a strong resolution was adopted, asking
       the Government of the United States to consider "whether the
       peculiar position it occupies among the nations does not
       afford it a special opportunity to lead the way towards …
       carrying into effect the strongly expressed desire of the two
       Peace Conferences at The Hague, that the governments examine
       the possibility of an agreement as to the limitation of armed
       forces by land and sea, and of war budgets."

       Privately during the Conference there was discussion of the
       suggestion that if four or five of the great Powers—England,
       Germany, France, Italy, the United States, and Japan, and
       perhaps Spain and Russia—could join in establishing a Supreme
       Court of the nations, to which they would refer their
       difficulties, other nations would be compelled by the course
       of events to accept the tribunal and its decisions, and to
       come into participation in it on such terms as might later be
       agreed upon.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
       Exchange of Parliamentary Visits between France and Sweden.

       Seventy-six members of the French Parliament, representing the
       international arbitration group, visited Stockholm in July,
       1909, under the leadership of Baron d’Estournelles de
       Constant. The visit was paid in return for one made by the
       members of the three Scandinavian Parliaments to Paris some
       time before.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
       A World Petition for a General Treaty
       of Obligatory Arbitration.

       At the annual meeting of the International Peace Bureau at
       Brussels, October 9, 1909, the following resolution was
       adopted, expressing approval of the world-petition to the
       third Hague Conference in favor of a general treaty of
       obligatory arbitration:

       "Whereas, Public opinion, if recorded, will
       prove an influential factor at the third Hague Conference; and

       Whereas, The ‘world-petition to the third Hague
       Conference’ has begun to successfully establish a statistical
       record of the men and women in every country who desire to
       support the governments in their efforts to perfect the new
       international order based on the principle of the solidarity
       of all nations;

       Resolved, That the Commission and the General Assembly
       of the International Peace Bureau, meeting at Brussels October
       8 and 9, 1909, urgently recommend the signing of the
       ‘world-petition to the third Hague Conference.’"

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
       Evasion of Military Service in France.
       Spread of Anti-Militarism.

       According to returns of the recruiting for the French Army,
       published in the summer of 1909, there appears to be a steady
       increase in the evasion of service by young men at the times
       they are required by law to enter it. "Since 1906, when the
       number of refractory recruits amounted to 4,567, the figures
       have slowly risen, until they have now reached 11,782. The
       soldat insoumis may be punished in France by
       imprisonment of from one month to one year. But on about an
       average of every two years during the last 20 years Parliament
       has regularly voted an Amnesty Bill in favour of deserters and
       recalcitrant recruits or reservists." This is one supposed
       cause of the increasing evasions; but a more important
       influence working with it is the propagandism of anti-military
       doctrines, preached passionately by Gustav Hervé, accepted
       widely, it is said, among the primary teachers of the country,
       as well as in the ranks of the workingmen. The General
       Confederation of Labor is reported to be distributing annually
    some thousands of "soldiers’ manuals" in which desertion is urged
       as a duty to humanity at large.

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909 (October).
       American Proposal that the Prize Court now established be
       also a Court of Arbitral Justice.

       By reference to the proceedings of the Second Peace Conference
       at The Hague, as set forth above, it will be seen that the
       Conference gave favorable consideration to a draft Convention
       for the creation of a "Judicial Arbitration Court" (the text
       of which draft is given at the end of said proceedings), and
       that the Conference went so far as to declare the
       "advisability of adopting … and of bringing it into force as
       soon as an agreement has been reached respecting the selection
       of the judges and the constitution of the Court." It will be
       seen, also, that the Conference adopted measures for the
       creation of an International Prize Court, preliminary to which
       an International Naval Conference was held in London from
       December 4, 1908, until February 26, 1909. At that Conference
       a suggestion was made that "the jurisdiction of the
       International Prize Court might be extended, by agreement
       between two or more of the signatory Powers, to cover cases at
       present excluded from its jurisdiction by the express terms of
       the Prize Court Convention, and that in the hearing of such
       cases that Court should have the functions and follow the
       procedure laid down in the draft Convention relative to the
       creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court, which was annexed to
       the Final Act of the Second Peace Conference, of 1907."

       In line with this suggestion, it was made known, in the later
       part of the past year, that the Government of the United
       States, through its State Department, had proposed in a
       circular note to the Powers, that the Prize Court should be
       invested with the jurisdiction and functions of the proposed
       Judicial Arbitration Court. The difficulties in selecting
       judges for that contemplated Court, which caused the creation
       of it to be postponed in 1907, would thus be happily
       surmounted, and, as remarked by Secretary Knox, there would be
       at once given "to the world an international judicial body to
       adjudge cases arising in peace, as well as controversies
       incident to war."

    WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST: A. D. 1909.
       Attitude of the Workingmen.

       At the Twentieth International Congress of Miners, held in
       Berlin, in May, 1909, there were strong declarations for
       disarmament, and one Belgian delegate, M. Maroille, said
       significantly: If it were better organized the International
       Federation of Miners could by itself render wars impossible.
       They need not do anything violent or illegal; they had only to
       remain quiet, so very quiet that war could not be carried on.

    {726}

    WAR.

          See (in this Volume)
          Red Cross Society.

    WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
       Prime Minister of New Zealand.

          See (in this Volume)
          NEW ZEALAND A. D. 1906-1909.

    WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
       At the Imperial Conference of 1907.

          See (in this Volume)
          BRITISH EMPIRE: A. D. 1907.

    WARD, SIR JOSEPH GEORGE:
       Testimony on the Working of Woman Suffrage in New Zealand.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    WARSAW, DISTURBANCES IN.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905 (FEBRUARY-NOVEMBER).

    WASHBURN, Reverend. Dr. George:
       President of Robert College.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: TURKEY, &c.

    WASHINGTON, BOOKER T.:
       His work at Tuskegee Institute.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1906.

    WASHINGTON: A. D. 1908.
       Meeting of International Congress on Tuberculosis.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH. TUBERCULOSIS.

    WASHINGTON MEMORIAL INSTITUTION, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.

    WATER POWER TRUST:
       Threatened in the United States.
       Precautionary Measures taken.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909.

    WATERS AND WATER POWER, CONSERVATION OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES.

    WATERS-PIERCE OIL COMPANY.

          See (in this Volume)
          COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL, &c.:
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904-1909.

    WATERWAYS COMMISSION AND WATERWAYS TREATY.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

    WATKINS, THOMAS H.:
       On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902-1903.

    WATSON, J. C.:
       Premier of Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1903-1904.

    WATSON, Thomas E.:
       Nomination for President of the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1904 (MARCH-NOVEMBER),
          and 1908 (MARCH-NOVEMBER).

    WAZEER, GRAND.

          See (in this Volume)
          MOROCCO: A. D. 1903.

    WEALTH:
       Its Concentration in Great Britain.

       In a speech made in Parliament, on a motion to graduate the
       Income Tax, March 24, 1909, Mr. Chiozza-Money, who speaks with
       considerable authority on such subjects, made the following
       statements: "Statistics were available in Somerset House
       showing the product of the graduated scale of death duties
       imposed by Sir William Harcourt in 1894. Of the 700,000
       persons who died annually, only about 80,000 left sufficient
       property to need an inquisition by Somerset House. Out of the
       80,000 persons nearly the whole of the property was left by
       27,000 persons; and £200,000,000 worth of property was left by
       about 4,000 persons each year. This was not only a curious
       fact, but it was a constant fact in relation to this problem.
       He also showed that there had arisen a tendency among rich
       persons to devise part of their property before death in order
       to escape the death duties, with the result that a good deal
       of wealth did not come under the review of Somerset House.
       What he described as his own conservative estimate of the
       wealth of the United Kingdom was a total of about
       £11,500,000,000. Of that sum five millions of persons owned
       £10,900,000,000. One-ninth of the population owned 95 per
       cent. of the entire capital stock of the United Kingdom. Thus
       the whole of the country regarded as a business undertaking
       was in the hands of a handful of people. Taking the income of
       the country at 1,800 millions a year, there were about five
       million persons who took one-half and 39 millions the other
       half. Of the five million persons who took 900 millions of
       income about 1¼ million persons, or 250,000 families, took 600
       millions out of the 900 millions. From this state of facts the
       most terrible inequalities resulted, evidences of which could
       be seen along the Embankment and other parts of Westminster
       almost within a stone’s throw of that House."

    WEALTH PROBLEM, THE.
       The Question of a Progressive Taxation.

       "At this moment we are passing through a period of great
       unrest—social, political and industrial unrest. It is of the
       utmost importance for our future that this should prove to be
       not the unrest of mere rebelliousness against life, of mere
       dissatisfaction with the inevitable inequality of conditions,
       but the unrest of a resolute and eager ambition to secure the
       betterment of the individual and the nation. … It is a prime
       necessity that if the present unrest is to result in permanent
       good the emotion shall be translated into action, and that the
       action shall be marked by honesty, sanity, and self-restraint.
       There is mighty little good in a mere spasm of reform. The
       reform that counts is that which comes through steady,
       continuous growth; violent emotionalism leads to exhaustion.

       "It is important to this people to grapple with the problems
       connected with the amassing of enormous fortunes, and the use
       of those fortunes, both corporate and individual, in business.
       We should discriminate in the sharpest way between fortunes
       well won and fortunes ill won; between those gained as an
       incident to performing great services to the community as a
       whole, and those gained in evil fashion by keeping just within
       the limits of mere law-honesty. Of course no amount of charity
       in spending such fortunes in any way compensates for
       misconduct in making them. As a matter of personal conviction,
       and without pretending to discuss the details or formulate the
       system, I feel that we shall ultimately have to consider the
       adoption of some such scheme as that of a progressive tax on
       all fortunes, beyond a certain amount, either given in life or
       devised or bequeathed upon death to any individual—a tax so
       framed as to put it out of the power of the owner of one of
       these enormous fortunes to hand on more than a certain amount
       to any one individual; the tax, of course, to be imposed by
       the National and not the State Government. Such taxation
       should, of course, be aimed merely at the inheritance or
       transmission in their entirety of those fortunes swollen
       beyond all healthy limits."

          President Roosevelt,
          Address at the Laying of the Corner Stone of the
          Office-Building of the House of Representatives,
          April 14, 1906.

    WEAVER, JOHN: MAYOR OF PHILADELPHIA.

       See (in this Volume)
       MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    {727}

    WEEKLY REST DAY.

          See (in this Volume)
          SUNDAY OBSERVANCE.

    "WE FREES."

          See (in this Volume)
          SCOTLAND: A. D. 1904-1905.

    WEI-HAI-WEI:
       Strategic Worthlessness of the Port.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (FEBRUARY).

    WEKERLE, ALEXANDER: PRIME MINISTER OF HUNGARY.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA HUNGARY: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1908-1909.

    WELSH COERCION ACT.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: ENGLAND: A. D. 1902.

    WERMUTH, Herr:
       Secretary of the German Imperial Treasury.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908-1909.

    WEST AFRICA:
       White Colonization impossible in Present Conditions.

          See (in this Volume)
          AFRICA.

    WEST INDIES, DANISH:
       Failure of Projected Sale to the United States.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1902.

    WESTERN FEDERATION OF MINERS.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION. UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899-1907.

    WET, C. R. de.

          See (in this Volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    WEYLER, GENERAL Y NICOLAU:
       Suppression of Strike at Barcelona.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: SPAIN.

    WEYLER, GENERAL Y NICOLAU:
       Spanish Minister of War.

          See (in this Volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1901-1904.

    WHITE, HENRY:
       American Delegate to the Algeciras Conference'
       on the Morocco Question.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    WHITE HOUSE, THE:
       Its Restoration.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1902 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    WHITE MOUNTAIN FOREST, PRESERVATION OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES: UNITED STATES.

    WHITE SLAVE TRADE, MOVEMENT FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE.

       The movement for the suppression of what is now described as
       the White Slave Traffic, and which has grown into an important
       international organization, appears to have had its beginning
       in the formation of a committee at London, in 1880, "for the
       purpose of exposing and suppressing the [then] existing
       traffic in English, Scotch and Irish girls for foreign
       prostitution." This committee presented a memorial on the
       subject to Lord Granville, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs,
       setting out a statement of facts which "revealed the existence
       of systematic abduction to Brussels, and elsewhere on the
       Continent of Europe, of girls who were English subjects, and
       who, having been induced to go abroad under promise of
       obtaining employment or respectable situations, were on
       arrival taken to the office of the ‘Police des Mœurs’ for
       registration as prostitutes." The memorialists craved Lord
       Granville’s influence "in favour of measures which would
       render it impossible that British subjects, however humble,
       should in the future be subjected to such infamy and
       degradation, including the loss of their personal liberty."

       Such measures were taken, Parliament passing an Act which
       became law in 1885, with so much effectiveness that "the
       traffic was at once checked. The miscreants who were engaged
       in it were dismayed by its provisions, and within five years
       after the Act had come into operation the Burgomaster of
       Brussels, which had been the head-quarters of the traffic,
       questioned as to the effect produced by that measure, in April
       1890 wrote as follows: 'Comme suite à votre lettre du 15
       courant, j’ai l’honneur de vous faire connaître que depuis
       1880 aucune fille de nationalité Auglaise n’a été inscrite aux
       registres de Bruxelles.’ While, however, the traffic, so far
       as the United Kingdom was concerned, was thus almost
       extinguished, it seems to have increased and spread in certain
       districts of Eastern Europe to an extent which attracted the
       serious and alarmed attention of the Governments and public
       authorities of the countries immediately concerned. About the
       year 1898 the National Vigilance Society, headed by the late
       Duke of Westminster, then its President, resolved ‘to open
       definite measures for its mitigation—if possible, its
       suppression.’ This organization was fortunate in having for
       its Secretary and chief administrative officer Mr. William
       Alexander Coote, a man of remarkable energy and
       determination."

          Parliamentary Papers, 1907 (Cd. 3453).

       Mr. Coote went on a mission to the Continent and aroused the
       interest of the Governments most concerned. International
       conferences on the subject were held, in London, 1899, at
       Paris, 1902, and again at Paris in 1906, producing concerted
       action. In 1904 an International Agreement was signed at
       Paris, May 18, by the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain,
       Germany, Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Italy, the
       Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and Norway, and
       Switzerland, the first two articles of which were as follows:

       "Article 1.
       Each of the Contracting Governments undertakes to establish or
       name some authority charged with the co-ordination of all
       information relative to the procuring of women or girls for
       immoral purposes abroad; this authority shall be empowered to
       correspond direct with the similar department established in
       each of the other Contracting States.

       Article 2.
       Each of the Governments undertakes to have a watch kept,
       especially in railway stations, ports of embarkation, and
       en route, for persons in charge of women and girls
       destined for an immoral life. With this object instructions
       shall be given to the officials and all other qualified
       persons to obtain, within legal limits, all information likely
       to lead to the detection of criminal traffic. The arrival of
       persons who clearly appear to be the principals, accomplices
       in, or victims of, such traffic shall be notified, when it
       occurs, either to the authorities of the place of destination,
       or to the Diplomatic or Consular Agents interested, or to any
       other competent authorities."

          Parliamentary Papers, 1905,
          Treaty Series No. 24 (Cd. 2689).

       Meantime, in the United States, due attention was not given to
       the matter, until it was found that the abominable traffic had
       become organized to an appalling extent in the country,
       especially in connection with its foreign immigration, and had
       a principal seat in New York, with a suspected connivance on
       the part of men having political influence, if not official
       power. An investigation of the facts became one of the main
       objects of the Congressional Immigration Commission which
       pursued inquiries in Europe and America in 1909, and was the
       leading subject of the preliminary report made public by the
       Commission, December 10.
    {728}
       In this report the Commission says that the white slave
       traffic is the most pitiful phase of the immigration question.
       The business has assumed large proportions, and has exerted an
       evil influence upon the country. The inquiry covered the
       cities of New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Seattle, Portland,
       Salt Lake, Ogden, Butte, Denver, Buffalo, Boston, and New
       Orleans. No attempt was made to investigate conditions in
       every important city. But the commission believes that enough
       evidence with reference to women of different races and
       nationalities, living under different conditions has been
       obtained from localities sufficiently scattered to warrant the
       reports being used as a basis for official action.

       Among other recommendations of the Commission is one that the
       transportation of persons from one State, Territory, or
       district, to another for the purpose of prostitution be
       forbidden under heavy penalties. The commission also expresses
       the opinion that the Legislatures of the several States should
       consider the advisability of enacting more stringent laws
       regarding prostitution. It is suggested that the Illinois
       statute regarding pandering be carefully considered. A number
       of suggestions of administrative changes and more rigid
       enforcement of existing regulations by the Department of
       Commerce and Labor, particularly by the Bureau of Immigration,
       and amendments of the Immigration act itself are submitted by
       the commission.

       Legislation on the lines recommended is now pending in
       Congress and in New York and other States, while the alleged
       organization of the traffic in the city of New York is being
       investigated by a special grand jury of one of the State
       Courts.

    WICKERSHAM, GEORGE W.:
       Attorney-General.

          See (in this Volume )
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1909 (MARCH).

    WIJU.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
       Statement of his Peace Policy based on Preparation for War.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR.

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
       His speech at Tangier.

          See (in this Volume)
          EUROPE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor:
       His published Interview with an Englishman and its Effect.

          See (in this Volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1908 (NOVEMBER).

    WILSON, James:
       Secretary of Agriculture.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905; 1905-1909; AND 1909 (MARCH).

    WILSON, General John M.:
       On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

       See (in this Volume)
       LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1903-1903.

    WILSON, Woodrow:
       President of Princeton University.

          See (in this Volume)
          EDUCATION: UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1909.

    WINE-GROWERS’ REVOLT, IN FRANCE.

          See (in this Volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1907 (MAY-JULY).

    WINNIPEG: A. D. 1909.
       Meeting of British Association for the Advancement of Science.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: PHYSICAL.

    WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY.

          See (in this Volume and in Volume VI.)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900-1909.
       Governor and Senator La Follette.

       The recognized "new movement" in American politics which has
       been putting a distinctive mark on the last decade, directed
       towards the emancipation of parties from a selfishly organized
       system, or "machine," had nowhere in the West a more vigorous
       starting than in Wisconsin; and nobody can doubt that the
       initial force given to it there came mostly from the energy of
       the leader it found in Robert Marion La Follette. He had
       entered politics when he entered the profession of law, in
       1880. From 1889 to 1901 he was a representative in Congress.
       At the end of that period he had been elected Governor of his
       State, and he held the office for three terms, resigning it in
       1905 to accept a seat in the Senate of the United States,
       where he exercises a degree of independence not common in that
       assembly. All this advancement in public service has gone with
       a personal leadership in politics, resisted unavailingly by
       the old party organization.

    WISCONSIN: A. D. 1907.
       Enactment of Public Utilities Law.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC UTILITIES.

    WISCONSIN STATE UNIVERSITY:
       Its Legislative Reference Department and Municipal
       Reference Bureau.

          See (in this Volume).
          MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.

    WITBOIS, THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          Africa: A. D. 1904-1905,
          and
          GERMANY: A. D. 1906-1907.

    WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
       As Russian Finance Minister and practically as Premier.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1904-1905.

    WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
       Withdrawal from Premiership.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1906.

    WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
       Memorial to the Tsar on Religious Liberty and the Bondage
       of the Church to the State.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1905 (APRIL-AUGUST).

    WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch:
       Russian Plenipotentiary for negotiating Treaty of Peace
       with Japan.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1905 (JUNE-OCTOBER).

    WOLF’S HILL, The Capture of.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904-1905 (MAY-JANUARY).

    WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE.

    WOMEN, International Council of: A. D. 1909.
       Proceedings at Toronto.

       The International Council of Women was assembled at Toronto,
       Canada, in June, 1909, being then in the twenty-fifth year of
       its existence. Its large gatherings are undertaken but once in
       five years, executive meetings being held in years between.
       The Toronto session was opened on the 17th of June, and was
       prolonged interestingly for ten days. The delegates attending
       numbered 160, from all parts of Europe, America and
       Australasia, Great Britain sending the largest number. Germany
       comes next with 19, Sweden sends 7, Denmark 4, Italy 3,
       Austria-Hungary 5, Norway 10, Belgium 4, Greece 3, the
       Netherlands 11, Australasia 11, the United States 16, and
       Canada 11.

       Lady Aberdeen, the President of the Council, in her opening
       remarks, indicated the breadth of the ideas of service to the
       world which this international organization contemplates, when
       she said: "Having proved that we are truly representative of
       the women workers of the world and that within our various
       councils we have gathered organizations of women of all races,
       creeds, classes, and parties, what is the outcome?
    {729}
       What do we stand for? What practical contribution can we offer
       to the world’s welfare?" Turning to the Canadian delegates,
       she answered these questions by alluding to the sympathy that
       the National Council of Canada had created between the women
       of the different provinces and the way in which it had made
       them recognize their true relationship to their country and
       the world. From this Lady Aberdeen went on to say:

       "Our International Council must indeed be of necessity the
       strongest peace society that can exist, for if the homes of
       the different countries of the world are brought in touch with
       one another and understand and believe in one another, there
       can be no more war. Again, the health movement which our
       national councils’ reports show us is going on in all
       countries of the world is one that has within itself
       potentialities far beyond the immediate objects it aims at.
       What are these medical and scientific congresses, these
       international conferences on tuberculosis, infant mortality,
       school hygiene, temperance, and the like doing? Are they not
       bringing the world’s thinkers and workers into line for the
       preservation of life, for the furtherance of a high and
       vigorous type of life based on knowledge, principle, and
       self-control, for international action in the interests of the
       world’s health? Here is work which concerns all women in all
       countries, and in which every society has an interest. … But …
       the keynote of our success and influence must always lie in
       the fact that we lay stress in being more than doing, in the
       spirit of our work more than the work itself, in the motive
       underlying our union, rather than in our actual federation."

       Peace and Arbitration, Woman Suffrage (favored by a majority
       of the delegates in attendance), the "White Slave Traffic,"
       so-called, Public Health, Education, Immigration, cheapened
       International Postage, were among the principal subjects of
       discussion taken up on successive days.

       The next quinquennial council was appointed to be held at
       Rome, in 1914, with executive meetings in Sweden in 1911 and
       in the Netherlands in 1913. Lady Aberdeen was reelected
       President.

    WOMEN WORKERS:
       Legal Regulation of Hours and Conditions.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION: HOURS OF LABOR.

    WOOD, GENERAL LEONARD:
       Military Governor of Cuba.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    WOODWARD, Dr. Robert S.:
       President of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION: CARNEGIE INSTITUTION.

    WORKMEN.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION.

    WORKMEN’S COMPENSATION ACT, BRITISH.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR PROTECTION.

    WORLD MOVEMENTS:
       Fichte’s Prophecy of a World Commonwealth.
       The Progress of a Century toward its Fulfilment.

       "Fichte says: ‘It is the vocation of our race to unite itself
       into one single body, all the parts of which shall be
       thoroughly known to each other, and all possessed of similar
       culture. Nature, and even the passions and vices of men have,
       from the beginning, tended towards this end: a great part of
       the way towards it is already passed, and we may surely
       calculate that this end, which is the condition of all further
       progress, will in time be attained. … Until the existing
       culture of every age shall have been diffused over the whole
       inhabited globe, and our race become capable of the most
       unlimited inter-communication with itself, one nation or one
       continent must pause on the great common path of progress, and
       wait for the advance of the others; and each must bring as an
       offering to the universal commonwealth, for the sake of which
       alone it exists, its ages of apparent immobility, or
       retrogression. When that first point shall have been attained,
       when every useful discovery made at one end of the earth shall
       be at once made known and communicated to all the rest, then,
       without further interruption, without halt or regress, with
       united strength and equal step, humanity shall move onward to
       a higher culture, of which we can at present form no
       conception.’

       "This was an end-of-the-eighteenth-century utterance, and
       events have followed it as if it were a resistless fiat
       compelling its own fulfilment, rather than the dictum of a
       philosopher. The nations have striven fiercely to carry
       forward the work which the great Seer pointed to as the
       essential condition of the higher progress. Inspired by varied
       aims, and carried forward by diverse means, the end has been
       ever the same. The missionary with his religious mandate, the
       devil-may-care adventurer seeking excitement, the restless
       military caste craving advancement, the trader thirsting for
       gain, all promote the ‘Divine plan.’ …

       "The pride of independent nationality must gradually give way
       to the pride of being members of the great confederations. The
       transition from Nationalism to internationalism will be
       brought about by a threefold pressure, and will be rendered
       easy by the system we have evolved with our great Colonies.
       There will be the pressure of the higher organisation on the
       lower, the larger upon the less; there will be racial
       pressure, as yellow and black begin to feel their power; and
       there will be commercial pressure. This irresistible pressure
       will be gradually recognised as a benevolent despotism forcing
       the practical recognition of the brotherhood of man.

       "With regard to commercial pressure. A glance ahead will show
       that the Western nations, in forcing their trade on yellow and
       black races, are educating the latter into formidable
       competitors. Like the Japs they will better the instruction,
       and, with their more favourable economic conditions, will
       flood the Western world with commodities at prices it cannot
       compete with. To avoid being dragged down to their lower level
       of subsistence the great world powers will be compelled to
       draw a ring-fence of tariffs round their possessions. In our
       case the British Empire contains nearly all climates and
       resources that will enable it to be entirely self-contained
       and self-supporting. The comparative free trade within the
       fence will starve isolated countries to come in.

    {730}

       "There is no reason why an Empire such as ours should not be
       much more truly happy and prosperous than it has yet been, if
       we organise it scientifically. The loss of our abnormal
       position in foreign trade will be a blessing if we exercise
       foresight. In the furtherance of the World-purpose it was
       necessary that the progressive nations should for a time
       worship foreign trade as a fetich, and as the chief means of
       prosperity. Nothing else would have given them the needed
       stimulus, and forced them to such Herculean efforts to conquer
       and keep foreign markets. But when all foreign markets have
       been opened up, and we have unintentionally educated other
       races, not only to supply their own wants, but to swamp us
       with their manufactures, then we must readjust our ideas, and
       adopt less one-sided aims. In our ambition to be the Cheap
       John of the world, we have developed some of our resources
       abnormally, and neglected others. To foster foreign trade we
       converted a large part of our island home into black country,
       we have been prodigally wasteful of our mineral resources, and
       have neglected our agriculture. In striving for foreign
       markets we have neglected the best market in the world—the
       Home market—and have left ourselves miserably dependent on the
       foreigner. This is really incipient heart disease of the
       Empire.

       "It was providential that we adopted ‘free trade’ when we did,
       as it gives a moral justification for our annexations which no
       protective nation can show; but as the other great Powers
       extend their sway, and their tariff barriers, we shall cease
       to need our free trade justification. Then we can reconsider
       the case."

          E. W. Cook,
          The Organisation of Mankind
          (Contemporary Review, September, 1901).

    WORLD MOVEMENTS:
       The Making of a World Constitution and the development
       of World Legislation.

       "In the relations of nations to one another, as proved by
       their treaties and code of international law, certain truths
       are recognized which involve the very nature of mankind as a
       created whole. That is, there is a world-constitution,
       unwritten, not called by that name, but existing as truly as
       the animal creation existed before it was named by man, and as
       independent of his recognition and his naming as the animal
       creation was independent of human recognition. Though that
       world-constitution has remained obscure and unrecognized, yet
       world progress toward its formal expression has been
       wonderfully rapid in recent years.

       "In the first place that constitution is bringing about the
       formal existence of an organ for the use and for the
       expression of the intelligence and the will of the world.
       Nations, repeatedly, in separate congresses, upon special
       subjects, have expressed their intelligence and their will,
       and have entrusted to the nations severally the duty of
       carrying out that will, as is most perfectly illustrated in
       the case of the Universal Postal Union. That is, the nations
       are creating a world legislative department.

       "In the next place, the establishment of the Hague Court of
       Arbitration is doubtless the beginning of the establishment of
       a judicial department which will include other duties than the
       settlement of causes dangerous to the peace of nations.
       Lastly, the formal establishment of some world-executive will
       not long lag behind the creation of the legislative and
       judicial departments. The world is moving rapidly toward
       political organization as one body, and the situation must
       soon reveal itself to present doubters."

          R. L. Bridgman,
          World-Organization secures World-Peace
          (Atlantic Monthly, September, 1904).

       "At the session of the Massachusetts Legislature of 1902 a
       petition was presented in favor of a world-legislature. That
       petition was referred to the Legislature of 1903 in order that
       the subject might receive further public consideration, and
       the chairman of the committee which heard the petitioners
       said, in each branch respectively, that the proposal was
       meritorious. According to the report, the petition is pending
       before the Legislature of 1903, with hundreds of signers,
       including some of the best citizens. The American Peace
       Society, by vote of its directors, signed the petition, while
       it also presented another petition of its own, asking for a
       movement for a world-conference or congress, with
       recommendatory powers, to meet at stated intervals, say once
       in seven years. Thus the proposal of world-organization is
       formally before the public.

       "Since the first petition was presented repeated instances
       have occurred to support the main argument for it,—that
       business exigencies of the world were becoming so urgent that
       world-organization, as a necessity, would precede the efforts
       of pure philanthropy or statesmanship for the same end. Early
       in the year came the Pan-American Congress. Among its
       proposals, suited for a world-scale, were these: a
       Pan-American bank; a custom-house congress, and an
       international customs commission; a statistical bureau of
       international scope; an international copyright law; an
       international commission to codify international law;
       international regulations to cover inventions and trademarks;
       a common treaty of extradition and protection against anarchy;
       international regulations for the world-wide practice of the
       liberal professions; an international archaeological
       commission; an international office as depositary of the
       archives of international conferences; an international
       regulation granting equal rights to all foreigners from any of
       the signatory countries, and some minor plans.

       "Other world-propositions which developed during the year
       included (in January) the organization of the International
       Banking Corporation, with power, under a Connecticut charter,
       of doing business all over the world; (early in the year)
       circulation by the Manchester (England) Statistical Society of
       a pamphlet advocating an international gold coinage; (in July)
       suggestion by Russia of an international conference to protect
       the nations against trusts and other private operations of
       capital; (in July) another plan for an international bank; (in
       August) meeting of the International Congress on Commerce and
       Industry; and (in December) the meeting of the International
       Sanitary Conference in Washington; to which may be added (in
       January, 1903) the meeting in New York of the International
       Customs Congress. For one year that is a notable record of
       progress toward world-organization in matters of business, not
       as matters of theory or of pure philanthropy. These instances
       illustrate the truth, which many persons still fail to
       realize, that the world is getting together at a rapid rate,
       and that, as a matter of self-interest, the nations must soon
       have a permanent legislative body as a means of establishing
       regulations for the benefit of all.

    {731}

       "Pertinent to the case is the fact that world-legislation has
       occurred repeatedly, though no world-legislature has been
       organized. … In the case of the International Postal Union we
       have absolute world-legislation. … That is the most
       conspicuous and most successful illustration of
       world-legislation, because it embraces organized mankind, and
       because it is so eminently successful. …

       "Mention may be made of the International Conference in
       Washington, in 1885, for the establishment of a common prime
       meridian, at which twenty-six nations were represented. At the
       International Sanitary Conference in Vienna in 1892, fifteen
       nations were represented. At the Dresden International
       Sanitary Conference in 1893, nineteen nations were
       represented."

          R. L. Bridgman,
          A World-Legislature
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1903).

    WORLD MOVEMENTS:
       The Passing of the Age of Colonial Dominion.
       The Coming of the Epoch of the "Open Door."

       The old notions of colonial dominion, which had pricked the
       ambition of nations since the sixteenth century, came
       practically to the end of their working in the last years of
       the nineteenth. The European partitioning of Africa, in the
       decade after 1884, the scramble for footings in China between
       1897 and the Boxer rising, and the Spanish-American War of
       1898, may be looked upon as the expiring operations of
       statesmanship on lines of "colonial policy," in the
       acquisitive sense. As certainly as anything in politics can be
       certain, the epoch of the founding and spreading of colonial
       dominions came then to its close.

       The colonial policy of that epoch meant colonial dominion
       necessarily, for the reason that the commerce-spreading
       nations of the West could not think of agreeing to open doors
       of trade with the feebler or more backward folk of the East.
       Each could make sure of marts in the great orient and oceanic
       region only by seizing and walling them in, behind well-locked
       doors, to keep the others out. Now, however, they have arrived
       at a state of things in the world which compels them to think
       of the "open door" for commerce, as a substitute for the
       colonial dependency, held under lock and key. Several changes
       have worked together in bringing this new situation about.

       Principally, of course, it results from the near approach to
       an exhaustion of the territory available for easy conquest and
       colony-making. Africa and the great archipelagos of the South
       Sea have all been divided up. Japan, with China making ready
       to stand with her, has undertaken a policing of Eastern Asia,
       to stop the staking out of lawless claims there. Moreover,
       confidence in the stability as well as belief in the
       usefulness of colonial dominion is much shaken of late, by
       increasing signs of relaxing bonds in the great British
       Empire, without much sign of harm to the prosperity or the
       power of the imperial nation itself. Several of the outlying
       dependencies of the British crown have grown to so much of
       independence that they have taken the doorkeeping of their
       commerce into their own hands and the sovereign mother country
       makes no objection or complaint.

       For many years past the commercial experience of England has
       been furnishing proof that trade and dominion, under the
       conditions of the present day, have little of necessary
       connection with each other; and now the Germans, within later
       years, have been adding to that proof. The few colonies they
       have laid hands on, in Africa and Oceanica, have been of less
       profit than expense to them; but, more rapidly than any other
       people, they have pushed their trade in regions where they
       have no political influence or control, by sheer energy and
       careful learning of the conditions to be met.

       The commercial mind, which has always dictated the policies of
       government, is being thus compelled to turn its thought to the
       "open door," and that, as a commercial aim, will evidently
       extinguish colonial undertakings hereafter. It ruled the
       settlement of the Chinese troubles of 1900 (thanks to John
       Hay); it has gone into the recent treaties of Japan with
       England, Russia and France; it gave a practicable solution to
       the Morocco problem, at the Algeciras conference; it furnished
       the ground in 1907 for an arrangement of long-troubled
       relations between England and Russia in Persia, Tibet, and
       Afghanistan.

       Manifestly, the commercial policy of the future is to be, not
       the policy of colonial dependencies, but the policy of open
       doors. Even the imperialists and the stand-patters of the
       United States will have to accept it; and in due time the
       tariff-walled nations, after practicing themselves
       sufficiently in the dictatorial opening of other people’s
       doors, will be ready to unlock their own.

    WORLD MOVEMENTS:
       For and against War.

          See (in this Volume)
          WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR,
          and
          WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST.

    World’s Prohibition Confederation.

          See (in this Volume)
          ALCOHOL PROBLEM; INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.

    WOS Y GIL, GENERAL:
       Revolutionary President of San Domingo.

          See (in this Volume)
          SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1904-1907

    WRIGHT, DR. A. E.,
    WRIGHT, DR. DOUGLAS;
       The Discoverers of Opsonins.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT. OPSONINS.

    WRIGHT, Carroll D.:
       On the Anthracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission.

          See (in this Volume)
          LABOR ORGANIZATION: UNITED STATES; A. D. 1902-1903.

    WRIGHT, GENERAL LUKE E.:
       Secretary of War.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1905-1909.

    WRIGHT, ORVILLE AND WILBUR.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    WURTEMBERG: A. D. 1906.
       Displacement of Privileged Members from the Parliament.

          See (in this Volume)
          ELECTIVE FRANCHISE: GERMANY: A. D. 1906.

    WYNDHAM, G.:
       Chief Secretary for Ireland.

          See (in this Volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1902 (JULY).

    WYNNE, Robert J.:
       Postmaster-General.

          See (in this Volume)
          UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901-1905.

    {732}

    Y.

    YALU, BATTLES AT THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    YAMAGATA, Prince Aritomo.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1903 (JUNE) and 1909 (OCTOBER).

    YANGTZULING, BATTLE OF.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    YASHIMA, SINKING OF THE.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-AUGUST).

    YASS-CANBERRA.
       Chosen Site of the Capital of Australia.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1905-1906.

    YELLOW FEVER.

          See (in this Volume)
          PUBLIC HEALTH.

    YOUNG EGYPT.

          See (in this Volume)
          EGYPT. A. D. 1909 (SEPTEMBER).

    YOUNG FINNS:

          See (in this Volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1908-1909.

    YOUNG TURKS.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1908 (JULY-DECEMBER), and after.

    YOUNGHUSBAND, COLONEL GEORGE J.:
       Mission to Tibet.

          See (in this Volume)
          TIBET: A. D. 1902-1904.

    YOUSSUF IZEDDIN.

          See (in this Volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY-MAY).

    YUAN SHIH-KAI:
       His abrupt Dismissal from Office.

          See (in this Volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1909 (JANUARY).

    YUKON DISTRICT, THE:
       Census, 1901.

          See (in this Volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1901-1902.

    YUSHIN-KAI.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1909.

    ZAHLE MINISTRY.

          See (in this Volume)
          DENMARK: A. D. 1905-1909.

    ZAIMIS, M.,
       High Commissioner of Crete.

          See (in this Volume)
          CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906.

    ZAMENHOF, DR.:
       Inventor of Esperanto.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: ESPERANTO.

    ZANARDELLI, Giuseppe:
       Premier of Italy.

          See (in this Volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1901 and 1903.

    ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1903.
       Practical Ending of Slavery.

       The following remarks are from reports made by British
       consular officers in 1903. By decree of the Sultan of Zanzibar
       the legal status of slavery was annulled in 1897: "As I have
       anticipated in my former Reports, the number of slaves who
       have thought fit to present themselves for freedom to the
       Zanzibar Government has been very small. … It is as well known
       as ever throughout the Island of Zanzibar that a slave has
       only to appear and ask for freedom and it is immediately
       granted. But the slaves have long since discovered that
       freedom is not such ‘a bed of roses’ as was anticipated. They
       have learnt that practically they lose far more than they gain
       by leaving their owners to get freedom, and then having to
       find a new home and support themselves."

       "The slavery question may be said to be at an end in Pemba.
       Those slaves who still remain in a state of servitude are
       slaves only in name, and they continue to be so of their own
       free will, for there is not a man or a woman at this time in
       the island unaware of the fact that any slave can obtain
       manumission for the asking. A small number of slaves do apply
       for and obtain their freedom month by month, but the bulk of
       the servile population in Pemba appear to be content with
       their existing status."

    ZASULICH, General.

          See (in this Volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1904 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    ZAYISTAS.

          See (in this Volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1906-1909.

    ZEEMAN, Peter.

          See (in this Volume)
          NOBEL PRIZES.

    ZELAYA, JOSE CANTOS:
       President of Nicaragua.

          See (in this Volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: NICARAGUA: A. D. 1909.

    ZEMSTVOS, RUSSIAN.

          See (in this Volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905-1907.

    ZEPPELIN, Count.

          See (in this Volume)
          SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT: AERONAUTICS.

    ZICHY, Count.

          See (in this Volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906.

    ZIEGLER ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS.

          See (in this Volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    ZIL-ES-SULTAN.

          See (in this Volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1907-1908 (SEPTEMBER-JUNE).

    ZULUS, The:
       Their revolt in 1906.

          See (in this Volume)
          South Africa.

    {733}

    COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING

    PREPARED by C. W. CHASE

       As an aid to those possessors of this work who may wish to
       pursue in it regular courses of reading or study, the
       following directory, as it may be called, has been prepared by
       a gentleman whose acquaintance with the contents of the
       Volumes and with their arrangement is very thorough, and whose
       equipment of historical knowledge is large. This responds to a
       great number of requests and suggestions that have been coming
       to the publishers of "History for Ready Reference," ever since
       it began to make itself known as the best of compilations for
       "Topical Reading" in history, as well as for "Ready
       Reference," because drawn from the best historical writers in
       their own exact words.

       Those who make use of these "Studies" should bear in mind that
       the first five Volumes of "History for Ready Reference" cover
       all times, from the earliest, down to its publication in 1895,
       and are under one comprehensive arrangement, for which reason
       the numbering of pages in those Volumes is consecutive from
       the first to the last; whereas Volumes VI. and VII. deal with
       two succeeding periods, of Recent History, and have separately
       numbered pages. Hence reference in the "Studies" to pages in
       the first five Volumes is without mention of the number of the
       Volume.

       On revision of the original five-Volume work in 1901 some
       rearrangement of matter occurred which changed the page
       numbers. This necessitates the giving of both new and old
       numbers in the reference to every matter within those Volumes.
       For copies of the work purchased before 1901 the numbers are
       in parenthesis, and those for the later edition precede them.

       The following is a subject index to the "Studies" appended:

    ALEXANDER’S CONQUESTS:
       Study X.

    AMERICA:
       Study XXIII.

          (See, also, UNITED STATES, CANADA, and SPANISH AMERICA.)

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:
       Studies
       XIV.,
       XV.,
       XXVII.,
       XXXIV.,
       XXXV.,
       XXXVI.

    BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA:
       Study IV.

    CANADA:
       Study XLIX.

    CHINA:
       Studies
       VII., LI.

    CHRISTIANITY:
       Studies
       XVIII.,
       XIX.,
       XX.,
       XXIV.

    CRUSADES:
       Study XXV.

    EGYPT, ANCIENT:
       Study V.

    ENGLAND:
       Studies
       XXVIII.,
       XXIX.,
       XXX.,
       XXXI.,
       XXXII.,
       XXXIII.,
       XXXV.,
       XXXVI.,
       XLII.,
       XLVIII.

    EUROPE AT LARGE:
       Studies
       XII.,
       XIII.,
       XIV.,
       XVIII.,
       XIX.,
       XX.,
       XXII.,
       XXIII.,
       XXIV.,
       XXV.,
       XXVII.,
       XXXIV.,
       XXXV.,
       XXXVI.

    FRANCE:
       Studies
       XIII.,
       XIV.,
       XVI.,
       XXIII.,
       XXIV.,
       XXV.,
       XXXIV.,
       XXXV.,
       XXXVI.,
       XLIII.

    FRENCH REVOLUTION AND NAPOLEON:
       Studies
       XXXV
       XXXVI.

    GERMANY:
       Studies
       XIII.,
       XIV.,
       XV.,
       XXIII.,
       XXIV.,
       XXVII.,
       XXXIV.,
       XXXV.,
       XXXVI.,
       XLIV.

    GREAT BRITAIN.

       See ENGLAND.

    GREECE, ANCIENT:
       Studies
       VIII.,
       IX.,
       X.

    HISTORY AND ITS STUDY:
       Study I.

    INDIA, ANCIENT:
       Study VII.

    ITALY, MEDIÆVAL AND MODERN:
       Studies
       XIV.,
       XVII.,
       XXIII.,
       XXXV.,
       XXXVI.,
       LV.

    JAPAN:
       Study L.

    JEWS:
       Study VI.

    MIDDLE AGES:
       Studies
       XIII.,
       XIV.,
       XV.,
       XVI.,
       XVII.

    MOHAMMEDANISM:
       Studies
       XXI.,
       XXII.

    MONASTICISM:
       Study XX.

    NETHERLANDS:
       Study XXVI.

    PAPACY:
       Study
       XIX.,
       XXIV.,
       XXV.

    PRIMITIVE PEOPLES:
       Studies
       II.,
       III.

    REFORMATION, PROTESTANT:
       Studies
       XXIV.,
       XXV.

    RENAISSANCE:
       Study XXIII.

    ROME, ANCIENT:
       Studies
       XI.,
       XII.,
       XIII.

    RUSSIA:
       Study LII.

    SPAIN:
       Studies
       XXVI.,
       XXXVI.

    SPANISH AMERICA:
       Study LIV.

          (See, also, AMERICA.)

    TURKISH EMPIRE:
       Study LIII.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
       Studies
       XXXVII.,
       XXXVIII.,
       XXXIX.,
       XL.,
       XLI.,
       XLV.,
       XLVI.,
       XLVII.

    {734}

    APPENDIX

    COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING

       Note.

       The text of "History for Ready Reference" is made up of matter
       taken from the best writers and special students of all ages
       and all nations. Under the various topics in these Studies,
       therefore, the historical works referred to are those from
       which the matter of the text is taken; the figures following
       each citation indicating the pages in "History for Ready
       Reference" where the matter may be found,—the figures inclosed
       in parentheses showing where the same matter may be found in
       the first (1895) edition of the work. These extracts vary from
       a quarter of a column to five or six columns in length.

       [Transcriber's note—A colon (:) at the end of a line
       indicates the following line begins a subheading,
       a citation, or the citation title.]

    STUDY I.

    HISTORY AND ITS STUDY.

       "It is seldom appreciated what a very large share of the
       world’s literature is history of some sort. The primitive
       savage is probably the only kind of a man who takes no
       interest in it. But as soon as a spark of civilization
       illumines this primitive darkness men begin to take interest
       in other men,—not only beyond their immediate surroundings,
       but beyond the limits of their own generation. Interest in the
       past and provision for the future are perhaps essential
       differences between the civilized man and the savage.
       Accordingly as this care for the past and future increases,
       all literature divides itself into that which concerns the
       forces of nature, and that which concerns the history of man."

          PROFESSOR J. P. MAHAFFY.

    1. VARIOUS VIEWS AS TO WHAT HISTORY IS:

       R. Flint:
       History of the Philosophy of History,
       1686-1687 (1648-1649).
       archive.org/details/historyphilosop00flingoog

       "With us the word ‘History,’ like its equivalents in all
       modern languages, signifies either a form of literary
       composition, or the appropriate subject matter of such
       composition,—either a narrative of events, or events which may
       be narrated."
          R. FLINT.

    2. THE PROPER SUBJECTS AND OBJECTS OF HISTORY:

       E. A. Freeman:
       Practical Bearings of European History,
       1687-1688 (1648-1649).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History (Essays),
       1692 (1658).

       "The perfect historian is he in whose work the character and
       spirit of an age is exhibited in miniature. … By judicious
       selection, rejection, and arrangement, he gives to truth those
       attractions which have been usurped by fiction. … He shows us
       the court, the camp, and the senate. But he also shows us the
       nation. He considers no anecdote, no peculiarity of manner, no
       familiar saying, as too insignificant for his notice, which is
       not too insignificant to illustrate the operation of laws, of
       religion, and of education, and to mark the progress of the
       human mind."
          T. B. MACAULAY.

    3. THE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY:

       R. Flint:
       Philosophy of History,
       1688 (1649).

    4. HISTORY AS A SCIENCE;
       and
       HISTORY AS THE ROOT OF ALL SCIENCE:

       H. T. Buckle:
       History of Civilization in England,
       1688 (1649).
       www.gutenberg.org

       J. G. Droysen:
       Outline of the Principles of History,
       1689 (1650).
       archive.org/details/outlineofprincip01droy

       T. Carlyle:
       On History (Essays),
       1689-1690 (1650-1651).

       "There is, I speak humbly, in common with Natural Science, in
       the study of living History, a gradual approximation to a
       consciousness that we are growing into a perception of the
       workings of the Almighty ruler of the world. … The study of
       History is in this respect, as Coleridge said of Poetry, its
       own great reward, a thing to be loved and cultivated for its
       own sake. … For one great, insoluble problem of astronomy or
       geology, there are a thousand insoluble problems in the life,
       in the character, in the face of every man that meets you in
       the street. Thus, whether we look at the dignity of the
       subject matter, or at the nature of the mental exercise which
       it requires, or at the nature of the field over which the
       pursuit ranges, History, the knowledge of the adventures, the
       development, the changeful career, the varied growths, the
       ambitions, aspirations, and, if you like, the approximating
       destinies of mankind, claims a place second to none in the
       roll of Sciences."
          BISHOP STUBBS.

    5. HOW TO STUDY HISTORY:

       A. B. Hart:
       How to Study History,
       1693 (1654).

    6. THE EDUCATIONAL AND PRACTICAL VALUE OF HISTORY;
       ITS MORAL LESSONS:

       J. A. Froude:
       Short Studies on Great Subjects,
       1690 (1651).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       The Political Value of History,
       1690 (1651).

       C. K. Adams:
       Manual of Historical Literature,
       1690-1691 (1651-1652).

       W. Stubbs:
       The Study of Modern History,
       1691 (1652).

       "The effect of historical reading is analogous, in many
       respects, to that produced by foreign travel. The student,
       like the tourist, is transported into a new state of society.
       He sees new fashions. He hears new modes of expression. His
       mind is enlarged by contemplating the wide diversities of
       laws, of morals, and of manners."
          T. B. MACAULAY.

    7. THE PROVINCE AND VALUE OF THE HISTORICAL ROMANCE:

       G. H. Lewes:
       Historical Romance,
       1692-1693 (1653-1654).

       A. Thierry:
       The Merovingian Era,
       1693 (1654).

       J. R. Seeley:
       History and Politics,
       1693 (1654).

       "To say that there is more real history in his (Scott’s)
       novels on Scotland and England than in the philosophically
       false compilations which still possess that great name, is not
       advancing anything strange in the eyes of those who have read
       and understood ‘Old Mortality,’ ‘Waverley,’ ‘Rob Roy,’ the
       ‘Fortunes of Nigel,’ and the ‘Heart of Midlothian.’"
          A. THIERRY.

       "We can hardly read the interesting Life of Lord Macaulay
       without perceiving that the most popular historical work of
       modern times owes its origin in a great measure to the
       Waverley Novels. Macaulay grew up in a world of novels: his
       youth and early manhood witnessed the appearance of the
       Waverley Novels themselves. He became naturally possessed by
       the idea which is expressed over and over again in his Essays,
       and which at last he realized with such wonderful success, the
       idea that it was quite possible to make history as interesting
       as romance."
          J. R. SEELEY.

    {736}

    8. THE IMPORTANCE OF A KNOWLEDGE OF UNIVERSAL HISTORY:

       O. Browning:
       The Teaching Of History In Schools,
       1604 (1655).

       "To know History is impossible; not even Mr. Freeman, not
       Professor Ranke himself, can be said to know history. … No
       one, therefore, should be discouraged from studying History.
       Its greatest service is not so much to increase our knowledge
       as to stimulate thought and broaden our intellectual horizon,
       and for this purpose no study is its equal."
          W. P. ATKINSON.

       STUDY II.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE DAWN OF HISTORY; PRIMITIVE PEOPLES.

    I. THE THREE MARKED DIVISIONS OF THE HUMAN RACE
       WHEN THE EARLIEST HISTORIC RECORD BEGINS:

    (a) The Aryan:
        144 (137), 145 (138) and
        Appendix A., Volume V. (Volume I).

    (b) The Semitic:
        2963-2966 (2886-2889).

    (c) The Turanian:
        3245, 1740, 2265 (3129, 1701, 2221).

    2. THESE DIVISIONS WERE NOT PROPERLY RACIAL, BUT LINGUISTIC,
       THOUGH USAGE HAS GIVEN THEM A RACIAL SIGNIFICANCE:

       "Aryan in Scientific language is utterly inapplicable to race.
       It means language, and nothing but language … I have declared
       again and again that if I say ‘Aryas,’ I mean simply those who
       speak the ‘Aryan’ language."
          MAX MÜLLER.

       "The ‘Semitic race’ owes its name to a confusion of ethnology
       and philology. A certain family of speech, composed of
       languages closely related to one another, and presupposing a
       common mother tongue, received the title of ‘Semitic’ … But
       whatever justification there may have been for speaking of a
       Semitic family of languages, there was none for speaking of a
       Semitic race."
          A. H. SAYCE.

    3. BIRTHPLACE OF THE ARYANS:

       C. F. Keary:
       The Dawn of History,
       144-145 (137-138).
       www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/52030.

       J. N. Larned:
       A Historical Sketch of Europe,
       1018 (990).

       J. Rhys:
       Race Theories,
       145 (138).

    4. EARLY ARYAN MIGRATIONS:

       (a) To India.

       W. W. Hunter:
       History of India,
       1740-1741 (1701-1702).

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       1741-1742 (1702-1703).

       M. Williams:
       Religious Thought in India,
       1742 (1703).

       (b) To Greece.

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       2603 (2535).

       C. W. C. Oman:
       History of Greece,
       1604-1605 (1566-1567).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1019-1021 (991-993).

       D. G. Hogarth:
       Authority and Archaeology,
       Volume VI., 23-25.

       (c) To Italy.

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1016-1017, 1845 (988-989, 1805).

       F. Haverfield:
       Authority and Archaeology,
       Volume VI., 25.

       (d) To Western Europe.

       J. Rhys:
       Celtic Britain,
       412 (402).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe, 1019 (991).

       (e) In General.

       Appendix A.
       at end of Volume V. (Volume I.).

       Ethnological Map,
       before Title Page, Volume I.

    5. ORIGIN OF THE SEMITIC PEOPLES:

       George Adam Smith:
       Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
       2964-2965 (2887-2888).

    6. THE VARIOUS DIVISIONS OF THE SEMITES:

       (a) In General.

       J. F. McCurdy:
       History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
       2963-2964 (2886-2887).

       (b) The Babylonian.

       J F. McCurdy:
       History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
       2965-2966 (2888-2889).

       Z. A. Ragozin:
       The Story of Chaldea,
       246-247 (239-240).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Recent Discoveries in Babylonia,
       Volume VI., 14-15.

       (c) The Canaanitic and Phoenician.

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History of East,
       2598-2599 (2530-2531).

       (d) The Hebraic.

       A. Kuenen:
       Religion of Israel,
       1936 (1895).

       H. Ewald:
       History of Israel,
       1937 (1896).

       S. R. Driver:
       Authority and Archaeology,
       Volume VI., 12.

    7. DISTINCTIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF SEMITES, AND THEIR
       CONTRIBUTION TO THE WORLD CIVILIZATION:

       A. H Sayce:
       Babylonian Literature,
       246 (239).

       E. Renan:
       Studies in Religious History,
       2965 (2888).

       "We owe to the Semitic race neither political life, art,
       poetry, philosophy, nor Science. What, then, do we owe to
       them? We owe to them Religion. The whole world, if we except
       India, China, Japan, and tribes altogether savage, has adopted
       the Semitic religion."
          E. RENAN.

    8. RELATION BETWEEN THE EARLY SEMITES AND THE PRIMITIVE CHINESE:

       R. K. Douglas:
       China,
       430-432 (416-418).

       T. de Lacouperie:
       History of Chinese Civilization,
       246 (239).

    9. ORIGIN AND RACIAL CONNECTIONS OF
       THE PRIMITIVE EGYPTIAN PEOPLES:

       H. Brugsch Bey:
       Egypt under the Pharaohs,
       777 (750).

       G. Rawlinson.
       History of Ancient Egypt,
       777 (750).

       W. M. F. Petrie:
       Recent Research in Egypt,
       Volume VI., 18-20.

    10. THE EARLIEST SEMITES KNOWN TO HISTORY:

       J. F. McCurdy:
       History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
       2965-2966 (2888-2889).

       Max Müller:
       The Enormous Antiquity of the East,
       2966 (2889).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Babylonian Literature,
       246 (239).

       "The Babylonians were … the first of the Semites to enter the
       arena of history, and they did so by virtue of the
       civilization to which they attained in and through their
       settlement on the lower Euphrates and Tigris."
          J. F. MCCURDY.

    {737}

       STUDY III.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE LIFE OF PRIMITIVE PEOPLES;
    ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

    1. GENERAL CHARACTER OF WORK OF EXCAVATION OF BURIED CITIES:

       W. M. F. Petrie.
       The Story of a "Tell,"
       782 (755).

       G. Smith:
       Assyrian Discoveries,
       149-150 (143).

       H. V. Hilprecht:
       Recent Research in Bible Lands,
       Volume VI., 12.

       Sunday School Times,
       Volume VI., 13.

    2. PREHISTORIC CULTURE AND CIVILIZATION:

       (a) Babylonia.

       A. H. Sayce:
       Babylonian Literature,
       246 (239).

       J. F. McCurdy:
       History, Prophecy, and The Monuments,
       2965-2966 (2888-2889).

       S. R. Driver:
       Authority and Archaeology,
       Volume VI., 12.

       Perrot and Chipiez:
       Art in Chaldæa and Assyria,
       2969 (2892).

       "When civilization makes up its mind to reenter upon that
       country, nothing more will be needed for the reawakening in it
       of life and reproductive energy, than the restoration of the
       great works undertaken by the contemporaries of Abraham and
       Jacob."
          PERROT AND CHIPIEZ.

    (b) Egypt.

       H. G. Tomkins:
       Studies on Times of Abraham,
       778-779 (751-752).

       W. M. F. Petrie:
       Recent Egyptian Exploration,
       Volume VI., 20, 21.

    (c) Greece.

       C. W. C. Oman:
       History of Greece,
       1605, last column, (1567).

       P. Gardner:
       New Chapters in Greek History,
       1605-1606 (1567-1568).

       S. H. Butcher:
       Aspects of Greek Genius,
       1675 (1636).

       A. J. Evans:
       London Times,
       Volume VI., 23, 24.

       A. L. Frothingham:
       Archaeological Progress,
       Volume VI., 25.

    (d) Italy and Rome.

       Padre de Cara:
       The Academy,
       1845 (1805).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1020-1021 (992-993).

       F. de Coulanges:
       The Ancient City,
       2731 (2657).

       Goldwin Smith:
       The Greatness of the Romans,
       2732-2733 (2658-2659).

       "It may seem a paradox, but we suspect that in their imperial
       ascendency is seen one of the earliest and not least important
       steps in that gradual triumph of intellect over force, even in
       war, which has been an essential part of the progress of
       civilization. The happy day may come when Science in the form
       of a benign old gentleman with a bald head and spectacles on
       nose, holding some beneficent compound in his hand, will
       confront a standing army, and the standing army will cease to
       exist. That will be the final victory of intellect. But in the
       meantime, our acknowledgments are due to the primitive
       inventors of military discipline. They shivered Goliath’s
       spear."
          GOLDWIN SMITH.

    (e) India.

       W. W. Hunter:
       History of Indian People,
       1740-1741 (1701-1702).

    (f) China.

       R. K. Douglas:
       China,
       430-432 (416-418).

    3. Early Language and Literature:

    (a) Babylonia and Assyria.

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       150, 245-246, 664-665 (143, 238-239, 641-642).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Social Life of Assyrians and Babylonians,
       2044 (2000).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Races of the Old Testament,
       2963 (2886)

       A. Lefèvre:
       Race and Language,
       2971 (2894).

    (b) Egypt.

       H. Brugsch-Bey:
       History of Egypt,
       777 (750).

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       777 (750).

       E. A. W. Budge:
       The Mummy,
       1684-1685 (1645-1646).

       A. Mariette-Bey:
       Monuments of Upper Egypt,
       2826 (2752).

    (c) Phoenicia.

       Perrot and Chipiez:
       Art in Phoenicia,
       2601 end of last column, (2533).

    (d) Greece

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       1674-1675 (1635-1636).

       W. E. Gladstone:
       Homer,
       1699-1700 (1660-1661).

       W. Leaf:
       Companion to the Iliad,
       1700 (1661).

       A. Lang:
       Homer and the Epic,
       1700 (1661).

       D. G. Hogarth:
       Authority and Archæology,
       Volume VI., 25.

    (e) Italy and Rome.

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1845 (1805).

       G. A. Simcox:
       History of Latin Literature,
       2734 (2660).

    (f) India.

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       1741-1742 (1702-1703).

       M. Williams:
       Religious Thought in India,
       1742 (1703).

    4. EDUCATION:

    (a) Babylonia and Assyria.

       A. H. Sayce:
       Babylonian Literature,
       246, 697-698 (239, 674-675).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Social Life among the Babylonians,
       698 (675).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       150 (143).

       "The primitive Chaldeans were preeminently a literary people,
       and it is by their literary relics, by the scattered contents
       of their libraries, that we can know and judge them. As
       befitted the inventors of a system of writing, like the
       Chinese they set the highest value on education, even though
       examinations may have been unknown among them. Education,
       however, was widely diffused."
          A. H. SAYCE.

    (b) Egypt.

       G. Maspero:
       Life in Ancient Egypt,
       697 (674).

       H. Brugsch-Bey:
       History of Egypt,
       697 (674).

       "In the education of youth the Egyptians were particularly
       strict; and ‘they knew,’ says Plato, ‘that children ought to
       be early accustomed to such gestures, looks, and motions, as
       are decent and proper; and not to be suffered either to hear
       or learn any verses and songs other than those which are
       calculated to inspire them with virtue.’"
          J. G. WILKINSON.

    (c) Greece.

       (1) Athenian.

       Plato:
       Protagoras,
       701 (678).

       Aristotle:
       Politics,
       701-702 (678-679).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Old Greek Education,
       703 (680).

       J. A. St. John:
       The Hellenes,
       703-704 (680-681).

       W. W. Capes:
       University Life in Ancient Athens,
       5 (5).

       Guhl and Koner:
       Life of Greeks and Romans,
       1657 (1619).

       (2) Spartan.

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       704-5 (681-2).

    (d) Alexandria.

       J. H. Newman:
       Historical Sketches,
       708 (685).

    (e) Rome.

       J. J. Döllinger:
       Gentile and Jew,
       708-709 (685-686).

    (f) Judæa.

       E. Schürer:
       History of Jewish People,
       700 (677).

       H. Graetz:
       History of the Jews,
       700-1 (677-678).

    (g) China.

       W. A. P. Martin:
       The Chinese,
       698-699 (675-676).

    (h) Persia.

       G. Rawlinson:
       The Five Great Monarchies,
       699-700 (676-677).

    5. RELIGION:

    (a) China.

       R. K. Douglas:
       China,
       432-433 (418-419).

    (b) Egypt.

       A. B. Edwards:
       The Academy,
       305 (296).

    (c) Greece.

       C. C. Felton:
       Greece, Ancient and Modern,
       804-805, 2453 (777-778, 2401).

    {738}

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       2452 (2400).

       W. M. Leake:
       Topography of Athens,
       2451 (2399).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       2451 (2399).

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       680 (657).

    (d) India.

       M. Williams:
       Religious Thought in India,
       1742 (1703).

       Hinduism,
       1743-1744 (1704-1705).

       J. T. Wheeler:
       History of India,
       406 (396).

    (e) Persia.

       G. Rawlinson:
       Religions of the Ancient World,
       3788-3789 (3666-3667).

       M. Haug:
       Lectures on Zoroaster,
       3790 (3668).

    (f) Rome.

       T. Arnold:
       History of Rome,
       2981 (2903).

       H. Macmillan:
       Roman Mosaics,
       2981 (2903).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       195 (188).

       W. Ramsay:
       Roman Antiquities,
       196-197 (189-190).

       Guhl and Koner:
       Greeks and Romans,
       3743 (3623).

       N. Hawthorne:
       The Marble Faun,
       2476 (2417).

       Note.—In nearly all cases, in the Studies that follow, all
       chronological divisions previous to the sixth or seventh
       centuries B. C. must be regarded as approximate only. The
       dates given are those generally accepted by the best scholars
       of the present day.

    STUDY IV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA.

    1. GEOGRAPHY:

       G. Rawlinson:
       Five Great Monarchies,
       2198 (2154).

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History of the East,
       2964 (2887).

       G. Adam Smith:
       Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
       2964 (2887).

    2. CHALDEA-BABYLONIA:

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       245-246 (239), and following authorities.

    3. THE ACCADIANS, SUMERIANS, ELAMITES, AND CUSHITES:

       A. H. Sayce:
       Babylonian Literature,
       246, 698 (239, 675).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       150, 246 (143, 239).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Races of the Old Testament,
       2963 (2886).

       Z. A. Ragozin:
       Story of Chaldea,
       795(768).

       J. F. McCurdy:
       History, Prophecy, and Monuments,
       2965-2966 (2888-2889).

       Dr. Tiele:
       History of Babylonia,
       2967 (2890).

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History of the East,
       128-129 (121-122).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Contemporary Review,
       Volume VI., 14.

       4. THE ERA OF CITY STATES
       (5000 to 3800 B. C.):

       Z. A. Ragozin:
       Story of Chaldea,
       246-247 (239-240).

       5. CONQUESTS OF SARGON I.
       (3750 B. C.):

       Dr. Tiele:
       History of Babylonia,
       2967 (2890).

       F. Max Müller:
       Enormous Antiquity of the East,
       2966 (2889).

       Z. A. Ragozin:
       Story of Chaldea,
       247 (240).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Contemporary Review,
       Volume VI., 13, 14.

    6. HAMMURABI ESTABLISHES THE FIRST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
       (2250 B. C.):

       E. J. Simcox:
       Primitive Civilizations,
       2967(2890).

       J. F. McCurdy:
       History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
       2967 (2890).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Ancient Empires of the East,
       247 (240).

    7. THE CITY OF BABYLON:

       A. H. Sayce:
       Ancient Empires of the East,
       247 (240).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Herodotus,
       245 (238).

       W. B. Wright:
       Ancient Cities,
       2969-2970 (2893).

       B. T. A. Evetts:
       New Light on the Bible and Holy Land,
       2970-2971 (2893-2894).

    8. THE KASSITE EMPIRE AND EGYPTIAN INVASIONS
       (1800-1250 B. C.):

       J. F. McCurdy:
       History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
       2967 (2890).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Higher Criticism and Verdict of the Monuments,
       2968 (2891).

       A. Lefèvre:
       Race and Language,
       2968 (2891).

       G. Rawlinson:
       History of Ancient Egypt,
       779-780 (752-753).

    9. ASSYRIA GAINS AND HOLDS SUPREMACY
       (1250-600 B. C.):

       Perrot and Chipiez:
       History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,
       2968-2969 (2891-2892).

       L. von Ranke:
       Universal History,
       2969 (2892).

    10. THE CITY OF NINEVEH:

       A. H. Sayce:
       Higher Criticism and the Monuments,
       2967-2968 (2891).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       150 (143).

       Z. A. Ragozin:
       Story of Chaldea,
       2415 (2363).

       Perrot and Chipiez:
       History of Art in Chaldea and Assyria,
       2969 (2892).

    11. THE LAST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
       (625-536 B. C.):

       E. A. W. Budge:
       Babylonian Life and History,
       2969 (2892).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Ancient Empires of East,
       247 (240).

       Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther,
       2577-2578 (2510-2511).

       Ancient Empires of the East,
       2577 (2510).

    12. BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN LIFE:

    (a) Literature.

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       245-246 (238-239).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Babylonian Literature,
       246, 697-698 (239, 674-675).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Social Life among the Babylonians,
       698 (675).

       A. V. Hilprecht:
       Sunday School Times,
       Volume VI., 15-16.

    (b) Education.

       A. H. Sayce:
       Babylonian Literature,
       698 (675).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Social Life Among the Babylonians,
       698 (675).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Contemporary Review,
       Volume VI., 14.

    (c) Trade and Commerce.

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       3207-3208 (3697).

       E. J. Lubbock:
       History of Money,
       2243 (2199).

       Sir J. Simcox:
       Primitive Civilizations,
       2243-2244 (2200).

    (d) Treatment of Diseases.

       G. Rawlinson:
       Herodotus,
       2166 (2122).

       F. Lenormant:
       Chaldean Magic,
       2166-2167 (2122-2123).

    {739}

    13. THE PRE-EMINENT FIGURES IN BABYLONIAN AND ASSYRIAN HISTORY:

                            B. C.
       Sargon I             3750
       Hammurabi            2250
       Tiglathpileser I.    1110-1090
       Tiglathpileser III.   745-727
       Sargon II             722-705
       Sennacherib           705-681
       Assurbanipal
         (Sardanapalus)      668-626
       Nebuchadnezzar        605-562

    STUDY V.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    EGYPT.

    1. ORIGIN OP THE NAME AND PEOPLE:

       H. Brugsch-Bey:
       History of Egypt,
       776 (749).

       R. S. Poole:
       Cities of Egypt,
       776 (749).

       G. Rawlinson:
       History of Ancient Egypt,
       777 (750).

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       777 (750).

       A. H. Keane:
       The African Races,
       17 (19).

    2. HISTORICAL ANTIQUITY:

       H. Brugsch-Bey:
       History of Egypt,
       776-777 (750).

       W. M. F. Petrie:
       History of Egypt,
       777 (3743).

       W. M. F. Petrie:
       Address,
       Volume VI., 20-21.

    3. PREHISTORIC CIVILIZATION:

       W. M. F. Petrie:
       Recent Egyptian Exploration,
       Volume VI., 20.

    4. THE OLD AND MIDDLE EMPIRES
       (4700-2750 B. C.);

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History,
       777-778, 2127 (750-751, 2083).

       W. M. F. Petrie:
       Recent Research in Egypt,
       Volume VI., 18-19.

       W. M. F. Petrie:
       History of Egypt,
       777-778 (750-751).

       R. S. Poole:
       Cities of Egypt,
       2196, 3189 (2152, 3104).

    5. THE PYRAMIDS, AND THE OBELISKS; "CLEOPATRA’S NEEDLES"

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History,
       777 (750).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Ancient Egypt,
       780 (753).

    6. THE HYKSOS, OR SHEPHERD KINGS (2150-1700 B. C.),
       AND SOJOURN OF ABRAHAM:

       G. Rawlinson:
       History of Ancient Egypt,
       778 (751).

       E. Wilson:
       The Egypt of the Past,
       778 (751).

       E. A. W. Budge:
       The Dwellers on the Nile,
       1937 (1896).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Ancient Egypt,
       1937 (1896).

       E. Renan:
       The People of Israel,
       1937-1938 (1896-1897).

       A. H. Sayce:
       The Hittites,
       116, 1695 (109, 1656).

       H. Brugsch-Bey:
       Egypt under the Pharaohs,
       779 (752).

    7. THE EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY; THE NEW EMPIRE
       (1600-1300 B. C.):

       G. Rawlinson:
       History of Ancient Egypt,
       779-780 (752-753).

       C. Bezold:
       Oriental Diplomacy,
       781 (754).

       A. Lefèvre:
       Race and Language,
       2968 (2891).

    8. ISRAEL IN EGYPT
       (1750-1300 B. C.):

       E. A.W. Budge:
       Dwellers on the Nile,
       1937 (1896).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Ancient Egypt,
       1937 (1896).

       H. Brugsch-Bey:
       Egypt under the Pharaohs,
       1937 (1896).

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History,
       782 (755).

       R. S. Poole:
       Ancient Egypt,
       782 (755).

    9. DECLINE OF EMPIRE OF THE PHARAOHS;
       ASSYRIAN CONQUEST (1200-525 B. C.):

       G. Rawlinson:
       History of Ancient Egypt,
       782-783 (755-6).

       Five Great Monarchies,
       783 (756).

    10. THE PERSIAN CONQUEST
        (525-332 B. C.):

       G. Rawlinson:
       Five Great Monarchies,
       784 (757).

       P. Smith:
       Ancient History,
       784 (757).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther,
       2578 (2511).

    11. ANCIENT EGYPTIAN LIFE AND CULTURE:

       (a) Literature and Art.

       A. B. Edwards:
       The Academy,
       305 (296).

       Edinburgh Review:
       The Tel El-Amarna Tablets,
       780 (753).

       C. Bezold:
       Oriental Diplomacy,
       781 (754).

       W. M. F. Petrie:
       Recent Egyptian Exploration,
       Volume VI., 20-21.

       (b) Education.

       J. G. Wilkinson, and others,
       696-697 (673-674).

       (c) Trade and Commerce.

       Earliest Records of Trade,
       3207 (3696).

       Sir J. Lubbock:
       History of Money,
       2243 (2199).

       E. J. Simcox:
       Primitive Civilizations,
       2244 (2200).

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       2600 (2532).

       F. Lenormant:
       History of the East,
       129 (122).

       P. Gardner:
       New Chapters in Greek History,
       785-786 (758-759).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       3211-3213 (3700-3702).

       (d) Treatment of Diseases.

       G. Rawlinson and others,
       2164-2166 (2120-2122).

    12. THE CONQUEST OF ALEXANDER AND THE KINGDOM OF THE PTOLEMIES
        (332-330 B. C.):

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       785 (758).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       2103 (2059).

       A. H. L. Heeren:
       Ancient History,
       2104 (2060).

       T. Timayenis:
       History of Greece,
       2106 (2062).

       S. Sharpe:
       History of Egypt,
       785, also 786 (758, 759).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       786 (759).

    13. THE CITY OF ALEXANDRIA:

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       The Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       44-45 (37-38).

       A. Hirtius:
       The Alexandrian War,
       46 (39).

       J. J. Döllinger:
       History of the Church,
       2295-2296 (2247-2248).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,
       46, also 47 (39, 40).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of Latin Christianity,
       47 (40).

       Sir W. Muir:
       Annals of the Early Caliphate,
       2115 (2070).

       E. Kirkpatrick:
       Development of Superior Instruction,
       707-708 (684-685).

       Fraser’s Magazine:
       Historical Researches on the Burning of
       the Library of Alexandria by Saracens,
       2047-2048 (2003-2004).

       Fraser’s Magazine:
       The American Journal of Archaeology,
       Volume VI., 28.

    14. THE MOSLEM CONQUEST
        (640-646 A. D.):

       Sir W. Muir:
       Annals of the Early Caliphate,
       2114-2115 (2069-2070).

    15. EGYPT AND THE CRUSADES
        (1216-1254 A. D.):

       G. Procter:
       The Crusades,
       656-657 (633-634).

       T. L. Kington:
       History of Frederick II.,
       657 (634).

       F. P. Guizot.
       History of France,
       657-658 (634-635).

    {740}

    16. THE OTTOMAN CONQUEST
       (1517 A. D.):

       S. Lane-Poole:
       The Story of Turkey,
       3254 (3138).

    17. OVERTHROW OF THE OTTOMAN POWER BY NAPOLEON
       (A. D. 1798):

       W. Massey:
       History of England,
       1354-1355 (1321-1322).

       J. G. Lockhart:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1357-1359 (1324-1326).

    18. OVERTHROW OF FRENCH POWER BY ENGLAND,
        AND RESTORATION OF EGYPT TO TURKEY
        (1801-1802 A.D.):

       J. R. Green:
       History of English People,
       1368-1369 (1335-1336).

    19. BANKRUPTCY OF THE STATE AND ENGLISH OCCUPATION
        (1875-1883):

       H. Vogt:
       The Egyptian War of 1882,
       792 (765).

       J. E. Bowen:
       Conflict of East and West in Egypt,
       792-794 (765-767).

       E. Dicey.
       Egypt,
       Volume VI., 198.

    20. THE ANGLO-EGYPTIAN CONDOMINIUM (1899):

       Great Britain, Papers by Command;
       Egypt,
       Volume VI., 201-203.

    STUDY VI.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE JEWS.

    1. THE NATIONAL NAMES:

       H. Ewald:
       History of Israel,
       1936 (1895).

       A. P. Stanley:
       History of Jewish Church,
       1936 (1895).

    2. THE ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR RACIAL CONNECTIONS:

       George Adam Smith:
       Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
       2964-2965 (2887-2888).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Races of the Old Testament,
       2963 (2886).

       J. F. McCurdy:
       History, Prophecy, and the Monuments,
       2963-2964 (2886-2887).

       A. Lefèvre:
       Race and Language,
       2971 (2804).

    3. THE MIGRATION OF ABRAHAM
       (2200 B. C.):

       E. A. W. Budge:
       Dwellers on the Nile,
       1937 (1896).

       E. Wilson:
       Egypt of the Past,
       778 (751).

       H. Ewald:
       History of Israel,
       1937 (1896).

    4. THE PRINCIPAL NATIONS WITH WHOM ISRAEL CAME IN CONTACT:

       (a) The Canaanites.

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       365 (355).

       A. Kuenen:
       The Religion of Israel,
       1936 (1895).

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History of East,
       2599 (2531).

       (b) The Hittites.

       A. H. Sayce:
       The Hittites,
       1695 (1656).

       Padre de Cara:
       Civilità Cattolica,
       1845 (1805).

       (c) The Amorites.

       A. H. Sayce:
       The Hittites,
       116 (109).

       (d) The Moabites.

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       2237 (2193).

       (e) The Philistines.

       F. W. Newman:
       History of the Hebrew Monarchy,
       2598 (2530).

       George Adam Smith:
       Historical Geography of the Holy Land,
       2598 (2530).

    5. THE SOJOURN OF ISRAEL IN EGYPT
       (1750-1300 B. C.):

       H. Brugsch-Bey:
       Egypt under the Pharaohs,
       779, 1937 (752, 1896).

       E. A. W. Budge:
       Dwellers on the Nile,
       1937 (1896).

       E. Renan:
       The People of Israel,
       1937-1938 (1896-1897).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Ancient Egypt,
       1937 (1896).

    6. THE EXODUS AND THE SETTLEMENT IN CANAAN
       (1300-1230 B. C.):

       E. Naville:
       The Store-City Pithom,
       1938 (1897).

       F. Lenormant:
       History of the East,
       782 (755).

       R. S. Poole:
       Ancient Egypt,
       782 (755).

       E. Naville:
       Route of the Exodus,
       1938-1939 (1897-1898).

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       1939-1940 (1898-1899).

    7. THE JUDGES
       (1250-1075 B. C.):

       Dean Stanley:
       Lectures on Jewish Church,
       1940 (1899).

       S. Sharpe:
       History of the Hebrew Nation,
       1940-1941 (1899-1900).

       W. Robertson Smith:
       The Prophets of Israel,
       1941 (1900).

       Dean Stanley:
       Lectures on Jewish Church,
       701 (678).

    8. JERUSALEM THE NATIONAL CAPITAL:

       T. Lewin:
       Jerusalem,
       1921 (1880).

       F. W. Newman:
       History of the Hebrew Monarchy,
       1922 (1881).

       Josephus:
       Antiquities,
       1922 (1881).

       L. von Ranke:
       Universal History,
       1942 (1901).

    9. THE SINGLE MONARCHY
       (1075-950 B. C.):

       L. von Ranke:
       Universal History,
       1941-1942 (1900-1901).

       H. Graetz:
       History of the Jews,
       1943 (1902).

       E. Renan:
       The People of Israel,
       1943-1944 (1902-1903).

       H. Ewald;
       History of Israel,
       3210 (3699).

    10. THE DIVIDED KINGDOM; ISRAEL, JUDAH
        (950-730 B. C.):

       Dean Stanley:
       Lectures on the Jewish Church,
       1944 (1903).

       W. Robertson Smith:
       The Prophets of Israel,
       1945 (1904).

       J. Wellhausen:
       History of Israel and Judah,
       1945 (1904).

       A. H. Sayce:
       LIFE AND TIMES OF ISAIAH,
       1945 (1904).

       Dean Stanley:
       Lectures on the Jewish Church,
       1946 (1905).

    11. SAMARIA, THE CAPITAL CITY OF ISRAEL:

       Dean Stanley:
       Lectures on Jewish Church,
       1944 (1903).

       W. Robertson Smith:
       The Prophets of Israel,
       1944 (1904).

       H. Ewald:
       History of Israel,
       2871 (2796).

       H. Graetz:
       History of the Jews,
       2871-2872 (2796-2797).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of the Jews,
       2872 (2797).

    12. THE KINGDOM OF JUDAH
        (724-598 B. C.):

       M. Arnold:
       Isaiah of Jerusalem,
       1946 (1905).

       J. Wellhausen:
       Israel and Judah,
       1946 (1905).

       S. R. Driver:
       Isaiah,
       1946-1947 (1905-1906).

       C. G. Montefiore:
       Lectures on Religion,
       1947-1948 (1906-1907).

       A. Kuenen:
       Religion of Israel,
       1948 (1907).

       J. Wellhausen:
       Israel and Judah,
       1945 (1904).

    {741}

    13. THE EXILE AND THE RESTORATION
       (598-332 B. C.):

       H. H. Milman:
       History of the Jews,
       1948-1949 (1907-1908).

       A. Kuenen:
       Religion of Israel,
       1949 (1908).

       P. H. Hunter:
       After the Exile,
       1949-1950 (1908-1909).

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       1950-1951 (1909-1910).

       J. J. Döllinger:
       Gentile and Jew,
       1952 (1911).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of the Jews,
       1952 (1911).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Ancient Empires of the East,
       2577 (2510).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Introduction to Books of Ezra, etc.,
       2577-2578 (2510-2511).

    14. THE GREEK DOMINION AND THE MACCABEAN WAR
        (332-340 B. C.):

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       2102-2103 (2058-2059).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
       2960 (2883).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       2960 (2883).

       H. Ewald:
       History of Israel,
       1953 (1912).

       J. J. Döllinger:
       Gentile and Jew,
       1954 (1913).

       E. H. Palmer:
       History of Jewish Nation,
       1954 (1913).

       W. D. Morrison:
       Jews under Roman Rule,
       1954-1955 (1913-1914).

       J. H. Allen:
       Hebrew Men and Times,
       1955 (1914).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1956 (1915).

       E. Schürer:
       History of Jewish People,
       1957 (1916).

       T. Keim:
       History of Jesus of Nazara,
       1958 (1917).

       E. Schürer,
       History of the Jewish People,
       1677-1678 (1638-1639).

    15. HEROD AND THE HERODIANS; ROMAN SUPREMACY
        (B. C. 40-A. D. 44):

       T. Keim:
       History of Jesus of Nazara,
       1958-1959 (1917-1918).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1960 (1919).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of the Jews,
       1960 (1919).

    16. THE BIRTH OF JESUS AND THE FALL OF JERUSALEM
       (B. C. 8-A. D. 70):

       T. Keim:
       History of Jesus of Nazara,
       1960-1961 (1919-1920).

       E. de Pressensé:
       Jesus Christ,
       1961-1962 (1920-1921).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       1962 (1921).

       Besant and Palmer:
       Jerusalem,
       1962-1963 (1921-1922).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of the Jews,
       1963 (1922).

       "Nations that are fitted to play a part in universal history
       must die first that the world may live through them' A people
       must choose between the prolonged life, the tranquil and
       obscure destiny of one who lives for himself, and the
       troubled, stormy career of one who lives for humanity. The
       nation which revolves within its breast social and religious
       problems is always weak politically. Thus it was with the
       Jews, who in order to make the religious conquest of the world
       must needs disappear as a nation. They lost a material city;
       they opened the reign of the Spiritual Jerusalem."
          RENAN.

    STUDY VII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    EARLY HISTORY OF INDIA AND CHINA.

    A. INDIA.

       1. THE NAME, AND ORIGINAL INHABITANTS:

       J. R. Seeley:
       The Expansion of England,
       1739-1740 (1701).

       H. G. Keene:
       History of Hindustan,
       1740 (1701).

       C. F. Keary:
       Dawn of History,
       144-145 (137-138).

       W. W. Hunter:
       History of Indian People,
       1740-1741 (1701-1702).

       See Maps of India,
       1748 (1708).

    2. THE ARYAN CONQUEST
       (B. C. 1500-1400 (?)):

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       1741-1742 (1702-1703).

       M. Williams:
       Religious Life in India,
       1742 (1703).

    3. THE INVASION AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT
       (B. C. 327-322):

       J. T. Wheeler:
       History of India,
       1742-1743 (1703-1704).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       History of Greece,
       2103 (2059).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
       2960 (2883).

    4. THE SPREAD OF BUDDHISM
       (B. C. 312-):

       M. Williams:
       Hinduism,
       1743-1744 (1704-1705).

       V. Smith:
       London Times,
       Volume VI., 57-58.

    5. TRADE AND COMMERCE:

       Mrs. Manning:
       Ancient and Mediaeval India,
       3208 (3697).

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       3208 (3697).

    B. CHINA.

       1. THE NAME AND GEOGRAPHY OF THE COUNTRY:

       H. Yule:
       Cathay,
       428 (416).

       E. Reclus:
       The Earth and its Inhabitants,
       428-430.

       2. THE ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE:

       T. de Lacouperie:
       Babylonia and China,
       246 (239).

       T. de Lacouperie:
       History of Chinese Civilization,
       246 (239).

       R. K. Douglas:
       China,
       431-432 (416-418).

    3. LIFE OF THE EARLY PEOPLE:

       (a) Religion.

       R. K. Douglas:
       China,
       432-433 (418-419).

       T. W. Rhys Davids:
       Buddhism,
       433 (419).

       (b) Education.

       W. A. P. Martin:
       The Chinese,
       699 (675-676).

       (c) Trade and Commerce.

       Sir J. Lubbock:
       History of Money,
       2244-2245 (2200-2201).

       E. J. Simcox:
       Primitive Civilizations,
       3215 (3704).

    STUDY VIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    EARLY GREECE AND THE PERSIAN WARS.

       "Our interest in Ancient history, it may be said, lies not in
       large masses. It matters little how early the Arcadians
       acquired a political unity or what Nabis did to Mycenae; that
       which interests us is the Constitution of Athens, the repulse
       of Persia, the brief bloom of Thebes."
          S. H. BOTCHER.

    1. THE LAND, AND ITS INFLUENCE UPON THE PEOPLE:

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       3192 (3107).

       E. Reclus:
       The Earth and its Inhabitants,
       1603 (1565).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Practical Bearings of European History,
       1604 (1566).

       F. B. Jevons:
       History of Greek Literature,
       1676-1677 (1637-1638).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       History of Greece,
       1606 (1568).

       E. Abbott:
       History of Greece,
       1606 (1568).

    2. THE EARLIEST INHABITANTS:

       (a) In General.

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       2562-2563 (2496-2497).

       E. Abbott:
       History of Greece,
       2563 (2497).

    {741}

       C. F. Keary:
       The Dawn of History,
       145 (138).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       1674-1675 (1635-1636).

       (b) The Pelopids and Mycenae.

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       2563 (2497).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       2563 (2497).

       P. Gardner:
       New Chapters of Greek History,
       1605-1606 (1567-1568).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       3241-3242 (3125-3126).

       The Nation:
       Dr. Schliemann’s Work,
       3242 (3126).

       (c) The Cretans and Knossos.

       G. Schömann:
       Antiquities of Greece,
       647 (624).

       A. J. Evans:
       London Times,
       Volume VI., 23-24.

       D. G. Hogarth:
       Authority and Archaeology,
       Volume VI., 24-25.

       A. L. Frothingham:
       Archaeological Progress,
       Volume VI., 25.

    3. EARLY MIGRATIONS:

       (a) In General.

       C. W. C. Oman:
       History of Greece,
       1605 (1567).

       E. Abbott:
       History of Greece,
       146-147 (139-140).

       (5) Dorians and Ionians.

       C. O. Müller:
       History of Dorian Race,
       687, 1682 (664, 1643).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       687 (664).

       G. Schömann:
       Antiquities of Greece,
       687 (664).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       3100 (3018).
       194-195 (187-188).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1020-1021 (992-993).

       (c) Æolians.

       G. Schömann:
       Antiquities of Greece,
       9-10.

       E. Abbott:
       History of Greece,
       146-147 (139-140).

    4. THE EARLY CITY STATES, AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS:

       C. A. Fyffe:
       History of Greece,
       1606 (1568).

       Thucydides:
       History,
       151-153 (144-146).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1019 (991).

       Z. A. Ragozin:
       Story of Chaldea,
       246-247 (239-240).

       L. von Ranke:
       Universal History,
       1607 (1569).

       Perrot and Chipiez:
       Chaldea and Assyria,
       2968, top of second column, (2891).

       F. B. Jevons:
       History of Greek Literature,
       1676, second column, (1637).

       P. Gardner:
       New Chapters in Greek History,
       189, second column, (182).

       M. Duncker:
       History of Greece,
       3189-3190 (3105).

    5. THE RENOWNED LAWGIVERS:

       (a) Lycurgus.

       E. Abbott:
       History of Greece,
       3100-3102 (3018-3020).

       C. H. Hanson:
       The Land of Greece,
       3103 (3021).

       (b) Draco.

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       153 (146).

       (c) Solon.

       C. F. Hermann:
       Political Antiquities of Greece,
       155 (148).

       W. Wachsmuth:
       Historical Antiquities of the Greeks,
       155-156 (148-149).

       G. Grote:
       History of Greeks,
       673 (649-650).

    6. THE RISE OF ATHENS:

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       194-195 (187-188).

       Thucydides:
       History,
       151-153 (144-146).

       W. W. Leake:
       Topography of Athens,
       151 (144).
       See Maps, 152 (145).

       E. Bulwer-Lytton:
       Athens, 154 (147).

    7. THE PISISTRATIDÆ AND CONSTITUTION OF CLEISTHENES
       (560-507 B. C.):

       E. Abbott:
       History of Greece,
       156 (149).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       156-157 (149-50).

    8. CONTEST WITH SPARTA FOR SUPREMACY
       (509-506 B. C.):

       C. H. Hanson:
       The Land of Greece,
       3102 (3021).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       156-157 (149-150).

       C. W. Cox:
       The Greeks and Persians,
       157 (150).

    9. THE IONIAN REVOLT AND PERSIAN WARS
       (B. C. 500-479):

       (a) In General.

       Herodotus:
       Story of the Persian War,
       1607-1608 (1569-1570).

       P. Smith:
       Ancient History of the East,
       2579 (2512).

       P. Smith:
       History of the World, 1609 (1571).

       L. von Ranke:
       Universal History,
       157-159 (150-152).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Ancient History,
       2580 (2513).

       (b) Marathon.

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       1609 (1571).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       1609-1610 (1571-1572).

       (c) Thermopylae.

       Herodotus:
       History,
       1610-1611 (1572-1573).

       B. G. Niebuhr:
       Ancient History,
       160-161 (153-154).

    (d) Platæa and Mycale.

       Herodotus:
       History,
       1612, 1613 (1574, 1575).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       1613 (1575).

       B. G. Niebuhr:
       Ancient History,
       160-161 (153-154).

    10. THE CONFEDERACY OF DELOS AND END OF PERSIAN WARS
       (B. C. 477-461):

       G. W. Cox:
       History of Greece.
       1613 (1575).

       W. W. Lloyd:
       The Age of Pericles,
       1614 (1576).

       T. Keightley:
       History of Greece,
       164 (157).

       J. Fiske:
       Greek Federations,
       1137 (1109).

    11. POLITICAL RESULTS OF PERSIAN WARS:

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       163 (155-156).

       Aristotle:
       Constitution of Athens,
       163-164 (156-157).

       "None of these men were enervated by wealth or hesitated to
       resign the pleasures of life. … And when the moment came they
       were minded to resist and suffer, rather than to fly and save
       their lives; they ran away from the word of dishonor, but on
       the battlefield their feet stood fast, and in an instant, at
       the height of their fortune, they passed away from the scene,
       not of their fear, but of their glory. Such was the end of
       these men; they were worthy of Athens; and the living may not
       desire to have a more heroic spirit although they may pray for
       a less fatal issue. … The sacrifice which they collectively
       made was individually repaid to them; for they received again
       each one for himself a praise which grows not old, and the
       noblest of all sepulchers—I speak not of that in which their
       remains are laid, but of that in which their glory survives,
       and is proclaimed always and on every fitting occasion both in
       word and deed. For the whole earth is the sepulcher of famous
       men; not only are they commemorated by columns and
       inscriptions in their own country, but in foreign lands there
       dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, graven not on
       stone, but in the hearts of men."

          From the Funeral Oration of Pericles,
          pages 175-178 (168-171).

    STUDY IX.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE GOLDEN AGE OF GREECE.

       "To Greece we owe the love of Science, the love of Art, the
       love of Freedom; not Science alone, Art alone, or Freedom
       alone, but these vitally correlated with one another and
       brought into organic union. And in this union we recognize the
       distinctive features of the West. The Greek genius is the
       European genius in its first and brightest bloom. From a
       vivifying contact with the Greek spirit Europe derived that
       new and mighty impulse which we call Progress."
          S. H. BUTCHER.

    I. ATHENS AFTER THE PERSIAN WARS:

       (a) The Rebuilding of the City.

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       161-152 (154-155).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1022-1023 (994-995).

       (b) The Enlargement of the Democracy.

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       162-163 (155-156).

    {743}

       Aristotle:
       The Constitution of Athens,
       163-164 (156-157).

       A. J. Grant:
       The Age of Pericles,
       1615 (1577).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       132 (125).

       (c) Quarrels with Sparta.

       C. W. C. Oman:
       History of Greece,
       165-166 (158-159).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       166-167 (159-160).

       A. J. Grant:
       Age of Pericles,
       1614 (1576).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       1615-1616 (1577-1578).

    2. THE RISE OF PERICLES
       (B. C. 466-429):

       C. W. C. Oman:
       History of Greece,
       165-166 (158-159).

       A. J. Grant:
       The Age of Pericles,
       1615 (1577).

    3. THE AGE OF PERICLES
       (B. C. 445-429):

       (a) The Splendor of Athens.

       E. Abbott:
       Pericles,
       167-168 (160-161).

       E. Bulwer-Lytton:
       Athens,
       168 (161).

       (b) Art and the Domestic Life.

       E. E. Viollet-le-Duc:
       Habitations of Man in All Ages,
       168-169 (161-162).

       R. C. Jebb:
       Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
       1676 (1637).

       (c) Education and Literature.

       Plato:
       Protagoras,
       701 (678).

       Aristotle:
       Politics,
       702 (679).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Old Greek Education,
       702-703 (679-680).

       O. Browning:
       Educational Theories,
       703 (680).

       J. A. St. John:
       The Hellenes,
       703-704 (680-681).

       F. B. Jevons:
       History of Greek Literature,
       1676-1677 (1637-1638).

       S. H. Butcher:
       Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
       1675 (1636).

       (d) Law and its Administration.

       Sir H. S. Maine:
       Ancient Law,
       170 (163).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Social Life in Greece,
       170-171 (163-164).

       (e) The Political Life.

       E. A. Freeman:
       Athenian Democracy,
       172 (165).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Comparative Politics,
       171-172 (164-165).

       S. H. Butcher:
       Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
       172 (165).

       J. S. Blackie:
       What does History Teach,
       173 (166).

       Pericles:
       Funeral Oration,
       175-178 (168-171).

    4. THE GREAT PLAGUE AND DEATH OF PERICLES
       (B.C. 430-429):

       Thucydides:
       History,
       178 (171).

    5. THE RISE OF THE DEMAGOGUES
       (429-421 B. C.):

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       178-179 (171-172).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Essays,
       179 (172).

    6. SOCRATES AS SOLDIER AND CITIZEN:

       F. J. Church:
       Trial and Death of Socrates,
       179-180 (172-173).

       E. Zeller:
       Socrates,
       705-706 (682-683).

    7. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR (B. C. 431-404):

       (a) First Period (431-421) to Peace of Nicias:

       Thucydides:
       History,
       1620 (1582).

       W. Mitford:
       History of Greece,
       1620-1621 (1582-1583).

       C. W. C. Oman:
       History of Greece,
       1622 (1584).

       T. Timayenis:
       History of Greece,
       1623-1924 (1585-1586).

       C. W. C. Oman:
       History of Greece,
       181 (174).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       181 (174).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1023 (995).

       (b) Alcibiades; The Sicilian Expedition
       (B. C. 415-413):

       B. G. Niebuhr:
       Ancient History,
       1624-1625 (1586-1587).

       Y. Duruy:
       History of Greek People,
       182 (175).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Story of Sicily,
       182-183 (175-176).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       1625-1627 (1587-15899).

       T. N. Talfourd:
       History of Greece,
       1629 (1591).

       W. Wachsmuth:
       Antiquities of the Greeks,
       184-185 (177-178).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       185 (178).

       (c) Battle of Ægospotami; Overthrow of Athens
       (405 B. C.).

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       185 (178).

       G. W. Cox:
       Athenian Empire,
       1629-1630 (1591-1592).

    8. THE OVERTHROW OF DEMOCRACY:

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       185-186 (178-179).

       9. EXPEDITION OF CYRUS; RETREAT OF THE "TEN THOUSAND"
       (B. C. 401-400):

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       2581 (2514).

    10. THE SUPREMACY OF THEBES
       (B. C. 379-362):

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       1631-1632 (1593-1594).

       Xenophon:
       Hellenica,
       1632 (1594).

       C. Sankey:
       The Spartan and Theban Supremacies,
       1632-1634 (1594-1596).

    11. CHÆRONEA; END OF GREEK INDEPENDENCE
       (B. C. 338):

       B. G. Niebuhr:
       Ancient History,
       1634-1636 (1596-1598).

       W. W. Fowler:
       The City State,
       186-187 (179-180).

       P. Gardner:
       Greek History,
       189, first column, (182).

    12. HELLENIC GENIUS, CULTURE, AND INFLUENCE:

       The Funeral Oration of Pericles,
       175-178 (168-171).

       P. Gardner:
       New Chapters in Greek History,
       189-190 (182-183).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Greek Life and Thought,
       188, 189, 706 (181, 182, 683).

       T. Davidson:
       Aristotle,
       704 and 705 (681, 682).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Old Greek Education,
       702-703 (679-680).

       O. Browning:
       Educational Theories,
       703 (680).

       The Nation:
       Free Schools in Greece,
       705 (682).

       W. W. Capes:
       University Life in Ancient Athens,
       706-707 (683-684).

       S. H. Butcher:
       Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
       1675 (1636).

       R. C. Jebb:
       Growth and Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
       1675-1676 (1636-1637).

       F. B. Jevons:
       History of Greek Literature,
       1676-1677 (1637-1638).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       The Greek World under Roman Sway,
       1680 (1641).

       L. E. Upcott:
       Introduction to Greek Sculpture,
       2956-2957.

       J. A. St. John:
       The Hellenes,
       1657 (1819).

       W. M. Leake:
       Topography of Athens,
       1657 (1619).

       W. W. Capes:
       University Life in Ancient Athens,
       5 (5).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1679 second column, (1640).

       "So long as Greece was free and the spirit of freedom animated
       the Greeks, so long their literature was creative and genius
       marked it. When liberty perished, literature declined. The
       field of Chæronea was fatal alike to the political liberty and
       to the literature of Greece."
          F. B. JEVONS.

    {744}

    STUDY X.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT.

    1. MACEDONIA AND ITS EARLY HISTORY:

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       2101 (2057).

       P. Smith:
       Ancient History of East,
       2579 (2512).

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       1631 (1593).

    2. RISE AND CAREER OF PHILIP OF MACEDON
       (B. C. 359-336):

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       1634 (1596).

       B. G. Niebuhr:
       Ancient History,
       1634-1636 (1596-1598).

       E. Curtius:
       History of Greece,
       1636 (1598).

       W. W. Fowler:
       The City-State,
       186-187 (179-180).

       A. H. L. Heeren:
       Politics of Ancient Greece,
       188 (181).

       "No alliance could save Greece from the Macedonian power, as
       subsequent events plainly showed. What was needed was a real
       federal union between the leading states, with a strong
       central controlling force; and Demosthenes’ policy was
       hopeless just because Athens could never be the center of such
       a union, nor could any other city. Demosthenes is thus the
       last, and in some respects the most heroic champion of the old
       Greek instinct for autonomy. He is the true child of the
       City-State, but the child of its old age and decrepitude."
          W. W. FOWLER.

    3. THE CAREER OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT
       (B. C. 336-323):

       L. von Ranke:
       Universal History,
       1637 (1599).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       2102-2103 (2058-2059).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       History of Greece,
       2103 (2059).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Alexander,
       2103-2104 (2059-2060).

       J. T. Wheeler:
       History of India,
       1742-1743 (1703-1704).

       See Maps,
       2106-2107 (2062-2063).

    4. THE EFFECTS OF THE MACEDONIAN CONQUESTS:

       E. Zeller:
       Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics,
       188 (181).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Greek Life and Thought,
       188-189 (181-182).

       P. Gardner:
       New Chapters in Greek History,
       189-190 (182-183).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       1640, first column, (1602).

       F. B. Jevons:
       History of Greek Literature,
       1676-1677 (1637-1638).

       R. S. Poole:
       Cities of Egypt,
       44 (37).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       44-45 (37-38).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1023-1024 (995-996).

    5. The Division of Alexander’s Empire:

       (a) Preliminary Struggles to Battle of Ipsus
       (B.C. 323-301).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       1639-1640 (1601-1602).

       T. Keightley:
       History of Greece,
       1637-1639 (1599-1601).

       A. H. L. Heeren:
       Ancient History,
       2104 (2060).

       W. C. Taylor:
       Ancient History,
       2104-2105 (2060-2061).

       T. T. Timayenis:
       History of Greece,
       2105-2016 (2061-2062).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       2106-2107 (2062-2063).

       (b) The Seleucidæ.

       G. Rawlinson:
       Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy,
       2960 (2883).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       2960 (2883).

       B. G. Niebuhr:
       Ancient History,
       2960-2961 (2883-2884).

       P. Smith:
       History of the World,
       2961-2963 (2884-2886).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall of Roman Empire,
       2959-2960 (2882-2883).

       (c) The Ptolemies.

       S. Sharpe:
       History of Egypt,
       785 (758).

       P. Gardner:
       New Chapters in Greek History,
       785-786 (758-759).

       J. H. Newman:
       Historical Sketches,
       707-708 (684-685).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       44-45 (37-38).

    6. THE ACHAIAN LEAGUE (E. C. 280-146):

       E. A. Freeman:
       Federal Government,
       1640-1641 (1602-1603).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Federal Government,
       1136 (1108).

       John Fiske:
       American Political Ideas,
       1137 (1109).

    7. THE GALLIC INVASION
       (B. C. 280-279):

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       1448-1449 (1415-1416).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       1449 (1416).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       1442 (1409).

    8. THE ROMAN CONQUEST (B. C. 214-146):

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       1641 (1603).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       191 (184).

       E. S. Shuckburgh:
       History of Rome,
       2752-2753 (2678-2679).

       R. C. Jebb:
       Influence of Classical Greek Poetry,
       1678 (1639).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1680 (1641).

       "So too it was with Greece. As a people she ceased to be. When
       her freedom was overthrown at Chæronea, the page of her
       history was to all appearance closed. Yet from that moment
       'she was to enter on a larger life and on universal empire. …
       As Alexander passed conquering through Asia, he restored to
       the East, as garnered grain, that Greek civilization whose
       seeds had long ago been received from the East. Each conqueror
       in turn, the Macedonian and the Roman, bowed before conquered
       Greece and learnt lessons at her feet. To the modern world too
       Greece has been the great civilizer, the œcumenical teacher,
       the disturber and regenerator of slumbering societies. She is
       the source of most of the quickening ideas which remake
       nations and renovate literature and art. If we reckon up our
       secular possessions, the wealth and heritage of the past, the
       large share may be traced back to Greece. One half of life she
       has made her domain,—all, or well-nigh all, that belongs to
       the present order of things, and to the visible world.

          S. H. Butcher:
          Some Aspects of Greek Genius,
          page 1675 (1636).

    STUDY XI.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    RISE OF ROME AND CONQUEST OF THE WORLD.

    1. ORIGIN OF THE ROMAN PEOPLE:

       C. F. Keary:
       Dawn of History,
       144-145 (137-138).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       37-38, 1844-1845, 2731 (30-31, 1804-1805, 2657).

       A. Tighe:
       Roman Constitution,
       1455-1456 (1422-1423).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       1456 (1423).

       F. de Coulanges:
       The Ancient City,
       2731 (2657).

       E. A. Freeman:
       European History,
       2731-2732 (2658).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1024 (996).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       2861 (2787).

       Padre de Cara:
       Civilità Cattolica,
       1845 (1805).

       Appendix A,
       3793-3794 (End Volume I.).

    2. LATIUM AND THE LATIN NAME:

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       37-38, 1998 (30-31, 1954).

       T. Arnold:
       History of Rome,
       1997-1998 (1953-1954).

    3. THE FOUNDING OF ROME, AND ITS CIVILIZATION
       (B. C. 753-):

       Sir H. Nicholas:
       Chronology of History,
       2734 (2660).

       E. A. Freeman:
       European History,
       2731-2732 (2658).

       Goldwin Smith:
       Greatness of the Romans,
       2733 (2659).

       G. A Simcox:
       History of Latin Literature,
       2734 (2660).

    {745}

    4. THE PATRICIANS AND PLEBS:

       E. A. Freeman:
       European History,
       2732 (2658).

       A. Tighe:
       The Roman Constitution,
       505 (491).

       F. de Coulanges:
       The Ancient City,
       2738 (2664).

    5. ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS:

       (a) The King.

       Sir G. C. Lewis:
       Early Roman History,
       2734-2735 (2660-2661).

       W. W. Fowler:
       The City-State,
       2735 (2661).

       H. F. Pelham,
       Roman History,
       2735-2736 (2661-2662).

       (b) The Comitia Curiata, Comitia Centuriata,
       and Comitia Tributa.

       A. Tighe:
       The Roman Constitution,
       504, 505 (490, 491).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       2739 (2665).

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       2739 (2665).

       (c) The Senate.

       A. Tighe:
       The Roman Constitution,
       2971 (2894).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       2971-2972 (2894-2895).

       (d) The Consuls and Prætors.

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       2737 (2663).

       A. Tighe:
       Roman Constitution,
       633-634 (610-11).

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       634, 2744 (611, 2670).

       (e) The Censors.

       T. Arnold:
       History of Rome,
       412 (402-403).

       (f) The Tribunes.

       R. F. Horton:
       History of Romans,
       2737-2738, 2739 (2663-2664, 2665).

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       634, 2738, 2739 (611, 2664, 2665).

       F. de Coulanges:
       The Ancient City,
       2738 (2664).

    6. THE LEGENDARY PERIOD OF THE KINGS
       (B. C. 753-510):

       Sir G. C. Lewis:
       Early Roman History,
       2734-2735 (2660-2661).

       T. Livy:
       History of Rome,
       2735 (2661).

       H. F. Pelham:
       Roman History,
       2735-2736 (2661-2662).

       A. J. Church:
       Stories from Livy,
       2736-2737 (2662-2663).

    7. RISE OF THE REPUBLIC
       (B. C. 509-):

       (a) Struggle between Patricians and Plebeians
       (B. C. 509-286).

       R. F. Horton:
       History of Romans,
       2738 (2664).

       F. de Coulanges:
       Ancient City,
       2738 (2664).

       J. Hadley:
       Introduction to Roman Law,
       673 (650).

       J. L. Strachan-Davidson:
       Plebeian Privilege at Rome,
       2740 (2666).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1025 (997).

       (b) Laws establishing Privileges of the People.

          (1) The Valerian Laws (B. C. 509).

          T. Mommsen:
          History of Rome,
          2737 (2663).

          W. Ihne:
          History of Rome,
          2737 (2663).

          (2) The Publilian Laws
          (B. C. 472).

          H. G. Liddell:
          History of Rome,
          2739 (2665).

          W. Ihne:
          History of Rome,
          2739 (2665).

          (3) The Icilian Law
          (B. C. 456).

          J. L. Strachan-Davidson:
          Plebeian Privilege at Rome,
          2740 (2666).

          (4) The Terentilian Law and The Twelve Tables
          (B. C. 451-449)

          W. Ihne:
          History of Rome,
          2740-2741 (2666-2667).

          H. S. Maine:
          Ancient Law,
          2741 (2667).

          (5) The Valerio-Horatian Laws
          (B. C. 440).

          H. G. Liddell:
          History of Rome,
          2741 (2667).

          (6)
          The Canuleian Law
          (B. C. 445).

          V. Duruy:
          History of Rome,
          2741-2742 (2667-2668).

          (7) The Licinian Laws
          (B. C. 376-367).

          H. G. Liddell:
          History of Rome,
          2743 (2669).

          A. Stephenson:
          Agrarian Laws of Roman Republic,
          2743-2744 (2669-2670).

          (8) The Publilian Laws
          (B. C. 340).

          H. G. Liddell:
          History of Rome,
          2745 (2671).

          (9) The Hortensian Laws
          (B. C. 286).

          H. G. Liddell:
          History of Rome,
          2747 (2673).

          H. F. Pelham:
          Roman History,
          2747-2748 (2673-2674).

          T. Arnold:
          History of Rome,
          673 (650).

          T. Mommsen:
          History of Rome,
          2727-2728 (2653-2654).

    8. THE EXPANSION OF ROME:

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       2739 (2665).

       R. F. Horton:
       History of Romans,
       2739, 2742 (2665, 2668).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       2743 (2669).

       J. Michelet:
       The Roman Republic,
       2744-2745 (2671).

       W. Ihne:
       History of Romans,
       2745 (2671).

       F. de Coulanges:
       The Ancient City,
       2745 (2671).

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       2746-2747 (2672-2673).

       T. Arnold:
       History of Rome,
       2748 (2674).

    9. GALLIC INVASION AND DESTRUCTION OF THE CITY
       (B. C. 390):

       J. Rhys:
       Celtic Britain,
       412 (402).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       1448-1449 (1415-1416).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       2743 (2669).

    10. UNION OF ITALY UNDER THE REPUBLIC
       (B. C. 275):

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       2748-2749 (2674-2675).

       J. N. Larned.
       Europe,
       1025 (997).

    11. THE PUNIC WARS
       (B. C. 264-202):

       M. Duncker:
       History of Antiquity,
       402 (392).

       G. Grote:
       History of Greece,
       403 (393).

       T. Arnold:
       History of Rome,
       2749 (2675).

       W. B. Boyce:
       Introduction to Study of History,
       2750 (2676).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Outlines of History,
       2750 (2676).

       M. Creighton:
       History of Rome,
       2750-2751 (2676-2677).

       R. F. Horton:
       History of Romans,
       2751 (2677).

       R. F. Leighton:
       History of Rome,
       2751-2752 (2677-2678).

       R. B. Smith:
       Carthage and the Carthaginians,
       403-404, 2687-2690, 2752 (393-394, 2614-2617, 2678).

       H. F. Pelham:
       Roman History,
       2754 (2680).

    12. DECLINE OF THE REPUBLIC
       (B. C. 200-45):

       E. S. Shuckburgh:
       History of Rome,
       2752-2753 (2678-2679).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       2753-2754 (2680).

       H. F. Pelham:
       Roman History,
       2754-2755 (2680).

       W. T. Arnold:
       Roman Administration,
       2755 (2681).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       2971-2972 (2894-2895).

       M. Creighton:
       History of Rome,
       2756-2757 (2682-2683).

    13. ATTEMPTS AT REFORM; AGRARIAN LAWS; THE GRACCHI:

       G. Long:Decline of Roman Republic,
       27 (20).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       27 (20).

       A. Stephenson:
       Agrarian Laws, etc.,
       2743-2744 (2669-2670).

       H. F. Pelham:
       Roman History,
       2755 (2681).

       G. Long:
       Decline of Roman Republic,
       2755-2756 (2681-2682).

       C. Merivale:
       Fall of Roman Republic,
       2756 (2682).

    14. THE SOCIAL AND CIVIL WARS
       (B. C. 90-45):

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       2757-2758 (2683-2684).

       G. Long:
       Decline of Roman Republic,
       2758-2759 (2684-2685).

       C. Merivale:
       Roman Triumvirates,
       2759-2760 (2685-2686).

       W. Forsyth:
       Life of Cicero,
       2762 (2688).

    {746}

    15. JULIUS CAESAR; QUÆSTOR TO IMPERATOR
       (B. C. 69-45):

       W. W. Fowler:
       Julius Caesar,
       2761-2762 (2687-2688).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       2762-2763 (2688-2689).

       J. Cæsar:
       Gallic Wars,
       1444-1445 (1411-1412).

       R. F. Horton:
       History of Romans,
       2763-2764 (2690).

       Plutarch: Cæsar,
       2764-2765 (2690-2691).

       C. Merivale:
       History of Romans,
       2767-2768 (2693-2694).

       V. Duruy:
       History of Rome,
       2768-2769 (2694-2695).

       J. A. Froude:
       Cæsar,
       2770-2771 (2696-2697).

       Goldwin Smith:
       Last Republicans of Rome,
       2771 (2697).

    16. THE TRIUMVIRATES; RISE OF THE EMPIRE
       (B. C. 44-31):

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       2772-2773 (2698).

       W. W. Capes:
       The Early Empire,
       2773-2775 (2699-2701).

       H. F. Pelham:
       Roman History,
       2775 (2701).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       355 (345).

    17. CONQUEST OF THE WORLD:

       G. Long:
       Decline of Roman Republic,
       3053 (2973).

       J. Cæsar:
       Gallic War,
       1444-1445 (1411-1412).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       1641 (1603).

       P. Smith:
       History of the World,
       2961-2963 (2884-2886).

       R. F. Horton:
       History of Romans,
       2236-2237 (2192-2193).

       A. Hirtius:
       The Alexandrian War,
       46 (39).

       J. Cæsar:
       Gallic War,
       329 (319).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       329-331, 1463-1464 (319-321, 1430-1431).

    STUDY XII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

    1. TRANSITION FROM THE REPUBLIC TO THE EMPIRE:

       W. W. Capes:
       The Early Empire,
       2773-2775 (2699-2701).

       C. Merivale:
       History of Romans,
       196, 355 (189, 345).

       W. Ramsay:
       Roman Antiquities,
       196 (189).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1032 (1004).

       C. Merivale:
       History of Romans,
       2773 (2699).

    2. THE RISING INFLUENCE OF THE PRÆTORIAN GUARDS:

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       2040 (1996).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2040 (1996).

       W. Ramsay:
       Roman Antiquities,
       2655 (2583).

       C. Merivale:
       History of Romans,
       2655 (2583).

       B. G. Niebuhr:
       History of Rome,
       2776 (2702).

    3. THE JULIAN AND CHRISTIAN ERA:

       Sir H. Nicholas:
       Chronology of History,
       357-358 (347-348)

       W. Hales:
       Analysis of Chronology,
       358, 1011 (348, 984).

       T. Keim:
       Jesus of Nazara,
       1960-1961 (1919-1920).

    4. THE JULIAN LINE
       (B. C. 31-A. D. 70):

       T. De Quincey:
       The Cæsars,
       2782 (2708).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of the Roman Empire,
       1975 (1934).

       B. G. Niebuhr:
       History of Rome,
       2775-2776 (2701-2702).

       Suetonius:
       Lives of the Twelve Cæsars,
       2776-2777 (2702-2703).

       C. Merivale:
       History of Romans,
       2777-2779 (2703-2705).

       T. Keightley:
       Roman Empire,
       2779-2780 (2705-2706).

    5. NERO; THE BURNING OF ROME AND PERSECUTION OF CHRISTIANS
       (A. D. 64-68):

       T. De Quincey:
       The Cæsars,
       2780-2781 (2706-2707).

       F. W. Farrar:
       Early Days of Christianity,
       2781-2782 (2707-2708).

    6. THE FLAVIAN LINE
       (A. D. 69-192):

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of the Roman Empire,
       1159 (1129).

       (a) Vespasian-Domitian (69-96):

       Y. Duruy:
       History of Rome,
       2783-2785 (2709-2711).

       Besant and Palmer:
       Jerusalem,
       1962-1963 (1921-1922).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of the Jews,
       1963 (1922).

       C. Merivale:
       History of Romans,
       2632-2633 (2560-2561).

       E. Edwards:
       Memoirs of Libraries,
       2049-2050 (2005-2006).

       (b) Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian
       (A. D. 96-138).

       R. W. Browne:
       History of Rome,
       2785-2787 (2713).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1963-1964 (1922-1923).

       (c) The Antonines (138-192).

       F. W. Farrar:
       Seekers after God,
       2787-2788 (2714).

       E. Renan:
       English Conferences,
       2788 (2714).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2788-2789 (2714-2715).

       "If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the
       world during which the condition of the human race was most
       happy and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that
       which elapsed from the death of Domitian to the accession of
       Commodus. The vast extent of the Roman Empire was governed by
       absolute power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom. The
       armies were restrained by the firm but gentle hand of four
       successive Emperors whose characters and authority commanded
       involuntary respect."
          E. GIBBON.

    7. COMMODUS TO CONSTANTINE
       (A. D. 192-305):

       T. Keightley:
       Outlines of History,
       2789-2790 (2716).

       J. C. Robertson:
       History of Christian Church,
       2790 (2716).

       W.C. Taylor:
       Ancient History,
       2790-2791 (2716-2717).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2472-2473 (2413-2414).

       B. F. Westcott:
       History of Religious Thought,
       454 (440).

       G. Uhlhorn:
       Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
       456 (442).

    8. THE CONSTANTINES
       (A. D. 305-361):

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2793-2794, 2795-2796 (2719-2720, 2721-2722).

       Eusebius:
       Ecclesiastical History,
       2794 (2720).

       E. L. Cutts:
       Constantine the Great,
       2795 (2721).

    9. CHRISTIANITY BECOMES THE STATE RELIGION
       (A. D. 323-):

       E. L. Cutts:
       Constantine the Great,
       2794-1795 (2720-2721).

       A. Neander:
       History of Christian Religion.
       2795 (2721).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       2795 (2721).

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Christian Church,
       465 (451).

       A. Carr:
       Christianity and Roman Empire,
       465-466 (451-2).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of Christianity,
       467 (453).

       J. N. Lamed:
       Europe,
       1035-1036 (1007-1008).

       "Shortly after the beginning of the fourth century there
       occurred an event which, had it been predicted in the days of
       Nero or even of Decius, would have been deemed a wild fancy.
       It was nothing less than the conversion of the Roman Emperor
       to the Christian faith. It was an event of momentous
       importance in the history of the Christian religion. The Roman
       Empire, from being the enemy and persecutor of the Church,
       thenceforward became its protector and patron. The Church
       entered into an alliance with the State, which was to prove
       fruitful of consequences, both good and evil, in the
       subsequent history of Europe. Christianity was now to reap the
       advantages and incur the dangers arising from the friendship
       of earthly rulers, and from a close connection with the civil
       authority."
          G. P. FISHER.

    {747}

       "This important crisis in the history of Christianity almost
       forcibly arrests attention to contemplate the change wrought
       in Christianity by its advancement into a dominant power in
       the State. By ceasing to exist as a separate community, and by
       advancing its pretensions to influence the general government
       of mankind, Christianity, to a certain extent, forfeited its
       independence. It was no longer a republic, governed
       exclusively—as far, at least, as its religious concerns—by
       its own internal policy. The interference of the civil power
       in some of its most, private affairs, the promulgation of its
       canons and even, in some cases, the election of its bishops,
       by the State, was the price which it must inevitably pay for
       its association with the ruling power."
          H. H. MILMAN.

    10. THE NEW CAPITAL OF THE EMPIRE
       (A. D. 330):

       E. L. Cutts:
       Constantine the Great,
       519 (505).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       520-521 (506-507).

       G. Finlay:
       Greece under Romans,
       521 (507).

    11. JULIAN, TO THE DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE
       (A. D. 361-395):

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2796 (2722).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       1445 (1412).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
       2582 (2515).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       2799 (2724-2725).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Dynasty of Theodosius,
       2799-2800 (2725-2726).

    12. REVIVAL AND FINAL OVERTHROW OF PAGANISM
       (A. D. 361-395):

       G. Uhlhorn:
       Conflict of Christianity and Heathenism,
       2796-2798 (2722-2724).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2800-2801 (2726-2727).

       J. B. Carwithen:
       History of Christian Church,
       2801 (2727).

    13. THE DIVIDED EMPIRE
       (A. D. 395-):

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       2801 (2727).

       R. H. Wrightson:
       Respublica Romana,
       2801-2802 (2727-2728).

       G. Finlay:
       Greece under the Romans,
       2803-2804 (2729-2730).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1037 (1009).

    14. THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS
       (A. D. 400-):

       W. Smith:
       Note to Decline and Fall,
       1591-1592 (1553-1554).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1592 (1554).

       J. G. Sheppard:
       Fall of Rome,
       3714-3715 (3594-3595).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1592-1593 (1554-1555).

       C. A. Scott:
       Ulfilas,
       1594 (1556).

       J. C. L. de Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       1595 (1557).

       W. C. Perry:
       The Franks,
       1431 (1397-1398).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1431 (1398).

       J. B. Bury:
       Later Roman Empire,
       2805 (2731).

       E. A. Freeman:
       European History,
       2805-2806 (2731-2732).

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       2806 (2732).

       C. J. Stillé:
       Mediæval History,
       2806-2807 (2732-2733).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       2807-2808, 2808-2809 (2733-2734, 2734-2735).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2808 (2734).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of Middle Ages,
       2809 (2735).

       J. Bryce:
       Holy Roman Empire,
       2809-2810 (2735-2736).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1038-1040 (1010-1012).

    15. CAUSES AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE:

       G. B. Adams:
       Civilization during Middle Ages,
       2807 (2733).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of Middle Ages,
       2810 (2736).

       J. R. Seeley:
       Roman Imperialism,
       2810-2811 (2736-2737).

       C. Merivale:
       History of Romans,
       2811-2812 (2738).

       A. Thierry:
       Merovingian Era,
       2812 (2738).

       W. Stewart:
       The Church in Fourth Century,
       470-471 (456-457).

       C. Merivale:
       Epochs of Church History,
       471 (457).

       E. Hatch:
       Organization of Christian Churches,
       471 (457).

    16. CIVILIZATION OF THE LATER REPUBLIC AND EMPIRE:

       (a) Education.

       J. J. I. Döllinger:
       Gentile and Jew,
       708-709 (685-686).

       E. Kirkpatrick:
       Development of Superior Education,
       709-710 (686-687).

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       710-711 (688).

       E. Edwards:
       Memoirs of Libraries,
       2048-2049 (2005).

       Guhl and Koner:
       Life of Greeks and Romans,
       2049 (2005).

       T. H. Horne:
       Study of Bibliography,
       2050 (2006).

       Historic Researches regarding Library of Alexandria,
       2047-2048 (2003-2004).

       (b) Religion.

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       195 (188).

       W. Ramsay:
       Roman Antiquities,
       196-197 (189-190).

       (c) Law.

       E. Reich:
       Græco-Roman Institutions,
       2726-2727, 2728-2729 (2652-2653, 2655).

       Sir F. Pollock:
       Oxford Lectures,
       2728 (2654).

       T. W. Dwight:
       Introduction to Maine’s Ancient Law,
       www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/22910
       2727 (2653).

       J. Austin:
       Lectures on Jurisprudence,
       2728-2729 (2654-2655).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       2727-2728 (2653-2654).

       J. Hadley:
       Introduction to Roman Law,
       673 (650).

       (d) Trade and Commerce.

       C. Merivale:
       History of Rome,
       3211-3213 (3702).

       H. Pigeonneau:
       History of French Commerce,
       3213-3215 (3702-3704).

       H. Fox Bourne:
       Romance of Trade,
       2245-2246 (2201-2202).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       2248 (2204).

       (e) Medical Science.

       Pliny:
       Natural History,
       2171-2172 (2127-2128).

       W. Whewell:
       Inductive Sciences,
       2172-2173 (2129).

       Roswell Park:
       History of Medicine,
       2173(2129).

       (f) Slavery.

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       2753-2754 (2680).

       W. R. Brownlow:
       Slavery and Serfdom,
       2990 (2912).

    STUDY XIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    FROM THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS TO CHARLEMAGNE
    (A. D. 400-800).

    1. ORIGIN AND MIGRATIONS OF THE BARBARIC NATIONS:

       C. F. Keary:
       Dawn of Civilization,
       144-145 (137-138).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       42, 483 (35, 469).

       T. Smith:
       Arminius,
       1464-1465 (1431-1432).

       Appendix A.,
       3793-3796 (End of Volume I.).

    2. GAUL AND THE GAULS:

       J. Rhys:
       Celtic Britain,
       412 (402).

       C. Merivale:
       History of Romans,
       1448-1449 (1416).

       H. G. Liddell:
       History of Rome,
       2743 (2669).

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       2746-2747 (2672-2673).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       1449 (1416).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Story of Alexander’s Empire,
       1442 (1409).

       J. Cæsar:
       Gallic Wars,
       1444-1445 (1411-1412).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       1445, 1448 (1412, 1415).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1445-1446 (1412-1413).

       H. Pigeonneau:
       History of French Commerce,
       3213-3215 (3702-3704).

    {748}

    3. THE GOTHS:

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and her Invaders.
       1592 (1554).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1592-1593 (1554-1555).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1593 (1555).

       C. A. A. Scott:
       Ulfilas,
       1594 (1556).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of the Roman Empire,
       1595-1596 (1557-1558).

       G. Finlay:
       Greece under the Romans,
       1596-1597 (1558-1559).

       (a.) The Ostrogoths and Theodoric.

       H. Bradley:
       Story of the Goths,
       1594 (1556).

       J. G. Sheppard:
       Fall of Rome.
       1728 (1689).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1598 (1560).

       H. Bradley:
       Story of the Goths,
       1598-1599 (1560-1561).

       H. Bradley:
       Story of the Goths,
       2812-2813 (2738-2739).

       V. Duruy:
       History of Rome,
       2813 (2739).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       2814-2815 (2740-2741).

       J. G. Sheppard:
       Fall of Rome,
       1600 (1562).

       (b) The Visigoths and Alaric.

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       1594-1595 (1556-1557).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1594, 1595 (1556, 1557).

       H. Bradley:
       Story of the Goths,
       1597 (1559).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       2807-2808 (2733-2734).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1597 (1559).

       H. Bradley:
       Story of the Goths,
       1598, 1599 (1560, 1561).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       1598 (1560).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of Middle Ages,
       1599-1600 (1561-1562).

    4. BREAKING OF THE RHINE BARRIER
       (A. D. 406-500):

       J. B. Bury:
       Later Roman Empire,
       2805 (2731).

       E. A. Freeman:
       European History,
       2805-2806 (2731-2732)

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       2806 (2732).

       C. J. Stillé:
       Mediæval History,
       2806-2807 (2732-2733).

       G. B. Adams:
       Civilization during Middle Ages,
       2807 (2733).

    5. THE HUNS AND ATTILA:

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1726 (1687).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       1594-1595 (1556-1557).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of the Middle Ages,
       1726 (1687).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1727 (1688).

       J. G. Sheppard:
       Fall of Rome,
       1727 (1688).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1727 (1688).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1727-1728 (1689)

       Sir E. Creasy:
       Fifteen Decisive Battles,
       1728 (1689).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1728-1729 (1689-1690).

    6. THE VANDALS AND GENSERIC:

       J. G. Sheppard:
       Fall of Rome,
       3714-3715 (3594-3595).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1445-1446, 3053-3054, 3715 (1412-1413, 2973-2974, 3595).

       G. Finlay:
       Greece under the Romans,
       3716 (3596).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       3716 (3596).

    7. THE FRANKS AND CLOVIS:

       W. C. Perry:
       The Franks,
       1430-1431 (1397-1398).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1431 (1398).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       1445 (1412).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       3207 (3121).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       French under the Merovingians,
       1432 (1399).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       42-43 (35-36).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of Middle Ages,
       1432 (1399).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       1433 (1400).

       S. Baring Gould:
       The Church in Germany,
       472 (458).

    8. THE REIGN OF JUSTINIAN
       (A. D. 527-565):

       G. Finlay:
       Greece Under the Romans,
       2814 (2740).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       2814-2415 (2740-2701).

       J. Hadley:
       Introduction to Roman Law,
       637-638 (614-615).

    9. THE MEROVINGIAN DYNASTY
       (A. D. 448-752):

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The French under the Merovingians,
       1432 (1399).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of the Middle Ages,
       1432 (1399).

       W. C. Perry:
       The Franks,
       202, 1432-1433 (195, 1399-1400).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       202 (195).

       T. Smith:
       Arminius,
       1465-1466 (1432-1435).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       1466 (1435).

       A. Thierry:
       The Merovingian Era,
       1446 (1413).

    10. THE LOMBARDS:

       J. G. Sheppard:
       Fall of Rome,
       2076 (2032).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       2077 (2033).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2077 (2033).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       2077-2078 (2033-2034).

    11. CIVILIZATION AT BEGINNING OF THE MIDDLE AGES:

       (a) Political and Social.

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       2224 (2180).

       G. B. Adams:
       Civilization during the Middle Ages,
       2224-2225 (2180-2181).

       B. Bosanquet:
       Civilization of Christendom,
       2225 (2181).

       A. Thierry:
       Formation of the Tiers État,
       1446-1448 (1413-1415).

       W. Robertson:
       Charles the Fifth,
       2990-2991 (2913).

       (i) Religion.

       W. Stewart:
       Church of the Fifth Century,
       470-471 (456-457).

       C. Merivale:
       Early Church History,
       471 (457).

       E. Hatch:
       Organization of Christian Churches,
       471 (457).

       G. Stokes:
       The Celtic Church,
       472 (458).

       M. Creighton:
       The Papacy,
       2818 (2744).

       I. Gregory Smith:
       Christian Monasticism,
       2239-2240 (2195-2196).

       Count de Montalembert:
       Monks of the West,
       2240-2241 (2196-2197).

       (c) Education.

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       710 (687).

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       710-711 (687-688).

       A. T. Drane:
       Christian Schools,
       711-712 (688-689).

    12. THE RISE OF FEUDALISM:

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       1145-1146 (1117-1118).

       E. Emerton:
       The Middle Ages,
       1146 (1118).

       Schröder:
       Deutsehen Rechtsgeschichte,
       1146-1147.

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1047-1048 (1019-1020).

       A. Thierry:
       Formation of the Tiers État,
       1446-1448 (1413-1415).

    {749}

    STUDY XIV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE RISE OF THE MODERN NATIONS.

    1. THE FRANKS:

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of the Middle Ages,
       1432 (1399).

       T. Smith:
       Arminius,
       1465-1466 (1432-1435).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       1466 (1435).

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization.
       2163 (2119).

       W. C. Perry:
       The Franks,
       1432-1433 (1399-1400).

       S. Baring Gould:
       The Church in Germany,
       472 (458).

       E. L. Cutts:
       Charlemagne,
       472-473 (458-459).

    2. THE BURGUNDIANS:

       J. G. Sheppard:
       The Fall of Rome,
       3714-3715 (3594-3495).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       338 (328).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The French under the Merovingians,
       339 (329).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       339 (329).

    3. THE SAXONS:

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       2884-2885 (2809-2810).

       R. G. Latham:
       The Germany of Tacitus,
       2885 (2810).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       2885 (2810).

    4. THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE
       (A. D. 800-814):

       C. J. Stillé:
       Mediæval History,
       1467-1468 (1436-1437).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of the Middle Ages,
       1434 (1401).

       E. Emerton:
       Study of the Middle Ages,
       1434-1435 (1401-1402).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1435 (1402)

       Sir J. Stephen:
       History of France,
       1436 (1403).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1468 (1437).

       A. T. Drane:
       Christian Schools and Scholars,
       712 (689).

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       2911 (2836).

       Eginhard:
       Life of Charlemagne,
       474 (460).

       J. B. Mullinger:
       Schools of Charles the Great,
       474 (460).

       "Gibbon has remarked, that of all the heroes to whom the title
       of ‘The Great’ has been given, Charlemagne alone has retained
       it as a permanent addition to his name. The reason may perhaps
       be that in no other man were ever united, in so large a
       measure, and in such perfect harmony, the qualities, which, in
       their combination, constitute the heroic character,—such as
       energy, or love of action; ambition, or the love of power;
       curiosity, or the love of knowledge; and sensibility, or the
       love of pleasure. Not, indeed, the love of forbidden,
       unhallowed, or of enervating pleasure, but the keen relish for
       those blameless delights by which the burdened mind and jaded
       spirits recruit and renovate their powers. … His lofty
       stature, his open countenance, his large and brilliant eyes,
       and the dome-like structure of his head, imparted, as we learn
       from Eginhard, to all his attitudes the dignity which becomes
       a King, relieved by the graceful activity of a practised
       warrior. … Whether he was engaged in a frolic or a
       chase—composed verses or listened to homilies—fought or
       negotiated—cast down thrones or built them up—studied,
       conversed, or legislated, it seemed as if he, and he alone,
       were the one wakeful and really living agent in the midst of
       an inert, visionary, and somnolent generation."
          SIR JAMES STEPHEN.

    5. THE BEGINNINGS OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History,
       3245 (3129).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1726 (1687).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       1594-1595 (1556-1557).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       1728-1729 (1689-1690).

       J. G. Sheppard:
       Fall of Rome,
       242-243 (235-236).

       G. P. R. James:
       History of Charlemagne,
       243 (236).

       L. Leger:
       History of Austro-Hungary,
       205 (198).

    6. DISSOLUTION OF THE CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE
       (A. D. 814-877):

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1436-1438 (1403-1405).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of Latin Christianity,
       1468 (1437).

       S. Menzies:
       History of Europe,
       1468-1469 (1437-1438).

    7. THE TREATY OF VERDUN
       (A. D. 843):

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       3735 (3615).

       H. Hallam:
       Middle Ages,
       3736 (3616).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       1469 (1438).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1436-1438 (1403-1405).

    8. THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MODERN EUROPEAN NATIONS
       (A. D. 843-1000):

       (a) France.

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       1187 (1157).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Franks and Gauls,
       1187 (1157).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1187-1188 (1157-1158).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1188 (1158).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1436-1438 (1403-1405).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Franks and Gauls,
       1438 (1405).

       Sir F. Palgrave:
       History of Normandy and England,
       1188 (1158).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1188-1189 (1158-1159).

       E. de Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1189 (1159).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Franks and Gauls,
       1189 (1159).

       E. Lavisse:
       Political History of Europe,
       1189 (1159).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       3274 (3158).

       (b) Germany.

       T. Smith:
       Arminius,
       1464-1465 (1431-1432).

       C. J. Stillé:
       Mediæval History,
       1467-1468 (1436-1437).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginnings of Middle Ages,
       1434 (1401).

       E. Emerton:
       Study of Middle Ages,
       1434 (1401).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1436-1438 (1403-1405).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Franks and Gauls,
       1438 (1405).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       1469 (1438).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1470 (1439).

       A. W. Grübe:
       Heroes of History,
       1470 (1439).

       C. W. Koch:
       The Revolutions of Europe,
       1470-1471 (1439-1440).

       L. Ranke:
       History of Reformation,
       1471-1472 (1440-1441).

       (c) Italy.

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2816 (2742).

       J. G. Sheppard:
       Fall of Rome,
       2076 (2032).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of Roman Empire,
       2077 (2033).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2077 (2033).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       2077-2078 (2033-2034).

       S. Menzies:
       History of Europe,
       1468-1469 (1437-1438).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1847-1848 (1807-1808).

       A. F. Villemain:
       Life of Gregory VII.,
       2820 (2746).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1848 (1808).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Italian Republics,
       1848 (1808).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       1849 (1809).

    {750}

    STUDY XV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    GERMANY TO THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
       (A. D. 1000-1450).

    1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT CLOSE OF THE TENTH CENTURY:

       J. I. von Döllinger:
       European History,
       2820-2821 (2746-2747).

       Cardinal J. H. Newman:
       Essays,
       2485-2486 (2426-2427).

       W. B. Boyce:
       Introduction to the Study of History,
       1472-1473 (1441-1442).

       S. A. Dunham:
       History of the Germanic Empire,
       2730 (2656).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       2730 (2656).

       J. H. Allen:
       Christian History,
       1473 (1442).

    2. BEGINNING OF THE CONTEST BETWEEN THE EMPIRE AND THE PAPACY:

       G. B. Adams:
       Civilization during the Middle Ages,
       1473-1474 (1442-1443).

       Count de Montalembert:
       Monks of the West,
       2486-2487 (2427-2428).

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of Church History,
       2487 (2428).

       Hinschius:
       Investiturstrcit,
       2488-2489 (3794-3796).

       W. R. W. Stephens:
       Hildebrand,
       396-397 (386-387).

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       2887 (2812).

       J. H. Allen:
       Christian History,
       1474 (1443).

       J. J. I. Döllinger:
       History of the Church,
       1474-1475 (1443-1444).

    3. RISE OF THE COLLEGE OF ELECTORS
       (A. D. 1125-1272):

       K. Lamprecht:
       History of Germany,
       1475-1476 (3759-3760).

       T. Carlyle:
       Frederick the Great,
       1476-1477 (1445).

       T. Carlyle:
       Frederick the Great,
       316-317 (306).

    4. THE DISINTEGRATION OF THE EMPIRE:

       J. Jastrow:
       Deutschen Einheitstraum,
       1477-1478 (3761-3672).

       C. Beard:
       Martin Luther,
       487 (473).

       W. J. Wyatt:
       History of Prussia,
       487-488 (473-474).

    5. RISE OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN; THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

       U. Balzani:
       The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
       1478 (1445).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1652 (1614).

       P. M. Thornton:
       The Brunswick Accession,
       1652-1653 (1614-1615).

       A. Gallenga:
       Italy,
       1014-1015 (986-987).

       Sir A. Halliday:
       Annals of the House of Hanover,
       2888 (2813).

       T. A. Trollope:
       Commonwealth of Florence,
       1857-1858 (1817-1818).

    6. THE TWO GREAT FREDERICKS:

       (a) Frederick I., Barbarossa (A. D. 1152-1190).

       O. Browning:
       Guelphs and Ghibellines,
       1478-1479 (1445-1446).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The Italian Republics,
       1851-1852 (1811-1812).

       U. Balzani:
       The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
       1852 (1812).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The Italian Republics,
       1852 (1812).

       U. Balzani:
       The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
       1852-1853 (1812-1813).

       W. Menzel:
       History of Germany,
       1853 (1813).

       M. Creighton:
       History of the Papacy,
       2492-2493 (2432-2433).

       The Republic of Venice,
       3726 (3606).

       (b) Frederick the Second
       (A. D. 1220-1250).

       E. A. Freeman:
       European History,
       1480 (1447).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1854 (1814).

       A. B. Pennington:
       Emperor Frederick II.,
       1854-1855 (1814-1815).

       T. L. Kington:
       Frederick the Second,
       1855-1856 (1815-1816).

       G. Procter:
       History of the Crusades,
       657, first column, (634).

       Besant and Palmer:
       Jerusalem,
       1926, second column, (1885).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1481-1482 (1448-1449).

       "We have seen the Roman Empire revived in A. D. 800, by a
       prince whose vast dominions gave ground to his claim of
       universal monarchy; again erected, in A. D. 962, on the
       narrower but firmer basis of the German Kingdom. We have seen
       Otto the Great and his successors during the three following
       centuries, a line of monarchs of unrivalled vigor and
       abilities, strain every nerve to make good the pretensions of
       their office against the rebels in Italy and the
       ecclesiastical power. The Roman Empire might, and, so far as
       practical utility was concerned, ought now to have been
       suffered to expire; nor could it have ended more gloriously
       than with the last of the Hohenstaufen. That it did not so
       expire, but lived on 600 years more, till it became a piece of
       antiquarianism hardly more venerable than ridiculous,—till, as
       Voltaire said, all that could be said about it was that it was
       neither Holy, nor Roman, nor an Empire,—was owing partly
       indeed to the belief, still unshaken, that it was a necessary
       part of the world’s order, yet chiefly to its connection,
       which was by this time indissoluble, with the German Kingdom.
       The Germans had confounded the two characters of their
       sovereign so long, and had grown so fond of the style and
       pretensions of a dignity whose possession appeared to exalt
       them above the other peoples of Europe, that it was now too
       late for them to separate the local from the universal
       monarch."
          JAMES BRYCE.

    7. THE HANSEATIC LEAGUE
       (ABOUT A. D. 1250):

       History of the Hanseatic League,
       1663 (1626).

       R. Schröder:
       Der Deutschen Rechtsgeschichte,
       1663-1664.

       K. Lamprecht:
       Deutsche Geschichte,
       1664-1665.

    8. THE RISE OF THE HAPSBURGS:

       Sir R. Comyn:
       History of the Western Empire,
       1482-1483 (1449-1450).

       W. Coxe:
       History of the House of Austria,
       206 (199).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1481-1482 (1448-1449).

       Sir R. Comyn:
       The Western Empire,
       206-207 (199-200).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1710 (1671).

       The Legend of Tell and Rütli,
       3127, first column, (3043).

    9. A CENTURY OF CONFUSION:

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       1484 (1451).

       S. A. Dunham:
       The Germanic Empire,
       1484-1485 (1451-1452).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1485-1486 (1452-1543).

       L. von Ranke:
       The Reformation in Germany,
       1486 (1453).

    10. THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE:

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1435 and 2725 (1402 and 2652).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the World,
       2725-2726.

       W. von Giesebrecht:
       The German Empire,
       2726.

       F. A. Gregorovius:
       History of Rome,
       2726.

       C. W. Koch:
       Revolutions of Europe,
       1471, second column, (1440).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the Reformation,
       1471-1472 (1440-1441).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1481-1482 (1448-1449).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the Reformation,
       1486 (1453).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1541 (1507).

    {751}

       "On August 1, the French Envoy at Regensburg announced to the
       Diet that his master, who had consented to become Protector of
       the Confederate princes, no longer recognized the existence of
       the Empire. Francis II. resolved at once to anticipate this
       new Odoacer, and by a declaration, dated August 6, 1800,
       resigned the imperial dignity. … Throughout, the term German
       Empire (deutsches Reich) is employed. But it was the crown of
       Augustus, of Constantine, of Charles, of Maximilian, that
       Francis of Hapsburg laid down, and a new era in the world’s
       history was marked by the fall of its most venerable
       institution. One thousand and six years after Leo, the Pope,
       had crowned the Frankish King, eighteen hundred and
       fifty-eight years after Cæsar had conquered at Pharsalia, the
       Holy Roman Empire came to its end."
          JAMES BRYCE.

    STUDY XVI.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    FRANCE TO THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
    (A. D. 1000-1453).

    1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE PERIOD
       (ABOUT A. D. 1000):

       E. de Bounechose:
       History of France,
       1189 (1159).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Franks and the Gauls,
       1189 (1159).

       E. Lavisse:
       Political History of Europe,
       1189 (1159).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       France under the Feudal System,
       1189-1190 (1159-1160).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1190 (1161).

       M. Arnold:
       Schools and Universities,
       717-718 (694-695).

    2. THE RISE OF FREE CITIES AND OF THE COMMUNES:

       Achille Luchaire:
       The French Communes,
       1190-1193 (3748-3750).

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       505-506 (491-492).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       506 (492).

    3. CONSOLIDATION AND EXPANSION OF THE KINGDOM
       (A. D. 1100-1225):

       C. M. Yonge:
       History of France,
       1193 (1162).

       Mrs. J. R. Green:
       Henry the Second,
       826 (799).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1193-1194 (1162).

       E. Smedley:
       History of France,
       2551 (2485).

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       828 (801).

       See Maps between pages 1200-1201 (1168-1169).

    4. THE NOTABLE REIGN OF SAINT LOUIS, LOUIS IX.
       (1226-1270):

       G. Masson:
       St. Louis,
       1194 (1163).

       A. L. la Marche:
       France under Saint Louis,
       1194-1196 (3750-3753).

       Saint Louis of France,
       1196 (1164).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1197 (1165).

       H. H. Milman:
       Latin Christianity,
       1197 (1165).

       F. P. Guizot;
       History of France,
       657-658 and 658-659 (634-635 and 635-636).

       Origin of the Houses of Valois and Bourbon,
       1197, 3714 (1165, 3594).

       Duc d’Aumale:
       The House of Condé,
       314 (304).

       "St. Louis struck at the spirit of the Middle Age, and therein
       insured the downfall of its forms and whole embodiment. … He
       undermined Feudalism, because he hated injustice; he warred
       with the Middle Age, because he could not tolerate its
       disregard of human rights; and he paved the way for
       Philip-le-Bel’s struggle with the Papacy, because he looked
       upon religion and the Church as instruments for man’s
       salvation, not as tools for worldly aggrandizement. The first
       calm, deliberate, consistent opposition to the centralizing
       power of the great See was that offered by its truest friend
       and honest ally, Louis of France. … He is perhaps the only
       monarch on record who failed in most of what he undertook of
       active enterprise, who was under the control of the prejudices
       of his age, who was a true conservative, who never dreamed of
       effecting great social changes,—and who yet, by his mere
       virtues, his sense of duty, his power of conscience, made the
       most mighty and vital reforms."

    5. PHILIP IV. AND THE STRUGGLE WITH THE PAPACY
       (A. D. 1285-1314):

       G. M. Bussey:
       History of France,
       1198 (1166).

       G. Trevor:
       Fall of the Western Empire,
       2494-2495 (2434-2435).

       A. R. Pennington:
       The Church in Italy,
       2495 (2435).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       3177 (3092).

    6. THE PARLIAMENT OF PARIS AND THE STATES GENERAL:

       Sir James Stephen:
       History of France,
       2554-2555 (2488-2489).

       Lord Brougham:
       History of England and France,
       2555 (2489).

       Sir James Stephen:
       History of France,
       3108-3109 3026-3027).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       3109 (3027).

       A. Thierry:
       The Tiers État,
       1202-1203 (1170-1171).

    7. THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP OF VALOIS, PHILIP VI.
       (A. D. 1328):

       J. Michelet:
       History of France.
       1200 (1168).

       E. de Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1200 (1168).

       J. Michelet:
       History of France,
       1200 (1168).

    8. THE ONE HUNDRED YEARS WAR
       (A. D. 1327-1435):

       (a) The First Period (1327-1380).

       J. Froissart:
       Chronicles,
       1200-1201 (1168-1169).

       H. Hallam:
       Middle Ages,
       1201 (1169).

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       2868 (2794).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       2868 (2794).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       2868 (2794).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1201 (1169).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1201 (1169).

       J. Michelet:
       History of France,
       1201-1202 (1169-1170).

       A. Thierry:
       The Tiers État,
       1202-1203 (1170-1171).

       Professor de Vericour:
       The Jacquerie,
       1204 (1172).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1204 (1172).

       E. Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1205 (1173).

       (b) The Second Period
       (1415-1435).

       A. J. Church:
       Henry the Fifth,
       1205-1206 (1173-1174).

       C. M. Yonge:
       English History,
       1206 (1174).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1207 (1175).

    9. MISSION OF THE MAID OF ORLEANS
       (A. D. 1429-1431);

       A. de Lamartine:
       Joan of Arc,
       1207-1208 (1175-1176).

       S. Luce:
       Jeanne d’Arc,
       1208 (3755).

       A. de Lamartine:
       Joan of Arc,
       1208-1209 (1175-1176).

       Lord Mahon:
       Historical Essays,
       1209 (1177).

       J. O’Hagan:
       Joan of Arc,
       1209 (1177).

       T. de Quincey:
       Joan of Arc,
       1209-1210 (1177-1178).

       "Her ways and habits during the year she was in arms are
       attested by a multitude of witnesses. Dunois and the Duke of
       Alençon bear testimony to what they term her extraordinary
       talents for war, and to her perfect fearlessness in action;
       but in all other things she was the most simple of creatures.
       She wept when she first saw men slain in battle, to think that
       they should have died without confession. She wept at the
       abominable epithets which the English heaped upon her; but she
       was without a trace of vindictiveness. … In her diet she was
       abstemious in the extreme, rarely eating until evening, and
       then for the most part, of bread and water, sometimes mixed
       with wine. In the field, she slept in her armor; but when she
       came into a city, she always sought out some honorable matron,
       under whose protection she placed herself; and there is
       wonderful evidence of the atmosphere of purity which she
       diffused around her, her very presence banishing from men’s
       hearts all evil thoughts and wishes. Her conversation, when
       not of war, was entirely of religion. She confessed often, and
       received communion twice in the week."
          J. O’HAGAN.

    {752}

    10. THE EFFECTS OF THE ONE HUNDRED YEARS WAR:

       E. E. Crowe:
       History of France,
       1210 (1178).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1211 (1179).

       C. W. Oman:
       Warwick the King-Maker,
       846-847 (819-820).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1065-1068 (1037-1040).

    11. THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION OF CHARLES VII.
       (A. D. 1438):

       R. C. Trench:
       Church History,
       2500 (2440).

       M. Creighton:
       History of the Papacy,
       1210-1211 (1178-1179).

       "Such were the chief reforms of its own special grievances
       which France wished to establish. It was the first step in the
       assertion of the rights of National Churches to arrange for
       themselves the details of their own ecclesiastical
       organizations."
          M. CREIGHTON.

    STUDY XVII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    ITALY TO THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES
    (A. D. 1000-1450).

    1. GENERAL CONDITIONS AT THE CLOSE OF THE TENTH CENTURY:

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1848 (1808).

       A. F. Villemain:
       Life of Gregory VII.,
       2820 (2746).

       H. H. Milman:
       Latin Christianity,
       2820 (2746).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The Italian Republics,
       1848 (1808).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1848-1849 (1808-1809).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       2725 (2652).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the World,
       2725-2726.

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       2078, first column, (2034).

    2. THE NORMAN SETTLEMENTS
       (A. D. 1000-1100):

       A. Thierry:
       Conquest of England,
       2418 (2366).

       Sir F. Palgrave:
       History of Normandy, etc.,
       2419-2420 (2367-2368).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       2421-2422 (2369-2370).

       Sir F. Palgrave:
       History of Normandy,
       2422 (2370).

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       2981-2982 (2903-2904).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Story of Sicily,
       2983 (2905).

       G. Finlay:
       The Byzantine Empire,
       2984 (2906).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2984 (2906).

       J. Michelet:
       History of France,
       1849 (1809).

       G. Procter:
       History of Italy,
       1849-1850 (1809-1810).

       H. H. Milman:
       Latin Christianity,
       2821 (2747).

       A. H. Johnson:
       The Normans in Europe,
       1850-1851 (1810-1811).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1051 (1023).

    3. RISE OF THE FREE CITIES:

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       2077-2078 (2033-2034).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The Italian Republics,
       1850 (1810).

       Hinschius:
       Investiturstreit,
       2488-2489 (3794-3796).

       H. E. Napier:
       Florentine History,
       3273 (3157).

       (a) Milan.

       W. Ihne:
       History of Rome,
       2746-2747 (2672-2673).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2226 (2182).

       G. B. Testa:
       War of Frederick I. against Lombardy,
       2226 (2182).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       2226-2227 (2182-2183).

       (b) Florence.

       H. E. Napier:
       Florentine History,
       1160 (1130).

       T. A. Trollope:
       Commonwealth of Florence,
       1160-1161 (1130-1131).

       B. Duffy:
       The Tuscan Republics,
       1161 (1131).

       (c) Pavia.

       G. B Niebuhr:
       History of Rome,
       2070 (2026).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2077 (2033).

       (d) Pisa.

       L. Pignotti:
       History of Tuscany,
       2605-2606 (2537-2538).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Italian Republics,
       2606-2607 (2538-2539).

       (e) Venice.

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       3722 (3602).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       3722 (3602).

       G. Finlay:
       Byzantine Empire,
       3722-3723 (3602-3603).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Italian Republics,
       3724-3725 (3604-3605).

    4. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE STATES OF THE CHURCH:

       J. N. Murphy:
       The Chair of Peter,
       2492 (2432).

       H. E. Napier:
       Florentine History,
       3273 (3157).

       M. Creighton:
       History of the Papacy,
       2493 (2433).

    5. CONDITIONS IN ROME.

       J. I. Döllinger:
       European History,
       2821 (2747).

       H. H. Milman:
       Latin Christianity,
       2821 (2747).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2822 (2748).

    6. STRUGGLE OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLICS WITH THE EMPERORS:

       (a) With Frederick I., Barbarossa (A. D. 1154-1183).

       O. Browning:
       Guelphs and Ghibellines,
       1478-1479 (1445-1446).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The Italian Republics,
       1851-1852 (1811-1812).

       U. Balzani:
       The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
       1852 (1812).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The Italian Republics,
       1852 (1812).

       U. Balzani:
       The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
       1852-1853 (1812-1813).

       W. Menzel:
       History of Germany,
       1853 (1813).

       (b) With Frederick the Second
       (A. D. 1220-1250).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1854 (1814).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Italian Republics,
       1137-1138 (1109-1110).

       E. A. Freeman:
       European History,
       1479 (1446).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Frederick the Second,
       1480, first column (1447).

       J. A. Symonds:
       The Revival of Learning,
       720 (697).

       (c) The Results of the Contest.

       J. Burckhardt:
       The Renaissance in Italy,
       1856-1857 (1816-1817).

       O. Browning:
       Guelfs and Ghibellines,
       1856 (1816).

       E. Smedley:
       History of France,
       1858-1859 (1818-1819).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Florence and the Medici,
       1163 (1133).

    7. THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

       U. Balzani:
       The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
       1478 (1445).

       H. Hallam:
       Middle Ages,
       1652 (1614).

       Sir A. Halliday:
       Annals of House of Hanover,
       1652 (1614).

       T. A. Trollope:
       Commonwealth of Florence,
       1857-1858 (1817-1818).

       R. W. Church:
       Dante,
       1858 (1818).

       N. Machiavelli:
       History of Florence,
       1161-1162 (1131-1132).

    {753}

       O. Browning:
       Guelphs and Ghibellines,
       1162 (1132).

       T. A. Trollope:
       The Commonwealth of Florence,
       1162-1163 (1132-1133).

    8. THE AGE OF THE DESPOTS
       (A. D. 1250-1500):

       J. Burckhardt:
       The Renaissance in Italy,
       1856-1857 (1816-1817).

       T. A. Trollope:
       The Commonwealth of Florence,
       1857-1858 (1817-1818).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       1859 (1819).

       J. A. Symonds:
       The Renaissance in Italy,
       1859 (1819).

       J. Yeats:
       Growth of Commerce,
       2249, second column, (2205).

       A. von Reumont:
       Lorenzo de’ Medici,
       2250 (2206).

       T. A. Trollope:
       Commonwealth of Florence,
       2250 (2206).

       J. A. Symonds:
       The Renaissance,
       2463-2464.

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1074-1045 (1046-1047).

    9. CONTINUED CONTESTS BETWEEN THE GUELFS AND GHIBELLINES:

       W. Hunt:
       History of Italy,
       1860-1861 (1820-1821).

       H. E. Napier:
       Florentine History,
       1861 (1821).

       G. Procter:
       History of Italy,
       1862-1863 (1822-1823).

    10. RIENZI; THE LAST OF THE TRIBUNES
       (A. D. 1347-1354):

       Professor de Vericour:
       Rienzi, 2822-2824 (2748-2750).

       W. W. Story:
       The Castle of St. Angelo,
       2824-2825 (2750-2751).

    11. THE INFAMOUS "FREE COMPANIES"
       (ABOUT A. D. 1340-1390):

       T. A. Trollope:
       Commonwealth of Florence,
       1865-1866 (1825-1826).

       W. P. Urquhart:
       Life of F. Sforza,
       1866 (1826).

       Sir John Hawkwood,
       1866 (1826).

    12. DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY PRINCIPALITIES:

       (a) Florence.

       (1) The Passing of the Republic.

       J. A. Symonds:
       Florence and the Medici,
       1163 (1133).

       C. Balbo:
       Life of Dante,
       1164 (1134).

       W. P. Urquhart:
       Life of F. Sforza,
       1165 (1135).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       Machiavelli,
       1166 (1136).

       G. Boccaccio:
       The Decameron,
       1166 (1136).

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       History of Agriculture,
       292-293 (283-284).

       T. A. Trollope:
       Commonwealth of Florence,
       1166-1167 (1136-1137).

       H. E. Napier:
       Florentine History,
       1167 (1137).

       (2) The Medici.

       J. A. Symonds:
       Florence and the Medici,
       1167-1168 (1137-1138).

       T. A. Trollope:
       Commonwealth of Florence,
       1168-1169 (1138-1139).

       W. B. Scaife:
       Florentine Life,
       1169 (1139).

       W. Hunt:
       History of Italy,
       1169 (1139).

       A. von Reumont:
       Lorenzo de’ Medici,
       1169-1170 (1139-1140).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Italian Republics,
       1170-1171 (1140-1141).

       P. Villari:
       Machiavelli,
       1171-1172 (1141-1142).

       Mrs. Oliphant:
       Makers of Florence,
       1172 (1142).

       H. A. Taine:
       Italy, Florence, and Venice,
       1172-1173 (1142-1143).

       (3) Savonarola.

       O. T. Hill:
       Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross,
       1173-1175 (1143-1145).

       H. E. Napier:
       Florentine History,
       1176 (1146).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Studies in Italy,
       1176-1177 (1146-1147).

       Mrs. Oliphant:
       Makers of Florence,
       1172 (1142).

       "Florence was as near a pagan city as it was possible for its
       rulers to make it. … Society had never been more dissolute,
       more selfish, or more utterly deprived of any higher aim.
       Barren scholarship, busy over grammatical questions, and
       elegant philosophy, snipping and piecing its logical systems,
       formed the top-dressing to that half-brutal,
       hall-superstitious ignorance of the poor. The dilettante world
       dreamed hazily of a restoration of the worship of the pagan
       gods; Cardinal Bembo bade his friend beware of reading St.
       Paul’s Epistles, lest their barbarous style should corrupt his
       taste. … Thus limited intellectually, the age of Lorenzo was
       still more hopeless morally, full of debauchery, cruelty and
       corruption, violating oaths, betraying trusts, believing in
       nothing but Greek manuscripts, coins, and statues, caring for
       nothing but pleasure. This was the world in which Savonarola
       found himself."
          MRS. OLIPHANT.

       (b) Milan.

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Italian Republics,
       1851, second column, (1811).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       1852, second column, (1812).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Age of Despots,
       2227-2228 (2183-2184).

       W. Robertson:
       Charles the Fifth,
       2228 (2184).

       A. von Reumont:
       Lorenzo de’ Medici,
       2228-2229 (2184-2185).

       (c) Pisa.

       J. T. Bent:
       Genoa,
       2606-2607 (2538-2539).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Studies in Italy,
       50-51 (43-44).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       522-523 (508-509).

       G. Procter:
       History of Italy,
       1862-1863 (1822-1823).

       W. Hunt:
       History of Italy,
       1868 (1828).

       J. N. Murphy:
       The Chair of St. Peter,
       2498 (2438).

       (d) Genoa.

       J. T. Bent:
       Genoa,
       1452-1453, 2606-2607 (1419-1420, 2538-2539).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       2227, second column, (2183).

       J. T. Bent:
       Genoa,
       1454, 2251-2252 (1421, 2207-2208).

       G. B. Malleson:
       Genoese History,
       1454 (1421).

       J. N. Larned:
       Venice and Genoa,
       3220 (3709).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Italian Republics,
       1454 (1421).

       (e) Venice.

       G. Finlay:
       Byzantine and Greek Empires,
       3726 (3606).

       The Republic of Venice,
       3726 (3606).

       E. Pears:
       The Fall of Constantinople,
       3726 (3606).

       W. C. Hazlitt:
       The Venetian Republic,
       3727 (3607).

       J. Yeats:
       The Growth of Commerce,
       3727 (3607).

       G. Finlay:
       Byzantine and Greek Empires,
       523-524 (509-510).

       F. A. Parker:
       Fleets of the World,
       3728 (3608).

       J. T. Bent:
       Genoa,
       3729 (3609).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Italian Republics,
       1869 (1829).

    STUDY XVIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCH: FROM PENTECOST TO GREGORY THE GREAT
    (A. D. 30(?)-600).

    1. JUDÆA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA:

       E. de Pressensé:
       Jesus Christ,
       1961-1962 (1920-1921).

       E. Schürer:
       The Jewish People,
       1678 (1639).

       A. Edersheim:
       Life of Jesus,
       446 (432).

       H. W. Hulbert:
       Historical Geography,
       446 (432).

    {754}

    2. HEROD AND THE HERODIANS
       (B. C. 40-A. D. 44):

       T. Keim:
       Jesus of Nazara,
       1958-1959 (1917-1918).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       1960 (1919).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of the Jews,
       1960 (1919).

    3. THE BIRTH OF JESUS:

       T. Keim:
       Jesus of Nazara,
       1960-1961 (1919-1920).

       W. Hales:
       Analysis of Chronology,
       1011 (984).

    4. PENTECOST, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIRST CHURCHES:

       G. Y. Lechler:
       The Apostolic Times,
       447 (433).

       A. Sabatier:
       The Apostle Paul,
       447 (433).

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       The Apostolic Age,
       448 (434).

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       448 (434).

       J. E. Wiltsch:
       Statistics of the Church,
       448 (434).

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       The Apostolic Age,
       449 (435).

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       449 (435).

    5. THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD (A. D. 30(?)-100):

       (a) The Church at Antioch.

       C. Thirlwall:
       History of Greece,
       2107, 2960 (2063, 2883).

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       448 (434).

       J. J. von Döllinger:
       European History,
       449 (435).

       W. M. Ramsay:
       The Church in the Roman Empire,
       449 (435).

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       449 (435).

       B. Weiss:
       Introduction to the New Testament,
       450 (436).

       G. B. Brown:
       From Schola to Cathedral,
       450 (436).

       (b) The Missions of St. Paul.

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Christian Church,
       450 (436).

       A. Sabatier;
       The Apostle Paul,
       450-451 (436-437).

       A. Sabatier;
       The Apostle Paul,
       451, second column, (437).

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       Biblical Essays,
       451 (437).

       W. M. Ramsay:
       The Church in the Roman Empire,
       451 (437).

       C. T. Cruttwell:
       Literary History of Early Christianity,
       191-192 (184-185).

       (c) The Church at Rome.

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       453 (439).

       G. Salmon:
       Infallibility of the Church,
       2476 (2417).

       J. J. I. Döllinger:
       History of the Church,
       2476-2477 (2417-2418).

       F. W. Farrar:
       Early Days of Christianity,
       2781-2782 (2707-2708).

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       The Apostolic Age,
       453 (439).

       (d) The Church at Alexandria.

       R. S. Poole:
       The Cities of Egypt,
       44 (37).

       E. Kirkpatrick:
       Development of Superior Education,
       708 (685).

       A. Neander:
       History of the Christian Church,
       452 (438).

       J. P. Mahaffy:
       Alexander’s Empire,
       2973 (2896).

       (e) The Destruction of Jerusalem.

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       The Apostolic Age,
       449 (435).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       1962 (1921).

       Besant and Palmer:
       Jerusalem,
       1963 (1922).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of the Jews,
       1963 (1922).

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       The Apostolic Age,
       461 (447).

       (f) St. John, and the Church at Ephesus.

       E. Abbott:
       History of Greece,
       146, second column, (139).

       J. T. Wood:
       Discoveries at Ephesus,
       1008-1009 (981-2)

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       1009 (982).

       J. B. Lightfoot;
       Biblical Essays,
       451-452 (437-438).

       "For Christians are not distinguished from the rest of mankind
       either in locality or in speech, or in customs. … They dwell
       in their own countries as the lot of each is cast, but only as
       sojourners; they bear their share in all things as citizens,
       and they endure all hardships as strangers. Every foreign
       country is a fatherland to him and every fatherland is
       foreign. … Their existence is on earth, but their citizenship
       is in heaven. They obey the established laws, and they surpass
       the laws in their own lives. They love all men, and they are
       persecuted by all. War is urged against them as aliens by the
       Jews, and persecution is carried on against them by the
       Greeks, and yet those that hate them cannot tell the reason of
       their hostility."
          THE EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS (ABOUT A. D. 150).

    6. THE PERIOD OF CHURCH DEVELOPMENT (A. D. 100-312):

       G. B. Brown:
       From Schola to Cathedral,
       455 (441).

       B. F. Westcott:
       Religious Thought in the West,
       453-454, 454 (439-440, 440).

       J. F. Hurst:
       History of the Christian Church,
       454 (440).

       G. Uhlhorn:
       Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
       454 (440).

       W. M. Ramsay:
       The Church in the Roman Empire,
       455 (441).

       J. H. Kurtz:
       Church History,
       457 (443).

       G. A. Jackson:
       The Fathers of the Third Century,
       457 (443).

       See Map between pages 446-7 (432-3),
       and Appendix D, 3806-3810 (End of Volume I.).

    7. CHARACTERISTICS OF EARLY CHURCH AND CHRISTIANS:

       G. Uhlhorn:
       Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
       454 (440).

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       Translation Epistle to Diognetus,
       454 (440).

       R. W. Church:
       Gifts of Civilization,
       455 (441).

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       Apostolic Age,
       457 (443).

       G. P. Fisher:
       Christian Church,
       459 (445).

       W. M. Ramsay:
       The Church in the Roman Empire,
       456 (442).

       H. Hayman:
       Diocesan Synods,
       456 (442).

       W. Moeller:
       History of the Christian Church,
       457 (443) .

       G. A. Jackson:
       Fathers of the Third Century,
       457 (443).

       J. H. Kurtz:
       Church History,
       459 (445).

    8. THE RISE OF ECCLESIASTICISM:

       W. D. Killen:
       The Old Catholic Church,
       458 (444).

       J. B. Lightfoot:
       The Apostolic Age,
       458 (444).

       C. Gore:
       The Mission of the Church,
       458 (444).

       A. Neander:
       The Christian Religion,
       458 (444).

    9. GROWTH OF GREAT CHURCH CENTRES:

       F. W. Puller:
       Primitive Saints,
       458 (444).

       (a) Alexandria.

       C. T. Cruttwell:
       Literary History of Early Christianity,
       459-460 (445-446).

       J. B. Heard:
       Alexandrian Theology,
       460 (446).

       W. Moeller:
       Christian Church,
       460 (446).

       C. Bigg:
       The Christian Platonists,
       460-461 (446-447).

       F. C. Baur:
       Church of the First Three Centuries,
       1589 (1551).

       (b) Rome.

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       462 (448).

       R. Lanciani:
       Pagan and Christian Rome,
       462-463 (448-449).

       E. de Pressensé:
       Early Years of Christianity,
       463 (449).

       (c) Carthage.

       C. T. Cruttwell:
       Literary History of Early Christianity,
       461-462 (447-448).

       J. I. von Döllinger:
       European History,
       462 (448).

    {755}

    10. THE PERSECUTIONS:

       G. Uhlhorn:
       The Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
       456 (442).

       G. B. Brown:
       From Schola to Cathedral,
       455 (442).

       (а) Under Nero
       (A. D. 64-68).

       F. W. Farrar:
       Early Days of Christianity,
       2781-2782 (2707-2708).

       (b) Under Domitian
       (A. D. 93-96).

       V. Duruy:
       History of Rome,
       2784 (2710).

       (c) Under Trajan
       (A. D. 112-116).

       R. W. Browne:
       History of Rome,
       2786, first column, (2712).

       (d) Under Marcus Aurelius
       (A. D. 175-178).

       F. W. Farrar:
       Seekers after God,
       2788 (2714).

       (e) Under Decius
       (about A. D. 250).

       J. C. Robertson:
       History of Christian Church,
       2790 (2716).

       (f) Under Diocletian
       (A. D. 303-5).

       S. Eliot:
       History of the Early Christians,
       2792-2793 (2718-2719).

       The Ante-Nicene Churches,
       Appendix D, 3806 (End of Volume I.).

    11. THE CHURCH FATHERS:

       J. F. Hurst:
       History of the Christian Church,
       454 (440).

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       456-457 (442-443).

       J. H. Kurtz:
       Church History,
       457 (443).

       G. A. Jackson:
       Fathers of the Third Century,
       457 (443).

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       460 (446).

       A. Plummer:
       Church of the Early Fathers,
       461 (447).

       J. I. von Döllinger:
       European History,
       462 (448).

       E. de Pressensé:
       Early Years of Christianity,
       463 (449).

       W. Stewart:
       Church in the Fourth Century,
       468 (454).

       G. T. Stokes:
       The Celtic Church,
       472 (458).

       W. Stewart:
       Church in the Fourth Century,
       471 (456-457).

       T. W. Allies:
       The Holy See,
       2482 (2423).

    12. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH BECOMES THE CHURCH OF THE EMPIRE
       (A. D. 323):

       G. P. Fisher:
       History of the Christian Church,
       465 (451).

       A. Carr:
       The Church and the Roman Empire,
       465-466 (451-452).

       Eusebius:
       Ecclesiastical History,
       2794 (2720).

       E. L. Cutts:
       Constantine the Great,
       2794-2795 (2721).

       A. Neander:
       History of the Christian Church,
       2795 (2721).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of the Roman Empire,
       2795 (2721).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of Christianity,
       466-467, 467-468 (452-453, 453-454).

    13. THE EASTERN, OR GREEK CHURCH:

       E. L. Cutts:
       Constantine the Great,
       519 (505).

       G. Finlay:
       Greece under the Romans,
       520 (506).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       2801 (2727).

       H. F. Tozer:
       The Church and the Eastern Empire,
       468-469 (454-455).

       R. W. Church:
       The Gifts of Civilization,
       469 (455).

       J. C. Lees:
       The Greek Church,
       470 (456).

    14. THE ARIAN CONTROVERSY, AND COUNCIL OF NICÆA
       (A. D. 325):

       The Councils of the Church,
       644 (621).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of the Roman Empire,
       138 (131).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       138-139 (131-132).

       R. W. Bush:
       St. Athanasius,
       2411 (2359).

       W. Moeller:
       Christian Church,
       466 (452).

       T. Hodgkin:
       The Dynasty of Theodosius,
       2799, second column, (2725).

       E. L. Cutts:
       Charlemagne,
       1150 (1120).

       P. Schaff:
       History of Christian Church,
       1150 (1120).

    15. THE REVIVAL OF PAGANISM, AND FORMAL ESTABLISHMENT OF
    CHRISTIANITY (A. D. 361-395):

       G. Uhlhorn:
       Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism,
       2796-2798 (2722-2724).

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       Fall of the Roman Empire,
       2798, first column, (2724).

       J. B. S. Carwithen:
       History of the Christian Church,
       2801 (2727).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2800-2801 (2726-2727).

    16. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE PROVINCES:

       E. de Pressensé:
       Early Years of Christianity,
       463 (449).

       C. A. A. Scott:
       Ulfilas,
       464, 1594 (450, 1556).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of the Middle Ages,
       1432 (1399).

       S. Baring-Gould;
       The Church in Germany,
       472 (458).

       C. Merivale:
       Church History,
       464 (450).

       R. W. Church:
       Gifts of Civilization,
       465 (451).

       A. Plummer:
       Church of the Early Fathers,
       464 (450).

       Appendix D, 3807-3810 (End of Volume I.).

    17. THE FALL OF IMPERIAL, RISE OF ECCLESIASTICAL ROME:

       J. Watt:
       The Latin Church,
       471 (457).

       C. Merivale:
       Early Church History,
       471 (457).

       E. Hatch:
       Organization of the Christian Churches,
       471 (457).

       G. T. Stokes:
       The Celtic Church,
       472 (458).

       J. J. I. von Döllinger:
       History of the Church,
       2481 (2421-2482).

       C. Gore:
       Leo the Great,
       2481 (2422).

    STUDY XIX.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE ESTABLISHMENT AND GROWTH OF THE PAPACY.

    1. THE ROMAN CHURCH CLAIM OF DESCENT FROM ST. PETER:

       G. Salmon:
       Infallibility of the Church,
       2476 (2417).

       J. J. I. von Döllinger;
       History of the Church,
       2476-2477 (2417-2418).

       Cardinal Gibbons:
       The Faith of Our Fathers,
       2477-2478 (2418-2419).

       Abbé Guettée:
       The Papacy,
       2478-2479 (2419-2420).

       S. Cheetham:
       History of the Church,
       2480 (2421).

       G. F. Seymour:
       Christian Unity,
       2480 (2421).

       E. de Pressensé:
       Early Years of Christianity.
       463 (449).

    2. THE RISE OF THE EPISCOPATE:

       W. D. Killen:
       The Old Catholic Church,
       458 (444).

       C. Gore:
       Mission of the Church,
       458 (444).

       J. B. Lightfoot;
       The Apostolic Age, 458 (444).

       A. Neander:
       The Christian Religion,
       458 (444).

       E. Hatch:
       Organization of the Christian Churches,
       471 (457).

       C. Gore:
       Leo the Great,
       2481 (2422).

    {756}

    3. The PATRIARCHATES:

       J. H. Egar:
       Christendom; Ecclesiastical and Political,
       466 (452).

       J. E. T. Wiltsch:
       Statistics of the Church,
       466 (452).

       J. C. Lees:
       The Greek Church,
       470, first column, (456).

       C. Merivale:
       Early Church History,
       471 (457).

    4. THE EARLY BISHOPS OF ROME
       (A. D. 42-600):

       J. J. I. von Döllinger:
       History of the Church,
       2480-2481 (2421-2422).

       C. Gore:
       Leo the Great,
       2481 (2422).

       J. H. Egar:
       Ecclesiastical and Political Christendom,
       476 (462).

       V. Duruy:
       Middle Ages,
       476 (462).

    5. ORIGIN OF THE PAPAL TITLE:

       A. P. Stanley:
       The Eastern Church,
       2480 (2421).

       R. W. Bush:
       St. Athanasius,
       2411 (2359).

    6. CAUSES THAT LED TO THE SUPREMACY OF THE ROMAN CHURCH:

       J. Watt:
       The Latin Church,
       471 (457).

       C. Merivale:
       Church History,
       471 (457).

       E. Hatch:
       The Christian Churches,
       471 (457).

       C. Gore:
       Leo the Great,
       2481 (2422).

       S. Cheetham:
       The Christian Church,
       2479, last column, 2480 (2421).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe, 1045 (1017).

    7. GREGORY THE GREAT
       (A. D. 590-604):

       V. Duruy:
       The Middle Ages,
       475-476 (461-462).

       J. Barmby:
       Gregory the Great,
       2481-2482 (2422-2423).

       T. W. Allies:
       The Holy See,
       2482 (2423).

       M. Creighton:
       History of the Papacy,
       2818 (2744).

       C. Merivale:
       Early Church History,
       476 (462).

       V. Duruy:
       The Middle Ages,
       476-477 (462-463).

       J. F. Rowbotham:
       History of Music,
       2280-2281.

    8. FROM GREGORY TO CHARLEMAGNE
       (A. D. 600-800):

       The Succession of Popes,
       2482-2483 (2423-2424).

       (a) The Rise of Papal Sovereignty at Rome.

       G. Finlay:
       The Byzantine Empire,
       2483 (2424).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2483 (2424).

       J. E. Darras:
       History of the Catholic Church,
       2483 (2424).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       2483 (2424).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       2483 (2424).

       C. J. Stillé;
       Mediæval History,
       1467, second column, (1436).

       (b) The Iconoclastic Controversy.

       J. L. von Mosheim:
       Ecclesiastical History,
       1732 (1692-1693).

       J. C. Lees:
       The Greek Church,
       470 (456).

       (c) The Forged Donation of Constantine, and False Decretals.

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2484 (2425).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       2484 (2425).

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of Church History,
       2484 (2425).

       J. E. Riddle:
       History of the Papacy,
       2485 (2426).

    9. THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN THE PAPACY AND THE FRANKS:

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire
       (1846-1806). [sic]

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of the Middle Ages,
       1846-1847 (1806-1807).

       C. J. Stillé:
       Studies in Mediaeval History,
       1467-1468 (1436-1437).

       E.Emerton:
       The Middle Ages,
       1434-1435 (1401-1402).

    10. FROM CHARLEMAGNE TO HILDEBRAND; DEGRADATION OF THE HOLY SEE
       (A. D. 300-1073):

       Cardinal J. H. Newman:
       Essays,
       2485-2486 (2426-2427).

       A. F. Villemain:
       Life of Gregory VII.,
       2820 (2746).

       Abbé J. E. Darras:
       The Catholic Church,
       2820 (2746).

       C. W. Koch:
       The Revolutions of Europe,
       1471 (1439-1440).

       J. I. von Döllinger:
       European History,
       2820-2821 (2746-2747).

       J. H. Allen:
       Christian History,
       1473 (1442).

       G. B. Adams:
       Civilization during Middle Ages,
       1473-1474 (1442-1443).

       E. L. Cutts:
       Charlemagne,
       1150 (1120).

       P. Schaff;
       History of the Christian Church,
       1150 (1120).

       "Such are a few of the most prominent features of the
       ecclesiastical history of these dreadful times, when, in the
       words of St. Bruno, 'the world lay in wickedness, holiness had
       disappeared, justice had perished, and truth had been buried;
       Simon Magus lording it over the Church, whose bishops and
       priests were given to luxury and fornication.’ Had we lived in
       such deplorable times … we should have felt for certain, that
       if it was possible to retrieve the Church, it must be by some
       external power; she was helpless and resourceless; and the
       civil power must interfere, or there was no hope."
          CARDINAL J. H. NEWMAN.

    11. HILDEBRAND AND REFORM
       (A. D. 1073-1086):

       Count de Montalembert:
       Monks of the West,
       2486-2487 (2427-2428).

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of History,
       2487-2488 (2428).

       G. B. Adams:
       Civilization during Middle Ages,
       1473-1474 (1442-1443).

       J. N. Murphy:
       The Chair of Peter,
       2492 (2432).

       (а) Papal Elections.

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       2491-2492 (2431-2432).

       (b) Celibacy.

       Sir James Stephen:
       Hildebrand,
       2488 (2429).

       (c) Investitures.

       Hinschius:
       Investiturstreit,
       2488-2489 (3794-3796).

       (d) At Canossa.

       W. Moeller:
       The Christian Church,
       2490 (2430).

       W. R. W. Stephens:
       Hildebrand and His Times,
       396-397 (386-387).

       W. S. Lilly:
       The Turning-Point of the Middle Ages,
       2490-2491 (2430-2431).

       J. H. Allen:
       Christian History,
       1474 (1442).

       H. H. Milman:
       Latin Christianity,
       2821 (2747).

       (e) The Concordat of Worms.

       J. Sime:
       History of Germany,
       1474 (1443).

       J. J. I. Döllinger:
       History of the Church,
       1474-1475 (1443-1444).

       R. C. Trench:
       Mediæval Church History,
       2491 (2431).

    12. THE POPES AND THE HOHENSTAUFEN
       (A. D. 1138-1250):

       J. C. L. Sismondi:
       The Italian Republics,
       1850 (1810).

       M. Creighton:
       History of the Papacy,
       2492-2493 (2432-2433).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       2493-2494 (2433-2434).

       U. Balzani:
       The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
       1478 (1445).

       O. Browning:
       Guelphs and Ghibellines,
       1478-1479 (1445-1446).

       E. A. Freeman:
       European History,
       1479 (1446).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Frederick the Second,
       1479-1480 (1446-1447).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1854 (1814).

       T. L. Kington:
       Frederick the Second,
       1855-1856 (1815-1816).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1050 and 1054 (1022, 1026).

    13. THE "BABYLONISH CAPTIVITY"
       (A. D. 1294-1378):

       G. Trevor:
       Rome,
       2494-2495 (2434-2435).

       L. Pastor:
       History of the Popes,
       2495-2496 (2435-2436).

       M. Creighton:
       History of the Papacy,
       2496 (2436).

    {757}

    14. THE "GREAT SCHISM"
       (A. D. 1378-1417):

       W. W. Story:
       Castle St. Angelo,
       2497 (2437).

       J. N. Murphy:
       The Chair of Peter,
       2498 (2438).

       L. Pastor:
       History of the Popes,
       2498 (2438).

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of Church History,
       2498-2499 (2438-2439).

    15. THE DARKEST AGE OF THE PAPACY
       (A. D. 1417-1517):

       R. C. Trench:
       Mediæval Church History,
       2500 (2440).

       R. L. Poole:
       Wycliffe and Reform Movements,
       2501 (2441).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2501 (2441).

       H. A. Taine:
       English Literature,
       2501-2502 (2441-2442).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       2502, 2503 (2442, 2443).

    16. EVE OF THE GREAT REFORMATION;

       T. Kolde:
       Martin Luther,
       2504.

       L. Ranke:
       History of the Reformation,
       2504-2505 (2443-2444).

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Reformation,
       2505 (2444).

       Cardinal N. Wiseman:
       Lectures on Catholic Church,
       2505-2506 (2444-2445).

       J. N. M. D’Aubigné:
       Story of the Reformation,
       2506 (2445).

    17. THE INQUISITION
       (A. D. 1203-1525):

       J. A. Symonds:
       The Catholic Reaction,
       1789-1791 (1750-1752).

    STUDY XX.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    MONASTICISM AND THE RELIGIOUS ORDERS.

    1. MONASTICISM:

       I. Gregory Smith:
       Christian Monasticism,
       468 (454).

       E. Schürer:
       The Jewish People,
       1014 (3745).

       Charles Kingsley:
       The Hermits,
       119-120 (112-113).

       I. Gregory Smith:
       Christian Monasticism,
       2239-2240 (2195-2196).

       Count de Montalembert:
       Monks of the West,
       2240-2241 (2196-2197).

       A. Jessop:
       The Coming of the Friars,
       2241-2242 (2197-2198).

       Count de Montalembert:
       Monks of the West,
       2050-2051 (2006-2007).

       F. Madan:
       Books in Manuscript,
       2051-2052 (2007-2008).

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       711 (688).

       A. T. Drane:
       Christian Schools,
       711-712 (688-689).

    2. THE BENEDICTINES
       (ABOUT A. D. 500):

       (a) The Original Order.

       C. J. Stillé:
       Mediæval History,
       288 (279).

       (b) The Congregations of Cluny.

       R. C. Trench:
       Mediæval History,
       495 (481).

    3. THE CARTHUSIANS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1075):

       J. E. Darras:
       The Catholic Church,
       405 (395).

       M. A. Schimmelpenninck:
       La Grande Chartreuse,
       405 (395).

    4. THE CISTERCIANS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1100):

       (a) The Original Order.

       K. Norgate:
       England under the Angevin Kings,
       487 (472-473).

       C. J. Stillé:
       Mediæval History,
       491-492 (477-478).

       H. Stebbing:
       The Universal Church,
       492 (478).

       G. W. Cox:
       The Crusades,
       653 (630).

       (b) The Trappists
       (about 1150).

       C. Lancelot:
       La Grande Chartreuse,
       3237-3238 (3121-3122).

       (c) Port Royal
       (A. D. 1204-1710).

       J. Tulloch:
       Pascal,
       2637 (2565).

       J. B. Perkins:
       France under Mazarin,
       2637-2639 (2565-2567).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2639 (2567).

       Duke of Saint Simon:
       Memoirs,
       2640 (2568).

       J. J. I. Döllinger:
       European History,
       2640 (2568).

    5. THE AUGUSTINIANS, OR AUSTIN CANONS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1150):

       K. Norgate:
       England under the Angevin Kings,
       197 (190).

       E. L. Cutts:
       Middle Ages,
       2656 (2584).

    6. THE CARMELITE FRIARS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1150):

       J. L. von Mosheim:
       Ecclesiastical History,
       401 (391).

    7. THE DOMINICANS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1200):

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of Church History,
       2196 (2152).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       1789-1791 (1750-1752).

    8. THE FRANCISCANS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1225):

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of Church History,
       2196 (2152).

       E. L. Cutts:
       Middle Ages,
       2196 (2152).

       A. M. F. Robinson:
       End of the Middle Ages,
       285 (276).

       J. L. von Mosheim:
       Ecclesiastical History,
       286 (277).

       M. Creighton:
       The Papacy,
       2493, first column, (2433).

       See
       "The Recollects,"
       2700 (2627).

    9. THE CAPUCHINS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1500):

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of Church History,
       399 (389).

    10. THE THEATINES
       (ABOUT A. D. 1525):

       A. W. Ward:
       The Counter-Reformation,
       3189 (3104).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the Popes,
       3189 (3104).

    11. THE LAZARISTS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1625):

       J. Alzog:
       Universal History,
       2039 (1995).

    12. HOSPITALLERS OF ST. JOHN OF JERUSALEM
       (A. D. 1118-):

       T. Keightley:
       The Crusaders,
       1701-1702 (1662-1663).

       F. C. Woodhouse:
       Military Religious Orders,
       1702 (1663).

       G. Finlay:
       The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
       1702 (1663).

       W. H. Prescott:
       Reign of Philip II.,
       1703-1704 (1664-1665).

       F. C. Woodhouse;
       Military Religious Orders,
       1704-1705 (1665-1666).

    13. THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1120):

       T. Keightley:
       The Crusaders,
       3176 (3091).

       C. G. Addison:
       The Knights Templars,
       3176 (3091).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       3177 (3092).

       A. P. Marras:
       Secret Fraternities of the Middle Ages,
       1438-1439 (1405-1406).

       R. A. Vaughn:
       Hours with the Mystics,
       2826-2827 (2752-2753).

    14. THE TEUTONIC KNIGHTS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1190):

       F. C. Woodhouse:
       Military Religious Orders,
       3185-3186 (3100-3101).

       G. F. Maclear:
       Apostles of Mediæval Europe,
       2684-2685 (2612-2613).

    {758}

    15. THE SOCIETY OF JESUS
       (A. D. 1540-):

       (a) Loyola, and the Founding of the Order.

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       1928-1929 (1887-1888).

       G. B. Nicolini:
       The Jesuits,
       1929 (1888).

       A. T. Drane:
       Christian Schools,
       731 (708).

       G. Compayré:
       History of Pedagogy,
       731-732 (708-709).

       O. Browning:
       Educational Theories,
       732 (709).

       (b) Early Jesuit Missions.

       A Historical Sketch of the Jesuits,
       1929-1930 (1888-1889).

       W. P. Greswell:
       The Dominion of Canada,
       1930 (1889).

       F. Parkman:
       The Jesuits in North America,
       1930-1931 (1889-1890).

       R. Mackenzie:
       America,
       371-372 (361-362).

       The Hundred Years of Christianity in Japan,
       1915-1916 (1875-1876).

       D. Murray:
       The Story of Japan,
       1916 (1876).

       (c) Changes in the Statutes of the Order.

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the Popes,
       1931-1932 (1890-1891).

       (d) Expulsion of the Order from France
       (A. D. 1595).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1246, first column, (1214).

       (e) Controversy with the Jansenists
       (A. D. 1653-1715).

       J. B. Perkins:
       France and Mazarin,
       2637-2639 (2565-2567).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2639 (2567).

       (f) General Suppression of the Society throughout Europe
       (A. D. 1757-1775).

       H. M. Stephens:
       The Story of Portugal,
       1932-1933 (1891-1892).

       W. H. Jervis:
       History of the Church of France,
       1933-1934 (1892-1893).

       (g) Suppression of the Order by the Pope (A. D. 1773),
       and Restoration (A. D. 1814).

       The Jesuits and Their Expulsion,
       1934-1935, and 1935 (1893-1894, and 1894).

       Clement XIV. and the Jesuits,
       1935 (1894).

       "Himself without home or country, and not holding the
       doctrines of any political party, the Disciple of Jesus
       renounced everything which might alienate him among varying
       nationalities, pursuing various political aims. Then he did
       not confine his labors to the pulpit and the confessional; he
       gained an influence over the rising generation by a systematic
       attention to education, which had been shamefully neglected by
       the other orders. It is a true saying, that ‘he who gains the
       youth possesses the future’; and by devoting themselves to the
       education of youth, the Jesuits secured a future to the Church
       more surely than by any other scheme that could have been
       devised. What the schoolmasters were for the youth, the
       confessors were for those of riper years; what the clerical
       teachers were for the common people, the spiritual directors
       and confidants were for great lords and rulers—for the Jesuits
       aspired to a place at the side of the great, and at gaining
       the confidence of Kings."
          L. HÄUSSER.

    STUDY XXL
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE RISE AND CONQUESTS OF MOHAMMEDANISM.

    1. ARABIA AND THE ARABS; THE SARACENS;

       A. H. Sayce;
       Races of the Old Testament,
       2963 (2886).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Notes to Herodotus,
       128 (121).

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History.
       128-129 (121-122).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Ancient Arabia,
       129-130 (122-123).

       E. Gibbon;
       Decline and Fall,
       2878 (2803).

       H. H. Milman:
       Note to Gibbon,
       2878 (2803).

       H. Yule:
       Cathay,
       3215-3216, and 3216-3217 (3704-3705, and 3705-3706).

    2. The Birth and Career of Mohammed
       (A. D. 570-632):

       E. A. Freeman:
       Conquests of the Saracens,
       2112 (2067).

       Sir W. Muir:
       Life of Mahomet,
       2112-2113 (2067-2068).

       J. W. H. Stobart
       Islam and Its Founder,
       1843 (1803).

       Sir H. Nicholas:
       Chronology of History,
       1011 (984).

       S. Lane-Poole:
       Studies in a Mosque,
       2194 (2150).

    3. THE FIRST CALIPHATE; FROM ABU BEER TO ALI
       (A. D. 632-661);

       See
       Caliph,
       363 (353).

       R. D. Osborn:
       Islam under the Khalifs,
       1735 (1696).

       (а) Conquest of Syria.

       George Adam Smith:
       Geography of Holy Land,
       3141-3142 (3057-3058).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2113-2114 (2068-2069).

       W. Irving:
       Mahomet and His Successors,
       1923 (1882).

       (b) Conquest of Persia.

       G. Rawlinson:
       Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
       2114 (2069).

       (c) Conquest of Egypt.

       Sir W. Muir:
       Annals of Early Caliphate,
       2114-2115 (2069-2070).

       Researches on Burning of Library of Alexandria,
       2047-2048 (2003-2004).

       (d) Conquest of Northern Africa.

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       2442 (2390)

       H. E. M. Stutfield:
       El Maghreb,
       2133-2134 (2089-2090).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Conquest of Saracens,
       2115 (2070).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2115 (2070).

    4. THE OMEYYAD CALIPHATE
       (A. D. 661-750)

       E. A. Freeman:
       Conquests of the Saracens,
       2116 (2071).

       Sir W. Muir:
       Annals of the Early Caliphate,
       2116-2117 (2071-2072).

    5. THE SUBJUGATION OF THE TURKS
       (A. D. 710):

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall, 3246 (3130).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall, 2117 (2072).

    6. THE CONQUEST OF SPAIN (A. D. 711-13),
       AND BATTLE OF TOURS (732):

       R. W. Church:
       Beginning of the Middle Ages,
       1599-1600 (1561-1562).

       H. Coppée:
       The Conquest of Spain,
       3054 (2974).

       P. Godwin:
       History of France,
       2117-2118, 2119 (2072-2075, 2076).

    7. THE DIVIDED CALIPHATE; THE OMEYYADS AND ABBASSIDES
       (A. D. 715):

       Sir W. Muir:
       Annals of the Early Caliphate,
       2118 (2075).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Conquests of the Saracens,
       2119, 2120 (2076, 2077).

       E. H. Palmer:
       Haroun Alraschid,
       2119 (2076).

       T. Nöldeke:
       Eastern History,
       2120 (2077).

    8. TURKISH SUPREMACY, AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SULTANATE
       (A. D. 1000-):

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall.
       3247 (3131).

       A. Vambéry:
       History of Bokhara,
       3247, 3249 (3131, 3133).

       R. D. Osborn:
       Islam under Khalifs of Bagdad,
       3247-3248 (3131-3132).

       E. Pears:
       The Fall of Constantinople,
       3248 (3132).

       G. Finlay:
       The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
       3348 (3133).

    {759}

       9. RISK OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE (A. D. 1250-):

       Besant and Palmer:
       Jerusalem,
       3867 (3793-3763).

       J. F. Michaud:
       History of the Crusades,
       3867 (3793).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       3349-3350 (3133-3131).

    10. CIVILIZATION OF THE SARACENS:

       (a) Education.

       J. W. Draper.
       Intellectual Development of Europe,
       713 (690).

       Westminster Review:
       Intellectual Revival,
       713-714 (690-691).

       (b) Medical Science.

       J. H. Baas:
       History of Medicine,
       3173-3174 (3130).

       G. F. Fort:
       Medical Economy of Middle Ages,
       2174 (2130).

       P. V. Renouard:
       History of Medicine,
       3174 (2130).

       (c) Commerce.

       H. Yule:
       Cathay,
       3215-3217 (3704-3706).

       G. Finlay:
       The Byzantine Empire,
       3217-3218 (3706-3707).

    STUDY XXII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE CRUSADES.

       "‘You,’ continued the eloquent pontiff [Urban II.], ‘you, who
       hear me, and who have received the true faith, and been
       endowed by God with power, and strength, and greatness of
       soul,—whose ancestors have been the prop of Christendom, and
       whose Kings have put a barrier against the progress of the
       infidel,—I call upon you to wipe off these impurities from the
       face of the earth, and lift your oppressed fellow Christians
       from the depths into which they have been trampled.’ Palestine
       was, he said, a land flowing with milk and honey, and precious
       in the sight of God, as the scene of the grand events which
       have saved mankind. That land, he promised, should be divided
       among them. Moreover, they should have full pardon for all
       their offenses against God or man. ‘Go then,’ he added, ‘in
       expiation of your sins; and go assured that, after this world
       shall have passed away, imperishable glory shall be yours in
       the world to come.’ The enthusiasm was no longer to be
       restrained, and loud shouts interrupted the speaker; the
       people exclaiming as with one voice, ‘Dieu le veult! Dieu le
       veult!’"
          C. MACKAY.

    1. CAUSES OF THE MOVEMENTS:

       W. Irving:
       Mahomet and His Successors,
       1923 (1882).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Conquests of the Saracens,
       2120 (2077).

       G. Finlay:
       Byzantine and Greek Empires,
       649 (626).

    2. PREACHING OF POPE URBAN II., AND PETER THE HERMIT:

       C. Mackay:
       Popular Delusions,
       649-50 (626-627).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       650 (627).

    3. THE FIRST CRUSADE
       (A. D. 1096-1099):

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       650-651 (627-628).

       Besant and Palmer:
       Jerusalem,
       1923-1924 (1882-1883).

       T. Keightley:
       The Crusaders,
       651-652 (628-629).

       H. F. Brown:
       Venice,
       3725-3726 (3605-3606).

       4. THE LATIN KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM
       (A. D. 1099-1291):

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       1924 (1883).

       T. Keightley:
       The Crusaders,
       1924 (1883).

       C. Mills:
       The Crusades,
       1924-1925 (1883-1884).

       G. W. Cox:
       The Crusades,
       1925 (1884).

    5. THE SECOND CRUSADE
       (A. D. 1147-1149):

       H. von Sybel:
       The Crusades,
       652-653 (629-630).

       G. W. Cox:
       The Crusades,
       653 (630).

       C. M. Yonge:
       History of France,
       1193 (1161-1162).

       K. Norgate:
       England under the Angevin Kings,
       127-128 (120-121).

    6. THE THIRD CRUSADE
       (A. D. 1188-1192):

       J. F. Michaud:
       The Crusades,
       653 (630).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       653-654 (630-631).

       G. W. Cox:
       The Crusades,
       654 (631).

    7. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CRUSADES
       (A. D. 1196-1203):

       G. W. Cox:
       The Crusades,
       654 (631).

       E. Pears:
       The Fall of Constantinople,
       654-655 (631-632).

    8. THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE
       (A D. 1204):

       G. Finlay:
       The Byzantine and Greek Empires,
       3726 (3606).

       E. Pears:
       The Fall of Constantinople,
       3726, and 350-351 (3606 and 340-341).

       G. Finlay:
       History of Greece,
       351 (341).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       351-352 (341-342).

       G. Finlay:
       History of Greece,
       6 and 2730 (6 and 2656).

       G. Finlay:
       Byzantine and Greek Empires,
       1649-1650 (1611-1612).

    9. MINOR CRUSADING MOVEMENTS:

       (a) The Children’s Crusade (A. D. 1212).

       Besant and Palmer:
       Jerusalem,
       655-656 (632-633).

       (b) Against the Albigenses (A. D. 1209-1229).

       G. Rawlinson:
       Seventh Oriental Monarchy,
       2127-2128 (2083-2084).

       J. L. Mosheim:
       Christianity.
       2128 (2084).

       H. H. Milman:
       Latin Christianity,
       39 (32).

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of Church History,
       39 (32).

       Sir J. Stephen:
       History of France,
       39 (32).

       E. Smedley:
       History of France,
       39-40 (32-33).

       Sir James Stephen:
       History of France,
       40 and 41 (33 and 34).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       40-41 (33-34).

       (c) Against the Livonians
       (about A. D. 1200).

       G. F. Maclear:
       Apostles of Mediaeval Europe,
       2075 (2031).

       (d) Against the Prussians
       (about A. D. 1250-).

       G. F. Maclear:
       Apostles of Mediæval Europe,
       2684-2685 (2612-2613).

       T. Carlyle:
       Frederick the Great,
       2685 (2613).

       (e) Against the Almohades
       (A. D. 1212).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Conquest of the Saracens,
       49 (42.)

       H. Coppée:
       Conquest of Spain by the Moors,
       3058 (2977).

       10. THE SIXTH CRUSADE
       (A. D. 1216-1229):

       G. Procter:
       The Crusades,
       656-657 (633-634).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Emperor Frederick the Second,
       1480 (1446-1447).

       Besant and Palmer:
       Jerusalem,
       1926 (1885).

    11. THE SEVENTH CRUSADE
       (A. D. 1248-1254):

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       657-658 (634-635).

       J. F. Michaud:
       The Crusades,
       658 (635).

    12. FINAL MOVEMENTS
       (A. D. (1270-1299):

       F. P. Guizot:
       HISTORY OF FRANCE,
       658-659 (635-636).

       G. Procter:
       The Crusades,
       1927-1928 (1886-1887).

       W. Stubbs:
       Mediaeval and Modern History,
       1928 (1887).

       C. G. Addison:
       The Knights Templars,
       659 (636).

    {760}

    13. THE EFFECTS OF THE CRUSADES:

       E. Gibbon;
       Decline and Fall,
       659 (636).

       H. Hallam;
       The Middle Ages,
       659 (636).

       W. Robertson;
       Progress of Society in Europe,
       659 (636).

       W. Stubbs;
       Mediæval and Modern History,
       660 (637).

       F. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       660-661 (637-638).

       "The principle of the Crusades was a savage fanaticism; and
       the most important effects were analogous to the cause. Each
       pilgrim was ambitious to return with his sacred spoils, the
       relics of Greece and Palestine; and each relic was preceded
       and followed by a train of miracles and visions. The belief of
       the Catholics was corrupted by new legends, their practice by
       new superstitions; and the establishment of the inquisition,
       the mendicant orders of monks and friars, the last abuse of
       indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, flowed from
       the baleful fountain of the holy war."
          E. GIBBON.

    STUDY XXIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE RENAISSANCE—THE BIRTH OF THE MODERN AGE
    (A. D. 1400-1500).

    1. THE GENERAL MEANING OF THE TERM:

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       2703-2704 (2630-2631).

       P. Villari:
       Niccolo Machiavelli,
       2704 (2631).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1077-1079 (1049-1051).

    2. THE LEADING INFLUENCE OF ITALY IN THE AWAKENING:

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       1872-1873, 1874-1875 (1832-1833, 1834-1835).

       Vernon Lee:
       Euphorion,
       1874 (1834).

       H. A. Taine:
       Italy, Florence, and Venice,
       1173 (1143).

       "When Machiavelli called Italy 'the corruption of the world,'
       he did not speak rhetorically. An impure and worldly clergy;
       an irreligious, though superstitious, laity; a self-indulgent
       and materialistic middle class: an idle aristocracy, excluded
       from politics and unused to arms; a public given up to
       pleasure and money getting; a multitude of scholars, devoted
       to trifles, and vitiated by studies which clashed with the
       ideals of Christianity—from such elements in the nation
       proceeded a widely spread and ever-increasing degeneracy. …
       Religion expired in laughter, irony, and license. Domestic
       simplicity yielded to vice, whereof the records are precise
       and unmistakable. The virile virtues disappeared. What
       survived of courage assumed the forms of ruffianism, ferocity,
       and treasonable daring. Still, simultaneously with this
       decline in all the moral qualities which constitute a powerful
       people, the Italians brought their arts and some departments
       of their literature to a perfection that can only be
       paralleled by Ancient Greece. The anomaly implied in this
       statement is striking; but it is revealed to us by evidence
       too overwhelming to be rejected.
          J. A. SYMONDS.

    3. OTHER GREATLY CONTRIBUTING CAUSES:

       (a) The Capture of Constantinople by the Turks (A. D. 1453):

       C. C. Felton:
       Greece, Ancient and Modern,
       524 (510).

       Demetrios Bikelas:
       The Byzantine Empire,
       352 (342).

       J. N. Larned:
       The Greek Revival,
       1077-1078 (1050).

       (b) The Invention of Printing (A. D. 1456).

       J. N. Larned:
       The Invention of Printing,
       1077 (1049).

       H. Bouchot:
       The Printed Book,
       2660 (2588).

       W. Blades:
       Books in Chains,
       2660-2661 (2588-2589).

       (c) The Marvelous Results of Exploration and Discovery.

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1078-1079 (1050-1051).

       J. A. Blanqui:
       History of Political Economy,
       3730-3731 (3610-3611).

          (1) The Early Successes of the Portuguese.

          C. R. Markham:
          The Sea Fathers,
          2644 (2572).

          J. Yeats:
          Growth of Commerce,
          2644-2645 (2572-2573).

          J. W. Draper:
          Intellectual Development of Europe,
          2645 (2573).

          (2) The Spanish Discoveries.

          H. H Bancroft:
          History of the Pacific States,
          55 (48).

          Sir A. Helps:
          The Spanish Conquest,
          55-56 (48-49).

          C. R. Markham:
          The Sea Fathers,
          56 (49).

          W. Irving:
          Life of Columbus,
          57-58 (50-51).

          J. Fiske:
          The Discovery of America,
          60 (53).

          J. Winsor:
          Narrative and Critical History of America,
          61-62 (54-55).

          (3) The English Discoveries.

          G. Bancroft:
          History of the United States,
          58 (51).

          H. Harrisse:
          Discovery of North America,
          59.

          H. Harrisse:
          Discovery of North America,
          61 (3678).

    4. THE EFFECTS OF THE RENAISSANCE:

       (a) In Italy.

       H. A. Taine:
       History of English Literature,
       2502 (2442).

       W. Hunt:
       History of Italy,
       1870 (1830).

       Mrs. Oliphant:
       Makers of Florence,
       1172 (1142).

       H. A. Taine:
       Italy, Florence, and Venice,
       1172-1173 (1142-1143).

       (b) In France.

       J. A Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       1872-1873 (1832-1833).

       Mrs. Mark Pattison:
       The Renaissance of Art,
       1216-1217 (1184-1185).

       A. Tilley:
       Literature of the French Renaissance,
       1217 (1185).

       (c) In Germany.

       M. Arnold:
       Schools on the Continent,
       727 (704).

       (d) In England.

       H. A. Taine:
       English Literature,
       851-852 (824-825).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Shakespeare's Predecessors,
       852-853 (825-826).

    5. THE INFLUENCE OF THE RENAISSANCE:

       (a) Upon Art.

       R. N. Wornum:
       Epochs of Painting,
       2462-2463.

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       2463-2454.

       R. Westmacott:
       Handbook of Sculpture,
       2957-2958.

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       3732 (3612).

       W. B. Scaife:
       Florentine Life,
       1169 (1139).

       (b) Upon Education.

       G. Compayré:
       History of Pedagogy,
       725 (702).

       M. Arnold:
       Schools on the Continent,
       727 (704).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       728-729 (705-706).

       A. Lang:
       Oxford,
       729-730 (706-707).

       (c) Upon Music.

       W. J. Henderson:
       The Story of Music,
       2284.

       H. G. B. Hunt:
       A History of Music,
       2284.

       (d) Upon the Foundation of Libraries.

       J. A. Symonds:
       The Renaissance in Italy,
       2052-2053 (2008-2009).

       G. W. Greene:
       Historical Studies,
       2053 (2009).

       E. Edwards:
       Statistics of Libraries,
       2054 (2010).

       (e) Upon Trade and Commerce.

       J. N. Larned:
       Modern Trade Routes, etc.,
       3224-3228 (3713-3717).

       J. A. Blanqui:
       History of Political Economy,
       3730-3731 (3610-3611).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland,
       2299 (2251).

    {761}

    STUDY XXIV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE GREAT REFORMATION
    (A. D. 1517-).

    1. STATE OF RELIGION AT THE CLOSE OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY:

       Vernon Lee:
       Euphorion,
       1874 (1834).

       R. L. Poole:
       Wyclif and Reform,
       2501 (2441).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2501 (2441).

       H. A. Taine:
       English Literature,
       2502 (2442).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       2502 (2442).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1081-1082 (1053-1054).

    2. REFORMERS BEFORE THE REFORMATION:

       (a) The Albigenses
       (A. D. 1209-1229).

          (1) Their Origin and Beliefs.

          H. Hallam:
          The Middle Ages,
          2561 (2495).

          H. H. Milman:
          Latin Christianity,
          39 (32).

          A. Neander:
          The Christian Church,
          39 (32).

          Sir J. Stephen:
          History of France,
          39 (32).

          R. C. Trench:
          Mediæval Church,
          409 (399).

          R. C. Trench:
          Mediæval Church,
          3762-3763 (3641-3642).

          (2) Their Extermination.

          E. Smedley:
          History of France,
          39-40 (32-33).

          Sir J. Stephen:
          History of France.
          40 (33).

          E. E. Crowe:
          History of France,
          41 (34).

          E. A. Freeman:
          Historical Geography of Europe,
          41 (34).

          Sir J. Stephen:
          History of France,
          41 (34).

       (b) Wyclif and the Lollards
       (about A. D. 1375-1400).

       A. M. F. Robinson:
       End of Middle Ages,
       285 (276).

       C. Ullmann;
       Reformers before the Reformation,
       285-286 (276-277).

       B. Herford:
       Story of Religion in England,
       841-842 (814-815).

       R. L. Poole:
       Wyclif and Reform,
       842 (815).

       J. A. Froude:
       History of England,
       842 (815).

       J. Gairdner:
       English History,
       842 (815).

       C. H. Pearson:
       English History,
       843-844 (816-817).

       J. R. Green:
       History of English People,
       844 (817).

       (c) Hus and the Bohemian Reformation
       (A. D. (1405-1434).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1072-1073 (1044-1045).

       R. C. Trench:
       Mediæval Church,
       296-297 (287-288).

       B. Taylor:
       History of Germany,
       297-298 (288-289).

       (d) Savonarola
       (A. D. 1490-1498).

       Mrs. Oliphant:
       Makers of Florence,
       1172 (1142).

       O. T. Hill:
       Introduction to Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross,
       1173-1175 (1143-1145).

    3. THE IMMEDIATE CAUSES OF THE REFORM OUTBREAK:

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Christian Church,
       1489-1490 (1456-1457).

       L. Ranke:
       History of Reformation,
       2504-2505 (2443-2444).

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Reformation,
       2505 (2444).

       Cardinal Wiseman:
       Doctrines of Catholic Church,
       2505-2506 (2444-2445).

       T. Kolde:
       Martin Luther,
       2503-2504.

       J. N. M. D’Aubigné:
       Story of the Reformation,
       2506 (2445).

    4. LUTHER’S PROTEST AND THE AWAKENING OF GERMANY
       (A. D. 1517):

       F. Seebohm:
       The Protestant Revolution,
       2506-2507 (2445-2446).

       L. Ranke:
       History of the Reformation,
       2507 (2446).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1081-1082 (1053-1054).

    5. THE NINETY-FIVE THESES:

       Full Text of Luther’s Manifesto,
       2507-2509 (2446-2448).

    6. LUTHER BURNS THE PAPAL BULL (1520);
       THE DIET AT WORMS (1521):

       S. Baring-Gould;
       The Church in Germany,
       1490 (1457).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2509-2511 (2448-2450).

       J. A. Froude:
       Luther,
       2512-2513 (2451-2452).

       "The presence in which he [Luther, at the Diet] found himself
       would have tried the nerves of the bravest of men; the
       Emperor, sternly hostile, with his retinue of Spanish priests
       and nobles; the Archbishops and bishops, all of the opinion
       that the stake was the only fitting place for so insolent a
       heretic; the dukes and barons, whose stern eyes were little
       likely to reveal their sympathy, if sympathy any of them felt.
       Only one of them, George of Frundsberg, had touched Luther on
       the shoulder as he passed through the ante-room. ‘Little monk,
       little monk,’ he said, ‘thou hast work before thee that I, and
       many a man whose trade is war, never faced the like of. If thy
       heart is right, and thy cause good, go on, in God’s name. He
       will not forsake thee.’ … There was a pause, and then Eck said
       that he had spoken disrespectfully; his heresies had already
       been condemned at the Council at Constance; let him retract on
       these special points, and he should have consideration for the
       rest. He required a plain Yes or No from him ‘without horns.’
       The taunt roused Luther’s blood. His full brave self was in
       the reply. ‘I will give you an answer,’ he said, ‘which has
       neither horns nor teeth. Popes have erred and Councils have
       erred. Prove to me out of Scripture that I am wrong, and I
       submit. Till then my conscience binds me. Here I stand. I can
       do no more. God help me. Amen.’ All day long the storm raged.
       Night had fallen, and torches were lighted before the sitting
       closed. Luther was dismissed at last. When he had reached his
       lodging again, he flung up his hands. ‘I am through!’ he
       cried. ‘I am through! If I had a thousand heads they should be
       struck off one by one before I would retract.’"
          J. A. FROUDE.

    7. ZWINGLI, AND THE REFORMATION IN SWITZERLAND
       (A. D. 1519-1531):

       G. Waddington:
       The Reformation,
       2511 (2450).

       Hug and Stead:
       Switzerland,
       2511-2512 (2450-2451).

       Hug and Stead:
       Switzerland,
       3130-3131 (3046-3047).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1087-1088 (1059-1060).

    8. THE REFORMATION MOVEMENT IN FRANCE:

       M. Creighton:
       The Papacy,
       1210-1211 (1178-1179).

       A. Tilley:
       The French Renaissance,
       1217 (1185).

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Reformation,
       2513-2514 (2452-2453).

       R. Heath:
       The Reformation in France,
       2514 (2453).

    9. THE REVOLT IN THE NETHERLANDS:

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       The Story of Holland,
       2302 (2254).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2302-2303 (2254-2255).

       C. Ullmann:
       Reformers before the Reformation,
       326 (316).

       W. E. Griffis:
       Influence of the Netherlands,
       326 (316).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       728-729 (705-706).

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Reformation,
       2303 (2255).

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       2303-2304 (2255-2256).

    10. GROWTH OF THE LUTHERAN MOVEMENT IN GERMANY
       (A. D. 1522-1529):

       W. Coxe:
       House of Austria,
       2515-2516 (2454-2455).

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Reformation,
       2516 (2455).

    11. ORIGIN OF THE NAME "PROTESTANT"
       (A. D.1529):

       P. Bayne:
       Martin Luther,
       2516-2517 (2455-2456).

    12. THE FINAL BREACH; THE "AUGSBURG CONFESSION"
       (A. D. 1530):

       J. Michelet:
       Life of Luther,
       2517 (2456).

       J. Alzog:
       Manual of Church History,
       2517-2518 (2456-2457).

       W. Robertson:
       Charles V.,
       1493-1494 (1460-1461).

       J. N. Earned:
       Europe,
       1086-1087 (1058-1059).

    {762}

    13. CALVIN, AND HIS ECCLESIASTICAL STATE:

       J. Tulloch:
       Leaders of the Reformation,
       1450 (1417).

       R. Heath:
       Reformation in France,
       2514 (2453).

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       1451-1452 (1417-1419).

    14. THE BEGINNING OF THE COUNTER-REFORMATION
       (ABOUT A. D. 1535):

       "I intend to use this term Counter-Reformation to denote the
       reform of the Catholic Church, which was stimulated by the
       German Reformation, and which, when the Council of Trent had
       fixed the dogmas and discipline of Latin Christianity, enabled
       the Papacy to assume a militant policy in Europe, whereby it
       regained a large portion of the provinces that had previously
       lapsed to Lutheran and Calvinistic dissent. … The centre of
       the world-wide movement which is termed the
       Counter-Reformation was naturally Rome. Events had brought the
       Holy See once more into a position of prominence. It was more
       powerful as an Italian State now, through the support of Spain
       and the extinction of national independence, than at any
       previous period of history."
          J. A. SYMONDS.

       J. A. Symonds:
       The Italian Renaissance,
       1883-1884 (1843-1844).

       A. W. Ward:
       The Counter-Reformation,
       2518 (2457).

       J. A. Symonds;
       The Catholic Reaction,
       2518-2519 (2457-2458).

    15. TWO EFFECTIVE AGENTS OF THE ROMAN CHURCH:

       (a) The Council of Trent
       (A. D. 1545-1563).

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       2519-2520 (2458-2459).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the Popes,
       2520-2521 (2459-2460).

       A. W. Ward:
       The Counter-Reformation,
       2521 (2460).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1092 (1064).

       (b) The Society of Jesus (A. D. 1540-).

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       1928-1929 (1887-1888).

       G. B. Nicolini:
       History of the Jesuits,
       1929 (1888).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the Popes,
       1931-1932 (1890-1891).

    16. PROGRESS OF LUTHERANISM IN GERMANY
       (A. D. 1530-1620):

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1086-1087 (1058-1059).

       W. Robertson:
       Charles V.,
       1493-1494 (1460-1461).

       S. A. Dunham:
       The Germanic Empire,
       1494-1495 (1461-1462).

       S. Baring-Gould:
       The Story of Germany,
       118-119 (111-112).

    17. WAR WITH THE EMPEROR
       (A. D. 1546-1561):

       C. D. Yonge:
       Three Centuries of Modern History,
       1495-1496 (1462-1463).

       J. Alzog:
       Universal Church History,
       1496-1497 (1463-1464).

       W. Menzel:
       History of Germany,
       1497-1498 (1464-1465).

    18. INTERNAL DISSENSIONS AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION:

       W. Zimmerman:
       History of Germany,
       1498-1499 (1465-1466).

       O. Kämmel:
       German History,
       2521-2522 (3766-3767).

    STUDY XXV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE REFORM MOVEMENT AND RELIGIOUS WARS IN FRANCE.

    1. THE COMPARATIVE INDEPENDENCE OF THE GALLICAN CHURCH:

       H. Hallam;
       The Middle Ages,
       1197 (1165).

       H. H. Milman:
       Latin Christianity,
       1197 (1165).

       M. Creighton:
       The Papacy,
       1210-1211 (1178-1179).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1219-1220 (1187-1188).

       W. H. Jervis:
       The Church of France,
       1220 (1188).

       "The long contest for Gallican rights had lowered the prestige
       of the popes in France, but it had not weakened the Catholic
       Church, which was older than the monarchy itself, and, in the
       feelings of the people, was indissolubly associated with it.
       The College of the Sorbonne, or the Theological Faculty at
       Paris, and the Parliament, which had together maintained
       Gallican liberty, were united in stern hostility to all
       doctrinal innovations."
          G. P. FISHER.

    2. BEGINNING OF THE PROTESTANT REFORM MOVEMENT
       (ABOUT A. D. 1520):

       A. Tilley:
       The French Renaissance,
       1217 (1185).

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Reformation,
       2513-2514 (2452-2453).

       R. Heath:
       The Reformation in France,
       2514 (2453).

       W. Hanna:
       The Wars of the Huguenots,
       2292-2293 (2244-2245).

       E. de Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1225-1226 (1193-1194).

    3. THE RISE OF THE HUGUENOTS
       (ABOUT A. D. 1560):

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       1229 (1197).

       H. M. Baird:
       The Rise of the Huguenots,
       1230 (1198).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1089 (1061).

    4. BEGINNING OF THE CIVIL WARS; THE GUISES, CONDÉS, ET AL.:

       G. Masson:
       The Huguenots,
       1230 (1198).

       W. Besant:
       Gaspard de Coligny,
       1230-1232 (1198-1200).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1097-1098 (1069-1070).

    5. ROCHELLE, AND HENRY OF NAVARRE:

       W. Hanna:
       The Wars of the Huguenots,
       2292-2293 (2244-2245).

       W. Hanna:
       The Wars of the Huguenots,
       1232-1233 (1200-1201).

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       1233-1234 (1201-2120).

    6. THE MASSACRE OF ST. BARTHOLOMEW’S DAY
       (A. D. 1572):

       J. A. Froude:
       History of England,
       1236 (1204).

       T. Wright:
       History of France,
       1236 (1204).

    7. THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CIVIL WARS
       (A. D. 1572-1576):

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1236-1237 (1204-1205).

       E. E. Crowe:
       History of France,
       1237-1238 (1205-1206).

       S. A. Dunham:
       History of Poland,
       2615-2616 (2547).

    8. THE CATHOLIC LEAGUE AND THE POPE’S BULL
       (A. D. 1576):

       W. H. Jervis:
       The Church of France,
       1238-1239 (1206-1207).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1239 (1207).

    9. HENRY OF NAVARRE, AND THE BATTLE OF COUTRAS
       (A. D. 1584-1589):

       Duc d’Aumale:
       Princes of Condé,
       1240-1241 (1209).

       W. Hanna:
       Wars of the Huguenots,
       1241 (1209).

       V. Duruy:
       History of France,
       1241-1242 (1209-1210).

       "The struggle lasted but an hour, yet within that hour the
       Catholic army lost 3000 men, more than 400 of whom were
       members of the first families in the Kingdom; 3000 men were
       made prisoners. Not more than a third part of their entire
       army escaped. The Huguenots lost only about 200 men. … Before
       night fell Navarre wrote a few lines to the French King, which
       ran thus:

       ‘Sire, my Lord and Brother,—Thank God, I have beaten your
       enemies and your army.' It was but too true that the poor
       King’s worst enemies were to be found in the very armies that
       were marshalled in his name."
          W. HANNA.

    {763}

       10. HENRY BECOMES HENRY IV. OF FRANCE; THE BATTLE OF IVRY
       (A. D. 1589):

       Henry the Fourth of France,
       1242-1243 (1210-1211).

       "My friends, if you share my fortune this day, I share yours.
       I am resolved to conquer or to die with you. Keep your ranks
       firmly, I beg; if the heat of the combat compels you to quit
       them, think always of the rally; it is the gaining of the
       battle. If you lose your ensigns, pennons, and banners, do not
       lose sight of my white plume; you will find it always on the
       road of honor and victory.’
          HENRY OF NAVARRE.

    11. HENRY’S ABJURATION OF PROTESTANTISM
       (A. D. 1593):

       Duc d’Aumale:
       The Princes of Condé,
       1244-1245 (1212-1213).

       H. M. Baird:
       The Huguenots,
       1245 (1213).

       Sir J. Stephen:
       History of France,
       1245 (1213).

    12. THE SIEGE OF PARIS; INTERFERENCE OF PHILIP II.
       (A. D. 1590-1598):

       J. L. Motley:
       The United Netherlands,
       1243-1244 (1211-1212).

       T. H. Dyer;
       Modern Europe,
       1245-1247 (1213-1215).

    13. FROM THE EDICT OF NANTES (1598)
        TO ASSASSINATION OF THE KING (1610):

       H. M. Baird:
       The Huguenots,
       1247-1248 (1215-1216).

       W. Hanna:
       Wars of the Huguenots,
       1248 (1216).

       A. de Bonnechose;
       History of France,
       1248 (1216).

       "For the benefit of the Protestants the cardinal concession of
       the Edict was liberty to dwell anywhere in the royal
       dominions, without being subjected to inquiry, vexed,
       molested, or constrained to do anything contrary to their
       conscience. As respects public worship, while perfect equality
       was not established, the dispositions were such as to bring it
       within the power of a Protestant in any part of the Kingdom to
       meet his fellow-believers for the holiest acts, at least from
       time to time. … Scholars of both religions were to be admitted
       without distinction of religion to all universities, colleges,
       and schools throughout France. The same impartiality was to
       extend to the reception of the sick in the hospitals, and to
       the poor in the provision made for this relief. More than
       this, the Protestants were permitted to establish schools of
       their own in all places where their worship was authorized."
          H. M. BAIRD.

    14. THE RISE OF RICHELIEU, AND DISTRACTION OF THE KINGDOM:

       Voltaire:
       Ancient and Modern History,
       1248-1249 (1216-1217).

       J. B. Perkins:
       France under Mazarin,
       1251 (1219).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1251-1252 (1220).

    15. THE HUGUENOT REVOLT
       (A. D. 1627-1628):

       C. D. Yonge:
       France under the Bourbons,
       1252-1253 (1220-1221).

       A. D. White:
       The Statesmanship of Richelieu,
       1253 (1221).

       R. Heath:
       The Reformation in France,
       1253 (1221).

    16. ACCESSION OF LOUIS XIV., AND RENEWED PERSECUTION
       OF THE HUGUENOTS (A. D. 1661):

       J. C. Morison:
       Reign of Louis XIV.,
       1265 (1233).

       S. Smiles:
       The Huguenots,
       1265-1266 (1233-1234).

    17. REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF NANTES (1685),
       AND EXODUS OF THE HUGUENOTS (1681-1688):

       A. de Lamartine:
       Memoirs of Celebrated Characters,
       1269 (1237).

       R. L. Poole:
       Huguenots of the Dispersion,
       1269-1270 (1237-1238).

    STUDY XXVI.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS—THE INQUISITION.

    1. CONQUEST OF SPAIN BY THE ARAB MOORS
       (A. D. 711-713):

       H. Coppée:
       Conquest of Spain,
       3054 (2974).

       S. A. Dunham:
       History of Spain,
       3056-3057 (2976-2977).

    2. RISE OF THE CHRISTIAN STATES:

       H. Coppée:
       Conquest of Spain,
       3055 (2975).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Conquest of the Saracens,
       3055 (2975).

       S. A. Dunham:
       History of Spain,
       2291 and 3056 (2243, 2976).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       3058 (2977).

    3. UNION OF CASTILE AND ARAGON:

       E. E. Hale:
       The Story of Spain,
       3060 (2979).

       C. H. Pearson:
       English History,
       3061-3062 (2980-2981).

       H. Hallam:
       Middle Ages,
       3062-3063 (2981-2982).

    4. RISE AND FALL OF THE MOORISH KINGDOM OF GRANADA:

       C. M. Yonge:
       The Christians and Moors of Spain,
       3059-3060 (2978-2979).

       H. Coppée:
       Conquest of Spain,
       3061 (2980).

       H. Coppée:
       Conquest of Spain,
       3063-3064 (2982-2983).

       W. H. Prescott:
       Ferdinand and Isabella,
       3064 (2983).

    5. THE EARLY SPANISH CORTES AND THE SANTA HERMANDAD:

       W. H. Prescott:
       Ferdinand and Isabella,
       639-640 (616-17).

       H. Hallam:
       Middle Ages,
       640-641 (617-618).

       W. H. Prescott:
       Ferdinand and Isabella,
       1698-1699 (1659-1660).

    6. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE INQUISITION:

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       1789-1791 (1750-1752).

       J. I. von Döllinger:
       The Jews in Europe,
       1966 (1925).

       H. T. Buckle:
       History of Civilization,
       2270-2271 (2226-2227).

    7. EARLY HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS:

       J. L. Motley:
       Rise of the Dutch Republic,
       2298 (2250).

       W. T. McCullagh:
       The Free Nations,
       2298-2299 (2250-2251).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       2299 (2251).

       C. M. Yonge:
       Cameos of History.
       2300 (2252).

    8. RELATIONS WITH BURGUNDY; THE STATES GENERAL:

       C. M. Davies:
       History of Holland.
       2300 (2252).

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       2300-2301 (2252-2253).

    9. MARRIAGE OF MARY OF BURGUNDY TO MAXIMILIAN OF AUSTRIA
       (A. D. 1477):

       Philip de Commines:
       Memoirs,
       2301 (2253).

       C. M. Davies:
       History of Holland,
       2301-2302 (2254).

    10. RISE OF THE AUSTRO-SPANISH DYNASTY:

       W. H. Prescott:
       Ferdinand and Isabella,
       3065-3066 (2984-2985).

       J.E.T. Rogers:
       The Story of Holland,
       2302 (2254).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2302-2303 (2254-2255).

       J. Bigland:
       History of Spain,
       3066 (2985).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       3066-3067 (2985-2986).

       W. H. Prescott:
       Philip II.,
       3067 (2986).

    11. BEGINNING OF THE REFORMATION IN THE NETHERLANDS:

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Reformation,
       2303 (2255).

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       2303-2304 (2255-2256).

    {764}

    12. THE ACCESSION AND HORRIBLE CHARACTER OF PHILIP II.
       (A. D. 1555):

       C. M. Davies:
       History of Holland,
       2304 (2256).

       T. C. Grattan:
       History of the Netherlands,
       2304-2305 (2256-2257).

       C. Gayarré:
       Philip II.,
       2305, 3068 (2257, 2987).

    13. PHILIP II. AND THE CATHOLIC REACTION:

       G. Procter:
       History of Italy,
       2520 (2459).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the Popes,
       2520-2521 (2459-2460).

       O. Kämmel:
       History of Germany,
       2521-2522.

    14. BEGINNING OF ORGANIZED RESISTANCE TO THE TYRANNY OF PHILIP
       (A. D. 1562):

       W. H. Prescott:
       The Reign of Philip II.,
       2305-2306 (2257-2258).

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       2306 (2258).

       T. C. Grattan:
       History of the Netherlands,
       2306-2307 (2258-2259).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2307 (2259).

       F. Schiller:
       The Revolt of the Netherlands,
       2307 (2259).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1094-1095 (1066-1067).

    15. THE DUKE OF ALVA AND HIS COUNCIL OF BLOOD
       (A. D. 1567):

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       2307-2308 (2259-2260).

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       2309-2310 (2261-2262).

    16. THE STUPENDOUS DEATH-SENTENCE
       (A. D. 1568):

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       2310 (2262).

       "Upon the 16th February, 1568, a sentence of the Holy Office
       condemned all the inhabitants of the Netherlands to death as
       heretics. From this universal doom only a few persons,
       especially named, were excepted. A proclamation of the King,
       dated ten days later, confirmed this decree of the
       Inquisition, and ordered it to be carried into instant
       execution, without regard to age, sex, or condition. This is
       probably the most concise death-warrant that was ever framed.
       Three millions of people, men, women, and children, were
       sentenced to the scaffold in three lines; and as it was well
       known that these were not harmless thunders, like some bulls
       of the Vatican, but serious and practical measures which it
       was intended should be enforced, the horror which they
       produced may be easily imagined."
          J. L. MOTLEY.

    17. BEGINNING OF THE FORTY YEARS’ WAR
       (A. D. 1568):

       C. D. Yonge:
       Modern History,
       2310-2311 (2262-2263).

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       2311-2312
       (2263-2264).

       A. Young:
       History of the Netherlands,
       2312-2313 (2264-2265).

    18. THE RECALL OF ALVA, AND THE SIEGE OF LEYDEN
       (A. D. 1573-1574):

       C. M. Davies:
       History of Holland,
       2313-2314 (2265-2266).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       729 (706).

    19. THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT, AND THE UNION OF BRUSSELS
       (A. D. 1575-1577):

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2314-2316 (2266-2268).

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       The Story of Holland,
       2316-2317 (2268-2269).

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       2317-2318 (2269-2270).

    20. THE ASSASSINATION OF WILLIAM OF ORANGE,
        AND BIRTH OF THE REPUBLIC (A. D. 1584-1585):

       T. Grattan:
       History of the Netherlands,
       2318 (2270).

       J. L. Motley:
       The United Netherlands,
       2318-2320 (2270-2272).

       "Thus constituted was the commonwealth upon the death of
       William the Silent. The gloom produced by that event was
       tragical. Never in human history was a more poignant and
       universal sorrow for the death of any individual. The despair
       was, for a brief season, absolute; but it was soon succeeded
       by more lofty sentiments. … Even on the very day of the
       murder, the Estates of Holland, then sitting at Delft, passed
       a resolution ‘to maintain the good cause, with God’s help, to
       the uttermost, without sparing gold or blood.’ … The next
       movement, after the last solemn obsequies had been rendered to
       the Prince, was to provide for the immediate wants of his
       family. For the man who had gone into the revolt with almost
       royal revenues, left his estate so embarrassed that his
       carpets, tapestries, household linen—nay, even his silver
       spoons, and the very clothes of his wardrobe—were disposed of
       at auction for the benefit of his creditors."
          J. L. MOTLEY.

    21. THE DOWNFALL OF ANTWERP
       (A. D. 1585):

       J. L. Motley:
       The Dutch Republic,
       125 (118).

       G. L. Craik:
       History of British Commerce,
       3107 (3025).

       J. N. Larned:
       The Flemings and Dutch,
       3226-3227 (3715-3716).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2320 (2272).

    22. THE UNITED PROVINCES AND ELIZABETH OF ENGLAND:

       Sir T. E. May:
       Democracy in Europe,
       2320-2321 (2272-2273).

       J. A. Froude:
       History of England,
       2321-2322 (2274).

       C. M. Davies:
       History of Holland,
       2322 (2274).

    23. STEADY DECLINE OF SPANISH POWER, AND DEATH OF PHILIP II.
       (A. D. 1590-1598):

       Sir E. Cust:
       The Thirty Years’ War,
       2322-2323 (2274-2275).

       Sir T. E. May:
       Democracy in Europe,
       2323-2324 (2275-2276).

    24. RISE OF DUTCH COMMERCE; THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
       (A. D. 1595-1620):

       W. T. McCullagh:
       Industrial History,
       2324 (2276).

       F. H. H. Guillemard:
       Malaysia,
       2124.

       J. N. Larned:
       The Flemings and the Dutch,
       3226-3228 (3715-3717).

    25. JOHN BARNEVELDT, AND THE ARMINIAN CONTROVERSY
       (A. D. 1600-1620):

       C. M. Yonge:
       Cameos from English History,
       2324-2326 (2276-2278).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       729 (706).

    26. FINAL ESTABLISHMENT OF PEACE BETWEEN SPAIN AND
       THE UNITED PROVINCES
       (A. D. 1648):

       J. B. Perkins:
       France under Mazarin,
       2329-2330 (2281-2282).

       J. Geddes:
       John De Witt,
       2330 (2282).

    27. PROSPERITY OF THE DUTCH REPUBLIC, WHICH BECOMES HOLLAND
       (ABOUT A. D. 1660):

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       2332-2333 (2284-2285).

       O. Airy:
       The English Restoration,
       2333 (2285).

    {765}

    STUDY XXVII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR
    (A. D. 1618-1648).

       "The Thirty Years’ War was the last struggle which marked the
       progress of the Reformation. This war, whose direction and
       object were equally undetermined, may be divided into four
       distinct portions, in which the Elector Palatine, Denmark,
       Sweden, and France played in succession the principal part. It
       became more and more complicated until it spread over the
       whole of Europe. It was prolonged indefinitely by various
       causes.

       I. The intimate union between the two branches of the house of
       Austria and of the Catholic party,—their opponents, on the
       other hand, were not homogeneous.

       II. The inaction of England, the tardy intervention of France,
       the poverty of Denmark and Sweden, etc. The armies which took
       part in the Thirty Years’ War were no longer feudal militias,
       they were permanent armies, and lived at the expense of the
       countries which they laid waste."
          J. MICHELET.

    1. CONDITIONS WHICH LED UP TO THE WAR:

       O. Kämmel:
       History of Germany,
       2521-2522 (3767).

       E. L. Godkin:
       History of Hungary,
       1717, first column, (1678).

       W. Zimmerman:
       History of Germany,
       1498-1499 (1465-1466).

       F. Schiller:
       The Thirty Years’ War,
       301-302 (293).

       J. Sime:
       History of Germany,
       1499-1500 (1466-1467).

       J. Michelet:
       Modern History,
       1500 (1467).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1099-1100 (1071-1072).

    2. THE PROSTRATION OF PROTESTANTISM
       (A. D. 1618-1626):

       F. Kohlrausch:
       History of Germany,
       1500-1501 (1467-1468).

       B. Chapman:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       1501-1502 (1469).

       S. R. Gardiner:
       Thirty Years’ War,
       1502 (1469).

       W. Coxe:
       House of Austria,
       1502-1504 (1469-1471).

    3. THE SUPPRESSION OF BOHEMIA
       (A. D. 1621-1648):

       L. Häusser:
       The Great Reformation,
       302 (293).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1100 (1072).

       "No succor reached the unfortunate people; but neither did the
       victors attain their end. Protestantism and Hussite memories
       could not be slain, and only outward submission was extorted.
       … But a desert was created; the land was crushed for a
       generation. Before the war Bohemia had 4,000,000 inhabitants,
       and in 1648 there were but 700,000 or 800,000. In some parts
       of the country the population has not attained the standard of
       1620 to this day."
          L. HÄUSSER.

    4. THE RISE OF PRUSSIA:

       C. F. Johnstone:
       Historical Abstracts,
       318 (308).

       H. von Treitschke:
       History of Germany,
       2685-2686 (3768-3769).

    5. THE GROWING POWER OF SWEDEN:

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2893-2894 (2818-2819).

       C. R. L. Fletcher:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       2894-2896 (2819-2821).

       J. L. Stevens:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       2896-2897 (2822).

    6. THE SUPREMACY OF WALLENSTEIN
       (A. D. 1625-1630):

       G. B. Malleson:
       Battlefields of Germany,
       1504-1505 (1471-1472).

       J. Mitchell:
       Life of Wallenstein,
       1505-1506 (1472-1473).

       G. P. R. James:
       Dark Scenes of History,
       1506-1507 (1473-1474).

    7. THE ADVENT OF GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS
       (A. D. 1630-1632):

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       1507-1508 (1475).

       F. Schiller:
       The Thirty Years’ War,
       1508 (1475).

       C. R. L. Fletcher:
       Gustavas Adolphus,
       1508-1509 (1475-1476).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1100-1101 (1072-1073).

    8. THE DECISIVE BATTLE AT LEIPSIG (BREITENFELD)
       (A. D. 1631):

       B. Chapman:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       1509-1510 (1477).

       C. R. L. Fletcher:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       1510 (1477).

       "The battle of Breitenfeld was an epoch in war, it was an
       epoch in history. It was an epoch in war, because first in it
       was displayed on a great scale the superiority of mobility
       over weight. It was an epoch in history, because it broke the
       force upon which the revived Catholicism had relied for the
       extension of its empire over Europe. Germany might tear
       herself to pieces for yet another half-generation, but the
       actual result of the Thirty Years’ War was as good as
       achieved."
          C. R. L. FLETCHER.

    9. RECALL OF WALLENSTEIN;
       THE BATTLE OF LÜTZEN;
       DEATH OF GUSTAVUS
       (A. D. 1632):

       C. M. Yonge:
       English History,
       1510-1511 (1477-1478).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1511-1512 (1478-1479).

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       1512 (1479).

    10. RICHELIEU BECOMES AN ACTIVE FACTOR IN THE WAR:

       J. Mitchell:
       Life of Wallenstein,
       1512-1513 (1480).

       H. M. Hozier:
       Turenne,
       1513 (1480).

       G. B. Malleson:
       Battlefields of Germany,
       1513-1514 (1480-1481).

    11. SUCCESSES OF THE SWEDISH ARMY UNDER TORSTENSON
       (A. D. 1640-1642):

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       1514-1515 (1481-1482).

    12. THE FINAL CAMPAIGNS OF THE WAR
       (A. D. 1645-1648):

       H. M. Hozier:
       Turenne,
       1515-1516 (1482-1453).

       T. O. Cockayne:
       Life of Turenne,
       1516 (1483).

       F. Schiller:
       The Thirty Years’ War,
       1516-1517 (1483-1484).

    13. THE HORRORS OF THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

       R. C. Trench:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       1517-1518 (1484-1485).

       H. von Z-Südenhorst:
       History of Germany,
       1518 (3770).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1101 (1073).

       "This, which had been a civil war at the first, did not
       continue such for long, or rather it united presently all the
       dreadfulness of a civil war and a foreign. It was not long
       before the hosts which trampled the German soil had in large
       part ceased to be German; every region of Europe sending of
       its children, and, as it would seem, of those whom it must
       have been gladdest to be rid of, to swell the ranks of the
       destroyers. … Under conditions like these it is not wonderful
       that the fields were left untilled; for who would sow, what he
       could never reap? What wonder that famine, thus invited,
       should before long have arrived? … Persons were found dead in
       the fields with grass in their mouths, while the tanner’s and
       knackers’ yards were beset for the putrid carcasses of beasts.
       Men climbed up the gibbets and tore down the bodies which were
       suspended there, and devoured them. Prisoners were killed that
       they might be eaten. Children were enticed from home. …
       Putting all together, it is not too much to say that the
       crowning horrors of Samaria, of Jerusalem, of Saguntum, found
       their parallels, and often worse than their parallels, in
       Christian Germany only two centuries ago. … Of the population
       it was found that three-fourths, in some parts a far larger
       proportion, had perished … or fled to Switzerland, to Holland,
       and to other countries never to return from them again."
          R. C. TRENCH.

    14. THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (A. D. 1648);

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1518-1519 (1486).

       A. Gindely:
       The Thirty Years’ War,
       1519 (1486).

       F. Kohlrausch:
       History of Germany,
       1519-1520 (1486-1487).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1101 (1073).

    15. RESULTS OF THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA:

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1520 (1487).

       S. A. Dunham:
       The Germanic Empire,
       1520-1521 (1487-1488).

       S. E. Turner:
       The Germanic Constitution,
       683-684 (660-661).

       S. A. Dunham:
       The Germanic Empire,
       684 (661).

       See Map of Germany at Peace of Westphalia,
       1518-1519 (1486-1487).

    {766}

       "Both Lutherans and Calvinists were declared free from all
       jurisdiction of the Pope or any Catholic prelate. Thus the
       last link which bound Germany to Rome was snapped, the last of
       the principles by virtue of which the Empire had existed was
       abandoned. … The Peace of Westphalia was therefore an
       abrogation of the sovereignty of Rome, and of the theory of
       Church and State with which the name of Rome was associated. …
       The Peace of Westphalia is an era in imperial history not less
       clearly marked than the Coronation of Otto the Great, or the
       death of Frederick II. … Properly, indeed, it was no longer an
       Empire at all, but a Confederation, and that of the loosest
       sort. … There were 300 petty principalities between the
       Alps and the Baltic, each with its own laws, and its own
       courts, its little armies, its separate coinage, its tolls and
       custom-houses on the frontier, its crowd of meddlesome and
       pedantic officials. This vicious system, which paralyzed the
       trade, the literature, and the political thought of Germany,
       had been forming itself for sometime, but did not become fully
       established until the Peace of Westphalia, by emancipating the
       princes from imperial control, had made them despots in their
       own territories."
          JAMES BRYCE.

    16. THE RELATIONS OF AUSTRIA, GERMANY, AND FRANCE
        AFTER THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

       H. von Treitschke:
       History of Germany,
       1521-1522 (3770-3771).

       L. Häusser:
       History of Germany,
       1522 (3771).

       H. von Sybel:
       The French Revolution,
       1522-1523 (1488-1489).

    STUDY XXVIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE MAKING OF ENGLAND
    (A. D. 449-1200).

    1. BRITAIN:

       C. F. Keary:
       Dawn of History,
       144-145 (137-138).

       T. Wright:
       Celt, Roman, and Saxon,
       329 (319).

       J. Cæsar:
       Gallic War,
       329 (319).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       329-331 (319-321).

       H. M. Scarth:
       Roman Britain,
       331 (321).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       332 (322).

       J. R. Green:
       The Making of England,
       332 (322).

    2. ENGLAND:

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       121 (114).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       121 (114).

       T. Hodgkin:
       Italy and Her Invaders,
       2885 (2810).

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       806 (779).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The English People,
       807 (780).

       J. R. Green:
       The Making of England,
       807-808 (780-781).

    3. IRELAND:

       M. Haverty:
       History of Ireland,
       1794-1795 (1754-1755).

       E. Lawless:
       The Story of Ireland,
       1795 (1755).

       T. Wright:
       Celt, Roman, and Saxon,
       1795 (1755).

    4. SCOTLAND:

       W. F. Skene:
       Celtic Scotland,
       2913-2914 (2838-2839).

       J. Rhys:
       Celtic Britain,
       2914 (2839).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       2914 (2839).

       W. F. Skene:
       Celtic Scotland,
       2914-2915 (2839-2840).

    5. THE ANGLO-SAXON CONQUEST
       (A. D. 470-630):

       F. Palgrave:
       The Anglo-Saxons,
       808 (781).

       J. M. Lappenberg:
       England under the Anglo-Saxon Kings,
       808-809 (781-782).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Old English History,
       809 (782).

       Thomas Fuller:
       Church History of Britain,
       810 (782-783).

       G. F. Maclear:
       The Conversion of the West,
       810 (783).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       810 (783).

       J. R. Green:
       The Making of England,
       811 (784).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1042 (1014).

    6. THE CONVERSION OF IRELAND; ITS SCHOOLS AND MISSIONARIES:

       Sir C. G. Duffy:
       Irish History,
       1795-1796 (1755-1756).

       Count de Montalembert:
       Monks of the West,
       1796 (1756).

       G. F. Maclear:
       Conversion of the West,
       474 (460).

       R. C. Trench:
       Mediæval Church History,
       474-475 (460-461).

       J. E. T. Wiltsch:
       Statistics of the Church,
       475 (461).

       A. T. Drane:
       Christian Schools,
       711-712 (688-689).

       "The rapid extension of the monastic institute in Ireland, and
       the extraordinary ardour with which the Irish cœnobites
       applied themselves to the cultivation of letters, remain
       undisputed facts. ‘Within a century after the death of St.
       Patrick,’ says Bishop Nicholson, ‘the Irish seminaries had so
       increased that most parts of Europe sent their children to be
       educated here, and drew thence their bishops and teachers.’
       The whole country for miles round Leighlin was denominated the
       ‘land of Saints and Scholars.’ By the ninth century Armagh
       could boast of 7000 students, and the schools of Cashel,
       Dindaleathglass, and Lismore vied with it in renown."
          A. T. DRANE.

    7. THE SAXON HEPTARCHY:

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       811 (784).

       F. Gneist:
       The English Constitution,
       811 (784).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Old English History,
       812 (785).

       W. F. Skene:
       Celtic Scotland,
       2914-2915 (2839-2810).

    8. THE DANISH INVASIONS, AND ALFRED THE GREAT:

       R. G. Latham:
       Nationalities of Europe,
       2891 (2816).

       A. Thierry:
       Conquest of England by the Normans,
       2418 (2366).

       G. W. Dasent:
       The Story of Burnt Njal,
       2418 (2366).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       812-813 (785-786).

       M. J. Guest:
       History of England,
       813 (786).

       Thomas Hughes:
       Alfred the Great,
       813-814 (786-787).

       S. R. Gardiner:
       English History,
       815-816 (788-789).

       J. A. Giles:
       Alfred the Great,
       713 (690).

       "Alfred is the most perfect character in history. … No other
       man on record has ever so thoroughly united all the virtues
       both of ruler and of the private man. In no other man on
       record were so many virtues disfigured by so little alloy. A
       saint without superstition, a scholar without ostentation, a
       warrior all whose wars were fought in the defense of his
       country, a conqueror whose laurels were never stained by
       cruelty, a prince never cast down by adversity, never lifted
       up to insolence in the day of triumph—there is no other name
       in history to compare with his. … The virtue of Alfred, like
       the virtue of Washington, consisted in no marvelous displays
       of superhuman genius, but in the simple, straight-forward
       discharge of the duty of the moment."
          E. A. FREEMAN.

    9. THE DANISH CONQUEST
       (A. D. 970-1042):

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       History of England,
       816 (789).

       Gardiner and Mullinger:
       History of England,
       816 (789).

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       817 (790).

       M. Haverty:
       History of Ireland,
       1796 (1756).

       S. Bryant:
       Celtic Ireland,
       1796-1797 (1756-1757).

       T. D. McGee:
       History of Ireland,
       1797 (1757).

    10. THE SAXON RESTORATION TO THE NORMAN CONQUEST
       (A. D. 1042-1066):

       A. H. Johnson:
       The Normans in Europe,
       817-818 (790-791).

       R. Vaughan:
       Revolutions of English History,
       819 (792).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       819 (792).

    {767}

    11. FORMATION OF THE SCOTTISH KINGDOM,
        AND ITS RELATION TO ENGLAND:

       W. F. Skene:
       Celtic Scotland,
       2915 (2840).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       2916 (2840-2841).

       W. F. Skene:
       Celtic Scotland,
       2916 (2841).

    12. WILLIAM OF NORMANDY, AND HIS CLAIMS TO THE ENGLISH CROWN:

       J. R. Green:
       The Conquest of England,
       2417 (2365).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       2417 (2365).

       A. H. Johnson:
       The Normans in Europe,
       818 (791).

       Sir F. Palgrave:
       Normandy and England,
       818 (791).

       E. A. Freeman:
       William the Conqueror,
       818 (791).

    13. THE BATTLE OF HASTINGS (A. D. 1066) AND NORMAN CONQUEST:

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       819 (792).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Norman Conquest,
       820 (793).

       A. Thierry:
       The Conquest of England,
       820 (793).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages.
       820-821 (793-794).

       C. Kingsley:
       Hereward the Wake,
       821 (794).

    14. THE DOMESDAY BOOK
       (A. D. 1086):

       E. Fischel:
       The English Constitution,
       821 (794).

       T. Taswell-Langmead:
       English Constitutional History,
       821-822 (794-795).

       Stuart Moore:
       A Study of Domesday Book,
       822 (795).

       I. Taylor:
       Domesday Survivals,
       822 (795).

    15. SCOTLAND AND THE CONQUEST:

       J. H. Burton:
       History of Scotland,
       2916-2917 (2841-2842).

       Sir Walter Scott:
       Tales of a Grandfather,
       2917 (2842).

    16. REIGNS OF THE SONS OF THE CONQUEROR
        (A. D. 1087-1154):

       S. Turner:
       History of England,
       823-824 (796-797).

       C. H. Pearson:
       England during the Middle Ages,
       824 (797).

       J. H. Round:
       Geoffrey de Mandeville,
       824-825 (797-798).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       3106-3107 (3024-3025).

       E. W. Robertson:
       Scotland’s Early Kings,
       2918 (2842-2843).

    17. THE ANGEVIN KINGS (PLANTAGENETS);
       HENRY II. (A. D. 1154-1189):

       Sir F. Palgrave:
       England and Normandy,
       121-122 (114-115).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       122 (115).

       K. Norgate:
       England under the Angevins,
       127-128 (120-121).

       Mrs. J. R. Green:
       Henry II.,
       826 (799).

       K. Norgate:
       England under the Angevins,
       826 (799).

       C. H. Pearson:
       England during the Middle Ages,
       1798-1799 (1758-1759).

    18. HENRY’S CONFLICT WITH THE CHURCH; BECKET
       (A. D. 1162-1170):

       J. Campbell:
       Lives of the Lord Chancellors,
       826-827 (799-800).

       F. W. Maitland:
       Henry II. and the Criminous Clerks,
       827 (800).

       A. P. Stanley:
       Memorials of Canterbury,
       827-828 (800-801).

       H. C. Lea:
       Studies in Church History,
       289 (280).

       Pollock and Maitland:
       English Law,
       1975.

       J. B. Thayer:
       Older Modes of Trial,
       2000-2001 (1956-1957).

       W. Forsyth:
       Trial by Jury,
       2001 and 2002 (1957-1958).

       "He [Henry II.] was a foreign King who never spoke the English
       tongue, who lived and moved for the most part in a foreign
       camp, surrounded with a motley host of Brabançons and
       hirelings. … It was under the rule of a foreigner such as
       this, however, that the races of conquerors and conquered in
       England first learnt to feel that they were one. It was by his
       power that England, Scotland, and Ireland were brought to some
       vague acknowledgment of a common suzerain lord, and the
       foundations laid of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
       Ireland. It was he who abolished feudalism as a system of
       government, and left it little more than a system of land
       tenure. It was he who defined the relations established
       between Church and State, and decreed that in England
       churchman as well as baron was to be held under the common
       law. … His reforms established the judicial system whose main
       outlines have been preserved to our own day. It was through
       his ‘Constitutions’ and his ‘Assizes’ that it came to pass
       that over all the world the English-speaking races are
       governed by English and not by Roman law. It was by his genius
       for government that the servants of the royal household became
       transformed into Ministers of State. It was he who gave
       England a foreign policy which decided our continental
       relations for seven hundred years. The impress which the
       personality of Henry II. left upon his time meets us wherever
       we turn."
          MRS. J. R. GREEN.

    19. RICHARD CŒUR DE LION
       (A. D. 1189-1199):

       M. Burrows:
       History of England,
       828 (801).

       W. Stubbs: Constitutional History of England,
       828 (801).

       J. F. Michaud:
       The Crusades,
       653 (630).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       653-654 (630-631).

       G. W. Cox:
       The Crusades,
       654 (631).

    STUDY XXIX.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    ENGLAND FROM MAGNA CARTA TO ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS
       (A. D. 1215-1485).

    1. KING JOHN AND MAGNA CARTA
       (A. D. 1215):

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1193-1194 (1162).

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       828 (801).

       M. A. Hookham:
       Margaret of Anjou,
       122-123 (116).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       828-829 (801-802).

    2. THE BATTLE OF BOUVINES
       (A. D. 1214):

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       315 (305).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       315 (305).

    3. MAGNA CARTA
       (A. D. 1215, JUNE 15):

       S. Turner:
       England during the Middle Ages,
       824 (797).

       J. R. Green:
       The English People,
       829 (802).

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       829-830 (802-803).

       R. Gneist:
       The English Constitution,
       834, first column, (807).

       T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
       English Constitution,
       888

       Full Text of the Great Charter,
       830-834 (803-807).

       "The Great Charter although drawn up in the form of a royal
       grant, was really a treaty between the King and his subjects.
       … It is the collective people who really form the other high
       contracting party in the great capitulation. … The Great
       Charter is the first great public act of the nation, after it
       has realized its identity. … The whole of the constitutional
       history of England is little more than a commentary on Magna
       Carta."
          W. STUBBS.

    {768}

    4. THE EVOLUTION OP THE ENGLISH PARLIAMENT
       (A. D. 1216-):

       E. A. Freeman:
       Growth of the English Constitution,
       2552-2553 (2486-2487).

       (a) Under Henry III. (A. D. 1216-1272).

          R. Gneist:
          The English Constitution,
          834 (807).

          Simon de Montfort,
          834-836 (807-809).

          W. Stubbs:
          Constitutional History of England,
          836 (809).

       (b) Under Edward I. (A. D. 1272-1307).

          S. R. Gardiner:
          English History,
          836 (809).

          W. Stubbs:
          The Early Plantagenets,
          836-837 (809-810).

          T. F. Tout:
          Edward the First,
          837 (810).

          É. Boutmy:
          The English Constitution,
          837-838 (810-811)

          J. N. Larned:
          Europe,
          1061-1062 (1033-1034).

    5. GROWTH OF THE COMMON LAW UNDER HENRY III. AND EDWARD I.:

       T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
       English Constitution,
       838 (811).

       See Law, Common,
       2005-2007 (1960-1963).

    6. CONQUEST OF SCOTLAND AND WALES BY EDWARD I.:

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       2919-2920 (2844-2845).

       W. Stubbs:
       The Early Plantagenets,
       3764-3765 (3643-3644).

    7. RESISTANCE TO PAPAL AGGRESSIONS
       (A. D. 1200-1400):

       C. H. Pearson:
       England during Middle Ages,
       838 (811).

       T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
       English Constitution,
       838 (811).

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       838-839 (811-812).

    8. Renewal of the Wars with Scotland; Bannockburn
       (A. D. 1314):

       M. MacArthur:
       History of Scotland,
       2920 (2845).

       J. H. Burton:
       History of Scotland,
       2920-2921 (2845-2846).

       W. Denton:
       England in the 15th Century,
       2921-2922 (2846-2847).

       P. F. Tytler:
       History of Scotland,
       2922 (2847).

    9. THE NOTABLE REIGN OF EDWARD III.
       (A. D. 1327-1377):

       (a) His Wars with the Scots.

       W. Robertson:
       History of Scotland,
       2922 (2847).

       Sir Walter Scott:
       History of Scotland,
       2922-2923 (2847-2848).

       W. Warburton:
       Edward III.,
       2923-2924 (2848-2849).

       Sir Walter Scott:
       Tales of a Grandfather,
       2924 (2849).

       J. R. Green:
       The English People,
       291 (282).

       (b) The One Hundred Years War
       (A. D. 1337-1453).

       J. Froissart:
       Chronicles,
       1200-1201 (1168-1169).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1201 and 2868 (1169, 2794).

       G. W. Kitchin;
       History of France,
       1201 (1169).

       H. Hallam:
       Middle Ages,
       1201 (1169).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1204 (1172).

       C. H. Pearson:
       English History,
       839 (812).

       (c) The Black Death
       (A. D. 1348-1349).

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       History of Agriculture,
       292-293 and 1970 (283-284 and 1929).

       G. Boccaccio:
       The Decameron,
       1166 (1136).

       J. Michelet:
       History of France,
       1201-1202 (1169-1170).

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       History of Agriculture,
       840 (813).

    10. CHAUCER, AND THE NEW ENGLISH LANGUAGE
       (A. D. 1340-1400):

       B. Ten Brink:
       English Literature,
       840-841 (813-814).

       G. P. Marsh:
       History of the English Language,
       841 (814).

    11. WYCLIF, AND THE TRANSLATION OF THE BIBLE
       (A. D. 1384):

       J. A. Froude:
       History of England,
       842 (815).

       J. Gairdner:
       English History,
       842 (815).

    12. THE LOLLARDS, AND WAT TYLER REBELLION
       (A. D. 1375-):

       C. Ullmann:
       Reformers before the Reformation,
       285-286 (276-277).

       B. Herford:
       Story of Religion in England,
       841-842 (814-815).

       S. R. Gardiner:
       English History,
       842-843 (815-816).

       J. Gairdner:
       Houses of Lancaster and York,
       843 (816).

       C. H. Pearson:
       English History,
       843-844 (816-817).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       844 (817).

       Professor de Vericour:
       Wat Tyler,
       844 (817).

       J. N. Larned:
       England under Richard II.,
       1068-1069 (1040-1041).

    13. THE HOUSE OF LANCASTER
       (A. D. 1399-1471):

       J. Gairdner:
       The Houses of Lancaster and York,
       844-845 (817-818).

       J. H. Burton:
       History of Scotland,
       2925 (2850).

       J. Gairdner:
       Houses of Lancaster and York,
       3765 (3644).

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       845 (818).

    14. HENRY V. (1413-1422) AND AGINCOURT:

       A. J. Church:
       Henry the Fifth,
       1205-1206 (1173-1174).

       C. M. Yonge:
       English History,
       1206-1207 (1174-1175).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1207 (1175).

       A. J. Church:
       Henry the Fifth,
       1207 (1175).

    15. HENRY VI. (1422-1471) AND END OF HUNDRED YEARS’ WAR:

       A. de Lamartine:
       Joan of Arc,
       1207-1208 and 1208-1209 (1175-1176).

       Lord Mahon:
       Historical Essays,
       1209 (1177).

       J. O’Hagan:
       Joan of Arc,
       1209 (1177).

       E. E. Crowe:
       History of France,
       1210 (1178).

       C. W. Oman:
       Warwick, the Kingmaker,
       846-847 (819-820).

    16. THE WARS OF THE ROSES
       (A. D. 1455-1485):

       Mrs. Hookham:
       Life of Margaret of Anjou,
       847 (820).

       J. S. Brewer:
       Reign of Henry VIII.,
       848 (821).

       W. Denton:
       England in the 15th Century,
       848 (821).

       É. Boutmy:
       The English Constitution,
       848 (821).

       J. Gairdner:
       Henry VII.,
       1801 (1761).

    17. THE HOUSE OF YORK (A. D. 1461-1485);
        THE "NEW MONARCHY":

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       History of England,
       848-849 (821-822).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       849 (822).

       C. M. Yonge:
       English History.
       849 (822).

       J. Gairdner:
       Life of Richard III.,
       849-850 (822-823).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1069-1071 (1041-1043).

    18. ADVANCE IN CIVILIZATION, 14TH TO 16TH CENTURIES:

       (a) The Renaissance in England.

       H. A. Taine:
       English Literature,
       851-852 (824-825).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Shakespere’s Predecessors,
       852-823 (825-826).

       A. Lang:
       Oxford,
       729-730 (706-707).

    {769}

       (b) The State of Learning.

       B. Ten Brink:
       English Literature,
       840-841 (813-814).

       H. C. M. Lyte:
       The University of Oxford,
       722 (699).

       A. Lang:
       Oxford,
       722-723 (699-700).

       V. A. Huber:
       English Universities,
       723-724 (700-701).

       J. Mullinger:
       The University of Cambridge,
       724 (701).

       W. Everett:
       On the Cam,
       724 (701).

       F. Seebohm:
       The Oxford Reformers,
       730-731 (707-708).

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       2009 (1965).

       (c) Caxton, and the Introduction of Printing.

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       2662-2663 (2590-2591).

       J. H. Slater:
       Book Collecting,
       2663 (2591).

       T. A. Romer:
       Copyright Law,
       2009-2010 (1965-1966).

       (d) Trade and Commerce.

       L. Levi:
       British Commerce,
       3222 (3711).

       W. Cunningham:
       Growth of English Industry,
       3222 (3711).

       J. Michelet:
       History of France,
       1156 (1126).

    STUDY XXX.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    ENGLAND: THE TUDORS (A. D. 1485-1603).

    1. THE ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS; HENRY VII. (A. D. 1485-1509):

       J. Forster:
       Historical Essays,
       850 (823).

       J. Gairdner:
       Henry the Seventh,
       853 (826).

       J. H. Burton:
       History of Scotland,
       2926-2927 (2851-2852).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1089 (1061).

    2. THE FIRST ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY
       (A. D. 1497-1498):

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       58 (51).

       H. Harrisse:
       The Discovery of America,
       61 (3678).

       "The discovery of the continent of North America and the first
       landing on its east coast were accomplished, not by Sebastian
       Cabot, but by his father John, in 1197, under the auspices of
       King Henry VII. … The voyage of 1498, also accomplished under
       the British flag, was likewise carried out by John Cabot
       personally … and the exploration embraced the northeast coast
       of the present United States, as far as Florida."
          HENRY HARRISSE.

       "Under this patent John Cabot, taking with him his son
       Sebastian, embarked in quest of new islands and a passage to
       Asia by the northwest. On the 24th day of June [1497], almost
       fourteen months before Columbus came in sight of the main, and
       more than two years before Amerigo Vespucci sailed west of the
       Canaries, he discovered the western Continent, probably in the
       latitude of about 56°, among the dismal cliffs of Labrador. He
       ran along the coast for many leagues, it is said for even 300,
       and landed on what he considered to be the territory of the
       Grand Cham."
          GEORGE BANCROFT.

    3. HENRY VIII. (1509-1547) AND CARDINAL WOLSEY:

       Sir R. Comyn:
       The Western Empire,
       1218 (1186).

       M. Creighton:
       Cardinal Wolsey,
       854 (827).

    4. THE FIELD OF THE CLOTH OF GOLD (A. D. 1520):

       J. Michelet:
       Modern History,
       1222 (1190).

       J. S. Brewer:
       Henry VIII.,
       1148 (1119).

    5. HENRY VIII., AND THE DIVORCE QUESTION:

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Christian Church,
       854-855 (827-828).

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       Sir Thomas More,
       855-856 (828-829).

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       History of England,
       858-859 (831-832).

    6. THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND
       (A. D. 1530-):

       (a) Origin of the Term "Protestant."

       P. Bayne:
       Martin Luther,
       2516-2517 (2455-2456).

       (b) Henry’s Rupture with Rome.

       G. P. Fisher:
       The Christian Church,
       855 (828).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1089-1090 (1061-1062).

       (c) The Establishment of the Church of England.

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       856 (829).

       J. Tulloch:
       Christian Philosophy,
       856-857 (829-830).

       G. G. Perry:
       The Reformation in England,
       857 (830).

       "The Reformation in England was singular amongst the great
       religious movements of the sixteenth century. It was the least
       heroic of them all—the least swayed by religious passion, or
       moulded and governed by spiritual and theological necessities.
       From a general point of view, it looks at first little more
       than a great political change. The exigencies of royal
       passion, and the dubious impulses of statecraft, seem its
       moving and really powerful springs. … The lust and avarice of
       Henry, the policy of Cromwell, and the vacillations of the
       leading clergy, attract prominent notice; but there may be
       traced beneath the surface a widespread evangelical fervour
       amongst the people, and, above all, a genuine spiritual
       earnestness and excitement of thought at the universities.
       These higher influences preside at the first birth of the
       movement. They are seen in active operation long before the
       reforming task was taken up by the Court and the bishops."
          J. TULLOCH.

       (d) The Suppression of the Monasteries.

       H. Hallam:
       History of England,
       857-858 (830-831).

       G. G. Perry:
       Reformation in England,
       858 (831).

       F. A. Gasquet:
       Henry VIII. and the Monasteries,
       858 (831).

       (e) The Reaction; The "Six Articles."

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       859 (832).

       (f) The Establishment of Protestantism under Edward VI.
          (A. D. 1547-1553).

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       859-860 (832-833).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       860 (833).

    7. THE FOREIGN RELATIONS OF HENRY VIII.:

       (a) Scotland.

       J. H. Burton:
       History of Scotland,
       2926-2927 (2851-2852).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       2927 (2852).

       Sir W. Scott:
       History of Scotland,
       2927 (2852).

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       2927-2928 (2852-2853).

       D. Wilson:
       Memories of Edinburgh,
       2928 (2853).

       (b) Ireland.

       M. Haverty:
       History of Ireland,
       2471 (2412).

       J. A. Froude:
       History of England,
       1801-1802 (1761-1762).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       1802-1803 (1762-1763).

       (c) France.

       W. Robertson:
       Reign of Charles V.,
       1880-1882 (1840-1842).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1225 (1193).

       E. de Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1225-1226 (1193-1194).

    8. THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND:

       W. Robertson:
       History of Scotland,
       2928-2929 (2853-2854).

       L. von Ranke:
       History of England,
       2929-2930 (2854-2855).

       J. Cunningham:
       Church History of Scotland,
       2930 (2855).

       M. Creighton:
       The Age of Elizabeth,
       2930-2931 (2855-2856).

    {770}

    9. "BLOODY" MARY, AND CATHOLIC ASCENDENCY
       (A. D. 1553-1558):

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       History of England,
       860-861 (833-834).

       T. Fuller:
       Church History of Britain,
       861 (834).

       R. Southey:
       Book of the Church,
       861-862 (834-835).

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       History of England,
       862 (835).

       J. A. Froude:
       History of England,
       862 (835).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       862 (835).

       W. H. Jervis:
       History of France,
       1228 (1196).

    10. THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH; THE ELIZABETHAN AGE
       (A. D. 1558-1603):

       (a) The Final Establishment of Protestantism.

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       862-863 (835-836).

       C. Beard:
       The Reformation,
       863 (836).

       (b) The Civil Government.

       M. Burrows:
       History of England,
       863 (836).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       863-864 (836-837).

       E. Fischel:
       The English Constitution,
       2993 (2915).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       2027 (1983).

       Austin Abbott:
       Capital Punishment,
       2027 (1983).

       (c) The State of Literature.

       W. Hazlitt:
       Literature of the Age of Elizabeth,
       864 (837).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Elizabethan and Victorian Poetry,
       864-865 (837-838).

       (d) The Rise of the Great Schools of England.

       H. Coleridge:
       Biographia Borealis,
       731 (708).

       F. Seebohm:
       The Oxford Reformers,
       730-731 (707-708).

       T. Hughes:
       The Public Schools of England,
       733-735 (710-712).

       Our Public Schools—Their Discipline,
       735 (712).

       (e) Trade and Commerce.

       C. Gross:
       The Gild Merchant,
       2197 (2153).

       J. N. Larned:
       Commercial Progress,
       3228-3229 (3718).

       Lord Mahon:
       History of England,
       1748-1749 (1710).

    11. THE ACT OF SUPREMACY, AND ACT OF UNIFORMITY:

       M. Burrows:
       History of England,
       865 (838).

       D. Neal:
       History of the Puritans,
       865-866 (838-839).

    12. THE RISE OF PURITANISM
       (About A. D. 1560):

       J. A. Froude:
       History of England,
       866 (839).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       866-867 (840).

       H. O. Wakeman:
       The Church and the Puritans,
       867 (840).

    13. FIRST USE OF THE TERM "PROTESTANT"
       (A. D. 1564):

       T. Fuller:
       Church History of Britain,
       867 (840).

       P. Heylyn:
       Ecclesia Restaurata,
       867 (840).

    14. ELIZABETH AND THE CATHOLICS:

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       867 (840).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       867-868 (840-841).

       J. L. Motley:
       The United Netherlands,
       868 (841).

    15. MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS:

       D. Wilson:
       Memorials of Edinburgh,
       2928 (2853).

       M. Mac Arthur:
       History of Scotland,
       2931-2932 (2856-2857).

       E. S. Beesly:
       Queen Elizabeth,
       2932 (2857).

       J. Skelton:
       Historical Essays,
       2932-2933 (2857-2858).

       T. F. Henderson:
       The Casket Letters,
       2933 (2858).

       S. H. Burke:
       Historical Portraits,
       2933-2934 (2858-2859).

       A. C. Swinburne:
       Mary Queen of Scots,
       2934 (2859).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1095-1096 (1067-1068).

    16. MARY AND THE CATHOLIC CONSPIRACIES; HER EXECUTION
       (A. D. 1587):

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       868-869 (841-842).

       J. A. Froude:
       History of England,
       869 (842).

    17. THE EFFECT OF MARY’S EXECUTION; THE SPANISH ARMADA
       (A. D. 1588):

       R. Southey:
       Lives of British Admirals,
       869 (842).

       S. A. Dunham:
       Spain and Portugal,
       869 (842).

       J. L. Motley:
       The United Netherlands,
       869-870 (842-843).

       H. R. Clinton:
       From Crécy to Assye,
       870-871 (843-844).

       W. Camden:
       History of Queen Elizabeth,
       871-872 (844-845).

       "The flame of patriotism never burnt purer; all Englishmen
       alike, Romanists, Protestant Episcopalians, and Puritans, were
       banded together to resist the invader. Every hamlet was on the
       alert for the beacon-signal. … Philip’s preparations had been
       commensurate with the grandeur of his scheme. … A vast
       armament, named, as if to provoke Nemesis, the ‘Invincible
       Armada,’ on which for three years the treasures of the
       American mines had been lavished, at length rode the seas,
       blessed with Papal benediction and under the patronage of the
       Saints. … The 129 vessels were armed with 2430 brass and iron
       guns of the best manufacture, and carried 5000 seamen. Parma’s
       army amounted to 30,000 men—Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians,
       and Walloons; and 19,000 Castilians and Portuguese, with 1000
       gentlemen volunteers, were coming to meet him. … The overthrow
       of this armament was effected by the navy and the elements. …
       More than two-thirds of the expedition perished; and of the
       remnant that again viewed the hills of Spain all but a few
       hundred returned only to die."
          H. R. CLINTON.

    18. PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN SCOTLAND:

       M. C. Taylor:
       John Knox,
       2934 (2859).

       T. Carlyle:
       Heroes and Hero Worship,
       2934-2935 (2859-2860).

       J. Tulloch:
       John Knox,
       2935 (2860).

       W. Robertson:
       History of Scotland,
       2935 (2860).

       J. Cunningham:
       Church History of Scotland,
       2935-2936 (2860-2861).

       T. M’Crie:
       Scottish Church History,
       2936 (2861).

       J. Cunningham:
       Church History of Scotland,
       2936-2937 (2861-2862).

       Sir W. Scott:
       History of Scotland,
       2937 (2862).

    19. THE ACCESSION OF THE STUARTS; JAMES I.
       (A. D. 1603):

       J. Forster:
       Historical Essays,
       872 (845).

       "His [James’] mother was Marie Stuart, or Mary, Queen of
       Scots, born of her marriage with Lord Darnley. He came to the
       English throne at a time when the autocratic spirit of the
       Tudors, making use of the peculiar circumstances of their
       time, had raised the royal power and prerogative to their most
       exalted pitch; and he united the two Kingdoms of Scotland and
       England under one sovereignty. The noble inheritance fell to a
       race who, comprehending not one of the conditions by which
       alone it was possible to be retained, profligately misused
       until they lost it utterly. … What is called the Great
       Rebellion can have no comment so pregnant as that which is
       suggested by the character and previous career of the first of
       the Stuart Kings."
          J. FORSTER.

    {771}

    STUDY XXXI.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    ENGLAND: JAMES I. AND CHARLES I.; THE GREAT REBELLION
       (A. D. 1603-1649).

    I. THE ACCESSION OF THE STUARTS
       (A. D. 1603):
    *
       J. H. Burton:
       History of Scotland,
       2925 (2850).

       M. Noble:
       Genealogy of the House of Stuart,
       2925 (2850).

       J. Forster:
       Historical Essays,
       872 (845).

       T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
       English Constitutional History,
       3107 (3025).

       A. V. Dicey:
       The Privy Council,
       3107-3108 (3025-3026).

    2. THE REIGN OF JAMES I.
       (A. D. 1603-1625):

       T. McCrie:
       Scottish Church History,
       872-873 (845-846).

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       873 (846).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       874 (847).

       J. Cunningham:
       Church History of Scotland,
       2937 (2862).

    3. THE SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA:

       (a) In Virginia (A. D. 1606-).

       John Fiske:
       Beginnings of New England,
       3748 (3627).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3748-3749 (3627-3628).

       H. C. Lodge:
       English Colonies in America,
       3749 (3628).

       (b) The Independents or Separatists.

       J. A. Goodwin:
       The Pilgrim Republic,
       2690-2691 (2617-2618).

       G. Punchard:
       History of Congregationalism,
       2691 (2618).

       J. Hunter:
       The Founders of New Plymouth,
       1737 (1698).

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       1737 (1698).

       (c) The Plymouth, Massachusetts, Colony
       (A. D. 1620).

       J. Fiske:
       The Beginnings of New England,
       1738 (1699).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       1738-1739 (1699-1700).

       F. B. Dexter:
       The Pilgrim Church,
       2141-2142 (2097-2098).

       (d) The Massachusetts Bay Company
       (A. D. 1630).

       J. B. Moore:
       Governors of Massachusetts Bay,
       2145-2146 (2101-2102).

       S. A. Drake:
       Around the Hub,
       2146-2147 (2102-2103).

       R. C. Winthrop:
       Boston Founded,
       2147 (2103).

    4. CHARLES I. (A. D. 1625-1649);
       THE GREAT REBELLION:

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       874 (847).

       C. D. Yonge:
       History of France,
       1252-1253 (1220-1221).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1805 (1765).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1103-1104 (1075-1076).

       "He [Charles I.] seems to have learned from the theologians
       whom he most esteemed that between him and his subjects there
       could be nothing of the nature of mutual contract; that he
       could not, even if he would, divest himself of his despotic
       authority; and that, in every promise which he made, there was
       an implied reservation that such promise might be broken in
       case of necessity, and that of the necessity he was the sole
       judge."
          T. B. MACAULAY.

    5. THE PETITION OF RIGHT
       (A. D. 1628):

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       874 and 875 (847, 848).

       Full Text of the Petition of Right,
       875-876 (848-849).

       "Our English Constitution was never made, in the sense in
       which the Constitutions of many other countries have been
       made. There never was any moment when Englishmen drew out
       their political system in the shape of a formal document,
       whether as the carrying out of any abstract political theories
       or as the imitation of the past or present system of any other
       nation. There are indeed certain great political documents,
       each of which forms a land mark in our political history.
       There is the Great Charter [1215], the Petition of Right
       [1628], and the Bill of Rights [1689]. But not one of these
       gave itself out as the enactment of anything new. All claimed
       to set forth, with new strength, it might be, and with new
       clearness, those rights of Englishmen which were already old.
       … The life and soul of English law has ever been precedent; we
       have always held that whatever our fathers once did their sons
       have a right to do again."
          E. A. FREEMAN.

       "Lord Chatham called these three [Magna Carta, the Petition of
       Right, and the Bill of Rights] ‘The Bible of the English
       Constitution,’ to which appeal is to be made on every grave
       political question."
          SIR E. S. CREASY.

    6. THE BURNING QUESTION OF TAXATION:

       T. Carlyle:
       Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
       877 (850).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       Essays.—Hampden,
       878-879 (851-852).

    7. BUCKINGHAM AND LAUD:

       C. M. Yonge:
       English History,
       876-877 (849-850).

       F. P. Guizot:
       The English Revolution,
       877-878 (850-851).

    8. PRESBYTERIANS AND INDEPENDENTS:

       J. Rushworth:
       Historical Collections,
       879 (852).

       W. Godwin:
       History of the Commonwealth,
       879 (852).

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       1737 (1698).

    9. THE SCOTTISH NATIONAL COVENANT
       (A. D. 1638):

       T. Fuller:
       Church History of Britain,
       2937-2938 (2862-2863).

       J. H. Burton:
       History of Scotland,
       2938 (2863).

       J. Taylor:
       The Scottish Covenanters,
       2938 (2863).

       A. P. Stanley:
       The Church of Scotland,
       2938-2939 (2863-2864).

       Full text of the National Covenant,
       2939-2942 (2864-2867).

    10. THE BISHOPS’ WARS:

       M. MacArthur:
       History of Scotland,
       2942-2943 (2867-2868).

       T. Carlyle:
       Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
       879-880 (852-853).

    11. WENTWORTH’S SYSTEM OF "THOROUGH":

       R. Hassencamp:
       History of Ireland,
       1805-1806 (1765-1766).

       R. Browning:
       Thomas Wentworth,
       1806 (1766).

    12. THE LONG PARLIAMENT (1640-1641);
        EXECUTION OF STRAFFORD:

       T. B. Macaulay:
       Essays.—Hampden,
       880 (853).

       G. B. Smith:
       History of the English Parliament,
       2553 (2487).

       J. R. Green:
       The English People,
       880-881 (853-854).

       H. D. Traill:
       Lord Strafford,
       881 (854).

       R. Browning:
       Thomas Wentworth,
       881-882 (855).

       Text of the Articles of Impeachment of Strafford,
       882 (855).

    13. RISE OF PERMANENT PARTIES; CAVALIERS AND ROUNDHEADS:

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       882-883 (855-856).

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       2828 (2754).

    14. THE GRAND REMONSTRANCE
       (A. D. 1641):

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       883 (856).

       J. Forster:
       Historical Essays,
       883 (856).

       Full Text of the Grand Remonstrance,
       883-893 (856-866).

    15. THE BEGINNING OF CIVIL WAR
       (A. D. 1642):

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       893-894 (866-867).

       T. Carlyle:
       Letters and Speeches of Cromwell,
       894 (867).

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       894-895 (867-868).

       F. Harrison:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       895 (868).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1104-1105 (1076-1077).

    {772}

    16. EARLY ENGAGEMENTS AND CROMWELL’S IRONSIDES;

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       895-896 (868-869).

       T. Carlyle:
       Letters and Speeches of Cromwell,
       896 (869).

       F. Harrison:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       896 (869).

       "These were the men who ultimately decided the war, and
       established the Commonwealth. On the field of Marston, Rupert
       gave Cromwell the name of Ironside, and from thence this
       famous name passed to his troopers. There are two features in
       their history which we need to note. They were indeed ‘such
       men as had some conscience in their work’; but they were also
       much more. They were disciplined and trained soldiers. They
       were the only body of ‘regulars ’ on either side. The
       instinctive genius of Cromwell from the very first created the
       strong nucleus of a regular army, which at last in discipline,
       in skill, in valor, reached the highest perfection ever
       attained by soldiers either in ancient or modern times."
          FREDERIC HARRISON.

    17. THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY, AND SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT
       (A. D. 1643):

       D. Masson:
       Life of Milton,
       896-897 (869-870).

       J. Forster:
       Statesmen of the Commonwealth,
       897-898 (870-871).

       Text of the Solemn League and Covenant,
       898-899 (871-872).

    18. THE CATHOLIC RISING AND MASSACRES IN IRELAND
       (A. D. 1641):

       L. von Ranke:
       History of England,
       1806-1807 (1766-1767).

       W. A. O’Connor:
       The Irish People,
       1807 (1767).

       M. Hickson:
       Ireland in 17th Century,
       1807 (1767).

       N. L. Walford:
       Parliamentary Generals,
       896 (869).

       J. R. Green:
       English People,
       896 (869).

    19. PROGRESS OF THE WAR; MARSTON MOOR
       (A. D. 1644):

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       899 (872).

       Earl of Clarendon:
       History of the Rebellion,
       899-900 (872-873).

       N. L. Walford:
       Parliamentary Generals,
       900 (873).

       C. R. Markham:
       Life of Lord Fairfax,
       900 (873).

       C. Knight:
       The History of England,
       900 (873).

    20. FROM MARSTON MOOR TO NASEBY:

       F. Harrison:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       901 (874).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       901 (874).

       N. L. Walford:
       Parliamentary Generals,
       901 (874).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       902 (875).

       T. Carlyle:
       Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
       902 (875)

    21. CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR
       (A. D. 1645-1648):

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       902 (875).

       C. R. Markham:
       Life of Lord Fairfax,
       903 (876).

       W. Chambers:
       Stories of Old Families,
       2943 (2868).

       B. M. Cordery:
       King and Commonwealth,
       903 (876).

       J. A. Picton:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       903-904 (876-877).

       J. K. Hosmer:
       Life of Sir Henry Vane,
       904-905 (877-878).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       905 (878).

    22. THE SECOND CIVIL WAR, AND BATTLE OF PRESTON
       (A. D. 1648):

       F. Harrison:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       906 (879).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       906 (879).

       F. P. Guizot:
       The English Revolution,
       906 (879).

    23. PRIDE’S PURGE, AND THE RUMP PARLIAMENT:

       W. Godwin:
       History of the Commonwealth,
       906-907 (879-880).

       J. K. Hosmer:
       Life of Sir Henry Vane,
       907 (880).

       D. Neal:
       History of the Puritans,
       907 (880).

    24. TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF CHARLES I.
       (A. D. 1649):

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       907-908 (880-881).

       F. Harrison:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       908 (881).

       W. Godwin:
       History of the Commonwealth,
       908-909 (881-882).

       S. R. Gardiner:
       History of the Great Civil War,
       909 (882).

       Text of the Act arraigning the King,
       909-910 (882-883).

       "As the head of the King rolled on the scaffold the old Feudal
       Monarchy expired forever. In January, 1649, a great mark was
       set in the course of the national life—the Old Rule behind it,
       the New Rule before it. Parliamentary government, the consent
       of the Nation, equality of rights, and equity in the law—all
       date from this great New Departure. The Stuarts indeed
       returned for one generation, but with the sting of the old
       monarchy gone, and only to disappear almost without a blow.
       The Church of England returned; but not the Church of Laud or
       of Charles. The peers returned, but as a meek House of Lords
       with their castles razed, their feudal rights and their
       political power extinct. It is said that the regicides killed
       Charles I. only to make Charles II. King. It is not so. They
       killed the old Monarchy; and the restored monarch was by no
       means its heir, but a royal Stadtholder or Hereditary
       President."
          FREDERIC HARRISON.

    25. THE EIKON BASILIKE (FEBRUARY, 1649):

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       910 (883).

       T. Carlyle:
       Life, by Froude,
       910-911 (883-884).

    STUDY XXXII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    ENGLAND: FROM THE COMMONWEALTH TO CLOSE OF STUART DYNASTY
    (A. D. 1649-1714).

    1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMMONWEALTH
       (A. D. 1649):

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       910 (883).

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       2043 (1999).

       J. A. Picton:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       2043 (1999).

    2. CROMWELL IN IRELAND
       (A. D. 1649-1650):

       N. L. Walford:
       Parliamentary Generals,
       1807-1808 (1767-1768).

       B. M. Cordery:
       King and Commonwealth,
       1808 (1768).

       T. Carlyle:
       Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
       1808-1809 (1768-1769).

       J. P. Prendergast:
       The Cromwellian Settlement,
       1809-1810 (1769-1770).

    3. THE SCOTTISH REVOLT; DUNBAR AND WORCESTER
       (A. D. 1650-1651):

       J. H. M. d’Aubigné:
       The Protector,
       2943-2944 (2868-2869).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       2944 (2869).

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       2945 (2870).

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       2945 (2870).

       F. P. Guizot:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       2945-2946 (2870-2871).

    4. PASSAGE OF THE NAVIGATION ACTS
       (A. D. 1651):

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       2332-2333 (2284-2285).

       G. L. Craik:
       British Commerce,
       2293 (2245).

       E. G. Scott:
       Constitutional Liberty in English Colonies,
       3286-3287 (3170-3171).

    {773}

    5. WAR WITH THE DUTCH REPUBLIC
       (A.D. 1652-1624):

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       911-912 (884-885).

       J. F. Blight:
       History of England,
       912 (885).

    6. CROMWELL AND THE PARLIAMENTS
       (A. D. 1651-1653):

       J. R. Green:
       Short History of England,
       911 (884).

       F. Harrison:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       912-913 (885-886).

       T. Carlyle:
       Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches,
       913 (886).

       F. P. Guizot:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       913 (886).

    7. THE PROTECTORATE
       (A. D. 1653-1660):

       Full Text of the Instrument of Government,
       914-918 (887-891).

       D. Masson:
       Life of John Milton,
       913-914 (886-887).

       F. Harrison:
       Oliver Cromwell,
       918 (891).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       918 (891).

       B. M. Cordery:
       King and Commonwealth,
       919 (892).

       "His [Cromwell’s] wish seems to have been to govern
       constitutionally, and to substitute the empire of the laws for
       that of the sword. But he soon found that, hated as he was,
       both by Royalists and Presbyterians, he could be safe only by
       being absolute. … Those soldiers who would not suffer him to
       assume the kingly title, stood by him when he ventured on acts
       of power as high as any English King has ever attempted. The
       government, therefore, though in form a republic, was in truth
       a despotism, moderated only by the wisdom, the sobriety, and
       the magnanimity of the despot."
          T. B. MACAULAY.

    8. THE RESTORATION; CHARLES II.
       (A. D. 1660-1685):

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       919-920 (892-893).

       F. P. Guizot:
       The Restoration,
       920 (893).

       C. Dickens:
       History of England,
       920-921 (893-894).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       921 (894).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1105-1106 (1077-1078).

       J. Lingard:
       History of England,
       1810 (1770).

    9. THE STATE OF THE CHURCH FOLLOWING THE RESTORATION:

       O. Airy:
       The English Restoration,
       921 (894).

       J. Stoughton:
       History of Religion,
       921 (894).

       J. Lingard:
       History of England,
       921-922 (894-895).

       E. Calamy:
       The Nonconformist’s Memorial,
       922 (895).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       2946(2871).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       2946 (2871).

    10. THE WARS WITH HOLLAND
       (A.D. 1665-1678):

       O. Airy:
       The English Restoration,
       2333 (2285).

       G. P. R. James.
       Life of Louis XIV.,
       2333-2334 (2285-2286).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       2334 (2286).

       J. Lingard:
       History of England,
       2335 (2287).

       C. M. Yonge:
       Landmarks of History,
       2335-2336 (2287-2288).

       O. Airy:
       The English Restoration,
       2336 (2288).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       2336-2337 (2288-2289).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2414 (2362).

       J. A. Stevens:
       The English in New York,
       2383 (2330-2331).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       2384-2385 (2332-2333).

    11. CATHOLICISM AND THE TEST ACT
       (A. D. 1673):

       J. Lingard:
       History of England,
       922-923 (895-896).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       923-924 (896-897).

       J. Stoughton:
       History of Religion,
       924 (897).

    12. TITUS OATES, AND THE ALLEGED POPISH PLOT
       (A. D. 1678-1679):

       A. B. Buckley:
       History of England,
       924 (897).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       924 (897).

       A. Carrel:
       The Counter-Reformation,
       925 (898).

       C. Butler:
       Memoirs of English Catholics,
       925 (898).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       930 (903).

    13. THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT
        (A. D. 1679):

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       925 (898).

       E. Fischel:
       The English Constitution,
       925-926 (898-899).

       W. Blackstone:
       Commentaries,
       2014 (1970).

       Full Text of the Act,
       926-929 (899-902).

    14. WHIGS AND TORIES
       (ABOUT A. D. 1680):

       D. Hume:
       History of England.
       930 (903).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       2698 (2625).

       G. Burnet:
       History of My Own Time,
       3772 (3651).

    15. JAMES II. (A. D. 1685-1689);
        THE REVOLUTION:

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       930 (903).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       931 (904).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       931 (904).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       931-932 (904-905).

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       History of the Revolution,
       932 (905).

    16. THE REVOLUTION:

       W. H. Torriano:
       William the Third,
       933 (906).

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       History of the Revolution,
       933-934 (906-907).

       R. Vaughan:
       England under the Stuarts,
       934-935 (907-908).

    17. WILLIAM AND MARY
       (A. D. 1689-1702):

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       934 (907).

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       History of the Revolution,
       934 (907).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1106-1107 (1078-1079).

       H. D. Traill:
       William the Third,
       934 (907).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       935-936 (908-909).

       Full Text of the Bill of Rights,
       987-989 (910-912).

    18. THE WAR IN IRELAND;
        THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE AND PEACE OF LIMERICK:

       E. Hale:
       The Fall of the Stuarts,
       1810-1811 (1770-1771).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       1811 (1771).

       W. H. Torriano:
       William the Third,
       1811-1812 (1771-1772).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1812-1813 (1772-1773).

       W. K. Sullivan:
       Two Centuries of Irish History,
       1813-1814 (1773-1774).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       1814 (1774).

    19. THE CHURCH AND THE REVOLUTION:

       J. Rowley:
       The Settlement of the Constitution,
       936 (909).

       E. Hale:
       The Fall of the Stuarts,
       2948-2949 (2873-2874).

       J. Cunningham:
       Church History of Scotland,
       2949 (2874).

    20. WAR WITH FRANCE;
        BEACHY HEAD, AND LA HOGUE
       (A. D. 1690-1692):

       W. H. Torriano:
       William the Third,
       939 (912).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       939 (912).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       939-940 (912-13).

       G. P. R. James:
       Life of Louis XIV.,
       1275 (1243).

       J. W. Gerard:
       The Peace of Utrecht,
       1275-1276 (1243-1244).

    {774}

    21. FOUNDING OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND
       (A. D. 1694):

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       2253-2254 (2209-2210).

       W. Bagehot:
       Lombard Street,
       2254-2255 (2210-2211).

       "It was indeed not easy to guess that a bill, which purported
       only to impose a new duty on tonnage for the benefit of such
       persons as should advance money towards carrying on the war
       was really a bill creating the greatest commercial institution
       that the world had ever seen."
          T. B. MACAULAY.

    22. THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT
       (A. D. 1701):

       J. Rowley:
       Settlement of the Constitution,
       940-941 (913-914).

       H. Hallam:
       Constitutional History of England,
       941 (914).

       "According to the tenor and intention of the Act of Settlement
       all prior claims of inheritance, save that of the issue of
       King William and the Princess Anne, being set aside and
       annulled, the Princess Sophia became the source of a new royal
       line. The throne of England and Ireland, by virtue of the
       paramount will of Parliament, stands entailed upon the heirs
       of her body, being protestants. In them the right is as truly
       hereditary as it ever was in the Plantagenets or the Tudors.
       But they derive it not from those ancient families. The blood
       indeed of Cerdic and of the Conqueror flows in the veins of
       his present majesty [George IV.]. Our Edwards and Henries
       illustrate the almost unrivalled splendor and antiquity of the
       house of Brunswick. But they have transmitted no more right to
       the allegiance of England than Boniface of Este or Henry the
       Lion. That rests wholly on the Act of Settlement, and resolves
       itself into the sovereignty of the legislature."
         H. HALLAM.

    23. THE REIGN OF QUEEN ANNE
       (A. D. 1702-1714):

       H. D. Traill:
       William the Third,
       941 (914).

       L. Stephen:
       English Thought in 18th Century,
       941-942 (914-915).

       E. Gosse:
       Eighteenth Century Literature,
       942 (915).

    24. THE WARS OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION
       (1702-1714):

       Earl Stanhope:
       Reign of Queen Anne,
       3074 (2993).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       3074-3075 (2993-2994).

       J. W. Gerard:
       The Peace of Utrecht,
       1526 (1492).

       G. B. Malleson:
       Prince Eugene of Savoy,
       1526 (1492).

       A. Alison:
       Life of Marlborough,
       1526-1527 (1492-1493).

       G. Saintsbury:
       Marlborough,
       2341 (2293).

       G. B. Malleson:
       Eugene of Savoy,
       2341-2342 (2293-2294).

       L. Creighton:
       Life of Marlborough,
       2342 (2294).

       G. Saintsbury:
       Marlborough,
       2342-2343 (2294-2295).

       R. Johnson:
       History of the French War,
       2362 (2314).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       379-380 (369-370).

       W. Russell:
       History of Modern Europe,
       3712-3713 (3592-3593).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1110-1111 (1082-1083).

    25. THE UNION OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND
       (A. D. 1707):

       Earl Stanhope:
       History of England,
       2952-2953 (2877-2878).

       Sir W. Scott:
       Tales of a Grandfather,
       2953 (2878).

       J. Rowley:
       Settlement of the Constitution,
       2953-2954 (2878-2879).

    26. FALL OF THE WHIGS AND MARLBOROUGH
       (A. D. 1710-1712):

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       943-944 (916-917).

       R. B. Brett:
       Footprints of Statesmen,
       944 (917).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       England in the 18th Century,
       944-945 (917-918).

    27. END OF THE STUART LINE
       (A. D. 1714):

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       945 (918).

       E. E. Morris:
       The Early Hanoverians,
       945-946 (918-919).

    28. BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY:

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       2332-2333 (2284-2285).

       R. L. Poole:
       The Huguenots,
       1270 (1238).

       Earl Stanhope:
       History of England,
       1748-1749 (1709-1710).

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       Economic Interpretation of History,
       3228-3230 (3717-3719).

       E. Eggleston:
       Commerce in the Colonies,
       3230 (3719).

       Lord Campbell:
       Lives of the Chief Justices,
       2017 (1973).

    STUDY XXXIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    ENGLAND: FROM GEORGE I. TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

    1. ACCESSION OF GEORGE I.
       (A. D. 1714):

       L. Mariotti:
       Italy,
       1014-1015 (986-987).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1652 (1614).

       P. M. Thornton:
       The Brunswick Accession,
       1652-1653 (1614-1615).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       945 (918).

       E. E. Morris:
       The Early Hanoverians,
       946 (919).

    2. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT:

       J. Morley:
       Walpole,
       946-947 (919-920).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       947 (920).

    3. THE EVOLUTION OF THE CABINET:

       A. C. Ewald:
       The Crown and Its Advisers,
       2681 (2609).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       354 (344).

       John Morley:
       Walpole,
       354 (344).

       A. Y. Dicey:
       The Privy Council,
       354-355 (344-345).

       "George I. cared very little for his new Kingdom, and knew
       very little about its people or its institutions. … His
       expeditions to Hanover threw the management of all domestic
       affairs almost without control into the hands of his English
       ministers. If the two first Hanoverian Kings had been
       Englishmen instead of Germans, if they had been men of talent
       and ambition, or even men of strong and commanding will
       without much talent, Walpole would never have been able to lay
       the foundations of government by the House of Commons and by
       Cabinet so firmly that even the obdurate will of George III.
       was unable to overthrow it. Happily for the system now
       established, circumstances compelled the first two sovereigns
       of the Hanoverian line to strike a bargain with the English
       Whigs, and it was faithfully kept until the accession of the
       third George. The King was to manage the affairs of Hanover,
       and the Whigs were to govern England. It was an excellent
       bargain for England."
          JOHN MORLEY.

    4. THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE, AND THE MISSISSIPPI SCHEME:

       Lord Mahon:
       History of England,
       3051-3052 (2971-2972).

       J. W. Monette:
       The Valley of the Mississippi,
       2089 (2045).

       S. A. Drake:
       Making of the Great West,
       2089-2090 (2045-2046).

       Viscount Bury:
       Exodus of the Western Nations,
       1279-1280 (1247-1248).

       L. Stephen:
       Swift,
       1816 (1776).

    {775}

    5. TROUBLES WITH SPAIN
       (A. D. 1726-1731):

       C. W. Koch:
       Revolutions of Europe,
       3079 (2998).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       3079-3080 (2998-2999).

    6. ACCESSION OF GEORGE II. (1727);
       WALPOLE’S ADMINISTRATION:

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       Historical Gleanings,
       947-948 (920-921).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       948 (921).

    7. THE WAR OP JENKINS’ EAR
       (A. D. 1739-1741):

       E. E. Morris:
       Early Hanoverians,
       949 (922).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       949 (922).

    8. THE RISE OF PITT,—LORD CHATHAM:

       Sir E. Creasy:
       Eminent Etonians,
       950 (923).

       R. B. Brett:
       Footprints of Statesman,
       950 (923).

    9. WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION
       (A. D. 1740-1748):

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       225 (218).

       J. Graham:
       History of the United States,
       2362-2363 (2314-2315).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       2363-2364 (2315-2316).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       2364 (2316).

       T. C. Haliburton:
       English in America,
       2364-2365 (2316-2317).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of Europe,
       951 (924).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of Europe,
       28-29 (21-22).

       H. Tuttle:
       History of Prussia,
       29 (22).

    10. THE LAST RISING OF THE JACOBITES
       (A. D. 1745-1746):

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       2954 (2879).

    11. ADOPTION OF THE GREGORIAN CALENDAR
       (A. D. 1751):

       W. Hales:
       Analysis of Chronology,
       357 (347).

       Sir H. Nicholas:
       Chronology of History,
       357 (347).

    12. THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR
       (A. D. 1754-1763):

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       951-952 (924-925).

       A. R. Ropes:
       Causes of the Seven Years’ War,
       952 (925).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The Old Northwest,
       2445-2446 (2393-2394).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3755 (3634).

       T. J. Chapman:
       The French in the Allegheny Valley,
       2446-2447 (2394-2395).

       C. B. Brackenbury:
       Frederick the Great,
       1529 (1495).

       T. Carlyle:
       Friedrich II. of Prussia,
       1529 (1495).

       Lord Mahon:
       History of England,
       1529-1530 (1495-1496).

       Justin McCarthy:
       The Four Georges,
       952 (925).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       William Pitt,
       952-953 (925-926).

       F. W. Longman:
       The Seven Years’ War,
       954 (927).

       C. B. Brackenbury:
       Frederick the Great,
       1535-1536 (1501-1502).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2975 (2898).

       T. Carlyle:
       Friedrich II. of Prussia,
       2975-2976 (2898-2899).

       Frederick II.:
       The Seven Years’ War,
       2976 (2899).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1114-1115 (1086-1087).

    13. ACCESSION OF GEORGE III.
       (A. D. 1760):

       J. Fiske:
       The American Revolution,
       954-955 (927-928).

       Sir T. E. May:
       Constitutional History of England,
       955-956 (928-929).

    14. THE GREAT STRUGGLE OF THE PEOPLE WITH ABSOLUTISM:

       (a) The Fight for the Freedom of the Press.

       C. H. Timperley:
       Encyclopedia of Typography,
       2667-2668 (2595-2596).

       J. Grant:
       The Newspaper Press,
       2668 (2596).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       2669 (2597).

       C. H. Timperley:
       Encyclopaedia of Typography,
       2671-2672 (2599-2600).

       (1) The Case of John Wilkes.

       W. Massey:
       History of England,
       956-957 (930).

       W. F. Rae:
       John Wilkes,
       958-959 (931-932).

       (2) The Junius Letters.

       Lord Mahon:
       History of England,
       959-960 (933).

       Cushing:
       Initials and Pseudonyms,
       960 (933).

       J. W. Ross Brown:
       Criminal Law of Libel,
       2028-2029 (1984-1985).

       "It may be doubted whether Junius had any confidant or trusted
       friend. When dedicating his collected letters to the English
       people, he declares: ‘I am the sole depository of my own
       secret, and it shall perish with me.’"
          LORD MAHON.

       (3) The Surrender of Parliament.

       W. Massey:
       History of England,
       961-962 (934-935).

       T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
       English Constitutional History,
       962 (935).

       (b) Remarkable Increase of Capital Offenses.

       Sir T. E. May:
       Constitutional History of England,
       2028 (1984).

       J. F. Dillon:
       Jurisprudence of England,
       2029 (1985).

       (c) Arbitrary Taxation.

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3295 (3178-3179).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The American Government,
       3295 (3179).

       J. Fiske:
       War of Independence,
       3297-3298 (3182).

       J. Morley:
       Edmund Burke,
       3298 (3182).

       (d) The Stamp Act.

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       3299 (3183).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3303 (3186-3187).

       W. Wirt:
       Life of Patrick Henry,
       3303-3305 (3189).

       J. Fiske:
       The American Revolution,
       3305-3306 (3189-3190).

       (e) Declaration of Rights of Stamp Act Congress.

       R. Frothingham:
       Rise of the Republic,
       3306-3307 (3190-3191).

       Full Text of the Stamp Act,
       3299-3302 (3183-3186).

    15. THE MINISTRY OP LORD NORTH; THE AMERICAN WAR:

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       960-961 (933-934).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       962-963 (935-936).

       J. Morley:
       Edmund Burke,
       963 (936).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The English People,
       963 (936).

    16. EARLY WAR MEASURES:

       H. S. Randall:
       Life of Jefferson,
       3346-3347 (3230-3231).

       Lord Mahon:
       History of England,
       3347 (3231).

       E. J. Lowell:
       Hessians in the Revolution,
       3347-3348 (3231-3232).

       For Details of the American War,
       see Study XXXVIII.

    17. CATHOLIC RELIEF AND THE GORDON RIOTS
       (A. D. 1778-1780):

       J. G. Bourinot:
       Constitutional History of Canada,
       388-389 (378-379).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       963-964 (936-937).

       Sketches of Popular Tumults,
       964-965 (937-938).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1818-1819 (1778-1779).

    {776}

    18. LEGISLATIVE INDEPENDENCE FOR IRELAND
       (A. D. 1782):

       J. H. McCarthy:
       Ireland since the Union,
       1817 (1777).

       W. F. Collier:
       History of Ireland,
       1817-1818 (1777-1778).

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       Ireland,
       1818 (1778).

    19. THE FALL OF LORD NORTH’S MINISTRY:

       J. Fiske:
       American Revolution,
       965 (938).

       W. Massey:
       History of England,
       965-966 (938-939).

       H. O. Wakeman:
       Life of Fox,
       966-967 (939-940).

    20. CLOSE OF AMERICAN WAR; THE TREATY OF PARIS
       (A. D. 1783):

       The Diplomacy of the United States,
       3398-3399 (3282-3283).

       E. Fitzmaurice:
       The Earl of Shelburne,
       3399-3400 (3283-3284).

       John Fiske:
       Critical Period,
       3400-3401 (3284-3285).

       J. Q. Adams:
       Life of John Adams,
       3401-3402 (3285-3286).

       F. Wharton:
       Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence,
       3402 (3286).

       J. Bigelow:
       Life of Franklin,
       3402-3403 (3286-3287).

       Text of the Treaty of Peace,
       3403-3404 (3287-3288).

    21. BRITISH RULE IN INDIA:

       (a) Establishment of the Empire.

       J. M. Ludlow:
       British India,
       1752 (1713).

       H. Martineau:
       British Rule in India,
       1752-1753 (1713-1714).

       J. Mill:
       British India,
       1753-1754 (1714-1715).

       J. R. Seeley:
       Expansion of England,
       1754 (1715).

       "The words ‘wonderful,’ ‘strange,’ are often applied to great
       historical events, and there is no event to which they have
       been applied more freely than to our [the English] conquest of
       India. But the event was not wonderful in a sense that it is
       difficult to discover adequate causes by which it could have
       been produced. If we begin by remarking that authority in
       India had fallen on the ground through the decay of the Mogul
       Empire, that it lay there waiting to be picked up by somebody,
       and that all over India in that period adventurers of one kind
       or another were founding Empires, it is really not surprising
       that a mercantile corporation which had money to pay a
       mercenary force should be able to compete with other
       adventurers, nor yet that it should outstrip all its
       competitors by bringing into the field English military
       science and generalship, especially when it was backed over
       and over again by the whole power and credit of England and
       directed by English statesmen. … England did not, in a strict
       sense, conquer India; but certain Englishmen, who happened to
       reside in India at the time when the Mogul Empire fell, had a
       fortune like that of Hyder Ali or Runjeet Singh and rose to
       supreme power there."
         J. R. SEELEY.

       (b) The Administration of Clive.

       T. B. Macaulay:
       Lord Clive,
       1754-1756 (1715-1717).

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       1756 (1717).

       Sir W. Hunter:
       India,
       1756-1758 (1717-1719).

       (c) Passing of the East India Company; Warren Hastings.

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1759-1760 (1720-1721).

       H. Martineau:
       British Rule in India,
       1760-1761 (1721-1722).

       Sir A. Lyall:
       Warren Hastings,
       1761 (1722).

       Sir J. Strachey:
       Hastings and the Rohillas,
       1762 (1723).

       L. J. Trotter:
       Warren Hastings,
       1762-1763 (1723-1724).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1763-1764 (1724-1725).

       Sir A. Lyall:
       British Dominion in India,
       1764-1765 (1725-1726).

       (d) The Permanent Settlement.

       J. M. Ludlow:
       British India,
       1765 (1726).

       Sir J. Strachey:
       India,
       1765-1766 (1726-1727).

       (e) The Impeachment of Warren Hastings.

       T. B. Macaulay:
       Warren Hastings,
       1766-1768 (1727-1729).

       Sir A. Lyall:
       Warren Hastings,
       1768 (1729).

    22. RISE OF THE YOUNGER PITT:

       Lord Rosebery:
       Pitt,
       968 (941).

       W. Bagehot:
       William Pitt,
       968-969 (941-942).

       Sir T. E. May:
       Constitutional History of England
       969 (942).

    23. POPULAR FEELING TOWARD THE FRENCH REVOLUTION:

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       969-970 (942-943).

       Goldwin Smith:
       Three English Statesman,
       970 (943).

       G. W. Cooke:
       History of Party,
       970 (943).

    24. A PERIOD OF REVOLUTIONARY INVENTION:

       S. Walpole:
       History of England,
       643-644 (620-621).

       S. Smiles:
       Lives of Boulton and Watt,
       3109-3110 (3027-3028).

       Life of James Watt,
       3110-3111 (3028-3029).

    25. THE RISE OF THE PRESS:

       I. Thomas:
       Printing in America,
       2669-2670 (2598).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2670 (2598).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       Life of Addison,
       2670 (2598).

       E. Gosse:
       Eighteenth Century Literature,
       2670-2671 (2598-2599).

       A. Dobson:
       Eighteenth Century Essays,
       2671 (2599).

       F. Hudson:
       Journalism in the United States,
       2672 (2600).

       C. Pebody:
       English Journalism,
       2672-2873 (2601)

    STUDY XXXIV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    EUROPE: FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA (1648)
    TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1789).

    1. THE GENERAL SITUATION AT CLOSE OF THIRTY YEARS’ WAR:

       A. Gindely:
       The Thirty Years’ War,
       1519 (1486).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1520 (1487).

       S. A. Dunham:
       The Germanic Empire,
       1520-1521 (1487-1488).

       H. von Treitschke:
       History of Germany,
       1521-1522 (3770-3771).

       J. B. Perkins:
       France under Mazarin,
       2329-2330 (2281-2282).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1101 (1073).

       See Map between pages
       1518-1519 (1486-1487).

    2. THE RISE OF PRUSSIA:

       T. Carlyle:
       Frederick the Great,
       316-317 (306-307).

       H. Tuttle:
       History of Prussia,
       317-318 (307-308).

       T. Carlyle:
       Frederick the Great,
       2684-2685 (2613).

       C. F. Johnstone:
       Historical Abstracts,
       318 (308).

       G. B. Malleson:
       The Battlefields of Germany,
       318-320 (308-310).

       H. von Treitschke:
       History of Germany,
       2685-2686 (3768-3769).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2686 (2613).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1107-1108 (1079-1080).

    {777}

    3. THE WARS OF THE FRONDE IN FRANCE:

       J.B. Perkins:
       France under Mazarin,
       1258 (1226).

       H. M. Hozier:
       Turenne,
       1258-1259 (1226-1227).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1260 (1228).

       C. M. Yonge:
       English History,
       1260-1262 (1228-1230).

       J. B. Perkins:
       France under Mazarin,
       306 (297).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe, 1102
       (1074).

    4. THE TREATY OF THE PYRENEES
       (A. D. 1659):

       T. Wright:
       History of France,
       1262 (1230).

       T. O. Cockayne:
       Life of Turenne,
       1262-1263 (1231).

       O. Airy:
       The English Restoration,
       1263 (1231).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1263-1264 (1231-1232).

       J. Dunlop:
       Memoirs of Spain,
       1264(1232).

    5. LOUIS XIV. ASSUMES THE GOVERNMENT OF FRANCE
       (A. D. 1661):

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1255, second column, (1223).

       Sir J. Stephen:
       History of France,
       1257-1258 (1225-1226).

       J. C. Morison:
       Reign of Louis XIV.,
       1264-1265 (1232-1233).

       "What the age of Pericles was in the history of the Athenian
       Democracy, what the age of the Scipios was in the history of
       the Roman Republic, that was the reign of Louis XIV. in the
       history of the old monarchy of France. … It is not only the
       most conspicuous reign in the history of France—it is the most
       conspicuous reign in the History of Monarchy in general. … His
       court was an extraordinary creation. He made it the microcosm
       of all that was most brilliant and prominent in France. Every
       order of merit was invited there and received courteous
       welcome. … But Louis XIV.’s reign has better titles than the
       adulations of courtiers and the eulogies of wits and poets to
       the attention of posterity. It marks one of the most memorable
       epochs in the annals of mankind. It stretches across history
       like a great mountain range, separating ancient France from
       the France of modern times. On the farther slope are
       Catholicism and Feudalism in their various stages of splendor
       and decay—the France of crusade and chivalry, of St. Louis
       and Bayard. On the hither side are free-thought, industry, and
       centralization—the France of Voltaire, Turgot, and Condorcet.
       When Louis came to the throne, the Thirty Years’ War still
       wanted six years of its end, and the heat of theological
       strife was at its intensest glow. When he died, the religious
       temperature had cooled nearly to the freezing point, and a new
       vegetation of science and positive inquiry was overspreading
       the world."
          J. C. MORISON.

    6. THE ADMINISTRATION OF COLBERT
       (A. D. 1661-1683):

    (a) Some other Tariff Measures.

       J. A. Blanqui:
       History of Political Economy,
       3730-3731 (3610-3611).

       W. T. McCullagh:
       Industrial History,
       3147-3148 (3063-3064).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       2332-2333 (2284-2285).

       M. Chamberlain:
       The Revolution Impending,
       3286-3287 (3170-3171).

       (h) The System of Colbert.

       Lady Dilke:
       France under Colbert,
       1266-1267 (1234-1235).

       J. A. Blanqui:
       History of Political Economy,
       3148-3149 (3064-3065).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1267-1268 (1235-1236).

    7. THE DUTCH REPUBLIC:

       A. L. Pontalis:
       John de Witt,
       2330-2332 (2282-2284).

       D. Campbell:
       The Puritan in Holland, etc.,
       2332-2333 (2284-2285).

       O. Airy:
       The English Restoration,
       2333 (2285).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1106-1107 (1078-1079).

    8. WARS WITH FRANCE AND ENGLAND:

       T. B Macaulay:
       Sir William Temple,
       2335 (2287).

       J. Lingard:
       History of England,
       922-923 (895-896).

       C. M. Yonge:
       Landmarks of History,
       2335-2336 (2287-2288).

       O. Airy:
       The English Restoration,
       2336 (2288).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       2336-2337 (2288-2289).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2337-2338 (2289-2290).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1109-1110 (1081-1082).

    9. THE PEACE OF NIMEGUEN
       (A. D. 1678-1679):

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2414 (2362).

       O. Airy:
       The English Restoration,
       2414-2415 (2362-2363).

       J. C. Morison:
       Reign of Louis XIV.,
       2338 (2290).

    10. FRENCH ABSORPTION OF ALSACE AND LORRAINE
       (A. D. 1679-1681):

       G. B. Malleson:
       Battlefields of Germany,
       1513-1514 (1480-1481).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1518-1519 (1485-1486).

       W. Coxe:
       House of Austria,
       1519 (1486).

       J. B. Perkins:
       France under Mazarin,
       2086-2087 (2042-2043).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1268-1269 (1236-1237).

    11. LOUIS XIV.’S PERSECUTION OF THE HUGUENOTS:

       S. Smiles:
       History of the Huguenots,
       1265-1266 (1233-1234).

       A. de Lamartine:
       Bossuet,
       1269 (1237).

       R. L. Poole:
       Huguenots of the Dispersion,
       1270 (1237-1238).

    12. WAR OF THE LEAGUE OF AUGSBURG
        (A. D. 1689-1697):

       E. Hale:
       Fall of the Stuarts,
       1271 (1239).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       1271 (1239).

       W. K. Sullivan:
       Irish History,
       1813 (1773).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1271-1272 (1239-1240).

       H. D. Traill:
       William the Third,
       1272-1273 (1240-1241).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       1273-1274 (1241-1242).

       G. P. R. James:
       Life of Louis XIV.,
       1275 (1243).

    13. THE PEACE OF RYSWICK
       (A. D. 1697):

       J. W. Gerard:
       The Peace of Utrecht,
       1275-1276 (1243-1244).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1276 (1244).

    14. THE WAR OF THE SPANISH SUCCESSION
       (A. D. 1702-1714):

       See Study XXXII.

    15. FURTHER RELIGIOUS PERSECUTIONS:

       (a) The Camisards.

       H. M. Baird:
       The Camisard Uprising,
       1276 (1244-1245).

       (b) The Port Royalists.

       J. Tulloch:
       Pascal,
       2637 (2565).

       J. B. Perkins:
       France under Mazarin,
       2637-2639 (2565-2567).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2639 (2567).

       Duke of Saint Simon:
       Memoirs,
       2639-2640 (2568).

       J. I. von Döllinger:
       European History,
       2640 (2568).

    16. THE PAPACY:

       L. von Ranke:
       History of the Popes,
       2524-2525 (2462-2463).

       A. R. Pennington:
       Epochs of the Papacy,
       2525-2526 (2463-2464).

    17. DEATH OF LOUIS XIV., AND STATE OF THE KINGDOM
       (A. D. 1715):

       A. Thierry:
       The Tiers État,
       1278 (1246).

    {778}

       Y. Duruy:
       History of France,
       1278-1279 (1246-1247).

       "When the reign, which was to crown … the ascendant march of
       the French monarchy, had falsified the unbounded hopes which
       its commencement had excited; when in the midst of fruitless
       victories and continually increasing reverses, the people
       beheld progress in all the branches of public economy changed
       into distress,—the ruin of the finances, industry, and
       agriculture—the exhaustion of all the resources of the
       country,—the impoverishment of all classes of the nation, the
       dreadful misery of the population, they were seized with a
       bitter disappointment of spirit, which took the place of the
       enthusiasm of their confidence and love."
          A. THIERRY.

       "Succeeding generations have remembered only the numerous
       victories, Europe defied, France for twenty years
       preponderant, and the incomparable splendor of the Court of
       Versailles, with its marvels of letters and arts, which have
       given to the 17th century the name of the age of Louis XIV. It
       is for history to show the price which France has paid for her
       King’s vain attempts abroad to rule over Europe, and at home
       to enslave the wills and consciences of men. … The weight of
       the authority of Louis XIV. had been crushing during his last
       years. When the nation felt it lifted, it breathed more
       freely; the court and the city burst into disrespectful
       demonstrations of joy; the very coffin of the great King was
       insulted."
           V. DURUY.

    18. ACCESSION AND CHARACTER OF LOUIS XV.
       (A. D. 1715-1774);

       V. Duruy:
       History of France,
       1278-1279 (1246-1247).

       W. Smyth;
       The French Revolution,
       1280 (1248).

       J. B. Perkins:
       France under the Regency,
       1280-1281 (1248-1249).

    19. POLAND;

       S. A. Dunham:
       History of Poland,
       2613 (2545).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       2100 (2056).

       W. Koch:
       Revolutions in Europe,
       2613-2614 (2545-2546).

       Westminster Review:
       Poland: Her History and Prospects,
       2614-2615 (2546-2547).

       Westminster Review:
       Poland: Her History and Prospects,
       2616-2617 (2548-2549).

       S. A. Dunham:
       History of Poland,
       2619-2620 (2551-2552).

    20. RUSSIA:

       V. Thomsen:
       Russia and Scandinavia,
       2829 (2755).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       2830 (2756).

       C. F. Johnstone:
       Historical Abstracts,
       2830-2832 (2756-2758).

       A. Leroy-Beaulieu:
       Empire of the Tsars,
       2832 (2758).

       H. S. Edwards:
       The Romanoffs,
       2832-2833 (2758-2759).

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       2833 (2759).

       Voltaire:
       History of Charles XII.,
       2835 (2761).

    21. SWEDEN:

       (a) Early History.

       H. H. Howorth:
       History of Sweden,
       2890 (2815).

       R. G. Latham:
       Nationalities of Europe,
       2890-2891 (2825-2816).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       2891-2892 (2816-2817).

       T. Carlyle:
       Early Kings of Norway,
       2892 (2817).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2893-2894 (2818-2819).

       C. R. Fletcher:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       2894-2896 (2819-2821).

       J. L. Stevens:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       2897 (2822).

       (b) From the Thirty Years’ War.

       J. Mitchell:
       Life of Wallenstein,
       1505-1506 (1473).

       G. P. R. James:
       Wallenstein,
       1506-1507 (1473-1474).

       F. Schiller:
       The Thirty Years’ War,
       1507-1508 (1475).

       B. Chapman:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       1509-1510 (1477).

       C. M. Yonge:
       English History,
       1510-1511 (1478).

       L. Häusser:
       The Reformation,
       1514-1515 (1481-1482).

       E. C. Otté:
       Scandinavian History,
       2897-2899 (2824).

    22. WARS OF CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN:

       Voltaire:
       History of Charles XII.,
       2899-2900 (2824-2825).

       A. Crichton:
       Scandinavia,
       2900-2901 (2825-2826).

       W. C. Taylor:
       Modern History,
       2901-2903 (2826-2828).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2903 (2828).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1111-1112 (1083-1084).

    23. RAPID ADVANCE OF PRUSSIA:

       T. B. Macaulay:
       Frederic the Great,
       1524 (1490).

       H. von Sybel:
       Founding of the German Empire,
       1524-1525 (1490-1491).

       L. P. Ségur:
       Frederic William II.,
       1528 (1494).

    24. WAR OF THE AUSTRIAN SUCCESSION
       (A. D. 1740-1748):

       See Study XXXIII.

    25. THE SEVEN YEARS’ WAR
       (A. D. 1754-1763):

    See Study XXXIII.

    26. THE PARTITION OF POLAND:

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       2621 (2553).

       H. von Sybel:
       First Partition of Poland,
       2621-2623 (2553-2555).

       T. Carlyle:
       Frederick the Great,
       2623 (2555).

       Sir J. Mackintosh:
       The Partition of Poland,
       2623-2624 (2555-2556).

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       2624-2625 (2556-2557).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1115-1116 (1087-1088).

       See Maps between pages
       1114-1115 and 2622-2623 (1086-1087 and 2554-2555).

    27. THE GENERAL ATTACK UPON THE JESUIT ORDER:

       H. M. Stephens:
       The Story of Portugal,
       1932-1933 (1891-1892).

       W. H. Jervis:
       The Church of France,
       1933-1934 (1892-1893).

       Clement XIV. and the Jesuits,
       1934-1935 (1893-1894).

    28. EUROPE ON THE EVE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION:

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1116-1117 (1088-1089).

       A. Sorel:
       Europe and the French Revolution,
       1283-1284 (3755-3756).

       E. J. Lowell:
       Eve of the French Revolution,
       1286-1287 (1253-1254).

       Sarah Tytler:
       Marie Antoinette,
       1287-1288 (1254-1255).

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1288-1289 (1255-1256).

       W. Bagehot:
       William Pitt,
       968-969 (941-942).

       T. E. May:
       Constitutional History of England,
       969 (942).

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       1536-1537 (1503).

       I. Butt:
       History of Italy,
       1892-1893 (1852-1853).

       A. Sorel:
       Europe and the French Revolution,
       3081-3082 (3804-3805).

       C. E. Mallet:
       The French Revolution,
       228-229 (221-222).

    STUDY XXXV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE FRENCH REVOLUTION
    (A. D. 1789-1796).

    1. THE GOVERNMENT OF LOUIS XVI.:

       A. Thiers:
       The French Revolution,
       1285-1286 (1252-1253).

       E. J. Lowell:
       Eve of the French Revolution,
       1286-1287 (1253-1254).

       Sarah Tytler:
       Marie Antoinette,
       1287-1288 (1254-1255).

    {779}

    2. THE FRENCH PEOPLE AT THE OUTBREAK OF THE REVOLUTION:

       H. A. Taine:
       Ancien Régime,
       1289-1291 (1256-1258).

       T. H. Huxley:
       The Revolutionary Spirit,
       1291 (1258).

       Chancellor Pasquier:
       Memoirs,
       1291-1292 (1258-1259).

       H. von Holst:
       The French Revolution,
       1292 (3757).

       M. de la Rocheterie:
       Marie Antoinette,
       1292 (1259).

       "'I am miserable because too much is taken from me. Too much
       is taken from me because not enough is taken from the
       privileged. Not only do the privileged force me to pay in
       their place, but, again, they previously deduct from my
       earnings their ecclesiastical and feudal dues. When, out of my
       income of 100 francs, I have parted with 58 francs, or more,
       to the collector, I am obliged again to give 14 francs to the
       seignior, also more than 14 for tithes, and, out of the
       remaining 18 or 19 francs I have additionally to satisfy the
       exciseman.' … These, in precise terms, are the vague ideas
       beginning to ferment in the popular brain and encountered on
       every page of the records of the States-General. … The
       privileged wrought their own destruction."
          H. A. TAINE.

       "In 1791, long before the inauguration of the Reign of Terror,
       there were in a population of 650,000 [in Paris], 118,000
       paupers. Under the 'ancien regime' the immigrant proletariat
       from the country was by the law barred out from all ways of
       earning a livelihood except as common day laborers, and the
       wages of these were in 1788, on an average, 26 cents for men
       and 15 for women, while the price of bread was higher than in
       our times. What a gigantic heap of ferment!"
          H. VON HOLST.

    3. THE STATES-GENERAL:

       Sir J. Stephen:
       History of France,
       3108-3109 (3027).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       3109 (3027).

       Lord Brougham:
       History of England and France,
       2555 (2489).

       Bussey and Gaspey:
       History of France,
       1197, second column, (1165).

       A. Thierry:
       Formation of the Tiers État,
       1202-1203 (1170-1171).

       Voltaire:
       Modern History,
       1249, first column, (1216).

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1288-1289 (1255-1256).

       H. von Sybel:
       The French Revolution,
       1292-1293 (1259-1260).

    4. THE THIRD ESTATE; THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
       (JUNE, 1789):

       W. Stubbs:
       Constitutional History of England,
       1014 (986).

       A. Thierry:
       Formation of the Third Estate,
       1014 (986).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1293-1294 (1260-1261).

    5. THE MOB IN ARMS;
       FALL OF THE BASTILLE
       (JULY 14, 1789):

       Chambers’ Miscellany:
       History of the Bastille,
       280 (271).

       H. A. Taine:
       The French Revolution,
       1294-1295 (1261-1262).

       Chancellor Pasquier:
       Memoirs,
       1295-1296 (1262-1263).

    6. THE WORK OF THE ASSEMBLY;
       THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS:

       B. Tuckerman:
       Life of Lafayette,
       1296-1297 (1264).

       H. M. Stephens:
       The French Revolution,
       1297-1298 (1264-1265).

       G. H. Lewes:
       Life of Robespierre,
       1298-1299 (1265-1266).

       G. H. Lewes:
       Life of Robespierre,
       1656 (1618).

    7. THE ATTACK OF THE WOMEN ON VERSAILLES:

       T. Carlyle:
       The French Revolution,
       1299-1300 (1266-1267).

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1300-1301 (1267-1268).

    8. THE NEW CONSTITUTION (A. D. 1789-1791):

       Sir T. E. May:
       Democracy in Europe,
       1301 (1268).

       W. O’C. Morris:
       The French Revolution,
       1301-1302 (1268-1269).

    9. THE EMIGRATION OF THE NOBILITY:

       Chancellor Pasquier:
       Memoirs,
       1297 (1264).

       W. O’C. Morris:
       The French Revolution,
       1302, first column, (1269).

    10. THE RISE OF THE CLUBS:

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1302 (1269).

       H. von Sybel:
       The French Revolution,
       1302 (1269).

       G. H. Lewes:
       Life of Robespierre,
       1302-1303 (1270).

       J. Michelet:
       The French Revolution,
       1303 (1270).

    11. THE ATTITUDE OF FOREIGN POWERS;
        FLIGHT OF THE KING
        (A. D. 1791):

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1303-1304 (1270-1271).

       H. von Sybel:
       The French Revolution,
       1304-1305 (1271-1272).

    12. The GIRONDISTS:

       H. Van Laun:
       The Revolutionary Epoch,
       1306 (1273).

       A. de Lamartine:
       The Girondists,
       1306 (1273).

       H. von Sybel:
       The French Revolution,
       1306-1307 (1273-1274).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1307 (1274).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1307-1308 (1274-1275).

    13. WAR WITH AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA;
        MOB RULE IN PARIS
        (A. D. 1792):

       A. Griffiths:
       Revolutionary Generals,
       1308-1309 (1275-1276).

       B. M. Gardiner:
       The French Revolution,
       1309-1310 (1276-1277).

       H. M. Stephens:
       The French Revolution,
       1310-1312 (1277-1279).

    14. THE SEPTEMBER MASSACRES
        (A. D. 1792):

       A. de Lamartine:
       The Girondists,
       1312-1313 (1280).

       H. A. Taine:
       The French Revolution,
       1313-1314 (1280-1281).

    15. THE PROCLAMATION OF THE REPUBLIC
        (SEPTEMBER 21, 1792):

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1314-1316 (1283).

       C. MacFarlane:
       The French Revolution,
       1332 (1299).

       H. M. Stephens:
       The French Revolution,
       1332 (1299).

    16. FIRST SUCCESSES OF THE REPUBLICAN ARMY:

       C. F. Johnstone:
       Historical Abstracts,
       2345-2346 (2297-2298).

       C. E. Mallet:
       The French Revolution,
       228-229 (221-222).

       H. von Sybel:
       The French Revolution,
       1537-1539 (1503-1505).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       1316-1317 (1283-1284).

    17. THE TRIAL, SENTENCE, AND EXECUTION OF LOUIS XVI.
       (JANUARY, 1793):

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1317-1318 (1284-1285).

       W. O’C. Morris:
       The First Empire,
       1318 (1285).

       T. Carlyle:
       The French Revolution,
       1319-1320 (1286-1287).

    18. INCREASING ANARCHY;
        THE REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL:

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1320-1321 (1287-1288).

       H. M. Stephens:
       The French Revolution,
       1322-1324 (1289-1291).

    {780}

    19. THE INSURRECTION IN LA VENDÉE
       (A. D. 1793):

       A. Thiers:
       The French Revolution,
       1321-1322 (1288-1289).

       A. de Lamartine:
       The Girondists,
       1324-1325 (1292).

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1325 (1292).

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1327-1328 (1294-1295).

    20. FORMATION OF EUROPEAN COALITION AGAINST FRANCE:

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       969-970 (942-943).

       Goldwin Smith:
       Three English Statesmen,
       970 (943).

       G. W. Cooke:
       History of Party,
       970 (943).

       H. von Sybel:
       The French Revolution,
       1318 (1285).

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       1318 (1285).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1324 (1291).

    21. THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY
       (AUGUST, 1793):

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1325-1326 (1292-1293).

       L. Gronlund:
       Ça Ira,
       1326 (1293).

    22. CHARLOTTE CORDAY;
        THE ASSASSINATION OF MARAT:

       B. M. Gardiner:
       The French Revolution,
       1326-1327 (1293-1294).

    23. THE "REIGN OF TERROR";
        EXECUTION OF MARIE ANTOINETTE, AND MME. ROLAND
        (A. D. 1793):

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1329-1331 (1296-1298).

       H. M. Stephens:
       The French Revolution,
       1331-1332 (1298-1299).

       Sir T. E. May:
       Democracy in Europe,
       1333 (1300).

       T. Carlyle:
       The French Revolution,
       1333-1334 (1300-1301).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1119-1120 (1091-1092).

    24. ABANDONMENT OF CHRISTIANITY; THE WORSHIP OF REASON:

       C. MacFarlane:
       The French Revolution,
       1332 (1299).

       W. H. Jervis:
       The Gallican Church,
       1332-1333 (1299-1300).

       John Morley;
       Robespierre,
       1334-1335 (1301-1302).

       "Before the year ended [1793] the legislators of Paris voted
       that there was no God, and destroyed or altered nearly
       everything that had any reference to Christianity. … They
       decreed that on the 10th of November the ‘Worship of Reason’
       should be inaugurated at Notre Dame. A temple dedicated to
       ‘Philosophy’ was erected on a platform in the middle of the
       choir. A motley procession of citizens of both sexes, headed
       by the constituted authorities, advanced towards it; on their
       approach, the Goddess of Reason, impersonated by a well known
       figurante of the opera, took her seat upon a grassy throne in
       front of the temple; a hymn, composed in her honor by the poet
       Chenier, was sung by a body of young girls dressed in white
       and bedecked with flowers; and the multitude bowed the knee
       before her in profound adoration. It was the ‘abomination of
       desolation sitting in the holy place.’ … The example set by
       Paris, was faithfully repeated, if not surpassed in atrocity,
       throughout the provinces. Religion was proscribed, churches
       closed, Christian ordinances interdicted; the dreary gloom of
       atheistical despotism overspread the land."
          W. H. JERVIS.

    25. PROGRESS OF THE WAR AGAINST THE COALITION
       (A. D. 1793-1794):

       W. O’C. Morris:
       The French Revolution,
       1328 (1295).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1328-1329 (1296).

       W. Massey:
       History of England,
       1336-1337 (1303-1304).

    26. THE CLIMAX OF THE "REIGN OF TERROR" (A. D. 1794);
        THE 22D PRAIRIAL;

       John Morley:
       Robespierre,
       1337-1338 (1304-1305).

       H. von Sybel:
       The French Revolution,
       1338 (1305).

       A. Thiers:
       The French Revolution,
       1338 (1305).

       H. A. Taine:
       The French Revolution,
       1338 (1305).

       "It is estimated that, in the eleven western departments, the
       dead of both sexes and of all ages exceeded 400,000.
       Considering the programme and principles of the Jacobin sect,
       this is no great number; they might have killed a good many
       more. But time was wanting; during their short reign they did
       what they could with the instrument in their hands."
          H. A. TAINE.

    27. FALL OF ROBESPIERRE; END OF THE "REIGN OF TERROR"
       (JULY, 1794):

       J. E. Symes:
       The French Revolution,
       1338-1339 (1305-1306).

       T. B. Macaulay:
       Barère’s Memoirs,
       1340 (1307).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1340 (1307).

       Sergent Marceau:
       Reminiscences of a Regicide,
       1340 (1307).

       B. M. Gardiner:
       The French Revolution,
       1340-1341 (1307-1308).

    28. PROGRESS OF THE FOREIGN WARS:

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1341-1342 (1308-1309).

       H. Van Laun:
       The Revolutionary Epoch,
       1342-1343 (1309-1310).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1345-1346 (1312-1313).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1346 (1313).

    29. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE YEAR III.
        (A. D. 1795):

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1343-1344 (1310-1311).

       A. Thiers:
       The French Revolution,
       1344-1345 (1311-1312).

    30. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE; THE DIRECTORY
       (A. D. 1795):

       J. G. Lockhart:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1346-1347 (1314).

       E. de Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1347 (1314).

       "Within five days from the ‘Day of the Sections’ Buonaparte
       was named second in command of the army of the interior; and
       shortly afterwards, Barras finding his duties as Director
       sufficient to occupy his time, gave up the command-in-chief of
       the same army to his ‘little Corsican officer.’"
          J. G. LOCKHART.

    STUDY XXXVI.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON
    (A. D. 1795-1815).

    1. NAPOLEON IN COMMAND
       (A. D. 1795):

       J. G. Lockhart:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1346-1347 (1313-1314).

       E. de Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1347 (1314).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1120 (1092).

    2. THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGN
       (A. D. 1796-1797):

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       1347-1349 (1314-1316).

       Count de Melito:
       Memoirs,
       1349 (1316).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1349-1350 (1316-1317).

    3. THE STATE OF ENGLAND:

       A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       970-971 (943-944).

       T. Wright:
       History of France,
       1349 (1316).

       W. Bagehot:
       Lombard Street,
       2255 (2211).

    4. THE OVERTHROW OF VENICE;
       PEACE OF CAMPO FORMIO:

       T. Mitchell:
       Rise of Napoleon,
       1350-1351 (1317-1318).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1351-1352 (1318-1319).

       See Map between pages 2622-2623 (2554-2555).

    {781}

    5. THE COUP D’ÉTAT OF THE 18TH FRUCTIDOR
       (A. D. 1797):

       E. de Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1352-1353 (1319-1320).

       A. Thiers:
       The French Revolution,
       1353 (1320).

       Chevalier O’Clery:
       The Italian Revolution,
       1353-1354 (1320-1321).

    6. THE UNITED STATES AND THE REVOLUTION;
       THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS:

       E. Everett:
       Life of Washington,
       3422 (3306).

       H. C. Lodge:
       George Washington,
       3422 (3306).

       T. W. Higginson:
       The United States,
       3431 (3315).

       "The plan of this covert intercourse came through the private
       Secretary of M. de Talleyrand, then French Minister for
       Foreign Affairs; and the impudence of these three letters of
       the alphabet went so far as to propose" a bribe of 1,200,000
       francs. ‘You must pay money, a great deal of money,’ remarked
       Monsieur Y. The secret of these names was kept, but the
       diplomatic correspondence was made public, and created much
       wrath in Europe, as well as in America. … At last the insults
       passed beyond bearing, and it was at this time that ‘millions
       for defense, not one cent for tribute,’ first became a
       proverbial phrase, having been originally used by Charles C.
       Pinckney."
          T. W. HIGGINSON.

    7. THE HELVETIC REPUBLIC:

       H. Zschokke:
       History of Switzerland,
       3133-3134 (3049-3050).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       3134-3135 (3050-3051).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       3135 (3051).

    8. Napoleon in Egypt (A. D. 1798-1799);
       Battle of the Nile:

       W. Massey:
       History of England,
       1354-1355 (1321-1322).

       J. G. Lockhart:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1357-1359 (1326).

    9. THE SECOND EUROPEAN COALITION
       (A. D. 1798-1799):

       H. Van Laun:
       The Revolutionary Epoch,
       1355-1357 (1322-1324).

       T. Wright:
       History of France,
       1359-1360 (1326-1327).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1360-1361 (1327-1328).

       Sir W. Scott:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1361 (1328).

       F. C. Schlosser:
       The Eighteenth Century,
       1361-1362 (1328-1329).

       J. Adolphus:
       History of England,
       1362 (1329).

    10. END OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC;
        NAPOLEON FIRST CONSUL
        (A. D. 1799):

       C. K. Adams:
       Democracy in France,
       1362-1364 (1329-1331).

       F. A. Mignet:
       The French Revolution,
       1364 (1331).

       F. C. Schlosser:
       The Eighteenth Century,
       1364-1365 (1331-1332).

    11. THE SECOND CONQUEST OF ITALY;
        PEACE OF LUNEVILLE
        (A. D. 1800-1801):

       R. H. Horne:
       Napoleon Bonaparte,
       1365-1366 (1332-1333).

       W. O’C. Morris:
       The French Revolution,
       1366-1367 (1333-1334).

       Sir W. Scott:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1367 (1334).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1539-1540 (1505-1506).

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       1540 (1506).

    12. LOUISIANA WRESTED FROM SPAIN AND SOLD TO THE UNITED STATES
       (A. D. 1802-1803):

       M. Thompson:
       The Story of Louisiana,
       2093-2094 (2049-2050).

       C. F. Robertson:
       The Louisiana Purchase,
       2094 (2050).

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History of the United States,
       3443 (3327).

       T. M. Cooley:
       The Acquisition of Louisiana,
       3443-3444 (3327-3328).

       Henry Adams:
       History of the United States,
       3444 (3328).

    13. THE "CONTINENTAL SYSTEM"; NAPOLEON’S DOMESTIC POLICIES:

       J. R. Green:
       The English People,
       1368-1369 (1335-1336).

       L. Levi:
       British Commerce,
       1379-1380 (1346-1347).

       Captain A. T. Mahan:
       Influence of Sea Power,
       1380-1381 (1347-1348).

       H. Martin:
       History of Europe,
       1369-1370 (1336-1337).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       1370-1371 (1337-1338).

       P. Lanfrey:
       History of Napoleon,
       1371 (1338).

       M. Arnold:
       Schools on the Continent,
       738-739 (715-16).

       "The significance of the Peace of Luneville lay in this, not
       only that it was the close of the earlier revolutionary
       struggle in Europe; … but that it marked the concentration of
       all her energies in a struggle with Britain for the supremacy
       of the world. … The country [Britain] stood utterly alone
       while the Peace of Luneville secured France from all hostility
       on the Continent. … To strike at England’s wealth had been
       among the projects of the Directory; it was now the dream of
       the First Consul. … Her carrying trade must be annihilated if
       he closed every port against her ships. It was this gigantic
       project of a 'Continental System' that revealed itself as soon
       as Buonaparte became master of France."
          J. R. GREEN.

    14. WAR DECLARED BY GREAT BRITAIN;
        NAPOLEON BECOMES EMPEROR:

       H. Martineau:
       History of England,
       1371-1373 (1338-1340).

       J. R. Seeley:
       History of Napoleon I.,
       1373-1374 (1340-1341).

       Chancellor Pasquier:
       Memoirs,
       1374 (1341).

       Sir W. Scott:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1374-1375 (1341-1342).

    15. THIRD EUROPEAN COALITION;
        TRAFALGAR AND AUSTERLITZ
        (A. D. 1805):

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1375 (1342).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       1375-1376 (1342-1343).

       W. O’C. Morris:
       Napoleon,
       1376-1377 (1343-1344).

    16. THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST PRUSSIA AND RUSSIA
        (A. D. 1806-1807):

       W. Menzel:
       History of Germany,
       1540-1541 (1506-1507).

       J. Bryce:
       Holy Roman Empire,
       1541 (1507).

       J. G. Lockhart:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1542-1544 (1510).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1544-1545 (1511).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1545-1546 (1511-1512).

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       1546-1547 (1513).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1547 (1513).

       C. Joyneville:
       Life of Alexander I.,
       1547-1548 (1514).

    17. THE CHARACTER OF NAPOLEON’S EMPIRE AND RULE:

       W. O ’C. Morris:
       The French Revolution,
       1381-1382 (1348-1349).

       P. Lanfrey:
       History of Napoleon,
       1382 (1349).

       Sir H. L. Bulwer:
       Historical Characters,
       1382-1383 (1349-1350).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1383-1384 (1350-1351).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2526 (2464).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       2526-2527 (2464-2465).

       M. Talleyrand:
       Memoirs,
       2527-2528 (2465-2466)

    18. THE PENINSULAR WAR
       (A. D. 1808-1814):

       M. M. Busk:
       History of Portugal,
       2647-2648 (2576).

       J. R. Seeley:
       Napoleon I.,
       3082-3083 (3000-3001).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       3083-3084 (3001-3002).

       P. Lanfrey:
       History of Napoleon I.,
       1384 (1351).

       H. R. Clinton:
       The War in the Peninsula,
       3084 (3002).

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       3084-3085 (3002-3003).

       H. R. Clinton:
       War in the Peninsula,
       3087 (3005).

       The Times:
       Memoir of Wellington,
       3087-3089 (3007).

       T. Hamilton:
       The Peninsular Campaigns,
       3089-3090 (3907-3908).

       P. Lanfrey:
       History of Napoleon I.,
       3091 (3009).

    {782}

       General Vane:
       The Peninsular War,
       3092 (3010).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       3092-3093 (3010-3011).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1123 (1095).

    19. THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN
        (A. D. 1812):

       J. R. Seeley:
       History of Napoleon,
       1385-1386 (1353).

       P. Lanfrey:
       History of Napoleon I.,
       1386 (1353).

       E. Labaume:
       The Campaign in Russia,
       1386 (1353).

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       2842-2843 (2768-2769).

       L. Tolstoi:
       The Russian Campaign,
       2843-2844 (2769-2770).

       A. Thiers:
       History of the Empire,
       2844-2845 (2771).

       V. Duruy:
       History of France,
       2845-2846 (2771-2772).

       Sir R. Wilson:
       The Invasion of Russia,
       2846-2847 (2772-2773).

       E. Labaume:
       The Campaign in Russia,
       2847 (2773).

       A. Thiers:
       History of the Empire,
       1387 (1354).

    20. THE GERMANIC UPRISING;
        BATTLE OF LEIPSIC
        (A. D. 1812-1813):

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1555-1556 (1521-1522).

       W. Menzel:
       History of Germany,
       1556 (1522).

       J. Mitchell:
       The Fall of Napoleon,
       1557-1558 (1523-1524).

       J. G. Lockhart:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1558-1559 (1525).

       R. H. Horne:
       History of Napoleon,
       1560 (1526).

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       1561-1562 (1528).

       W. Hazlitt:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1562-1563 (1528-1529).

       A. Thiers:
       History of the Empire,
       1563 (1529).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1563-1564 (1530).

    21. INVASION OF THE ALLIES;
        ABDICATION OF NAPOLEON
        (A. D. 1814):

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       1387-1389 (1354-1356).

       J. Mitchell:
       The Fall of Napoleon,
       1389-1391 (1356-1358).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1895 (1855).

       W. R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1895-1896 (1855-1856).

       I. Butt:
       History of Italy,
       1896-1897 (1856-1857).

       "The act of abdication was worded in the following terms: 'The
       Allied Powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon is
       the sole obstacle to the re-establishment of peace in Europe,
       the Emperor Napoleon, faithful to his oath, declares that he
       is ready to descend from the throne, to quit France, and even
       to relinquish life, for the good of the country, which is
       inseparable from the rights of his son, from those of the
       regency in the person of the Empress, and from the maintenance
       of the laws of the Empire. Done at our palace of Fontainbleau,
       4th April, 1814. Napoleon.'"
          J. MITCHELL.

    22. THE POPE AND THE JESUITS:

       M. Talleyrand:
       Memoirs,
       2527-2528 (2465-2466).

       Fraser’s Magazine:
       The Jesuits,
       1935 (1894).

    23. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA
       (SEPTEMBER, 1814):

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       3745-3747 (3624-3626).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3747 (3626).

    24. THE NEW GOVERNMENT;
        LOUIS XVIII.:

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1391-1392 (1358-1359).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1392 (1359).

    25. THE "ONE HUNDRED DAYS";
        WATERLOO
        (A. D. JUNE 18, 1815):

       G. Hooper:
       Waterloo,
       1392-1394 (1359-1361).

       H. R. Clinton:
       Wellington’s Campaigns,
       1394-1396 (1361-1363).

       G. Hooper:
       Waterloo,
       1396-1397 (1363-1364).

       Baron de Jomini:
       The Campaign of Waterloo,
       1397-1398 (1364-1365).

       J. R. Seeley:
       Napoleon I.,
       1398-1399 (1365-1366).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1399-1400 (1366-1367).

    STUDY XXXVII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE AMERICAN COLONIES.

    1. THE DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA
       (A. D. 1498):

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       58 (51).

       H. Harrisse:
       Discovery of North America,
       59 (3678).

       H. Harrisse:
       Discovery of North America,
       61 (3678).

    2. THE ABORIGINES:

       D. G. Brinton:
       The Lenape,
       84 (77).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       84-85 (77-78).

       J. W. Powell:
       Ethnological Report,
       85 (78).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       85 (78).

    3. EARLIEST ENGLISH VENTURES:

       E. J. Payne:
       Elizabethan Seamen,
       74-75, 76 (67-69).

       E. Hayes:
       Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
       76 (69).

       I. N. Tarbox:
       Sir Walter Raleigh,
       77 (70).

       J. A. Doyle:
       English in America,
       76-77 (69-70).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       77-78 (70-71).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       78-79 (71-72).

    4. THE VIRGINIA COMPANY AND COLONY:

       J. Fiske:
       Beginnings of New England,
       3748 (3627).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3748-3749 (3627-3628).

       H. C. Lodge:
       The English Colonies,
       3749 (3628).

       R. A. Brooke:
       Virginia,
       3749-3750 (3628-3629).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3751 (3630).

       C. Campbell:
       The Colony of Virginia,
       3751-3752 (3630-3631).

       H. B. Adams:
       College of William and Mary,
       749-750 (726-727).

    5. VIRGINIA UNDER THE STUARTS:

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3752 (3631).

       R. Beverley:
       History of Virginia,
       3752-3753 (3632).

       J. E. Cooke:
       Virginia,
       3753 (3632).

       W. Ware:
       Nathaniel Bacon,
       3753-3755 (3632-3634).

    6. THE MAYFLOWER AND THE PLYMOUTH COLONY
       (A. D. 1620):

       C. Deane:
       New England,
       2141 (2097).

       F. B. Dexter:
       The Pilgrim Church,
       2141-2142 (2097-2098).

       Goldwin Smith:
       The American Colonies,
       2142 (2098).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       2143 (2099).

       W. T. Davis:
       Ancient Plymouth,
       2144-2145 (2100-2101).

    7. THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY COMPANY:

       H.C. Lodge:
       English Colonies,
       2145 (2101).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       2145 (2101).

       J. B. Moore:
       Governors of New Plymouth,
       2146 (2101-2142).

       J. Fiske:
       Beginnings of New England,
       2148 (2104).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2148-2149 (2104-2105).

    8. FOUNDING OF BOSTON
       (A. D. 1630):

       S. A. Drake:
       Around the Hub,
       2146-2147 (2102-2103).

       R. C. Winthrop:
       Boston Founded,
       2147 (2103).

       G. G. Bush:
       Harvard,
       751 (728).

       The Oldest School in America,
       750-751 (727-728).

    9. EARLY RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS;

       J. G. Palfrey:
       New England,
       2147 (2103).

       J. Fiske:
       Beginnings of New England,
       2147 (2103).

       G. E. Ellis:
       Early Massachusetts,
       2147-2148 (2103-2104).

       J. A. Doyle:
       The American Colonies,
       2149 (2105).

       J. S. Barry:
       Massachusetts,
       2149 (2105).

       G. E. Ellis:
       Early Massachusetts,
       2149-2150 (2105-2106).

       C. F. Adams:
       Massachusetts,
       2150-2151 (2106-2107).

    {783}

    10. THE DUTCH SETTLEMENTS:

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       79-80 (72-73).

       E. B. O’Callaghan:
       New Netherlands,
       2377 (2325).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       2377-2378 (2325-2326).

       G. W. Schuyler:
       Colonial New York,
       2378-2379 (2326-2327).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of United States,
       677 (654).

       H. C. Lodge:
       English Colonies,
       2379-2380 (2327-2328).

       J. W. Gerard:
       William Kieft,
       2380 (2328).

       S. S. Randall:
       History of New York,
       2380 (2328).

       H. R. Stiles:
       History of Brooklyn,
       2381 (2329).

       Mrs. M. J. Lamb:
       The City of New York,
       2379, 2382 (2327, 2330).

    11. THE BEGINNINGS OF CONNECTICUT
       (A. D. 1634):

       (a) The First Settlements.

       B. Trumbull:
       History of Connecticut,
       510 (496).

       C. W. Bowen:
       Boundary Disputes,
       510 (496).

       A. Johnston:
       Connecticut,
       510 (496).

       J. Fiske:
       The Beginnings of New England,
       510-511 (496-497).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       513 (499).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       513 (499).

       A. Johnston:
       A New England State,
       514-515 (500-501).

       (b) Constitution Making.

       A. Johnston:
       A New England State,
       511 (497).

       Public Records of Colony of Connecticut,
       511-513 (497-499).

       Full Text of the Fundamental Orders,
       511-513 (497-499).

       (c) The Fundamental Agreement, and the "Blue Laws."

       J. A. Doyle:
       The Puritan Colonies,
       513-514 (499-500).

       C. H. Levermore:
       New Haven,
       514 (500).

       J. H. Trumbull:
       The True Blue Laws,
       514 (3691-3692).

    12. ROGER WILLIAMS, AND THE PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS:

       (a) The Persecution of Williams.

       S. G. Arnold:
       History of Rhode Island,
       2707 (2634).

       T. Durfee:
       Historical Discourse,
       2707-2708 (2634-2635).

       J. L. Diman:
       Orations and Essays,
       2708-2709 (2636).

       J. R. Bartlett:
       Letters of Roger Williams,
       2709 (2636).

       W. Gammell:
       Life of Roger Williams,
       2709-2710 (2636-2637).

       J. D. Knowles:
       Memoir of Roger Williams,
       2710-2711 (2637-2638).

       (b) Constitution of Providence Plantation.

       G. W. Greene:
       Rhode Island,
       2712 (2639).

       Stephen Hopkins:
       The Planting of Providence,
       2712-2714 (2639-2641).

       (c) First Baptist Church.

       W. R. Staples:
       The Town of Providence,
       2714 (2641).

    13. THE FOUNDING OF RHODE ISLAND:

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       2711-2712 (2638-2639).

       O. S. Straus:
       Roger Williams,
       2712 (2639).

    14. LORD BALTIMORE, AND MARYLAND:

       (a) The Planting of the Colony.

       J. McSherry:
       History of Maryland,
       2135 (2091).

       J. L. Bozman:
       Maryland,
       2135-2136 (2091-2092).

       J. G. Shea:
       Catholic Church in Colonial Days,
       2136-2137 (2092-2093).

       G. B. Keen:
       New Albion,
       2353 (2305).

       (b) Religious Troubles, and Toleration.

       J. A. Doyle:
       English in America,
       2137-2138 (2093-2094).

       G. L. Davis:
       American Freedom,
       2138 (2094).

       W. H. Browne:
       Maryland,
       2138 (2094).

       H. C. Lodge:
       The English Colonies,
       2138-2139 (2094-2095).

    15. THE SWEDISH SETTLEMENT IN DELAWARE:

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       677 (654).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       677 (654).

       B. Ferris:
       Settlements on the Delaware,
       677-678 (654-655).

       G. W. Schuyler:
       Colonial New York,
       678 (655).

       E. H. Roberts:
       New York,
       678-679 (655-656).

    16. EARLY HISTORY OF PENNSYLVANIA:

       (a) Rival Claims to Territory.

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2354 (2306).

       W. H. Browne:
       Maryland,
       2135-2136 (2091-2092).

       C. H. Levermore:
       Republic of New Haven,
       2368 (2319).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       2384-2385 (2332-2333).

       (b) The Territory and Government of Penn.

       Susan Coolidge:
       History of Philadelphia,
       2564-2565 (2498-2499).

       Scharf and Westcott:
       Philadelphia,
       2565 (2499).

       T. Clarkson:
       Memoirs of Penn,
       2565 (2499).

       W. H. Dixon:
       History of Penn,
       2566-2567 (2500-2501).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       Old Northwest,
       2567 (2501).

       J. Dunlop:
       Controversy between Penn and Baltimore,
       2567-2568 (2501-2502).

       B. Fernow:
       The Middle Colonies,
       2568-2569 (2502-2503).

    17. GENERAL REVIEW OP THE SETTLEMENT OF THE COLONIES, AND THEIR
        RELATION TO THE MOTHER COUNTRY, 3281-3286 (3165-3170).

    18. FIRST CONFEDERATION OF COLONIES
        (A. D. 1643):

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       2357-2358 (2309-2310).

    19. NEW AMSTERDAM BECOMES NEW YORK
        (A. D. 1664):

       J. A. Stevens:
       The English in New York,
       2382-2383 (2330-2331).

       R. L. Fowler:
       History of New York,
       2383 (2331).

       B. Tuckerman:
       Peter Stuyvesant,
       2384 (2332).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       2384-2385 (2332-2333).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       2336-2337 (2288-2289).

    20. ATTEMPTED OVERTHROW OF CHARTERS;
        ANDROS;
        THE CHARTER OAK:

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       2385 (2333).

       G. L. Austin:
       History of Massachusetts,
       2153-2154 (2109-2110).

       Brooks Adams:
       Emancipation of Massachusetts,
       2154-2155 (2110-2111).

       H. C. Lodge:
       The English Colonies,
       2155-2156 (2111-2112).

       J. S. Barry:
       History of Massachusetts,
       2156-2157 (2112-2113).

       G. H. Hollister:
       History of Connecticut,
       515 (501).

       E. B. Sanford:
       History of Connecticut,
       515-516 (501-502).

       A. Johnston:
       Connecticut,
       516 (502).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       516-517 (502-503).

    {784}

    21. KING PHILIP’S WAR
        (A. D. 1674-1678):

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2358-2359 (2310-2311).

       C. W. Elliott:
       New England History,
       2359 (2311).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       2359-2360 (2311-2312).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       2360 (2312).

       J. Fiske:
       Beginnings of New England,
       2360 (2312).

    22. FIRST COLONIAL CONGRESS (A. D. 1690),
        AND KING WILLIAM’S WAR:

       R. Frothingham:
       Rise of the Republic,
       3287-3288 (3171-3172).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       376-377 (366-367).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       377 (367).

       J. S. Barry:
       History of Massachusetts,
       377-378 (367-368).

    23. THE SALEM WITCHCRAFT MADNESS
        (A. D. 1692-1693):

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       2157-2158 (2113-2114).

       C. W. Elliott:
       New England History,
       2158-2159 (2114-2115).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2159 (2115).

       C. W. Upham:
       Salem Witchcraft,
       2159 (2115).

       J. R. Lowell:
       Witchcraft,
       2159 (2115).

    24. THE CAROLINAS AND GEORGIA:

       J. A. Doyle:
       English in America,
       76-77 (69-70).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       77-78 (70-71).

       F. X. Martin:
       History of North Carolina,
       81 (74).

       J. H. Wheeler:
       North Carolina,
       2424 (2372).

       F. L. Hawks:
       History of North Carolina,
       2424-2425 (2372-2373).

       W. G. Simms:
       History of South Carolina,
       2425 (2373).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2425-2426 (2373-2374).

       J. A. Doyle:
       English in America,
       2426 (2374).

       W. G. Simms:
       History of South Carolina,
       3047 (2967).

       R. Mackenzie:
       America,
       1457 (1424).

    25. THE INTERCOLONIAL WARS;
        LOUISBURG:

       R. Johnson:
       The French War,
       2362 (2314).

       J. Grahame:
       History of the United States,
       2362-2363 (2314-2315).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       2363-2364 (2315-2316).

       T. C. Haliburton:
       The English in America,
       2364-2365 (2316-2317).

    26. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE OHIO VALLEY:

       R. G. Thwaites:
       The Colonies,
       3290 (3174).

       Viscount Bury:
       Exodus of Western Nations,
       3290 (3174).

       F. Parkman:
       Montcalm and Wolfe,
       3290-3291 (3174-3175).

       H. Hale:
       Iroquois Book of Rites,
       2444-2445 (2392-2393).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The Old Northwest,
       378-379 (368-369).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The Old Northwest,
       2445-2446 (2393-2394).

       J. Winsor
       Narrative and Critical History of America,
       2446 (2394).

       R. Mackenzie:
       America,
       2446-2447 (2394-2395).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2975 (2898).

    27. THE CONGRESS AT ALBANY
        (A. D. 1754):

       B. Franklin:
       Autobiography,
       3291 (3175).

       W. E. Foster:
       Stephen Hopkins,
       3291 (3175).

       Full Text Representation of the
       Present State of the Colonies,
       3291-3293 (3175-3177).

       Text of the Plan of Union,
       3293-3294 (3177-3178).

    28. Mason and Dixon’s Line:

       W. H. Dixon:
       William Penn,
       2566-2567 (2500-2501).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2571 (2505).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The Old Northwest,
       2571 (2505).

    29. The Scotch-Irish:

       W. W. Henry:
       The Scotch-Irish,
       2912-2913 (2837-2838).

       T. Roosevelt:
       Winning of the West,
       2913 (2838).

       "Full credit has been awarded the Roundhead and the Cavalier
       for their leadership in our history; nor have we been
       altogether blind to the deeds of the Hollander and the
       Huguenot; but it is doubtful if we have wholly realized the
       importance of the part played by that stern and virile people,
       the Irish whose preachers taught the creed of Knox and Calvin.
       These Irish representatives of the Covenanters were in the
       West almost what the Puritans were in the Northeast, and more
       than the Cavaliers were in the South. … That these Irish
       Presbyterians were a bold and hardy race is proved by their at
       once pushing past the settled regions, and plunging into the
       wilderness as the leaders of the white advance. … They were
       fitted to be Americans from the very start; they were kinsfolk
       of the Covenanters; they deemed it a religious duty to
       interpret their own Bible, and held for a divine right the
       election of their clergy. For generations, their whole
       ecclesiastic and scholastic systems had been fundamentally
       democratic."
          T. ROOSEVELT.

    30. EARLY WESTERN SETTLEMENTS:

       (a) The Northwest Territory.

       T. Roosevelt:
       Winning of the West,
       2429 (2377).

       W. F. Poole:
       The West from 1763 to 1783,
       2429-2430 (2377-2378).

    (5) The Wyoming Valley.

       A. Johnston:
       Connecticut,
       2569-2570 (2503-2504).

       (c) Transylvania and Daniel Boone.

       N. S. Shaler:
       Kentucky,
       1981-1982 (1939-1940).

       (d) The Watauga Commonwealth.

       T. Roosevelt:
       Winning of the West,
       3179-3180 (3094-3095).

       (e) The State of Franklin, and Sevier.

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       3181-3182 (3096-3097).

       W. H. Carpenter:
       History of Tennessee,
       3182 (3097).

    31. COLONIAL LIFE:

       (a) Religion.

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       2147 (2103).

       G. E. Ellis:
       Early Massachusetts,
       2147-2148 (2104).

       J. A. Doyle:
       American Colonies,
       2149 (2105).

       G. E. Ellis:
       Early Massachusetts,
       2149-2150 (2105-2106).

       C. F. Adams:
       Massachusetts,
       2150-2151 (2106-2107).

       J. Fiske:
       Beginnings of New England,
       2151 and 2153 (2107, 2109).

       J. Fiske:
       Beginnings of New England,
       309 (299).

       W. R. Staples:
       The Town of Providence,
       2714 (2641).

       D. Weston:
       Early Baptists,
       266-267 (3690).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       2568 (2502).

       G. L. Davis:
       American Freedom,
       2138 (2094).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3755-3756 (3635).

       J. A. Russell:
       Catholic Church in the United States,
       2526 (2464).

       (b) Education.

       H. B. Adams:
       College of William and Mary,
       749-750 (726-727).

       The Oldest School in America,
       750-751 (727-728).

       G. G. Bush:
       Harvard,
       751 (728).

       R. G. Boone:
       Education in the United States,
       751-752 (728-729).

       J. L. Stewart:
       The University of Pennsylvania,
       752 (729).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England (Yale),
       752-753 (729-730).

    {785}

       The College of New Jersey,
       753 (3799).

       Columbia College Handbook,
       753-754 (730-731).

       G. T. Curtis:
       Daniel Webster (Dartmouth),
       754-755 (3741-3742).

       R. A. Guild:
       Rhode Island College (Brown),
       755 (3693).

       (c) Printing and the Press.

       C. R. Hildeburn:
       Printing in New York,
       2668-2669 (2596-2597).

       I. Thomas:
       History of Printing,
       2669-2670 (2598).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2670 (2598).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2387 (2335).

       F. Hudson:
       Journalism in the United States,
       2672 (2600).

       J. Parton:
       Life of Franklin,
       2061-2062 (2017-2018).

       B. Samuel:
       The Father of American Libraries,
       2062-2063 (2018-2019).

       (d) Money and Banking.

       W. B. Weeden:
       Indian Money,
       2252-2253 (2208-2209).

       J. R. Snowden:
       Description of Coins,
       2253 (2209).

       J. J. Knox:
       United States Notes,
       2255-2256 (2212).

       W. G. Sumner:
       History of American Currency,
       2256 (2212).

       John Fiske:
       American Revolution,
       2256 (2212).

       (e) Trade and Commerce.

       J. E. T. Rogers:
       Economic Interpretation of History,
       3229-3230 (3718-3719).

       E. Eggleston:
       Commerce in the Colonies,
       3230 (3719).

       M. Chamberlain:
       Revolution Impending,
       3286-3287 (3170-3171).

       J. L. Bishop:
       American Manufactures,
       3289 (3173).

       G. L. Beer:
       Commercial Policy of England,
       3296-3297 (3180-3181).

       John Morley:
       Edmund Burke,
       3298 (3182).

       (f) Slavery.

       E. J. Payne:
       Elizabethan Seamen,
       74-75 (67-68).

       G. W. Williams:
       Negro Race in America,
       2998 (2920).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3751 (3630).

       E. Washburn:
       Slavery in Massachusetts,
       2998-2999 (2920-2921).

       G. W. Greene:
       Rhode Island,
       2715 (2642).

       W. E. Foster:
       Stephen Hopkins,
       3002 (2924).

       J. A. Doyle:
       English in America.
       3047-3048 (2968).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of United States,
       3048 (2968).

       T. Clarkson:
       Abolition of the Slave Trade,
       3000 (2922).

       J. Fiske:
       Critical Period,
       3001 (2923).

       T. Jefferson:
       The State of Virginia,
       3001 (2923).

       J. E. Cooke:
       Virginia,
       3001 (2923).

       E. B. Sanford:
       Connecticut,
       3001-3002 (2923-2924).

       W. F. Poole:
       Anti-Slavery Opinions,
       3002 (2924).

    STUDY XXXVIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

    1. RELATIONS BETWEEN THE COLONIES AND THE CROWN
       ON THE EVE OF THE REVOLUTION:

       M. Chamberlain:
       Revolution Impending,
       3286-3287 (3170-3171).

       G. L. Craik:
       British Commerce,
       2293 (2245).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3288 (3172).

       H. W. Preston:
       American History,
       3288-3289 (3172-3173).

       J. L. Bishop:
       History of American Manufactures,
       3289 (3173).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The American Government,
       3295 (3179).

       G. L. Beer:
       Commercial Policy of England,
       3296-3297 (3180-3181).

       John Morley:
       Edmund Burke,
       3298 (3182).

       "Historians, in treating of the American rebellion, have
       confined their arguments too exclusively to the question of
       internal taxation, and the right or policy of exercising this
       prerogative. The true source of the rebellion lay deeper, in
       our traditional colonial policy. Just as the Spaniards had
       been excited to the discovery of America by the hope of
       obtaining gold and silver, the English merchants utilized the
       discovery by the same fallacious method, and with the same
       fallacious aspirations. … They only saw that a colonial trade
       had sprung up, and their jealousy blinded them to the benefits
       that accrued to themselves as a consequence of it. Their folly
       found them out. … The result of the whole transaction was the
       birth of a very strong sense in the minds of the colonists
       that the mother country looked upon them as a sponge to be
       squeezed. This conviction took more than a passing hold upon
       them. It was speedily inflamed into inextinguishable heat,
       first by the news that they were to be taxed without their own
       consent, and next by the tyrannical and atrocious measures by
       which it was proposed to crush their resistance."
          JOHN MORLEY.

    2. THE QUESTION OF TAXATION:

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3294-3295 (3178-3179).

       W. Tudor:
       Life of James Otis,
       3295-3296 (3179-3180).

       J. Fiske:
       The War of Independence,
       3297-3298 (3181-3182).

       T. Hutchinson:
       Province of Massachusetts Bay,
       3298-3299 (3182-3183).

    3. THE STAMP ACT, AND THE STAMP ACT CONGRESS
       (A. D. 1765):

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       3299 (3183).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3303 (3187).

       W. Wirt:
       Life of Patrick Henry,
       3303-3305 (3187-3189).

       W. W. Henry:
       Patrick Henry,
       3305 (3189).

       J. A. Stevens:
       The Stamp Act,
       3305 (3189).

       John Fiske:
       The American Revolution,
       3305-3306 (3189-3190).

       E. B. Sanford:
       History of Connecticut,
       517 (503).

       R. Frothingham:
       Rise of the Republic,
       3306-3307 (3190-3191).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       3317-3319 (3201-3203).

       Full Text of the Stamp Act,
       3299-3302 (3183-3186).

       "It was in the midst of this magnificent debate, while he
       [Patrick Henry] was descanting on the tyranny of the obnoxious
       act, that he exclaimed in a voice of thunder, and with the
       look of a god: ‘Caesar had his Brutus—Charles the First his
       Cromwell—and George the Third—("Treason!" cried the speaker.
       "Treason, treason!" echoed from every part of the house. It
       was one of those trying moments that is decisive of character.
       Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to a loftier
       attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of the most
       determined fire, he finished his sentence with the firmest
       emphasis)—may profit by their example. If this be treason,
       make the most of it.’"
          W. WIRT.

    4. EXAMINATION OF FRANKLIN BY THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
       (A. D. 1766):

       J. Bigelow:
       Life of Benjamin Franklin,
       3317 (3201).

       Full Text of the Questions and Answers from the
       "Parliamentary History of England,"
       3308-3317 (3192-3201).

       "What used to be the pride of the Americans?"

       "To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of
       Great Britain."

       "What is now their pride?"

       "To wear their old clothes over again, until they can
       make new ones."

    {786}

    5. THE "BOSTON MASSACRE," AND ITS RESULTS
       (A. D. 1770):

       J. K. Hosmer:
       Samuel Adams,
       311 (301).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       311-312 (301-302).

       R. Frothingham:
       Rise of the Republic,
       3321 (3205).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3321 (3205).

    6. THE TOWNSHEND ACTS, AND THE "BOSTON TEA PARTY":

       J. K. Hosmer:
       Samuel Adams,
       3319 (3203).

       C. J. Stillé:
       Life of John Dickinson,
       3319-3320 (3203-3204).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3321-3322 (3206).

       J. Fiske:
       War of Independence,
       3322 (3206).

       J. K. Hosmer:
       Samuel Adams,
       3322-3323 (3206-3207).

       J. K. Hosmer:
       Samuel Adams,
       3324-3325 (3208-3209).

       A. Gilman:
       The Story of Boston,
       312 (302).

    7. THE BOSTON PORT BILL AND ITS EFFECTS
       (A. D. 1774):

       W. M. Sloane:
       The French War and the Revolution,
       3325 (3209).

       R. Frothingham:
       The Siege of Boston,
       313-314 (303-304).

       E. G. Scott:
       Development of Constitutional Liberty,
       3325-3326 (3209-3210).

    8. EXAMINATION OF GOVERNOR HUTCHINSON BY KING GEORGE
       (A. D. 1774):

       Diary of Thomas Hutchinson,
       Full Text of the Conversation.
       3326-3330 (3210-3214).

    9. THE FIRST CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
       (A. D. 1774):

       R. Frothingham:
       Rise of the Republic,
       3330 (3214).

       J. C. Hamilton:
       History of the United States,
       3330-3331 (3214-3215).

       P. L. Ford:
       The First Congress,
       3331-3332 (3215-3216).

       M. Chamberlain:
       John Adams,
       3332 (3216).

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History of the United States,
       3332-3333 (3216-3217).

    10. THE GENERAL SITUATION IN THE COLONIES, AND IN PARLIAMENT:

       R. Frothingham:
       The Siege of Boston,
       3333 (3217).

       H. B. Carrington:
       The American Revolution,
       3333 (3217).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       3334 (3218).

       Edmund Burke:
       His Great Speech in the House of Commons,
       3334-3337 (3218-3221).

       G. Pellew:
       John Jay,
       2388-2389 (2336-2337).

       B. J. Lossing:
       Life of Philip Schuyler,
       2389-2390 (2337-2338).

       M. L. Booth:
       History of New York,
       2390-2391 (2338-2339).

       H. S. Randall:
       Life of Jefferson,
       3756 (3635).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3049 (2969).

    11. THE BEGINNING OF THE WAR
        (APRIL, 1775):

       R. Frothingham:
       The Siege of Boston,
       2160-2161 (2116-2117).

       T. W. Higginson:
       History of the United States,
       3338 (3222).

       G. E. Ellis:
       Battle of Bunker’s Hill,
       3338-3340 (3222-3224).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3340-3341 (3225).

       J. Sparks:
       Life of Ethan Allen,
       3341 (3225).

       C. W. Elliott:
       New England History,
       3341-3342 (3225-3226).

       A. Johnston:
       History of the United States,
       3343 (3227).

       J. Winsor:
       Narrative and Critical History of America,
       3343 (3227).

       G. E. Ellis:
       The Battle of Bunker’s Hill,
       3343-3344 (3227-3228).

       "Allen sought and found the Commander’s bed-room, and when
       Captain Delaplace waked he … opened the door, with trousers in
       hand, and there the great gaunt Ethan stood, with a drawn
       sword in his hand. ‘Surrender!’ said Ethan. ‘To you?’ asked
       Delaplace. ‘Yes, to me, Ethan Allen.’ ‘By whose authority?’
       asked Delaplace. Ethan was growing impatient, and raising his
       voice, and waving his sword, he said: ‘In the name of the
       Great Jehovah, and of the Continental Congress.’ Delaplace
       little comprehended the words, but surrendered at once. Thus,
       on the morning of 10th of May, the strong fortress of
       Ticonderoga was taken by the border-men, and with it 44
       prisoners, 120 iron cannon, with swivels, muskets, balls, and
       some powder, without the loss of a single man. The surprise
       was planned and paid for by Connecticut, and was led by Allen,
       a Connecticut-born man, but was carried out by the ‘Green
       Mountain Boys.’"
          C. W. ELLIOTT.

    12. WASHINGTON, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY:

       W. Irving:
       Life of Washington,
       3342 (3226).

       E. Everett:
       Life of Washington,
       3345 (3229).

       E. E. Hale:
       Naval History of the Revolution,
       3345-3346 (3229-3230).

    13. WAR MEASURES OF PARLIAMENT;
        THE HESSIANS:

       H. S. Randall:
       Life of Jefferson,
       3346 (3230).

       Earl Stanhope:
       History of England,
       3347 (3231).

       E. J. Lowell:
       Hessians in the Revolution,
       3347-3348 (3231-3232).

    14. INDEPENDENCE DECLARED
        (JULY 4, 1776):

       L. Sabine:
       Biographical Sketches,
       3337-3338 (3222).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3340-3341 (3225).

       H. S. Randall:
       Life of Jefferson,
       3347 (3231).

       J. Q. Adams:
       Life of John Adams,
       3348-3349 (3232-3233).

       J. T. Morse, Jr.:
       Thomas Jefferson,
       3349-3350 (3233-3234).

       J. Fiske:
       American Revolution,
       3350 (3234).

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History of the United States,
       3352 (3236).

       Text of the Declaration, and Signers,
       3351-3352 (3235-3236).

    15. THE WAR IN NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY
        (A. D. 1776-1777):

       B. J. Lossing:
       History of the United States,
       3352-3353 (3237).

       H. C. Lodge:
       George Washington,
       3353-3354 (3238).

       J. Fiske:
       War of Independence,
       3354-3356 (3238-3240).

       H. P. Johnston:
       Campaign of 1776,
       3356 (3240).

       E. Lawrence:
       New York in the Revolution,
       3356-3357 (3240-3241).

    16. THE CAMPAIGN ON THE DELAWARE
        (A. D. 1777):

       F. D. Stone:
       The Struggle for the Delaware,
       3361-3362 (3245-3246).

       G. Washington:
       Writings,
       3362-3363 (3246-3247).

       F. Kapp:
       Life of von Steuben,
       3363-3364 (3247-3248).

    17. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE HUDSON;
        SURRENDER OF BURGOYNE
        (OCTOBER 15, 1777):

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3365-3366 (3249-3250).

       Sir E. Creasy:
       Fifteen Decisive Battles,
       3366-3368 (3250-3252).

       E. Everett:
       Life of Washington,
       3368 (3252).

       G. Washington:
       Writings,
       3368 (3252).

    18. FORMATION OF STATE GOVERNMENTS,
        AND ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION:

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3360-3361 (3244-3245).

       J. Story:
       Commentaries on the Constitution,
       3368-3369 (3252-3253).

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History of the United States,
       3372 (3256).

       Full Text of the Articles of Confederation,
       3369-3372 (3253-3256).

    {787}

    19. THE FRENCH ALLIANCE:

       F. Wharton:
       Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States,
       3357 (3241).

       J. T. Morse, Jr.:
       Benjamin Franklin,
       3357-3358 (3241-3242).

       J. Marshall:
       Life of Washington,
       3358 (3242).

       W. G. Sumner:
       Finances of American Revolution,
       3359-3360 (3243-3244).

       B. Tuckerman:
       Life of Lafayette,
       3364-3365 (3249).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3372-3373 (3257).

       S. Eliot:
       History of the United States,
       3376-3377 (3260-3261).

       F. Wharton:
       Diplomatic Correspondence of United States,
       3380-3381 (3264-3265).

    20. INDIAN TROUBLES;
        CLARK’S CONQUEST OF THE NORTHWEST
        (A. D. 1778-1779)

       E. H. Roberts:
       New York,
       3374 (3258).

       E. Cruikshank:
       Story of Butler’s Rangers,
       3374-3375 (3258-3259).

       A. F. McDavis:
       Border Warfare of the Revolution,
       3375-3376 (3259-3260).

       W. L. Stone:
       Life of Joseph Brant,
       3376 (3260).

       T. Roosevelt:
       Winning of the West,
       2429 (2377).

       O. Turner:
       History of Pioneer Settlement,
       3382-3383 (3266-3267).

       A. T. Norton:
       Sullivan’s Campaign against the Iroquois,
       3383-3384 (3267-3268).

    21. THE WAR IN THE SOUTH
        (A. D. 1778-1780):

       W. Irving:
       Life of Washington,
       3381 (3265).

       C. B. Hartley:
       Life of General Marion,
       3384-3385 (3268-3269).

       G. Tucker:
       History of the United States,
       3286-3287 (3270-3271).

       G. W. Greene:
       Life of Nathanael Greene,
       3389-3390 (3273-3274).

       W. G. Simms:
       History of South Carolina,
       3390 (3274).

       J. Fiske:
       War of Independence,
       3390-3391 (3274-3275).

    22. WASHINGTON'S ANXIETIES AND MOVEMENTS
       (A. D. 1778-1780):

       W. Irving:
       Life of Washington,
       3377 (3261).

       G. Washington:
       Writings,
       3377-3378 (3261-3262).

       G. W. Greene:
       Life of Nathanael Greene,
       3378-3379 (3262-3263).

       H. C. Lodge:
       George Washington,
       3381-3382 (3265-3266).

       W. Irving:
       Life of Washington,
       3385-3386 (3269-3270).

       W. G. Sumner:
       History of American Currency,
       3386 (3270).

       "At the end of 1779 Congress was at its wit’s end for money.
       Its issues had put specie entirely out of reach, and the cause
       of the Revolution was in danger of being drowned under the
       paper sea. … In the spring or 1780 the bills were worth two
       cents on the dollar, and then ceased to circulate. The paper
       was now worth more for an advertisement or a joke than for any
       prospect of any kind of redemption. A barber’s shop in
       Philadelphia was papered with it; and a dog, coated with tar,
       and with the bills stuck all over him, was paraded in the
       streets."
          W. G. SUMNER.

    23. The Arrival of Rochambeau
        (A. D. 1780):

       J. C. Hamilton:
       History of the United States,
       3387 (3271).

       T. Balch:
       The French in America,
       3387-3388 (3271-3272).

    24. THE TREASON OF ARNOLD;
        AND MUTINY OF PENNSYLVANIA TROOPS:

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       8388-8389 (3272-3273).

       H. B. Carrington:
       Battles of the Revolution,
       3391-3392 (3275-3276).

    25. THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN
        (A. D. 1781):

       B. Tuckerman:
       Life of Lafayette,
       3392-3393 (3276-3277).

       H. P. Johnston:
       The Yorktown Campaign,
       3393 (3277).

       H. B. Carrington:
       The American Revolution,
       3393-3394 (3277-3278).

       R. C. Winthrop:
       Address at Yorktown,
       3394-3395 (3278-3279).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       3395-3396 (3279-3280).

    26. THE CESSION OF WESTERN TERRITORY TO THE UNION:

       A. Johnston:
       The United States,
       3396 (3280).

       H. B. Adams:
       Land Cessions to the United States,
       3396-3397 (3280-3281).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The Northwest,
       3397 (3281).

       27. PEACE NEGOTIATIONS:

       J. Marshall:
       Life of Washington,
       3397-3398 (3281-3282).

       Diplomacy of the United States,
       3398-3399 (3282-3283).

       E. Fitzmaurice:
       Life of the Earl of Shelburne,
       3399-3400 (3283-3284).

       E. B. Andrews:
       History of the United States,
       3400 (3284).

       J. Fiske:
       The Critical Period,
       3400-3401 (3284-3286).

       J. Q. Adams:
       Life of John Adams,
       3401-3402 (3285-3286).

       F. Wharton:
       Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence,
       3402 (3286).

       J. Bigelow:
       Life of Franklin,
       3402-3403 (3286-3287).

    28. THE DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE
        (SEPTEMBER, 1783):

       H. W. Preston:
       Documents of American History,
       3403-3404 (3287-3288).

       T. Pitkin:
       Political History of the United States,
       3409-3411 (3293-3295).

       T. Roosevelt:
       Winning of the West,
       3411-3412 (3295-3296).

    29. THE DISSOLUTION OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY:

       G. T. Curtis:
       The Constitution of the United States,
       3403 (3287).

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       3404-3405 (3288-3289).

    30. GENERAL CONDITIONS FOLLOWING THE WAR:

       G. E. Ellis:
       Loyalists and their Fortunes,
       3202-3203 (3116-3117).

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       3405-3406 (3289-3290).

       A. Hamilton:
       The Federalist,
       3406-3407 (3290-3291).

       A. Johnston:
       History of American Politics,
       3407 (3291).

       J. R. Soley:
       Maritime Industries of America,
       3408 (3292).

       W. B. Weeden:
       Economic History of New England,
       3408 (3292).

       W. G. Sumner:
       Finances of the Revolution,
       3409 (3293).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       2161 (2117).

       "Four years only elapsed, between the return of peace and the
       downfall of a government which had been framed with the hope
       and promise of perpetual duration. … But this brief period was
       full of suffering and peril. There are scarcely any evils or
       dangers, of a political nature, and springing from political
       and social causes, to which a free people can be exposed,
       which the people of the United States did not experience
       during that period."
          G. T. CURTIS.

       "It is not too much to say that the period of five years
       following the peace of 1783 was the most critical moment in
       all the history of the American people."
         JOHN FISKE.

    31. PLANS FOR SETTLEMENT OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY:

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       2430-2431 (2378-2379).

       T. Donaldson:
       The Public Domain,
       2431 (2379)

    {788}

       R. King:
       Ohio,
       2431 (2379).

       J. Winsor:
       Narrative and Critical History of America,
       2431-2432 (2380).

       T. Donaldson:
       The Public Domain,
       2434-2435 (2382-2383).

       Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787,
       2432-2434 (2382).

    STUDY XXXIX.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE UNITED STATES:
    UNION UNDER THE CONSTITUTION;
    ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON AND ADAMS.

    1. FEDERAL GOVERNMENT:

       E. A. Freeman:
       History of Federal Government,
       1136 (1108).

       A. B. Hart:
       The Study of Federal Government,
       1136 (1108).

       J. N. Dalton:
       Federal States of the World,
       1138-1139 (1110-1111).

    2. THE WEAKNESS OF THE CONFEDERATION:

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       3405-3406 (3289-3290).

       Alexander Hamilton:
       The Federalist,
       3405-3406 (3290-3291).

       A. Johnston:
       History of American Politics,
       3407 (3291).

       Text of the Articles of Confederation,
       3369-3372 (3253-3256).

    3. THE MAKING OF THE CONSTITUTION
       (A. D. 1787):

       J. S. Landon:
       Constitutional History of United States,
       3412-3413 (3296-3297).

       K. M. Rowland:
       Life of George Mason,
       3413 (3297).

       W. C. Rives:
       Life of James Madison,
       3413-3414 (3297-3298).

       James Madison:
       Letters and Writings,
       3414-3415 (3298-3299).

       S. H. Gay:
       James Madison,
       3415-3416 (3299-3300).

       John Fiske:
       The Critical Period,
       3416 (3300).

       A. B. Hart:
       Formation of the Union,
       3416-3417 (3300-3301).

    4. RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION, AND ELECTION OF PRESIDENT
       (A. D. 1789):

       J. S. Landon:
       Constitutional History of United States,
       3417-3418 (3301-3302).

       W. Irving:
       Life of Washington,
       3418 (3302).

       Text of the Constitution, with all Amendments,
       619-625 (596-602).

    5. ORGANIZATION OF THE GOVERNMENT;
       FORMATION OF PARTIES:

       A. Johnston:
       History of American Politics,
       3418-3419 (3302-3303).

       Thomas Jefferson:
       Writings,
       3419-3420 (3303-3304).

       H. C. Lodge:
       Life of George Cabot,
       3420-3421 (3304-3305).

    6. THE FIRST CENSUS (A. D. 1790):
       3421 (3305).

    7. ORGANIZATION OF THE SUPREME COURT
       (A. D. 1789):

       J. S. Landon:
       Constitutional History of United States,
       3122-3123 (3039-3040).

       J. Bryce:
       The American Commonwealth,
       3123 (3040).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The English People,
       3123 (3040).

       "It [the Supreme Court] is, I believe, the only national
       tribunal in the world which can sit in judgment on a national
       law, and can declare an act of all the three powers of the
       Union to be null and void. No such power does or can exist in
       England. Any one of the three powers of the State,—King,
       Lords, or Commons,—acting alone, may act illegally, the three
       acting together cannot act illegally. An act of Parliament is
       final; it may be repealed by the power which enacted it; it
       cannot be questioned by any other power. For in England there
       is no written constitution; the powers of Parliament,—of King,
       Lords, and Commons, acting together,—are literally boundless.
       But in your Union, it is not only possible that President,
       Senate, or House of Representatives, acting alone, may act
       illegally; the three acting together may act illegally. …
       Congress may pass, the President may assent to a measure which
       contradicts the terms of the Constitution. If they so act,
       they act illegally, and the Supreme Court can declare such an
       act to be null and void. This difference flows directly from
       the difference between a written and unwritten constitution."
          E. A. FREEMAN.

    8. The First Tariff Measure, and First Bank of the United States:

       J. T. Morse, Jr.:
       Life of Alexander Hamilton,
       3150 (3066).

       A. Hamilton:
       Report on Manufactures,
       3150-3152 (3066-3068).

       H. W. Domett:
       The Bank of New York,
       2256 (2212).

       J. A. Stevens:
       Albert Gallatin,
       2257-2258 (2213-2214).

    9. FOUNDING OF THE FEDERAL CAPITAL
       (A. D. 1791):

       A. Johnston:
       History of American Politics,
       3419 (3303).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3767-3768 (3646-3647).

    10. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION:

       (a) Vermont (A. D. 1791).

       B. J. Lossing:
       Life of Philip Schuyler,
       3736-3737 (3616-3617).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       3737 (3617).

       Z. Thompson:
       History of Vermont,
       3737-3738 (3617-3618).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3738-3739 (3618-3619).

       (b) Kentucky (A. D. 1792).

       N. S. Shaler:
       Kentucky,
       1981-1982 (1939-1940).

       W. B. Allen:
       History of Kentucky,
       1982-1983 (1940-1941).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       1983 (1941).

       (c) Tennessee (A. D. 1796).

       T. Roosevelt:
       Winning of the West,
       3179-3180 (3094-3095).

       J. Phelan:
       History of Tennessee,
       3180-3181 (3095-3096).

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       3181-3182 (3096-3097).

       W. H. Carpenter:
       History of Tennessee,
       3182 (3097).

    11. SLAVERY; THE FIRST FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW
       (A. D. 1793):

       H. G. McDougall:
       Fugitive Slaves,
       3421-3422 (3305-3306).

       William Jay:
       Letter to Josiah Quincy,
       3422 (3306).

       J. W. Draper:
       History of the Civil War,
       3422-3423 (3306-3307).

       H. Von Holst:
       Constitutional History of the United States,
       3431-3432 (3315-3316).

    12. RELATIONS WITH FRANCE;
        "CITIZEN" GENET;
        THE X. Y. Z. LETTERS:

       E. Everett:
       Life of Washington,
       3422 (3306).

       H. C. Lodge:
       George Washington,
       3422 (3306).

       T. W. Higginson:
       History of the United States,
       3431 (3315).

    {789}

    13. THE WHISKEY INSURRECTION
        (A. D. 1794):

        George Tucker:
        History Of The United States,
        2572-2573 (2506-2507).

    14. STRAINED RELATIONS WITH GREAT BRITAIN;
        THE JAY TREATY
        (A. D. 1794-1795):

       G. Pellew:
       John Jay,
       3423-3424 (3307-3308).

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History of the United States,
       3424 (3308).

    15. THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
        WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS
        (A. D. 1796):

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History of the United States,
       3430-3431 (3314-3315).

       W. Irving:
       Life of Washington,
       3424-3425 (3308-3309).

       Full Text of the Farewell Address,
       3425-3430 (3309-3314).

       "In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old
       and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the
       strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will
       control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our
       nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the
       destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they
       may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional
       good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of
       party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign
       intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended
       patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the
       solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.
       … Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I
       am unconscious of intentional error, I am, nevertheless, too
       sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may
       have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently
       beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which
       they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my
       Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and
       that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its
       service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent
       abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon
       be to the mansions of rest."
          GEORGE WASHINGTON, FAREWELL ADDRESS.

    16. THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON
        (DECEMBER 14, 1799):

       H. C. Lodge:
       George Washington,
       3439.

    17. THE ALIEN AND SEDITION LAWS
        (A. D. 1798):

       J. S. Landon:
       Constitutional History of the United States
       3432 (3316).

       H. C. Lodge:
       Alexander Hamilton,
       3434-3435 (3319).

       Text of the Naturalization Act,
       3432 (3316).

       Texts of the Alien Acts,
       3432-3434 (3316-3318).

       Text of the Sedition Act,
       3434 (3318).

    18. THE KENTUCKY AND VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS:

       E. D. Warfield:
       The Kentucky Resolutions,
       3435 (3319).

       S. H. Gay:
       James Madison,
       3438-3439 (3322-3323).

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       3439 (3323).

       Text of the Kentucky Resolutions,
       3435-3437 (3321).

       Text of the Virginia Resolutions,
       3437-3438 (3321-3322).

    STUDY XL.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE UNITED STATES:
    THE THREE DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATIONS
    (A. D. 1801-1825).

    1. THE FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
       THOMAS JEFFERSON PRESIDENT:

       W. Whitelock:
       Life of John Jay,
       3440 (3324).

       Goldwin Smith:
       The United States,
       3440-3441 (3324-3325).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3441 (3325).

       A. Bradford:
       Federal Government,
       3441-3442 (3325-3326).

    2. JOHN MARSHALL CHIEF JUSTICE:

       A. B. Magruder:
       John Marshall,
       3442-3443 (3326-3327).

    3. WAR WITH THE BARBARY STATES:

       E. Schuyler:
       American Diplomacy,
       272 (263).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       272-273 (263-264).

       Henry Adams:
       History of the United States,
       273 (264).

       S. Lane Poole:
       The Barbary Corsairs,
       273-274 (264-265).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       274 (265).

    4. OHIO ADMITTED TO THE UNION
       (A. D. 1802):

       T. Roosevelt:
       Winning of the West,
       2429 (2377).

       H. Hale:
       The Iroquois Book of Rites,
       2444-2445 (2392-2393).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The Old Northwest,
       2445-2446 (2393-2394).

       B. King:
       Ohio,
       2431 (2379).

       J. Winsor:
       Narrative and Critical History of America,
       2431-2432 (2380).

       T. Donaldson:
       The Public Domain,
       2434-2435 (2383).

       Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787,
       2432-2434 (2380-2382).

    5. THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE
       (A. D. 1803):

       C. Gayarré:
       Louisiana,
       2090 (2046).

       Waring and Cable:
       New Orleans,
       647 (624).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       2091 (2047).

       G. W. Cable:
       The Creoles of Louisiana,
       2091-2092 (2047-2048).

       T. M. Cooley:
       The Acquisition of Louisiana,
       2092-2093 (2048-2049).

       M. Thompson:
       The Story of Louisiana,
       2093-2094 (2049-2050).

       C. F. Robertson:
       The Louisiana Purchase,
       2094 (2050).

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History of the United States
       3443 (3327).

       Henry Adams:
       History of the United States,
       3444 (3328).

       See maps between pages
       3342-3343 (3326-3327).

    6. FEDERALIST SECESSION MOVEMENT
       (A. D. 1804):

       T. M. Cooley:
       The Acquisition of Louisiana,
       3444 (3328).

       C. F. Robertson:
       The Louisiana Purchase,
       3445 (3329).

       "The purchase, according to the Federal view of the
       Constitution, was perfectly legitimate. … But the Federalists
       in general took narrow and partisan views, and in order to
       embarrass the administration resorted to quibbles which were
       altogether unworthy the party which had boasted of Washington
       as its chief and Hamilton as the exponent of its doctrines. …
       The Federal leaders did not stop at cavils; they insisted that
       the unconstitutional extension of territory was in effect a
       dissolution of the Union, so that they were at liberty to
       contemplate and plan for a final disruption."
          JUDGE T. M. COOLEY.

    7. THE BRITISH IMPRESSMENT OF SEAMEN:

       G. Tucker:
       History of the United States
       3444 (3328).

       Henry Adams:
       History of the United States,
       3444 (3328).

       Goldwin Smith:
       The United States,
       3444-3445 (3328-3329).

    8. THE IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGE CHASE
       (A. D. 1804-1805):

       Henry Adams:
       John Randolph,
       3445-3446 (3330).

       J. Q. Adams:
       Memoirs,
       3446 (3330).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3446-3447 (3331).

    9. THE LEWIS AND CLARK EXPEDITION
       (A. D. 1804-1805):

       The Nation:
       Review of Dr. Coues’ History,
       3447-3448 (3331-3332).

    10. AARON BURR’S FILIBUSTERING SCHEME
       (A. D. 1806-1807):

       J. D. Hammond:
       History of Political Parties,
       3450-3451 (3334-3335).

    {790}

    11. THE QUESTION OF THE SLAVE TRADE:

       W. F. Poole:
       Anti-Slavery Opinions,
       3002 (2924).

       John Fiske:
       The Critical Period,
       3002-3003 (2924-2925).

       C. P. Lucas:
       The British Colonies,
       3003 (2925).

       E. Quincy:
       Life of Josiah Quincy,
       3451-3452 (3336).

    12. TROUBLES WITH GREAT BRITAIN
       (A. D. 1804-1810):

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       3448-3449 (3332-3333).

       S. H. Gay:
       James Madison,
       3449-3450 (3333-3334).

       Henry Adams:
       History of the United States,
       3450 (3334).

       Henry Adams:
       History of the United States,
       3452-3453 (3336-3337).

       Goldwin Smith:
       The United States,
       3453 (3337).

       G. L. Rives:
       Thomas Barclay,
       3454 (3338).

    13. SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
        JAMES MADISON PRESIDENT (A. D. 1808):

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3453 (3337).

    14. THE THIRD CENSUS (A. D. 1810),
        3454 (3338).

    15. LOUISIANA ADMITTED TO THE UNION
        (A. D. 1812):

       Waring and Cable:
       New Orleans,
       2095 (2051).

       L. Carr:
       Missouri,
       2095 (2051).

       J. W. Monette:
       The Valley of the Mississippi,
       2095 (2051).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       1182-1183 (1153).

    16. BEGINNING OF THE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN
        (A. D. 1812):

       C. Schurz:
       Life of Henry Clay,
       3455 (3339).

       R. Johnson:
       The War of 1812,
       3456-3457 (3340-3341).

       T. W. Higginson:
       History of the United States,
       3457-3458 (3341-3342).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3458 (3342).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3458-3459 (3342-3343).

    17. CONDITION, AND EARLY SUCCESSES, OF THE NAVY:

       J. A. Stevens:
       Second War with Great Britain,
       3459 (3343).

       J. R. Soley:
       Wars of the United States,
       3459-3460 (3343-3344).

    18. PERRY’S VICTORY ON LAKE ERIE
        (A. D. 1813):

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3460-3462 (3344-3346).

       T. Roosevelt:
       The Naval War,
       3462 (3346).

    19. THE BURNING OF TORONTO, AND BUFFALO
       (A. D. 1813):

       G. Bryce:
       History of Canada,
       3462-3463 (3346-3347).

       J. T. Headley:
       Second War with England,
       3463-3464 (3347-3348).

       R. Johnson:
       The War of 1812,
       3464-3465 (3348-3349).

    20. THE CREEK WAR; JACKSON’S FIRST CAMPAIGN:

       A. S. Gatschet:
       The Creek Indians,
       102 (95).

       A. Gallatin:
       Synopsis of Indian Tribes,
       102 (95).

       W. G. Sumner:
       Andrew Jackson,
       3465 (3349).

    21. LUNDY’S LANE, AND LAKE CHAMPLAIN
       (A. D. 1814):

       S. Perkins:
       History of the Late War,
       3466-3467 (3350-3351).

       W. Dorsheimer:
       Buffalo in the War of 1812,
       3467-3468 (3351-3352).

       T. Roosevelt:
       The Naval War of 1812,
       3469-3470 (3353-3354).

    22. THE CAPTURE OF WASHINGTON;
        BURNING OF PUBLIC BUILDINGS
        (A. D. 1814):

       A. Johnston:
       The United States,
       3465 (3349).

       C. B. Todd:
       The Story of Washington,
       3468 (3352).

       G. R. Gleig:
       Campaigns of the British Army,
       3468 (3352).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3468-3469 (3352-3353).

    23. THE LAST BATTLES OF THE WAR:

       J. R. Soley:
       The Boys of 1812,
       3474 (3358).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3474-3475 (3358-3359).

    24. THE TREATY OF PEACE
        (A. D. 1814):

       J. T. Morse, Jr.:
       John Quincy Adams,
       3470-3471 (3354-3355).

       T. Wilson:
       The Treaty of Ghent,
       3471 (3355).

       Full Text of the Treaty,
       3471-3474 (3355-3358).

    25. INCORPORATION OF THE SECOND BANK OF THE UNITED STATES
        (A. D. 1817):

       D. Kinley:
       The Treasury of the United States,
       2258-2259 (2214-2215).

       W. G. Sumner:
       Andrew Jackson,
       2259 (2215).

       A. Johnston:
       History of American Politics,
       2259 (2215).

    26. THE EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
        JAMES MONROE ELECTED
        (A. D. 1816):

       N. Sargent:
       Public Men and Events,
       3475-3476 (3359-3360).

       E. Stanwood:
       Presidential Elections,
       3476 (3360).

    27. THE FIRST MOVE TOWARD "INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS"
        (A. D. 1816-1817):

       A. B. Hart:
       Formation of the Union,
       3476 (3360).

       C. Colton:
       Life of Henry Clay,
       3476 (3360).

    28. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION:

       (a) Indiana (A. D. 1816).

       T. Donaldson:
       The Public Domain,
       2434-2435 (2382-2383).

       J. W. Monette:
       The Mississippi Valley,
       1787-1788 (1748-1749).

       (b) Mississippi (A. D. 1817).

       J. W. Monette:
       The Mississippi Valley,
       2233 (2189).

       T. Donaldson:
       The Public Domain,
       2094 (2050).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       2233 (2189).

       (c) Illinois (A. D. 1818).

       J. Wallace:
       History of Illinois,
       1734 (1695).

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The Old Northwest,
       3379-3380 (3263-3264).

       J. B. McMaster:
       History of the United States,
       2430-2431 (2378-2379).

       J. W. Monette:
       The Mississippi Valley,
       1787-1788 (1748-1749).

       R. G. Thwaites:
       The Boundaries of Wisconsin,
       3776 (3655).

       (d) Alabama (A. D. 1819).

       W. Brewer:
       Alabama,
       30 (32).

       (e) Maine (A. D. 1820).

       C. W. Tuttle:
       Captain John Mason,
       2354-2355 (2306-2307).

       C. W. Elliott:
       New England History,
       2122-2123 (2079-2080).

       G. L. Austin:
       History of Massachusetts,
       2123 (2080).

       W. D. Williamson:
       History of Maine,
       2123 (2080).

    29. THE SEMINOLE WARS:

       A. S. Gatschet:
       The Creek Indians,
       108 (101).

       D. G. Brinton:
       The Floridian Peninsula,
       108-109 (101-102).

       Bryant and Gay:
       History of the United States,
       1183 (1153).

       W. G. Sumner:
       Andrew Jackson,
       1183-1184 (1154).

       T. Roosevelt:
       Life of Benton,
       1184 (1154).

    30. THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE CASE
        (A. D. 1819):

       G. T. Curtis:
       Life of Daniel Webster,
       754-755 (3741-3742).

    {791}

    31. THE BEGINNING OF OCEAN NAVIGATION:

       F. E. Chadwick:
       Development of the Steamship,
       3115-3116 (3033-3034).

    32. NINTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
        THE "ERA OF GOOD FEELING"
        (A. D. 1820):

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3478 (3362).

       T. W. Higginson:
       History of the United States,
       3478 (3362).

       "Monroe like Washington was re-chosen President by a vote
       practically unanimous. One, however, of the 232 electoral
       votes cast was wanting to consummate this exceptional honor;
       for a New Hampshire elector, with a boldness of discretion
       which, in our days and especially upon a close canvass, would
       have condemned him to infamy, threw away upon John Quincy
       Adams the vote which belonged like those of his colleagues to
       Monroe, determined, so it is said, that no later mortal should
       stand in Washington’s shoes. Of America’s Presidents elected
       by virtual acclamation history furnishes but these two
       examples; and as between the men honored by so unapproachable
       a tribute of confidence, Monroe entered upon his second term
       of office with less of real political opposition than
       Washington."
          J. SCHOULER.

    33. THE FOURTH CENSUS (A. D. 1820),
        3478 (3362).

    34. THE FIRST GREAT CONFLICT OVER SLAVERY;
        THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE
        (A. D. 1818-1821):

       Waring and Cable:
       New Orleans,
       2095 (2051).

       L. Carr:
       Missouri,
       2095 (2051).

       Carl Schurz:
       Life of Henry Clay,
       3476-3477 (3360-3361).

       J. A. Woodburn:
       The Missouri Compromise,
       3477-3478 (3361-3362).

    35. THE MONROE DOCTRINE
        (A. D. 1823):

       T. W. Higginson:
       History of the United States,
       3478-3479 (3362-3363).

       D. C. Gilman:
       James Monroe,
       3479 (3363).

    36. TARIFF LEGISLATION;
        "THE AMERICAN SYSTEM"
        (A. D. 1816-1824):

       O. L. Elliott:
       The Tariff Controversy,
       3153-3154 (3069-3070).

       T. H. Benton:
       Thirty Years’ View,
       3154 (3070).

    STUDY XLI.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE UNITED STATES FROM THE ELECTION OF ADAMS (1825) TO
    THE COMPROMISE OF 1850.

    1. TENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
       (A. D. 1824):

       J. Quincy:
       Life of J. Q. Adams,
       3479-3480 (3364).

       J. P. Kennedy:
       Life of William Wirt,
       3480 (3364).

       Goldwin Smith:
       The United States,
       3480-3481 (3364-3365).

    2. RECONSTRUCTION OF PARTIES:

       T. H. Benton:
       Thirty Years’ View,
       3481 (3365).

       A. Johnston:
       History of American Politics,
       3481-3482 (3365-3366).

    3. TARIFF CHANGES;
       "THE BILL OF ABOMINATIONS":

       T. H. Benton:
       Thirty Years' View,
       3154 (3070).

       H. C. Lodge:
       Daniel Webster,
       3154 (3070).

       W. G. Sumner:
       Andrew Jackson,
       3154-3155 (3071).

       C. Schurz:
       Life of Henry Clay,
       3155 (3071).

    4. ELEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
       ANDREW JACKSON
       (A. D. 1828):

       W. G. Sumner:
       Andrew Jackson,
       3482 (3366).

       T. H. Benton:
       Thirty Years’ View,
       3482 (3366).

    5. NULLIFICATION AND DISUNION SENTIMENT:

       S. H. Gay:
       James Madison,
       3438-3439 (3322-3323).

       T. M. Cooley:
       The Acquisition of Louisiana,
       3443-3444 (3327-3328).

       A. Johnston:
       American Politics,
       3470 (3354).

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History,
       3470 (3354).

       Texts of Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions,
       3435-3438 (3319-3322).

    6. NULLIFICATION ORDINANCE OF SOUTH CAROLINA;
       WEBSTER-HAYNE DEBATE:

       G. T. Curtis:
       Life of Daniel Webster,
       3482-3483 (3366-3367).

       C. Schurz:
       Life of Henry Clay,
       3483 (3367).

       G. Hunt:
       The Nullification Struggle,
       3483-3484 (3367-3368).

       Text of Ordinance of Nullification,
       3485 (3369).

    7. THE BEGINNING OF THE "SPOILS SYSTEM":

       John Fiske:
       Civil Government in the United States,
       490.

    8. RISE OF THE ABOLITIONISTS:

       H. von Holst:
       Constitutional History,
       3005-3006 (2927-2928).

       B. Tuckerman:
       William Jay,
       3485-3486 (3369-3370).

       Goldwin Smith:
       William Lloyd Garrison,
       3486 (3370).

       J. F. Clarke:
       Anti-Slavery Days,
       3487 (3370-3371).

       "The ‘Liberator’ was a weekly journal, bearing the names of
       William Lloyd Garrison and Isaac Knapp as publishers. Its
       motto was, ‘Our Country is the world, Our Countrymen are
       Mankind,’ a direct challenge to those whose motto was the
       Jingo cry of those days, ‘Our Country, right or wrong!’ … The
       salutatory of the ‘Liberator’ avowed that its editor meant to
       speak out without restraint. ‘I will be as harsh as truth and
       as uncompromising as justice. On this subject [Slavery] I do
       not wish to think, or speak, or write with moderation. No! No!
       Tell a man whose house is on fire to give a moderate alarm;
       tell him to moderately rescue his wife from the hands of the
       ravisher; tell the mother to gradually extricate her babe from
       the fire into which it as fallen—but urge me not to use
       moderation in a cause like the present. I am in earnest—I will
       not equivocate—I will not excuse—I will not retreat a single
       inch—I will be heard.’ This promise was amply kept."
          GOLDWIN SMITH.

    9. THE FIFTH CENSUS
       (A. D. 1830).

       3487 (3371).

    10. THE FIRST RAILROADS:

       W. J. M. Rankine:
       The Steam Engine,
       3111-3112 (3029-3030).

       S. Smiles:
       Life of George Stephenson,
       3112 (3030).

       C. F. Adams, Jr.:
       Railroads,
       3112-3113 (3030-3031).

    11. JACKSON AND THE UNITED STATES BANK:

       D. Kinley:
       The Independent Treasury,
       2258-2259 (2214-2215).

       W. G. Sumner:
       Andrew Jackson,
       2259 (2215).

       A. Johnston:
       American Politics,
       2259 (2215).

       J. Parton:
       Life of Jackson,
       3487-3488 (3371-3372).

       C. Schurz:
       Life of Clay,
       3488 (3372).

    12. BIRTH OF THE WHIG PARTY
        (A. D. 1834):

       E. Stanwood:
       Presidential Elections,
       3488 (3372).

       G. T. Curtis:
       Life of Webster,
       3488-3489 (3372-3373).

    13. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA;
        THE RIGHT OF PETITION:

       N. Sargent:
       Public Men and Events,
       3489 (3373).

       J. F. Clarke:
       Anti-Slavery Days,
       3490 (3374), 3494 (3378).

       Bryant and Gay:
       History of the United States,
       3490 (3374).

       T. H. Benton:
       Thirty Years’ View,
       3492 (3376).

    14. THIRTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
       (A. D. 1836):

       A. D. Morse:
       Political Influence of Jackson,
       3490-3491 (3374-3375).

       G. Bancroft:
       Martin Van Buren,
       3491 (3375).

    {792}

    15. THE FINANCIAL PANIC OF 1837:

       A. Johnston:
       American Politics,
       2259 (2215).

       E. M. Shepard:
       Martin Van Buren,
       3489 (3373).

       A. Johnston:
       History of the United States,
       3774 (3653).

       Century Magazine:
       Cheap Money Experiments,
       2259-2260 (2215-2216).

       T. M. Cooley:
       Michigan,
       2260 (2216).

       E. G. Spaulding:
       100 Years of Banking,
       2260 (2216).

       A. S. Bolles:
       Financial History,
       3491 (3375).

    16. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES;
        ARKANSAS, MICHIGAN:

       T. Donaldson:
       The Public Domain,
       2094 (2050).

       J. W. Monette:
       The Mississippi Valley,
       140 (133), 1787-1788 (1748-1749).

       R. G. Thwaites:
       The Boundaries of Wisconsin,
       2223-2224 (2179-2180).

    17. THE SIXTH CENSUS
        (A. D. 1840).

        3493 (3377).

    18. THE HARRISON-TYLER ADMINISTRATION
        (A. D. 1841-1845):

       N. Sargent:
       Public Men and Events,
       3493 (3377).

       A. Johnston:
       American Politics,
       3493-3494 (3377-3378).

       J. F. Clarke:
       Anti-Slavery Days,
       3494 (3378).

       A. S. Bolles:
       Financial History,
       3158 (3074).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3494-3495 (3378-3379).

    19. THE POLK ADMINISTRATION
        (A. D. 1845-1849):

       W. Wilson:
       Division and Reunion,
       3495 (3379).

       E. M. Shepard:
       Martin Van Buren,
       3496 (3380).

    20. THE "WALKER TARIFF"
        (A. D. 1846):

       A. L. Perry
       Political Economy,
       3159 (3075).

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years in Congress,
       3159-3160 (3075-3076).

    21. ADMISSION OF NEW STATES TO THE UNION;
        FLORIDA, TEXAS, IOWA, WISCONSIN:

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       1184 (1154).

       T. Roosevelt:
       Life of Benton,
       1184 (1154).

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3495-3496 (3379-3380).

       J. W. Monette:
       The Mississippi Valley,
       3186 (3101).

       C. Schurz:
       Life of Clay,
       3187 (3102).

       J. W. Draper:
       American Civil War,
       3187-3188 (3102-3103).

       R. G. Thwaites:
       Boundaries of Wisconsin,
       3776 (3655).

       See Maps between
       3442-3443 (3326-3327).

    22. THE WAR WITH MEXICO
        (A. D. 1846-1848):

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       2217 (2173).

       J. W. Draper:
       American Civil War,
       2217-2218 (2173-2174).

       A. H. Noll:
       History of Mexico,
       2218 (2174).

       Bryant and Gay:
       History of the United States,
       2218 (2174).

       J. R. Soley:
       Wars of the United States,
       2218-2219 (2174-2175).

       H. O. Ladd:
       War with Mexico,
       2219-2220 (2175-2176).

    23. THE FREE SOIL PARTY;
        SIXTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
        (A. D. 1848):

       E. M. Shepard:
       Martin Van Buren,
       3498 (3382).

       C. F. Adams:
       Richard Henry Dana,
       3498 (3382).

       C. Colton:
       Life of Clay,
       3498 (3382).

    24. THE SEVENTH CENSUS (A. D. 1850),
        3499 (3383).

    25. CONQUEST OF CALIFORNIA;
        DISCOVERY OF GOLD:

       J. Royce:
       California,
       358 (348).

       E. E. Dunbar:
       Romance of the Age,
       359-360 (349-350).

       J. S. Hittell:
       Discovery of Gold,
       360 (350).

       J. E. Cairnes:
       Political Economy,
       2261 (2217).

    26. AGGRESSION OF THE SLAVE POWER;
        WEBSTER’S "SEVENTH OF MARCH" SPEECH
        (A. D. 1850):

       J. S. Landon:
       Constitutional History,
       3499 (3883).

       F. W. Seward:
       Seward at Washington,
       3499-3500 (3883-3884).

       Daniel Webster:
       Works,
       3500-3503 (3384-3387).

       H. C. Lodge:
       Daniel Webster,
       3503 (3387).

       J. F. Rhodes:
       History of the United States,
       3503 (3387).

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       1685 (1646).

       "When Seward came to the territorial question, his words
       created a sensation. ‘We hold,’ he said, ‘no arbitrary
       authority over anything, whether acquired lawfully or seized
       by usurpation. The Constitution regulates our stewardship; the
       Constitution devotes the domain (i. e. the territories not
       formed into States) to union, to justice, to defense, to
       welfare, and to liberty. But there is a higher law than the
       Constitution, which regulates our authority over the
       domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes. The
       territory is a part, no inconsiderable part, of the common
       heritage of mankind, bestowed upon them by the Creator of the
       Universe. We are His stewards, and must so discharge our trust
       as to secure in the highest attainable degree their
       happiness.’ This remark about ‘a higher law’ … was destined to
       have a transcendent moral influence. A speech which can be
       condensed into an aphorism is sure to shape convictions."
          J. F. RHODES.

    27. The Fugitive Slave Law;
        "Compromise of 1850":

       M. G. McDougall:
       Fugitive Slaves,
       3421-3422 (3305-3306)

       W. R. Houghton:
       American Politics,
       3503-3504 (3387-3388).

       J. F. Rhodes:
       History of the United States,
       3504 (3388)

       C. Schurz:
       Life of Clay,
       3504 (3388).

       Text of Fugitive Slave Law,
       3504-3507 (3388-3391).

    STUDY XLII
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND)
    FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO THE DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA.

    1. ENGLAND AT THE CLOSE OF THE NAPOLEONIC WARS:

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       975-976 (948-9).

       J. McCarthy:
       Sir Robert Peel,
       977-978 (950-951).

       H. Ashworth:
       Richard Cobden,
       3152-3153 (3068-3069).

    2. AGITATION FOR PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
       (A. D. 1816-):

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       976-977 (949-950).

       J. McCarthy:
       Sir Robert Peel,
       977-978 (950-951).

    3. REMOVAL OF DISABILITIES FROM DISSENTERS
       (A. D. 1827):

       J. R. Green:
       History of the English People,
       923-924 (896-897):

       J. Stoughton:
       Religion in England.
       924 (897).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       944-945 (917-918).

       S. Walpole:
       England from 1815,
       979 (952).

    4. UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND;
       CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION:

       J. H. McCarthy:
       Ireland since the Union,
       1817 (1777).

       W. F. Collier:
       History of Ireland,
       1817-1818 (1778).

       W. A. O’Connor:
       The Irish People,
       1818 (1778).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1818-1819 (1778-1779); 1822-1823 (1782-1784).

    {793}

       W. Massey:
       Reign of George III.,
       1821-1822 (1782).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       Leaders of Public Opinion,
       1824-1825 (1784-1785).

       J. A. Hamilton:
       Daniel O'Connell,
       1825 (1785).

    5. PARTY DIVISIONS:

       R. Burnet: History of My Own Time,
       3772 (3651).

       R. Chambers:
       Annals of Scotland,
       3772-3773 (3652).

       D. Hume:
       History of England,
       930 (903).

       I. Jennings:
       The Croker Papers,
       518 (504).

    6. THE GREAT REFORM OF REPRESENTATION
       (A. D. 1830-1832):

       W. Heaton:
       Three Reforms of Parliament,
       980-982 (953-955).

       Sir T. E. May:
       Constitutional History,
       982-983 (955-956).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1126 (1098).

    7. SUPPRESSION OF SLAVE TRADE;
       ABOLITION OF COLONIAL SLAVERY
       (A. D. 1792-1833).

       C. P. Lucas:
       British Colonies,
       3003 (2925), 3006 (2928).

       L. Herstlet:
       Treaties and Conventions,
       3003 (2925).

       J. McCarthy:
       Epoch of Reform,
       983 (956).

    8. The Oxford, or Tractarian Movement
       (1833-):

       H. O. Wakeman:
       Religion in England,
       2459-2460 (2407-2408).

       S. Walpole:
       History of England,
       2460 (2408).

    9. COMMERCIAL SUPREMACY;
       FREE TRADE AGITATION:

       H. deB. Gibbins:
       British Commerce,
       3230-3231 (3719-3720).

       A. J. Wilson:
       British Trade,
       3231-3232 (3720-3721).

       A. L. Bowley:
       Foreign Trade,
       3232 (3721).

       H. Ashworth:
       Recollections of Cobden,
       3152-3153 (3068-3069).

       John Morley:
       Life of Cobden,
       3156-3157 (3072-3073).

    10. FACTORY LEGISLATION:

       G. Howell:
       Conflicts of Capital and Labor,
       1133-1134 (1105-1106).

       C. D. Wright:
       Factory Legislation,
       1134 (1106).

    11. ACCESSION AND MARRIAGE OF QUEEN VICTORIA
        (A. D. 1837, 1840):

       A. H. McCalman:
       History of England,
       984 (957).

       J. McCarthy:
       Sir Robert Peel,
       985 (958).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       988-989 (959-960).

    12. THE CHARTIST AGITATION
        (A. D. 1838-1848):

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       987 (960).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       987-988 (960-961).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       990 (963).

    13. THE OPIUM WAR
        (A. D. 1839-1842):

       S. Walpole:
       England from 1815,
       435-437 (421-423).

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       437 (423).

       S. W. Williams:
       The Middle Kingdom,
       437 (423).

    14. ADOPTION OF PENNY POSTAGE
       (A. D. 1840):

       C. Knight:
       History of England,
       988 (961).

       W. N. Molesworth:
       History of England,
       988 (961).

    15. AFFAIRS IN IRELAND
        (A. D. 1840-1850):

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1130-1131 (1102-1103).

       (а) Agitation for Repeal of the Union.

       Sir C. G. Duffy:
       Irish History,
       1825-1827 (1785-1787).

       E. Lawless:
       The Story of Ireland,
       1827-1829 (1787-1789).

       (b) The Maynooth Grant.

       S. Walpole:
       History of England,
       1829-1830 (1790).

       (c) The Great Famine
           (A. D. 1845-1847).

       A. M. Sullivan:
       New Ireland,
       1830-1831 (1790-1791).

       L. Levi:
       British Commerce,
       1831 (1791).

       Sir R. Blennerhassett:
       Ireland,
       1832 (1792).

       T. P. O’Connor:
       The Parnell Movement,
       1832 (1792).

    16. BANK OF ENGLAND;
        CHARTER ACT OF 1844:

       T. B. Macaulay:
       History of England,
       2253-2254 (2209-2210).

       W. Bagehot:
       Lombard Street,
       2254-2255 (2210-2211).

       W. C. Taylor:
       Sir Robert Peel,
       2260 (2216).

       F. C. Montague:
       Life of Peel,
       2260-2261 (2216-2217).

    17. REPEAL OF THE CORN LAWS (A. D. 1846);
        PERFECTED FREE TRADE:

       F. G. Montague:
       Sir Robert Peel,
       3157-3158 (3073-3074).

       L. Levi:
       History of British Commerce,
       3158-3159 (3074-3075).

       H. Martineau:
       History of Thirty Years' Peace,
       3159 (3075).

       W. N. Molesworth:
       History of England,
       2293-2294 (2245-2246).

       J. McCarthy:
       Epoch of Reform,
       3160 (3076).

       A. Mongredien:
       Free Trade Movement,
       3160-3161 (3076-3077).

    18. OVERTHROW OF PEEL;
        ADVENT OF DISRAELI
        (A. D. 1846):

       J. McCarthy:
       Epoch of Reform,
       989 (962).

       J. A. Froude:
       Lord Beaconsfield,
       989-990 (982-983).

    19. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM
        (A. D. 1853-1855):

       D. B. Eaton:
       Civil Service in Great Britain,
       489-490 (475-476).

    20. THE CRIMEAN WAR
        (A. D. 1853-1856):

       S. Walpole:
       Foreign Relations,
       2848-2849 (2774-2775).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       2849-2850 (2775-2776).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       2850-2851 (2776-2777).

       W. N. Molesworth:
       England,
       2851-2852 (2777-2778).

    21. ANGLO-FRENCH WAR WITH CHINA
        (A. D. 1856-1860):

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       439-441 (425-427).

    22. SEPOY MUTINY IN INDIA
        (A. D. 1857-1858):

       W. W. Hunter:
       Brief History of Indian People,
       1779 (1740)

       Lord Lawrence:
       Speech,
       1779-1780 (1740-1741).

       H. S. Cunningham:
       Earl Canning,
       1780 (1741).

       Sir O. T. Burne:
       Clyde and Strathnairn,
       1780-1782 (1741-1743).

       J. T. Wheeler:
       Short History,
       1782-1783 (1743-1744).

       R. B. Smith:
       Lord Lawrence,
       1783-1784 (1744-1745).

       W. N. Molesworth:
       History of England,
       1784-1785 (1745-1746).

       S Walpole:
       History of England,
       1785-1786 (1746-1747).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       1786 (1747).

    23. ATTITUDE TOWARD THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR
        (A. D. 1861-1865):

       The Queen’s Proclamation of Neutrality,
       3544 (3428).

       Proclamation of President Lincoln,
       3544 (3428).

       The Case of the United States at Geneva,
       3544-3545 (3428-3429).

       J. Jay:
       The Great Conspiracy,
       3545 (3429).

       J. Watts:
       Facts of the Cotton Famine,
       993-994 (966-967).

    {794}

    24. FURTHER PARLIAMENTARY REFORM
        (A. D. 1865-1868):

       A. H. McCalman:
       History of England,
       994-995 (967-968).

       B. C. Skottowe;
       History of Parliament,
       995-996 (968-969).

       D. W. Rannie:
       The English Constitution,
       996 (969).

       R. Wilson,
       Queen Victoria,
       997 (970).

    25. MR. GLADSTONE’S FIRST IRISH MEASURES
        (A. D. 1868-1870):

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       996-997 (969-970).

    26. TREATY OF WASHINGTON; GENEVA ARBITRATION
        (A. D. 1869-1872):

       B. J. Lossing:
       The Civil War,
       30-31 (23-24).

       Case of the United States Before Tribunal of Arbitration,
       31 (24).

       C. Cushing:
       The Treaty of Washington,
       34(27); 35-36 (28-29).

       Treaties and Conventions between United States
       and Other Powers,
       34-35 (27-28).

    27. IRISH POLITICS;
        THE HOME RULE PARTY;
        PARNELL;
        COERCION.—PHOENIX PARK MURDERS
        (A. D. 1873-1882).

       J. H. McCarthy:
       Irish History,
       1835-1836 (1795-1796).

       J. H. McCarthy:
       England Under Gladstone,
       1836-1837 (1797).

       Summaries from The Times,
       1837 (1797).

       W. M. Pimblett:
       Political History,
       1837-1838 (1798).

       Cassell’s History of England,
       1838 (1798).

    28. ENGLAND IN SOUTH AFRICA
        (A. D. 1877-1881):

       A. Trollope:
       South Africa,
       3039-3040 (2961-2962).

       J. H. McCarthy:
       England Under Gladstone,
       3040-3002 (2962-2964).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       3042-3043 (2964-2965).

       J. S. Keltie:
       Partition of Africa,
       3043-3045 (2967).

    29. THE WAR IN EGYPT (A. D. 1882-):

       J. C. McCoan:
       Egypt,
       788-789 (761-762).

       H. Vogt:
       The Egyptian War,
       790-792 (763-765).

       J. E. Bowen:
       Conflict in Egypt,
       792-794 (765-767).

       A. E. Hake:
       Story of "Chinese" Gordon,
       794-795, (767-768).

    30. THE PARTITION OF AFRICA (A. D. 1884-1891):

       A. S. White:
       Development of Africa,
       21-23 (17-19).

    31. THE THIRD REFORM BILL (A. D. 1884-1885):

       W. Heaton:
       Three Reforms of Parliament,
       999-1000 (972-973).

       R. Gneist:
       Parliament in Transformation,
       1000 (973).

       W. A. Holdsworth:
       New Reform Act,
       1005 (978).

       Text of Third Reform Act, 1884,
       1000-1004 (973-977).

    32. GLADSTONE’S HOME RULE BILL FOR IRELAND
        (A. D. 1885-1886):

       G. B. Smith:
       Prime Ministers of Queen Victoria,
       1005 (978).

       P. W. Clayden:
       England Under the Coalition,
       1005-1007 (978-980); 1839-1840 (1799-1800).

       J. Bryce:
       The Irish Question,
       1838-1839 (1798-1799).

       R. Johnston:
       The Queen’s Reign,
       1840 (1800).

    33. RETIREMENT OF GLADSTONE
        (A. D. 1892-1894):

       Irish Home Rule Bill,
       1007-1008 (980-981).

       Earl of Rosebery Prime Minister,
       Volume VI., 203-204.

    34. VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE
        (A. D. 1895):

       See Study XLVI.

    35. DIAMOND JUBILEE OF THE QUEEN
        (A. D. 1897):

       The Message of the Queen to her Subjects,
       Volume VI., 207-208.

    36. Death of Gladstone (May 19, 1898):

       Tributes of Lords Salisbury and Rosebery, and Mr. Balfour,
       Volume VI., 209-210.

       "The most distinguished political name of the century has been
       withdrawn from the roll of Englishmen."
          LORD SALISBURY.

       "This country, this nation, loves brave men. Mr. Gladstone was
       the bravest of the brave. There was no cause so hopeless that
       he was afraid to undertake it; there was no amount of
       opposition that would cowe him when once he had undertaken
       it."
          LORD ROSEBERY.

    37. THE GREAT BOER WAR
        (A. D. 1899-1902):

       [The treatment of this subject in Volumes VI. and VII. of
       History for Ready Reference covers sixty-five of its large
       double-column pages (456-517 in Volume 6 and 620-624 in Volume
       7), and is the most complete statement of all the causes that
       led up to that conflict that can be found in any work. The
       scope of these Studies does not admit of a detailed analysis
       of this material, nor is such an analysis necessary; as all
       the despatches, State papers, and descriptive matter are
       arranged in such an orderly manner, under the general head of
       "South Africa," that one needs no aid in studying the
       subject.]

    38. DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA
        (JANUARY 28, 1901):

       Detailed Account of her last illness,
       Volume VI., 212-213.

       Tributes of leading Statesmen,
       Volume VI., 213-216.

       "The simple dignity, befitting a Monarch of this realm, in
       that she could never fail, because it arose from her inherent
       sense of the fitness of things. It was no trapping put on for
       office, and therefore it was that this dignity, this Queenly
       dignity, only served to throw into a brighter light those
       admirable virtues of the wife, the mother, and the woman, with
       which she was so richly endowed."
          A. J. BALFOUR, Leader of the House of Commons.

       "But have you realized what the personal weight of the late
       Queen was in the councils of the world? She was by far the
       senior of all the European Sovereigns. The German Emperor was
       her grandson by birth. The Emperor of Russia was her grandson
       by marriage. She had reigned eleven years when the Emperor of
       Austria came to his throne. She had seen two dynasties pass
       from the throne of France. She had seen, as Queen, three
       Monarchs of Spain, and four Sovereigns of the House of Savoy
       in Italy. … Can we not realize, then, what a force the
       personal influence of such a Sovereign was in the troubled
       councils of Europe? And when, as we know, that influence was
       always given for peace, for freedom, and for good government,
       we feel that not merely ourselves but all the world has lost
       one of its best friends."
          LORD ROSEBERY.

    39. VICTORIAN AGE IN LITERATURE:

       J. McCarthy:
       Literature of the Victorian Reign,
       985 (958).

       R. Garnett:
       Reign of Queen Victoria,
       986 (959).

       G. L. Craik:
       History of English Literature,
       986 (959).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Elizabethan and Victorian Poetry,
       986-987 (959-960).

       T. D. Robb:
       Elizabethan Drama and Victorian Novel,
       987 (960).

    STUDY XLIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    FRANCE FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO A. D. 1910.

    1. TREATY OF PARIS;
       NEW BOUNDARIES
       (A. D. 1814):

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1391-1392 (1358-1359).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1392 (1359).

    2. CONGRESS OF VIENNA
       (A. D. 1814):

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       3745-3747 (3625-3626).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3747 (3626).

    3. THE HOLY ALLIANCE
       (A. D. 1815-):

       M. E. G. Duff:
       European Politics,
       1697 (1658).

       E. Hertslet:
       Europe by Treaty,
       1697 (1658).

    {795}

       W. R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1607-1608 (1658-1659).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1124 (1096).

    4. RESTORED MONARCHY; LOUIS XVIII
       (A. D. 1815-1824):

       J. H. Rose:
       Century of Continental History,
       1401 (1368).

    5. CONGRESS OF VERONA
       (A. D. 1822):

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3741 (3621).

       F. H. Hill:
       George Canning,
       3741 (3621).

       R. Bell:
       Life of Canning,
       3741-3742 (3621-3622).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1124-1125 (1096-1097).

    6. FRENCH INVASION OF SPAIN:

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       3094-3096 (3012-3014).

    7. CHARLES X;
       REVOLUTION OF 1830;
       LOUIS PHILIPPE
       (A. D. 1824-1830):

       J. H. Rose:
       Century of Continental History,
       1401-1402 (1368-1369); 1402 (1369).

       T. W. Knox:
       Decisive Battles,
       1645-1646 (1607-1608).

       W. Müller:
       Political History,
       1402-1403 (1369-1370).

    8. REVOLT OF BELGIUM
       (A. D. 1830-1832).

       S. Walpole:
       England from 1815,
       2348-2350 (2302).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       2350 (2302).

    9. CONQUEST OF ALGIERS
       (A. D. 1830-).

       T. W. Knox:
       Decisive Battles,
       275 (266).

       T. Wright:
       History of France,
       275-276 (266-267).

       J. R. Morell:
       Algeria,
       276-277 (267-268).

    10. REVOLUTION OF 1848:

       J. Macdonnell:
       France since the First Empire,
       1404 (1371).

       R. Mackenzie:
       The Nineteenth Century,
       1404-1405 (1371-1372).

    11. SECOND REPUBLIC;
        LOUIS NAPOLEON:

       N. W. Senior:
       Journals,
       1405-1406 (1372-1373).

       E. S. Cayley:
       Revolution of 1848,
       1406-1408 (1373-1375).

    12. FRENCH INTERVENTION AT ROME
        (A. D. 1849):

       W. Muller:
       Political History,
       1901-1903 (1861-1863).

       W. R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1903 (1863).

    13. THE COUP D’ÉTAT OF 1851:

       A. W. Kinglake:
       Invasion of the Crimea,
       1408-1410 (1375-1377).

       H. Murdock:
       Reconstruction of Europe,
       1410-1411 (1377-1378).

    14. THE SECOND EMPIRE ORDAINED
        (A. D. 1851-1852):

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1411-1412 (1378-1379).

    15. CRIMEAN WAR;
        PEACE CONGRESS OF PARIS;
        "DECLARATION OF PARIS"
        (A. D. 1853-1856):

       S. Walpole:
       Foreign Relations,
       2848-2849 (2774-2775);
       2853-2855 (2779-2781).

       J. McCarthy:
       Our Own Times,
       2849-2850 (2775-2776).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       2850-2851 (2776-2777).

       W. N. Molesworth:
       England,
       2851-2852 (2777-2778).

       E. Schuyler:
       American Diplomacy,
       675-676 (652-653).

    16. ALLIANCE WITH SARDINIA;
        WAR WITH AUSTRIA
        (A. D. 1859):

       J. W. Probyn:
       Italy,
       1815-1890, 1903-1905 (1863-1855).

       H. Murdock:
       The Reconstruction of Europe,
       1905-1906 (1865-1866).

    17. WITH THE ENGLISH IN CHINA
        (A. D. 1856-1860):

       J. McCarthy:
       Our Own Times,
       439-441 (425-427).

    18. THE COBDEN-CHEVALIER COMMERCIAL TREATY
        (A. D. 1860):

       C. F. Bastable:
       The Commerce of Nations,
       3161 (3077).

       L. Levi:
       Treaties of Commerce,
       3161-3162 (3077-3078).

    19. THE FRENCH IN MEXICO
        (A. D. 1861-1867):

       A. H. Noll:
       History of Mexico,
       2221, first column (2177).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       2221-2222 (2177-2178).

    20. FRENCH WITHDRAWAL FROM ROME:

       G. S. Godkin:
       Victor Emmanuel II.,
       1906-1908 (1866-1868).

       J. Marriott:
       Modern Italy,
       1908-1909 (1868-1869).

    21. DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST PRUSSIA
       (A. D. 1870):

       E. B. Washburne:
       Recollections,
       1413 (1380-1381).

       W. Maurenbrecher:
       The German Empire,
       1413-1414.

    22. DISASTERS OF THE WAR;
        SEDAN:

       W. Müller:
       Political History,
       1414-1415 (1381-1382).

       G. Hooper:
       Campaign of Sedan,
       1415 (1382).

       W. O’C. Morris:
       Sedan,
       1415-1416 (1382-1383).

       H. M. Hozier:
       Franco Prussian War,
       1416-1417 (1383-1384).

       E. W. Latimer:
       France in the 19th Century,
       1418 (1384-1385).

       German Official Account,
       1418 (1385).

    23. COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE
        (A. D. 1870):

       H. Vizetelly:
       Paris in Peril,
       1418-1419 (1385-1386).

       E. Simon:
       Emperor William,
       1419-1420 (1386-1387).

    24. CAPITULATION OF PARIS;
        TREATY OF FRANKFORT
        (A. D. 1871):

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       1420-1422 (1387-1389).

       H. Murdock:
       Reconstruction of Europe,
       1422 (1389).

       C. Lowe:
       Prince Bismarck,
       1422-1423 (1389-1390).

    25. THE COMMUNE;
        SECOND SIEGE OF PARIS
        (A. D. 1871):

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1423-1424 (1390-1391).

       G. L. Dickinson:
       Revolution and Reaction,
       1424-1425 (1391-1392).

    26. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE THIRD REPUBLIC
        (A. D. 1871-1876):

       P. de Rémusat:
       Thiers,
       1425 (1392).

       G. M. Towle:
       Modern France,
       1425-1427 (1392-1394).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1129 (1101).

       Text of the Constitution of the Third Republic,
       558-567 (538-547).

    27. STRENGTHENING OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT
       (A. D. 1875-1889):

       V. Duruy:
       History of France,
       1427-1429 (1394-1396).

       The Assassination of President Carnot,
       1429 (1396).

       Census of the Republic (1896),
       Volume VI., 225.

    28. CONQUESTS IN COCHIN-CHINA:

       V. Duruy:
       History of France,
       1428 (1395).

       A. H. Keane:
       Eastern Geography,
       3201 (3115).

       É. Reclus:
       Asia,
       3201-3202 (3115-3116).

    29. THE PANAMA CANAL SCANDAL:

       L. F. Vernon-Harcourt:
       Achievements in Engineering,
       2474 (2415).

       Quarterly Register of Current History,
       2475 (2416).

       P. de Coubertin:
       The Evolution of France,
       2475 (2416).

    30. THE DREYFUS AFFAIR:

       Sir G. Lushington:
       Full detailed Review,
       Volume VI., 225-233.

    31. THE REGULATION OF RELIGIOUS ORDERS
        (A. D. 1901):

       M. Waldeck-Rousseau:
       A Bill on Associations,
       Volume VI., 236-238.

    {796}

       Text of the Principal Sections of the Bill,
       Volume VI., 238.

       Closing of unauthorized Schools,
       Volume VII., 275.

    32. SEPARATION OF CHURCH AND STATE
        (A. D. 1905-1907):

       J. Legrand:
       Church and State in France,
       Volume VII., 275-276.

       J. A. Bain:
       The New Reformation,
       Volume VII., 276-277.

       R. Wallier:
       Le Vingtième Siècle Politique,
       Volume VII., 277-278.

       F. W. Parsons:
       Separation of Church and State,
       Volume VII., 278-279.

       O. Guerlac:
       Separation of Church and State,
       Volume VII., 281-282.

       J. F. Boyd:
       French Ecclesiastical Revolution,
       Volume VII., 282-283.

       S. Dewey:
       The Year [1906] in France,
       Volume VII., 283.

       F. Klein:
       Present Difficulties of the Church,
       Volume VII., 284.

       Papal Encyclical Vehementer Nos,
       Volume VII., 472-474.

    33. THE MOROCCO QUESTION;
        CONFERENCE AT ALGECIRAS
        (A. D. 1904-1906):

       Text of the Anglo-French Agreements of 1904,
       Volume VII., 249-250.

       A. Tardieu:
       France and the Alliances,
       Volume VII., 249, 252-253.

       British Parliamentary Paper
       (Cd. 1952, April, 1904), 251-252.

       W. C. Dreher:
       The Year [1906] in Germany,
       Volume VII., 253.

       B. Meakin:
       The Algeciras Conference,
       Volume VII., 254.

    34. POLITICAL PARTIES IN FRANCE
        (A. D. 1906-1909):

       R. Dell:
       France, England and Mr. Bodley,
       Volume VII., 280.

       S. Dewey:
       The Year [1906] in France,
       Volume VII., 281.

    35. LABOR ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE:

       The London Times:
       The Syndicalist Movement,
       Volume VII., 376-378.

       The London Times:
       Strike of Government Employés (1909),
       378-380.

    STUDY XLIV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    GERMANY.

    1. IN ROMAN TIMES (B. C. 12-A. D. 752):

       Tacitus:
       Germany,
       1462-1463 (1429-1430).

       C. Merivale:
       History of the Romans,
       1463-1464 (1430-1431).

       T. Smith:
       Arminius,
       1464-1465 (1431-1432).

       T. Mommsen:
       History of Rome,
       42 (35).

       W. C. Perry:
       The Franks,
       1430-1431 (1397-1398), 1432-1433 (1399-1400).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1043-1044 (1015-1016).

       J. B. Bury:
       The Later Roman Empire,
       2805 (2731).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Chief Periods, European History,
       2805-2806 (2731-2732).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of Civilization,
       2806 (2732).

       G. B. Adams:
       Civilization, Middle Ages,
       2807 (2733).

    2. MEDIÆVAL GERMANY; CHARLEMAGNE’S EMPIRE, AND AFTER
       (A. D. 768-).

       R. W. Church:
       Beginnings of the Middle Ages,
       1434 (1401).

       E. Emerton:
       Introduction to the Middle Ages,
       1434-1435 (1401-1402).

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1435 (1402), 1436-1438 (1403-1405).

       H. H. Milman:
       History of Latin Christianity,
       1468 (1437).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Historical Geography of Europe,
       1469 (1438).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1470 (1439), 1481 (1448).

       L. von Ranke:
       Reformation in Germany,
       1471-1472 (1440-1441).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1050 (1022), 1053-1055 (1025-1027).

       M. Creighton:
       History of the Papacy,
       2492-2493 (2432-2433).

       I. Jastrow:
       Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes,
       1477-1478 (1445).

       U. Balzani:
       The Popes and the Hohenstaufen,
       1478 (1445).

       O. Browning:
       Guelphs and Ghibellines,
       1478-1479 (1445-1446).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Sketch of European History,
       1479 (1446).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Emperor Frederick II.,
       1479-1480 (1446-1447).

    3. UNDER THE HOUSE OF AUSTRIA
       (A. D. 1272-1519):

       J. Bryce:
       The Holy Roman Empire,
       1481-1482 (1448-1449).

       W. Coxe:
       The House of Austria,
       206 (199).

       Sir R. Comyn:
       History of Western Empire,
       206-207 (199-200),
       1482-1483 (1449-1450).

       V. Duruy:
       History of the Middle Ages,
       208 (201).

       H. Hallam:
       The Middle Ages,
       1485-1486 (1452-1453).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1083-1084 (1055-1056).

       L. von Ranke:
       Latin and Teutonic Nations,
       210-212 (203-205).

       T. H. Dyer:
       History of Modern Europe,
       1490-1491 (1457-1458).

    4. RISE OF BRANDENBURG AND PRUSSIA;
       THE HOHENZOLLERNS
       (A. D. 1142-1688):

       T. Carlyle:
       Friedrich II., called the Great,
       316-317 (306-307), 1696 (1657).

       H. Tuttle:
       History of Prussia,
       317-318 (307-308).

       L. von Ranke:
       House of Brandenburg,
       1486-1487 (1453-1454).

       C. F. Johnstone:
       Historical Abstracts,
       318 (308).

       G. B. Malleson:
       Battle-fields of Germany,
       319-320 (309-310).

    5. LUTHER AND THE REFORMATION
       (A. D. 1517-1600):

       See Study XXIV.

    6. THE THIRTY YEARS WAR
       (A. D. 1618-1648):

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1099-1101 (1071-1073).

       G. B. Malleson:
       Battle-fields of Germany,
       1504-1505 (1471-1472).

       J. Mitchell:
       Life of Wallenstein,
       1505-1506 (1472-1473).

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       1507-1508 (1474-1475).

       F. Schiller:
       The Thirty Years War,
       1508 (1475).

       R. C. Trench:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       1517-1518 (1484-1485).

       A. Gindely:
       The Thirty Years War,
       1518-1519 (1485-1486)

       H. von Treitschke:
       Deutsche Geschichte,
       1521-1522.

    {797}

    7. WARS OF THE 18TH CENTURY;
       FREDERICK THE GREAT
       (A. D. 1701-1763):

       Lord Macaulay:
       Essays,
       1524 (1490).

       H. von Sybel:
       Founding of the German Empire,
       1525 (1491).

       (a) War of the Spanish Succession.

       Lord Macaulay:
       Essays,
       3073 (2992).

       C. W. Koch:
       Revolutions of Europe,
       3073-3074 (2992-2993).

       W. Russell:
       History of Modern Europe,
       3712-3713 (3592-3593).

       (b) War of the Austrian Succession.

       W. Coxe:
       The House of Austria,
       218-219 (211-212).

       Lord Mahon:
       History of England,
       219 (212).

       Frederick the Great:
       My Own Times,
       220 (213).

       Lord Macaulay:
       Essays,
       220-221 (213-214).

       T. Carlyle:
       Friedrich II.,
       221 (214).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1113 (1085).

       (c) The Seven Years War.

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       951-952 (924-925), 2975 (2898).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1114-1115 (1086-1087).

       T. Carlyle:
       Friedrich II.,
       2975-2976 (2898-2899).

       Friedrich II.:
       Posthumous Works,
       2976 (2899).

    8. STRUGGLES WITH REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE AND NAPOLEON
       (A. D. 1792-1814):

       C. E. Mallet:
       The French Revolution,
       228-229 (221-222).

       R. Lodge:
       History of Modern Europe,
       1308 (1275).

       A. Griffiths:
       French Revolutionary Generals,
       1308-1309 (1275-1276).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       1316-1317 (1283-1284).

       A. Alison:
       Europe,
       1324 (1291).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1341-1342 (1308-1309).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1120-1121 (1092-1093).

       A. Weir:
       Historical Basis of Modern Europe,
       229-231 (222-224).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       1541-1542 (1507-1508).

       J. G. Lockhart:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1542-1544 (1510).

       J. R. Seeley:
       Life and Times of Stein,
       1548 (1514).

       J. R. Seeley:
       Prussian History,
       1548-1549 (1514-1515).

    9. THE TEUTONIC AWAKENING:

       J. R. Seeley:
       Life of Stein,
       1549-1551 (1515-1517).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1555-1556 (1521-1522).

       W. Menzel:
       History of Germany,
       1556 (1522).

    10. THE GERMANIC CONFEDERATION
        (A. D. 1814-1820):

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       3745-3747 (3624-3626).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3747 (3626).

       M. E. G. Duff:
       European Politics,
       1565-1566 (1531-1532).

    11. TENDENCIES TOWARD UNION;
        THE ZOLLVEREIN:

       G. Krause:
       Growth of German Unity,
       1566 (1532).

       Bruno-Gebhart:
       German History,
       1566 (3775).

       W. Maurenbrecher:
       The German Empire,
       1567 (3775).

       The Edinburgh Review:
       The Zollverein,
       3155-3156 (3071-3072).

    12. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS
        (A. D. 1848):

       B. Taylor:
       History of Germany,
       1567-1568 (1532-1533).

       E. S. Cayley:
       Revolutions of 1848,
       1568-1569 (1534).

       J. Sime:
       History of Germany,
       235 (228).

       J. H. Rose:
       Century of Continental History,
       235-237 (228-230).

       E. L. Godkin:
       History of Hungary,
       1722 (1683-1685).

       C. M. Yonge:
       Landmarks of History,
       1724 (1685).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1126-1127 (1098-1099).

    13. REACTION;
        FAILURE OF MOVEMENT FOR UNITY
        (A. D. 1848-1850):

       W. Müller:
       Political History,
       1569-1571 (1534-1536).

       T. S. Fay:
       The Three Germanys,
       1571-1572 (1537).

       F. H. Geffcken:
       Unity of Germany,
       237 (230).

       M. E. G. Duff:
       European Politics,
       237-238 (231).

    14. SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN QUESTION
        (A. D. 1848-1862):

       S. Walpole:
       Life of Lord John Russell,
       2908-2909 (2833-2834).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       2909 (2834).

    15. WILLIAM I. AND BISMARCK;
        "BLOOD AND IRON"
        (A. D. 1861):

       W. Maurenbrecher:
       Founding of the German State,
       1572-1573 (3777-3779).

       A. Forbes:
       William of Germany,
       1574-1575 (1539).

       "It is a fact, the great self-assertion of individuality among
       us makes constitutional government very hard in Prussia. … We
       are perhaps too ‘cultured’ to tolerate a constitution; we are
       too critical; the ability to pass judgment on measures of the
       government or acts of the legislature is too universal; there
       is a large number of ‘Catilinarian Characters’ in the land
       whose chief interest is in revolutions. People are too
       sensitive about the faults of government. … Our blood is too
       hot, we are fond of wearing an armor too large for our small
       body; now let us utilize it. … Prussia must consolidate its
       might and hold it together for the favorable moment, which has
       been allowed to pass unheeded several times. Prussia’s
       boundaries, as determined by the Congress of Vienna, are not
       conducive to its wholesome existence as a sovereign state. Not
       by speeches and resolutions of majorities the mighty problems
       of the age are solved—that was the mistake of 1848 and
       1849—but by Blood and Iron."
          BISMARCK.

    16. FORMATION OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY
        (A. D. 1862-1864):

       L. J. Huff;
       Ferdinand Lasalle,
       3027-3028 (2950).

       R. T. Ely:
       French and German Socialism,
       3028 (2950).

    17. THE SEVEN WEEKS WAR
        (A. D. 1866):

       S. Baring-Gould:
       Story of Germany,
       239 (232).

       W. Zimmermann:
       History of Germany,
       1577 (1541).

       H. von Sybel:
       Founding of the German Empire
       1577 (1541).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1128-1129 (1100-1001).

    18. COMPLETION OF GERMANIC CONFEDERATION
       (A. D. 1866-1870):

       G. Krause:
       Growth of German Unity,
       1577-1579 (1541-1543).

       E. Simon:
       The Emperor William,
       1579 (1543).

    19. "THE HOHENZOLLERN INCIDENT";
        WAR WITH FRANCE
        (A. D. 1870)

       E. B. Washburne:
       Recollections,
       1413 (1380-1381).

       W. Maurenbrecher:
       Founding of the German State,
       1413-1414.

       W. Müller:
       Political History,
       1414-1415 (1381-1382).

       W. O’C. Morris:
       Campaign of Sedan,
       1415-1416 (1382-1383).

       H. M. Hozier:
       Franco-Prussian War,
       1416-1417 (1383-1384).

       E. W. Latimer:
       France in the 19th Century,
       1417-1418 (1384-1385).

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern History,
       1420-1422 (1387-1389).

       H. Murdock:
       Reconstruction of Europe,
       1422 (1389).

       C. Lowe:
       Prince Bismarck,
       1422-1423 (1389-1390).

    20. KING WILLIAM BECOMES EMPEROR
        (A. D. 1871):

       A. Forbes:
       William of Germany,
       1579-1580 (1544).

       R. Rodd:
       Frederick, Crown Prince,
       1580 (1544).

    21. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE NEW EMPIRE:

       Proclamation by the Emperor,
       April 16, 1871,
       1580 (1544).

       Text of the Constitution,
       567-575 (547-554).

    {798}

    22. ESTABLISHMENT OF UNIFORM GOLD COINAGE
       (A. D. 1871-1873):

       J. L. Laughlin:
       History of Bimetallism,
       2264-2265 (2220-2221).

    23. GOVERNMENT OF ALSACE-LORRAINE:

       C. Lowe:
       Prince Bismarck,
       1580-1581 (1544-1545).

    24. THE CULTURKAMPF:

       J.N. Murphy:
       The Chair of Peter,
       1581-1582 (1546).

       S. Baring-Gould:
       Germany,
       1582 (1546).

       C. Bulle:
       History of Our Time,
       2542-2543 (3779-3791).

       The Political Speeches of Prince Bismarck,
       2543-2546 (3781-3784).

       "There is therefore great importance for the German Empire in
       the character that is given to our diplomatic relations with
       the head of the Roman Church, wielding, as he does, an
       influence in this country unusually extensive for a foreign
       potentate. I scarcely believe, considering the spirit dominant
       at present in the leading circles of the Catholic Church, that
       any Ambassador of the German Empire could succeed … by
       persuasion in exerting an influence to bring about a
       modification of the position assumed by His Holiness the Pope
       toward things secular. The dogmas of the Catholic Church
       recently announced and publicly promulgated make it impossible
       for any secular power to come to an understanding with the
       Church without its own effacement, which the German Empire, at
       least, cannot accept. Have no fear; we shall not go to
       Canossa, either in body or in spirit."
          BISMARCK.

    25. ADOPTION OF THE PROTECTIVE POLICY:

       H. Villard:
       German Tariff Policy,
       3162-3163 (3079).

       C. F. Bastable:
       Commerce of Nations,
       3166 (3082).

    26. INCREASING STRENGTH OF SOCIALISTIC PARTIES:

       É. de Laveleye:
       Socialism of To-day,
       3031-3032 (2953-2954).

       R. T. Ely:
       French and German Socialism,
       3032 (2954).

       J. Rae:
       Contemporary Socialism,
       3032 (2954).

       W. H. Dawson:
       German Socialism,
       3032-3033 (2955).

       W. H. Dawson:
       Bismarck and State Socialism,
       3033-3034 (2955-2956).

    27. ACCESSION OF WILLIAM II. (A. D. 1888);
        RUPTURE WITH BISMARCK:

       The Times:
       Eminent Persons,
       1582 (1546).

       Fortnightly Review:
       Change of Government in Germany,
       1583 (1547).

       Hans Blum:
       The German Empire,
       1583-1584 (1548).

    28. GERMAN COLONIZATION IN AFRICA:

       A. S. White:
       Development of Africa,
       21-23 (19).

    29. ORGANIZATION OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE:

       I. Jastrow:
       Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes,
       1584-1586 (3785-3787).

       Diplomatic Reports:
       Tariff Changes,
       Volume VI., 239-240;
       Volume VII., 639-640.

    30. THE EMPEROR AND THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATS
        (A. D. 1894-1895).

       Speeches of the Emperor,
       Volume VI., 240-241.

       "You have, my children, sworn allegiance to me. That means
       that you have given yourselves to me body and soul. You have
       only one enemy, and that is my enemy. With the present
       socialist agitation, I may order you—which God forbid!—to
       shoot down your brothers, and even your parents, and then you
       must obey me without a murmur."
          THE EMPEROR, TO THE FOOT GUARDS.

       "Even the word 'opposition' has reached my ears. Gentlemen, an
       Opposition of Prussian noblemen, directed against their King,
       is a monstrosity. … I, in my turn, like my imperial
       grandfather, hold my Kingship as by the grace of God. … To
       you, gentlemen, I address my summons to the fight for
       religion, morality, and order against the parties of
       revolution. Even as the ivy winds round the gnarled oak, and,
       while adorning it with its leaves, protects it when storms are
       raging through its topmost branches, so does the nobility of
       Prussia close round my house. May it, and with it, the whole
       nobility of the German nation, become a brilliant example to
       those sections of the people who still hesitate. Let us enter
       into this struggle together. Forward with God, and dishonor to
       him who deserts his King."
          EMPEROR WILLIAM II.

    31. THE KAISER WILHELM SHIP CANAL:

       United States Consular Reports,
       Volume VI., 241.

    32. THE AGRARIAN PROTECTIONISTS:

       Annual Register,
       Volume VI., 242.

       T. Barth:
       Political Germany,
       Volume VI., 242-243.

       United States Consular Reports Sugar Bounties,
       Volume VI., 243,
       Volume VII., 635.

    33. GERMAN ACTION IN CHINA (A. D. 1897-):

       Naval Expeditions to China,
       Volume VI., 244.

       United States Bureau of Statistics.
       Seizure of Kiao-Chau,
       Volume VI., 80.

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Vol VI., 80-81, 85.

    34. STATE SYSTEM OF WORKINGMEN’S INSURANCE
        (A. D. 1897-):

       United States Consular Reports, etc.:
       Volume VI. 244-245;
       Volume VII., 396, 509-11.

    35. FOREIGN INTERESTS OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE:

       United States Consular Reports, 1899:
       Volume VI., 247.

    36. GERMAN COLONIES AND COLONIAL POLICY:

       Great Britain, Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 248.

       W. C. Dreher:
       The Year [1907] in Germany,
       Volume VII., 290-291.

    37. INTRODUCTION OF THE CIVIL CODE
       (A. D. 1900):

       R. Sohm:
       The Civil Code of Germany,
       Volume VI., 248-249.

    38. CENSUS AND STATISTICS OF THE EMPIRE
        (A. D. 1900-1907):

       W. C. Dreher:
       Atlantic Monthly,
       Volume VI., 251-252

       World’s Work,
       Volume VI., 252.

       London Times,
       Volume VII., 292.

    39. GERMANIZING THE POLISH PROVINCES:

       E. Givskov:
       Germany and her Subjected Races,
       Volume VII., 288-289.

       R. Blennerhassett.
       The Polish Question,
       Volume VII., 293-294.

    40. PRESENT POLITICAL PARTIES; THE SOCIALISTS:

       E. Sellers:
       August Bebel,
       Volume VII., 289.

       Election Reports, 1907, 1909,
       Volume VII., 291, 297.

    41. CHANCELLOR BÜLOW’S "BLOC":

       The occasion of the "Bloc,"
       Volume VII., 290-292.

       The Breaking of the "Bloc,"
       Volume VII., 295-297.

    42. THE MOROCCO QUESTION:

       The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier, and after,
       Volume VII., 252-255.

    43. THE TRIALS OF EDITOR HARDEN:

       The Outlook:
       Summary of Facts.
       Volume VII., 292-293.

    44. EMPEROR’S INTERVIEW WITH AN ENGLISHMAN:

       Digest of Press reports,
       Volume VII., 294-5.

    45. BUILDING OF DREADNOUGHTS;
        THE NAVAL PROGRAMME:

       British Parliament:
       Debate;
       Volume VII., 701-703.

       German Reichstag:
       Speeches,
       Volume VII., 705.

    {799}

    STUDY XLV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE UNITED STATES FROM COMPROMISE OF 1850
    TO CLOSE OF THE CIVIL WAR.

    1. SEVENTEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
       (A. D. 1852):

       A. Johnston:
       American Politics,
       3507 (3391).

       G. E. Baker:
       W. H. Seward,
       3507-3508 (3391-3392).

       E. Stanwood:
       Presidential Elections,
       3508 (3392).

    2. APPEARANCE OF UNCLE TOM’S CABIN
       (A. D. 1852):

       J. F. Rhodes:
       History of the United States,
       3508 (3392).

       C. F. Briggs:
       Uncle Tomitudes,
       3508-3509 (3392-3393).

       Mrs. F. T. McCray:
       Uncle Tom's Cabin,
       3509 (3393).

       "It is but nine months since this Iliad of the blacks, as an
       English reviewer calls 'Uncle Tom,' made its appearance among
       books, and already its sale has exceeded a million of copies;
       author and publisher have made fortunes out of it, and Mrs.
       Stowe, who was before unknown, is as familiar a name in all
       parts of the civilized world as that of Homer or Shakespeare.
       … The book was published on the 20th of last March … and the
       publishers have paid to the author $20,300 as her share of the
       profits on the actual cash sales for the first nine months.
       But it is in England where Uncle Tom has made his deepest
       mark. … We know of twenty rival editions in England and
       Scotland, and that millions of copies have been produced. …
       Uncle Tom was not long in making his way across the British
       Channel, and four rival editions are claiming the attention of
       the Parisians, one under the title of ‘le Père Tom,’ and
       another ‘la Case de l’Oncle Tom.’"
          C. F. BRIGGS, IN PUTNAM'S MAGAZINE, JANUARY, 1853.

       "Of translations into different languages there are nineteen,
       viz: Armenian, one; Bohemian, one; Flemish, one; French, eight
       distinct versions, and two dramas; German, five distinct
       versions, and four abridgments; Hungarian, one complete
       version, one for children, and one versified abridgment;
       Illyrian, two distinct versions; Italian, one; Polish, two
       distinct versions; Portuguese, one; Roman, or modern Greek,
       one; Russian, two distinct versions; Spanish, six distinct
       versions; Swedish, one; Wallachian, two distinct versions;
       Welsh, three distinct versions."
          MRS. F. T. MCCRAY.

    3. KANSAS-NEBRASKA BILL;
       "SQUATTER SOVEREIGNTY"
       (A. D. 1854):

       G. E. Baker:
       W. H. Seward,
       3509-3510 (3393-3394).

       S. A. Douglas:
       Treatise Upon the Constitution,
       3510-3511 (3394-3395).

       B. Tuckerman:
       William Jay,
       3511 (3395).

    4. BIRTH OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
       (A. D. 1854):

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3511-3512 (3395-3396).

       Nicolay and Hay:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3512 (3396).

    5. STRUGGLE FOR KANSAS:

       A. Johnston:
       American Politics,
       1977-1978 (1936-1937).

       J. F. Rhodes:
       History of the United States,
       3515 (3398-3399).

    6. THE DRED SCOTT CASE:

       W. A. Larned:
       Negro Citizenship,
       3516 (3400).

       Goldwin Smith:
       The United States,
       3517 (3401).

       Text of the Decision of Chief Justice Taney,
       3516-3517 (3400-3401).

    7. THE MORMON REBELLION IN UTAH
       (A. D. 1857-1859)

       T. Ford:
       History of Illinois,
       2277 (2233).

       J. Remy:
       Journey to Great Salt Lake,
       2277-2278 (2233-2234).

       H. H. Bancroft:
       The Pacific States,
       2278 (2234), 3709-3710 (3589-3590).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3710-3711 (3591).

    8. THE LINCOLN AND DOUGLAS DEBATE
       (A. D. 1858):

       W. H. Herndon:
       Lincoln,
       3517-3519 (3401-3403).

    9. OREGON ADMITTED TO THE UNION
       (A.D. 1859):

       T. Roosevelt:
       Life of Benton,
       2454-2455 (2402-2403).

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       2455 (2403).

    10. THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD
        (A. D. 1840-1860):

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3007 (2929).

    11. JOHN BROWN AT HARPER’S FERRY
        (A. D. 1859):

       H. Greeley:
       The American Conflict,
       3519-3520 (3404).

       H. von Holst:
       John Brown,
       3520 (3404).

       H. D. Thoreau;
       Last Days of John Brown,
       3520 (3404).

       "At the last, when John Brown, wounded and a prisoner, lay
       waiting his death … he writes, 'My health improves slowly, and
       I am quite cheerful concerning my approaching end, since I am
       convinced that I am worth infinitely more on the gallows than
       I could be anywhere else.' … One year after the execution of
       Brown, on the 20th of December, 1860, South Carolina declared
       its secession from the Union, and on May 11, 1861, the Second
       Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry was raised, which was first
       to sing on its march South,—'John Brown’s body lies
       mouldering in the grave. His Soul goes marching on.'"
          H. VON HOLST.

    12. THE EIGHTH CENSUS (A. D. 1860),
        3521 (3405).

    13. NINETEENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION; ABRAHAM LINCOLN
        (A. D. 1860):

       J. T. Morse, Jr.:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3522 (3406).

       E. Stanwood:
       Presidential Elections,
       3522 (3406).

    14. ATTITUDE OF THE SOUTH; SOUTH CAROLINA SECEDES:

       J. F. Claiborne:
       Life of Quitman,
       3522 (3406).

       H. S. Foote:
       War of the Rebellion,
       3523 (3407).

       Text of the Ordinance of Secession, and Declaration of Causes,
       3523-3525 (3407-3409).

    15. PRESIDENT BUCHANAN’S DISUNION MESSAGE;
        THE CRITTENDEN COMPROMISE:

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years in Congress,
       3526 (3410).

       J. W. Draper:
       The American Civil War,
       3526-3527 (3410-3411).

    16. TREACHERY IN THE CABINET;
        SEIZURE OF FORTS, ARSENALS, ETC.:

       S. L. Woodford:
       Story of Fort Sumter,
       3527-3528 (3411-3412).

       E. McPherson:
       Political History,
       3528 (3412).

       H. Greeley:
       The American Conflict,
       3529 (3413)

    17. "THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA":

       E. A. Pollard:
       First Year of the War,
       3529 (3413).

       A. H. Stephens:
       Speech Against Secession,
       3529 (3413).

       J. W. Draper:
       American Civil War,
       3531 (3415).

       J. L. M. Curry:
       The Southern States,
       3531-3532 (3415-3416).

       A. H. Stephens:
       Constitutional View of the War,
       3532 (3416).

       J. E. Cooke:
       Virginia,
       3759 (3638).

       V. A. Lewis:
       West Virginia,
       3759 (3638).

    18. INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

       I. N. Arnold:
       Life of Lincoln,
       3533 (3417).

       Carl Schurz:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3536-3537 (3420-3421).

       Full Text of the Inaugural Address,
       3533-3536 (3417-3420).

       (NOTE: The Story of the Civil War in "History for Ready
       Reference" covers more than 140 of its large, double-column
       pages. This matter would make an octavo Volume, similar to the
       standard historical works, of nearly 600 pages. The plan of
       these Studies will not admit of a detailed analysis of all
       this material, so that only the most significant, or pivotal
       topics will be treated. The development of the history is so
       clearly presented in Volume V. that a guide is hardly needed
       if one wishes to study the subject as a whole; while each
       individual topic may readily be found in the usual manner.)

    {800}

    19. ATTACK ON FORT SUMTER (APRIL 12, 1861):

       Governor Pickens:
       Official Records,
       3532 (3416).

       Abraham Lincoln:
       Complete Works,
       3537-3538 (3421-3422).

       J. G. Holland;
       Life of Lincoln,
       3538-3539 (3422-3423).

       "The fall of Sumter was the resurrection of patriotism. The
       North needed just this. Such a universal burst of patriotic
       indignation as ran over the North under the influence of this
       insult to the national flag has never been witnessed. It swept
       away all party lines as if it had been flame and they had been
       flax."
          J. G. HOLLAND.

    20. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S CALL TO ARMS
        (APRIL 15, 1861);

       Nicolay and Hay:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3539-3540 (3423-3424).

       Goldwin Smith:
       United States,
       3540 (3424).

       B. J. Lossing:
       The Civil War,
       3540-3541 (3424-3425).

       Text of the Call to Arms,
       3539 (3423).

    21. THE MORRILL, AND THE WAR TARIFFS:

       F. W. Taussig:
       Tariff History,
       3164-3165 (3080-3081).

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years in Congress,
       3165 (3081).

    22. MONARCHICAL CRAVINGS IN SOUTH CAROLINA:

       W. H. Russell:
       Letter to London Times,
       3542 (3426).

    23. ATTITUDE OF GREAT BRITAIN:

       Case of the United States before
       Tribunal of Arbitration at Geneva,
       3544-3545 (3428-3429).

       John Jay:
       The Great Conspiracy,
       3545 (3429).

       Text of the Queen’s Neutrality Message,
       3544 (3428).

       J. Watts:
       The Cotton Famine,
       993-994 (966-967).

    24. FIRST BATTLE OF BULL RUN:
        JULY 21, 1861:

       W. J. Tenney:
       History of the Rebellion,
       3549 (3433).

       R. M. Hughes:
       General Johnston,
       3549-3550 (3433-3434).

       J. H. Stine:
       Army of the Potomac,
       3550 (3434).

       General McDowell:
       Report,
       3550-3551 (3434-3435).

       R. Johnson:
       War of the Rebellion,
       3551 (3435).

       General Beauregard:
       Report,
       3551 (3435).

       Comte de Paris:
       History of the Civil War,
       3552 (3436).

       General Slocum:
       Military Lessons of the War,
       3552 (3436).

    25. THE TRENT AFFAIR:

       G. E. Baker:
       W. H. Seward,
       3560 (3444).

       W. H. Seward:
       Despatch to Lord Lyons,
       3560-3561 (3444-3445).

    26. THE MONITOR AND THE MERRIMAC:

       S. Eardley-Wilmot:
       Development of Navies,
       3570 (3454).

       C. B. Boynton:
       History of the Navy,
       3570 (3454).

       F. B. Butts:
       The Monitor and the Merrimac,
       3570-3571 (3454-3455).

       J. T. Wood:
       First Fight of Iron Clads,
       3571-3572 (3455-3456).

       "No battle was ever more widely discussed or produced a
       greater sensation. It revolutionized the navies of the world.
       … In this battle old things passed away, and the experience Of
       a thousand years was forgotten. The effect of the news was
       best described by the London ‘Times,’ which said: ‘ Whereas we
       had available for immediate purposes 149 first class war
       ships, we have now two, these two being the Warrior and
       her sister Ironside. There is not now a ship in the
       English navy apart from these two that it would not be madness
       to trust to an engagement with that little Monitor.’ The
       Admiralty at once proceeded to reconstruct the navy."
          J. T. WOOD.

    27. FARRAGUT’S CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS
        (APRIL, 1862):

       E. Shippen:
       Naval Battles,
       3574-3575 (3458-3459).

       L. Farragut:
       Life of Farragut,
       3575-3576 (3459-3460).

       D. D. Porter:
       Naval History of the Civil War,
       3576 (3460).

       M. Thompson:
       Story of Louisiana,
       3576-3577 (3460-3561).

       C. C. Chesney:
       Military Biography,
       3577 (3461).

    28. THE HOMESTEAD ACT (A. D. 1862):

       T. Donaldson:
       The Public Domain,
       3579-3580 (3463-3464).

    29. PRELIMINARY PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION
       (SEPTEMBER, 1862):

       J. A. Garfield:
       Works, 3596-3597 (3480-3481).

       G. S. Boutwell:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3597 (3481).

       G. Welles:
       Lincoln and Seward,
       3597-3598 (3481-3482).

       Text of Preliminary Proclamation,
       3598 (3482).

    30. THE FINAL PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION
        (JANUARY 1, 1863):

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3604 (3488).

       Nicolay and Hay:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3604 (3488).

       Text of the Final Proclamation,
       3603-3604 (3487-3488).

    31. PRESIDENT LINCOLN AND THE COPPERHEADS:

       J. T. Morse:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3612-3613 (3497).

       Abraham Lincoln,
       Complete Works,
       3613-3615 (3497-3499).

    32. TURNING POINT OF THE WAR;
        VICKSBURG, GETTYSBURG:

       U. S. Grant:
       The Siege of Vicksburg,
       3612 (3496).

       W. J. Tenney:
       Military and Naval History,
       3615 (3499).

       J. E. Cooke:
       Life General R. E. Lee,
       3616 (3500).

       General Doubleday:
       Gettysburg,
       3617-3619 (3503).

    33. President Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address;
        The Amnesty Proclamation:

       Nicolay and Hay:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3630-3631 (3514-3515).

       Abraham Lincoln:
       Complete Works,
       3632-3633 (3516-3517).

       Text of the Amnesty Proclamation,
       3632 (3516).

    34. GENERAL GRANT IN GENERAL COMMAND:

       Nicolay and Hay:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3636-3637 (3520-3521).

    35. TWENTIETH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
        (A. D. 1864):

       H. J. Raymond:
       Life of Lincoln,
       3648-3649 (3533).

       E. Stanwood:
       Presidential Elections,
       3649 (3533).

    36. DESTRUCTION OF THE ALABAMA:

       Senate Executive Document No. 31, 42d Congress, 31 (24).

       E. A. Pollard:
       The Lost Cause,
       31-32 (24-25).

       The Rebellion Record,
       32 (25).

    37. SHERMAN’S MARCH TO THE SEA:

       U. S. Grant:
       Personal Memoirs,
       3659 (3543).

       Nicolay and Hay:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3659-3660 (3543-3544).

       A. G. Bennett:
       Report,
       3663 (3547).

       A. Badeau:
       U. S. Grant,
       3663-3664 (3547-3548).

    {801}

    38. LINCOLN’S SECOND INAUGURAL;
        HIS LAST PUBLIC ADDRESS:

       Carl Schurz:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3665-3666 (3549-3550).

       Text of the Inaugural Address,
       3666 (3550).

       Text of His Last Address, on Reconstruction,
       3668-3669 (3552-3553).

    39. RICHMOND ABANDONED;
        SURRENDER AT APPOMATTOX:

       A. L. Long:
       Memoirs of R. E. Lee,
       3669-3670 (3553-3554).

       F. Lee:
       General Lee,
       3670 (3554).

       B. J. Lossing:
       The Civil War,
       3670-3671 (3554-3555).

    40. ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN
       (APRIL 14, 1865):

       Nicolay and Hay:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3671-3673 (3555-3557).

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3673 (3557).

       G. W. Julian:
       Political Recollections,
       3673 (3557).

    41. END OF THE REBELLION;
        STATISTICS OF THE WAR:

       Nicolay and Hay:
       Abraham Lincoln,
       3673-3674 (3557-3558); 3676 (3560).

       U. S. Grant:
       Personal Memoirs,
       3674 (3558).

       H. Greeley:
       The American Conflict,
       3674 (3558).

       J. D. Cox:
       Surrender of Johnston,
       3675 (3559).

       Battles and Leaders of the Civil War,
       3675 (3559).

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years of Congress,
       3675-3676 (3559-3560).

       J. T. Scharf:
       The Confederate Navy,
       3676 (3560).

       V. Mott:
       Report of United States Sanitary Commission,
       2679 (2607).

       A. Spencer:
       Narrative of Andersonville,
       2679-2680 (2607-2608).

       Southern Historical Society Papers,
       2680 (2608).

       A. H. Stephens:
       War between the States,
       2680 (2608).

    STUDY XLVI
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    UNITED STATES FROM THE CIVIL WAR TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN.

    1. PRESIDENT LINCOLN’S VIEWS OF RECONSTRUCTION:

       A. Lincoln:
       Complete Works,
       3631-3633 (3515-3517); 3667-3669 (3552-3553).

       G. W. Julian:
       Political Recollections,
       3673 (3557).

       "I spent most of the afternoon [on the day of Johnson’s
       inauguration] in a political caucus, held for the purpose of
       considering the necessity for a new Cabinet, and a line of
       policy less conciliatory than that of Mr. Lincoln; and while
       everybody was shocked at his murder, the feeling was nearly
       universal that the accession of Johnson to the Presidency
       would prove a godsend to the country. Aside from Mr. Lincoln’s
       known policy of tenderness to the Rebels, which now so jarred
       upon the feelings of the hour, his well-known views on the
       subject of reconstruction were as distasteful as possible to
       radical Republicans."
          G. W. JULIAN.

    2. ACCESSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT JOHNSON:

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power in America,
       3673 (3557).

    3. CONDITIONS AT THE SOUTH;
       FIRST RECONSTRUCTION MEASURES:

       Reports of General Grant and Carl Schurz on Rebellious States,
       3678-3679 (3562-3563).

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years of Congress,
       3676-3678 (3560-3562).

    4. END OF SLAVERY;
       THE FREEDMEN’S BUREAU:

       G. W. Julian:
       Political Recollections,
       3662 (3546).

       O. J. Hollister:
       Schuyler Colfax,
       3662 (3546).

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3665 (3549).

       G. W. Williams:
       The Negro Race,
       3679 (3563).

       O. Skinner:
       American Politics,
       3679-3680 (3564).

    5. RECONSTRUCTION QUESTION IN CONGRESS;
       THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL:

       S. S. Cox:
       Federal Legislation,
       3680 (3564).

       W. H. Barnes:
       The 39th Congress,
       3680-3681 (3564-3565); 3681 (3565).

    6. RECONSTRUCTION BEFORE THE PEOPLE;
       THE FOURTEENTH AMENDMENT:

       W. H. Barnes:
       The 39th Congress,
       3682 (3566).

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years of Congress,
       3682 (3566).

       H. A. Herbert:
       Why the Solid South?
       3682-3683 (3566-3567).

       A. Badeau:
       Grant in Peace,
       3683 (3567).

    7. RESTORATION OF TENNESSEE
       (A. D. 1866):

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years of Congress,
       3184 (3099).

       W. H. Barnes:
       The 39th Congress,
       3184 (3099).

    8. THE TENURE OF OFFICE BILL:

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years of Congress,
       3683 (3567).

       W. H. Barnes:
       The 39th Congress,
       3683 (3567).

    9. THE FENIAN MOVEMENT
       (A. D. 1866):

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       1833-1834 (1793-1794).

       G. Bryce:
       The Canadian People,
       393-394 (383-384).

    10. THE KU-KLUX KLAN
        (A. D. 1866-1871):

       S. S. Cox:
       Federal Legislation,
       3683-3684 (3567-3568)

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3684 (3568).

    11. PURCHASE OF ALASKA
        (A. D. 1867):

       W. H. Dali:
       Tribes of the Northwest,
       88 (81).

       H. Rink:
       The Eskimo,
       93 (86).

       H. H. Bancroft:
       The Pacific States,
       37 (30).

    12. MILITARY RECONSTRUCTION ACTS:

       O. J. Hollister:
       Schuyler Colfax,
       3685 (3569).

       W. H. Barnes:
       The 39th Congress,
       3685 (3569).

       P. H. Sheridan:
       Personal Memoirs,
       2095-2096 (2052).

    13. IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON
        (A. D. 1868):

       T. P. Taswell-Langmead:
       English Constitutional History,
       1735-1736 (1696-1697).

       J. Forster:
       Historical Essays,
       845 (818).

       H. McCulloch:
       Men and Measures,
       3685-3686 (3570).

       J. G. Blaine:
       Twenty Years of Congress,
       3686 (3570).

    14. TWENTY-FIRST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
        CHOICE OF GENERAL GRANT
        (A. D. 1868):

       E. Stanwood:
       Presidential Elections,
       3686 (3570).

    15. COMPLETED RECONSTRUCTION
        (A. D. 1868-1870):

       W. Allen:
       Governor Chamberlain in S. Carolina,
       3050-3051 (2970-2971).

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3687 (3571).

    16. NATIONAL BANK SYSTEM;
        GOLD SPECULATION;
        BLACK FRIDAY
        (A. D. 1869):

       H. W. Richardson:
       The National Banks,
       2263-2264 (2219-2220).

       W. G. Sumner:
       History of American Currency,
       2264 (2220).

       A. S. Bolles:
       Financial History of the United States,
       2264 (2220).

       W. R. Hooper:
       Black Friday,
       2399-2401 (2349).

    17. THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT;
        SUPPRESSION OF COLORED VOTE:

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       3687 (3571).

       J. Bryce:
       The American Commonwealth,
       3688 (3572).

    {802}

    18. THE NINTH CENSUS
        (A. D. 1870), 3689 (3573).

    19. TREATY OF WASHINGTON, AND GENEVA ARBITRATION
        (A. D. 1869-1872):

       B. J. Lossing:
       The Civil War,
       30-31 (23-24).
       Case of the U. S.,
       31 (24).

       R. Johnson:
       The War of Secession,
       32-33 (25-26).

       Argument of the United States,
       33-34 (26-27).

       Summary of the Treaty of Washington,
       34-35 (27-28).

       C. Cushing:
       The Treaty of Washington,
       34 (27); 35-36 (28-29).

    20. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM:

       J. Fiske:
       Civil Government in the United States,
       490 (476).

       H. Lambert:
       Progress of Civil Service Reform,
       490-491 (476-477).

       G. W. Curtis:
       Address,
       491 (477).

    21. TWENTY-SECOND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
        (A. D. 1872):

       A. Johnston:
       American Politics,
       3689-3690 (3574).

       E. Stanwood:
       Presidential Elections,
       3690 (3574).

    22. THE "DEMONETIZATION OF SILVER;"
        PANIC OF 1873:

       J. L. Laughlin:
       Bimetallism in the United States,
       3690 (3574).

       L. R. Ehrich:
       The Question of Silver,
       2261 (2217).

       Banker’s Magazine:
       The Panic of 1873,
       3690-3602 (3574-3676).

    23. The Sioux War;
        Death of General Custer (A. D. 1876):

       A. Gallatin:
       Synopsis of Indian Tribes,
       110-111 (103-104).

       F. Whittaker:
       Life of Custer,
       3692 (3576).

    24. THE CENTENNIAL EXHIBITION
        (A. D. 1876):

       C. B. Norton:
       World’s Fairs,
       3692-3693 (3576-3577).

    25. TWENTY-THIRD PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
        THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION
        (A. D. 1876):

       E. Stanwood:
       Presidential Elections,
       3693-3694 (3577-3578).

       J. Fiske:
       Civil Government,
       3697.
       The Electoral Count Act (A. D. 1887),
       3699.

    26. THE BLAND SILVER BILL
        (A. D. 1878):

       F. W. Taussig:
       The Silver Situation,
       3694-3695 (3578-3579).

       L. R. Ehrich:
       The Question of Silver,
       2262 (2218).

    27. TWENTY-FOURTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
        ASSASSINATION OF GARFIELD:

       E. McPherson:
       Handbook of Politics,
       3695 (3579).

       J. C. Ridpath:
       Life of Garfield,
       3696 (3580).

    28. THE TENTH CENSUS
        (A. D. 1880),
        3695 (3579).

    29. TWENTY-FIFTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION;
        THE "MUGWUMPS"
        (A. D. 1884):

       E. McPherson:
       Handbook of Politics,
       3697 (3581).

       J. Bryce:
       The American Commonwealth,
       3697 (3581).

    30. THE BERING SEA CONTROVERSY:

       American History Leaflets,
       3698 (3581-3582).

       The Bering Sea Arbitration,
       3698-3699 (3582).

       Messages of the President,
       Volume VI., 51.

       Treaty of Arbitration,
       Volume VI., 51-52.

       The Joint High Commission,
       Volume VI., 63-64.

    31. THE INTER-STATE COMMERCE ACT
        (A. D. 1887), 3699.

    32. ATTEMPTED TARIFF REVISION;
        THE "MILLS BILL"
        (A. D. 1887-1888):

       O. H. Perry:
       Proposed Tariff Legislation,
       3167-3168 (3083-3084).

       President Cleveland’s Tariff Message,
       3168-3169 (3084-3085).

    33. TWENTY-SIXTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
        (A. D. 1888):

       Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia,
       3699 (3582).

    34. OPENING OF OKLAHOMA;
        ADMISSION OF SEVEN NEW STATES
        (A. D. 1889-1890):

       D. H. Montgomery:
       Leading Facts of American History,
       3699-3700 (3582-3583).

       F. N. Thorpe:
       Recent Constitution-making,
       3700 (3583).

    35. THE MCKINLEY TARIFF ACT
        (A. D. 1890):

       F. W. Taussig:
       Tariff History,
       3169-3170 (3086).

       Report of Committee on Ways and Means,
       3170 (3086).

       Political Science Quarterly,
       3170-3171 (3086-3087).

    36. THE ELEVENTH CENSUS (A. D. 1890),
        3700 (3583).

    37. FINANCIAL PANIC;
        REPEAL OF THE SHERMAN ACT
        (A. D. 1893):

       F. W. Taussig:
       The Silver Situation,
       3701 (3584).

       Political Science Quarterly,
       3701 (3584).

       H. A. Pierce:
       Review of Finance,
       3702 (3585).

       Message of the President,
       2262 (2218).

    38. THE CHINESE EXCLUSION ACT;
        THE "GEARY ACT"
        (A. D. 1892):

       E. McPherson:
       Handbook of Politics,
       3702 (3585).

    39. TWENTY-SEVENTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
        (A. D. 1892):

       Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia,
       3702 (3585).

       Political Science Quarterly,
       3702-3703 (3585-3586).

    40. THE WILSON TARIFF BILL
        (A. D. 1894):

       Political Science Quarterly,
       3171-3172 (3087-3088).

       H. A. Pierce:
       Review of Finance,
       3173 (3088).

    41. THE INCOME TAX
        (A. D. 1895):

       Political Science Quarterly,
       3172, first column (3088).

       Decision of the Supreme Court,
       Volume VI., 554-557.

    42. THE VENEZUELA BOUNDARY DISPUTE
        (A. D. 1895):

       Despatch of Secretary Olney to Ambassador Bayard,
       Volume VI., 684-687.

       Reply of Lord Salisbury,
       Volume VI., 687-688.

       The Message of President Cleveland,
       Volume VI., 689-690.

       Commission to determine the Boundary,
       Volume VI., 690.

       Text of Arbitration Treaty,
       Volume VI., 691-692.

       Text of the Decision of the Tribunal,
       Volume VI., 692-693.

       J. Bryce:
       British Feeling,
       Volume VI., 559-560.

       A. Carnegie:
       The Venezuelan Question,
       Volume VI., 560.

    43. Serious Financial Difficulties of 1895-1896:

       Messages and Documents,
       Volume VI., 560-562.

       Political Science Quarterly,
       Volume VI., 562.

    44. TWENTY-EIGHTH PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
        (A. D. 1896):

       Conditions preceding,
       Volume VI., 563-564.

       Full Texts of Party Platforms,
       Volume VI., 564-573.

       The Campaign, and Results,
       Volume VI., 573-574.

    {803}

    45. PRESIDENT CLEVELAND’S VETO OF THE IMMIGRATION BILL
        (A. D. 1897):

       Text of the President’s Message,
       Volume VI., 574-576.

    46. INDIANAPOLIS MONETARY COMMISSION
        (A. D. 1896-1898):

       Proceedings, January 12, 1897,
       Volume VI., 576.

       Hostile Attitude of the United States Senate,
       Volume VI., 576.

    47. INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY
        (A. D. 1897):

       The Inaugural Address,
       Volume VI., 580-581.

       His Cabinet,
       Volume VI., 581.

    48. THE DINGLEY TARIFF ACT
        (A. D. 1897):

       Extra Session of Congress,
       Volume VI., 581.

       Analysis of the Bill,
       Volume VI., 581-2.

       F. W. Taussig:
       Tariff History,
       Volume VI., 582.

    49. FIRST ARBITRATION TREATY WITH GREAT BRITAIN
        (A. D. 1897).

       Text of the Treaty,
       Volume VI., 577-579.

       Action of the Senate; Popular Indignation,
       Volume VI., 579-580.

    STUDY XLVII.

       (Entirely in Volumes VI. and VII.)

    THE UNITED STATES FROM THE OUTBREAK OF WAR WITH SPAIN
    (1898) TO 1910.

    1. CAUSES OF THE WAR:

       United States Senate Document, 54th Congress:
       Cuban Insurrection, A. D. 1895,
       Volume VI., 171-173.

       Captain-General Weyler:
       Concentration Orders,
       Volume VI., 173.

       President Cleveland:
       Message, A. D. 1896,
       Volume VI., 173-174.

       Text of Constitution granted by Spain to Cuba and Porto Rico,
       Volume VI., 175-180.

       General F. Lee:
       Cuba and her Struggle,
       Volume VI., 180, 181.

       Senator Proctor:
       Speech in Congress,
       Volume VI., 181-182.

       President McKinley:
       Message on the Destruction of the Maine,
       Volume VI., 583-584.

       President McKinley:
       Message on the Cuban Situation,
       Volume VI., 585-590.

       Resolutions of Congress and Declaration of War,
       Volume VI., 590-591.

    2. OPERATIONS AND EVENTS OF THE SPANISH AMERICAN WAR
       (A. D. 1898):

       [The naval and military operations, engagements and other
       events, of the war, are narrated very fully and consecutively
       in about forty pages (591-638) of Volume VI., mostly in
       quotations from the reports of the officers who conducted
       them. This account covers the circumstances which brought the
       Filipino insurgents under Aguinaldo into connection with the
       American forces sent to lay siege to Manila, and the
       subsequent breach with them, when Aguinaldo was declared
       President of a Philippine Republic. It covers, also, the
       negotiation at Paris of the treaty of peace, the text of the
       treaty, and, in part, the debate and action of the United
       States Senate on the ratification of the treaty.]

    3. ESTABLISHMENT OF AMERICAN AUTHORITY IN THE PHILIPPINES:

       Report of General Otis,
       August, A. D. 1899,
       Volume VI., 371-372.

       F. H. Sawyer:
       Inhabitants of the Philippines,
       Volume VII., 372-373.

       J. Foreman:
       Will the United States withdraw?
       Volume VI., 373.

       Official and other Reports and Statements,
       Volume VII., 373-375.

       Instructions by the President of the United States
       to the Military Governor,
       Volume VI., 375-376.

       Proclamation and Report of Military-Governor Otis,
       Volume VI., 376-377.

       Counter Proclamation of Aguinaldo,
       Volume VI., 377-378.

       President McKinley:
       Instructions to First Commission to the Philippines,
       Volume VI., 378-379.

       Philippine Information Society:
       Publication Number 7,
       Volume VI., 379-380.

       Reports of Philippine Commission, United States Secretary
       of War, Military-Governor Otis, and others, A. D. 1899-1900,
       Volume VI., 380-389.

       Instructions to the Second Commission,
       Volume VI., 389-392

       Appeal of Citizens of Manila,
       Volume VI., 392-393.

       Reports of the United States Secretary of War and of the
       Second Commission on the Civil Government of the Islands,
       Volume VI., 393-396.

       The Problem of the Friars,
       Volume VI., 396-399.

       Congressional grant of powers for Philippine Government,
       Volume VI., 399-401.

       Senator Hoar:
       Speech against the Subjection of the Philippines,
       Volume VI., 641-645.

       Organization of Provincial Governments,
       Volume VI., 401-402.

       Capture of Aguinaldo,
       Volume VI., 402-403.

    4. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GOLD STANDARD OF VALUE
       (MARCH 14, A. D. 1900):

       Report of the Secretary of the Treasury,
       Volume VI., 639-640.

    5. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1900:

       Party Platforms and Nominations:
       Re-election of President McKinley,
       Volume VI., 646-666.

       Inaugural Address of President McKinley,
       Volume VI., 680-682.

    6. CONSTITUTIONAL STATUS OF THE NEW POSSESSIONS:

       Supreme Court Decisions,
       Volume VI., 668-674, 683.

    7. INCREASE OF THE STANDING ARMY
       (A. D. 1901):

       Act of Congress,
       Volume VI., 678-680, 682.

    8. TWELFTH CENSUS (A. D. 1900):

       Statement of Population,
       Volume VI., 645-646.

       Apportionment of Representatives,
       Volume VI., 674-678.

    9. ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT MCKINLEY;
       ACCESSION OF VICE-PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT
       (A. D. 1901):

       Message of President Roosevelt to Congress,
       Volume VII., 665-666.

       President Roosevelt’s Cabinet,
       Volume VII., 666.

       W. Wellman:
       Narrative of the Tragedy,
       Volume VII., 59-61.

    10. ATTITUDE IN THE CASE OF VENEZUELA VS. GERMANY, ET AL
        (A. D. 1901-1904):

       U. S. Report on Foreign Relations,
       Volume VII., 684.

       Message of President Roosevelt,
       Volume VII., 684-685.

       H. W. Bowen:
       Queer Diplomacy with Castro,
       Volume VII., 685.

    11. CONFERENCES OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS
        (A. D. 1901-1902 AND 1906):

       Reports of American Delegates,
       Volume VII., 20-25.

       Secretary Root:
       Address at Rio Janeiro,
       Volume VII., 24-25.

       Bureau of American Republics,
       Volume VII., 25.

    {804}

    12. THE UNDERTAKING OF THE PANAMA CANAL:

       First Hay-Pauncefote Treaty,
       Volume VI., 69-70.

       Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty,
       Volume VII., 466-437.

       Messages of the President and Official Reports,
       Volume VII., 467-471.

    13. MEASURES FOR THE REGULATION OF GREAT CORPORATIONS:

       [The first Federal legislation regulative of the railway
       service of commerce between the States, creating the
       Interstate Commerce Commission, in 1887, is briefly noted in
       Volume V., p. 3699 (3582). In six and one half pages of Volume
       VI., under the heading "Trusts" (pages 529-536), the rise of
       the great industrial and commercial combinations, which began
       at about the beginning of the present century to cause serious
       anxiety in the country, is related quite fully, from the
       report of the United States Industrial Commission created by
       Congress in 1898, and from other sources. In Volume VII.,
       under the two headings of "Combinations, Industrial and
       Commercial" (pages 116-135), and "Railways" (pages 547-558),
       an extended history of the vigorous proceedings of Government,
       between 1900 and 1910, to restrain wrong uses of the power
       which great corporate combinations of capital can acquire, is
       compiled. The particulars, of legislation, executive
       prosecution and judicial decision, are too numerous to be
       detailed here.]

    14. NATIONAL MOVEMENT FOR THE CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES
        (A. D. 1901-1910).

       President Roosevelt’s Messages, etc.,
       Volume VII., 145-148.

       Conference of Governors:
       Declaration,
       Volume VII., 148-149.

       National Conservation Commission:
       Report,
       Volume VII., 149-151.

       President Taft’s Recommendations,
       Volume VII., 152.

    15. CIVIL SERVICE REFORM UNDER PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT:

       A notable record,
       Volume VII., 104-108.

    16. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA
        (A. D. 1902):

       Senate Document 312, 58th Congress, 2d Session, etc.,
       Volume VII., 174-177.

    17. RESTORATION OF THE WHITE HOUSE
        (A. D. 1902):

       Charles Moore:
       Restoration of the White House,
       Volume VII., 667-668.

    18. SETTLEMENT OF ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION
        (A. D. 1903):

       President Roosevelt:
       Message,
       Volume VII., 9.

       F. B. Tracy:
       Tercentenary History of Canada,
       Volume VII., 9.

    19. FINANCIAL CRISIS
        (A. D. 1903-1904):

       New York Evening Post,
       Volume VII., 263.

    20. FRAUDS IN LAND OFFICE
        (A. D. 1903-1906):

       Indictments and Prosecutions,
       Volume VII., 669.

    21. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
        (A. D. 1904):

       Parties, Candidates and Platforms; Result,
       Volume VII., 669-671.

    22. ARBITRATION OF NEWFOUNDLAND FISHERIES QUESTIONS
        (A. D. 1905-1909):

       Correspondence and Agreement,
       Volume VII., 446-448.

    23. FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE TO SAN DOMINGO:

       President Roosevelt:
       Message,
       Volume VII., 583-584.

       Bureau of Insular Affairs:
       Report,
       Volume VII., 584-585.

    24. MEDIATION BETWEEN JAPAN AND RUSSIA
        (A. D. 1905):

       President Roosevelt’s Proffer, and the Replies,
       Volume VII., 356-357.

       F. De Martens:
       The Portsmouth Peace Conference,
       Volume VII., 357.

       E. J. Dillon:
       Story of the Peace Negotiations,
       Volume VII., 357-358.

       Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth,
       Volume VII., 358-360.

    25. VENEZUELAN COMPLICATIONS:

       An extended Account,
       Volume VII., 684-688.

    26. CENTRAL AMERICAN MEDIATION, WITH MEXICO
        (A. D. 1906):

       Text of the resulting Treaty,
       Volume VII., 77-79.

    27. NATIONAL PURE FOOD LAW
        (A. D. 1906):

       United States Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Chemistry:
       Bulletin 104,
       Volume VII., 520-522.

    28. AT THE ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE
        (A. D. 1906):

       United States Secretary of State:
       Instructions to Delegates,
       Volume VII., 254.

    29. RE-ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CUBAN REPUBLIC
        (A. D. 1906-1909):

       U. S. Papers Relating to Foreign Relations,
       Volume VII., 178-180.

    30. THE SAN FRANCISCO JAPANESE QUESTION
        (A. D. 1906):

       F. H. Clark:
       Anti-Japanese Agitation in California,
       Volume VII., 538-541.

    31. MONETARY PANIC OF A. D. 1907:

       New York Evening Post,
       Volume VII., 264.

    32. NEW LAW OF CITIZENSHIP
        (A. D. 1907):

       G. Hunt:
       The New Citizenship Law,
       Volume VII., 443-444.

    33. PART TAKEN IN SECOND PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE HAGUE
        (A. D. 1907):

       United States Senate Documents, and other Sources,
       Volume VII., 716-722.

    34. CRUISE OF THE BATTLE-SHIP FLEET
        (A. D. 1907-1909).

       Various Sources,
       Volume VII., 707-708.

    35. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION,
        (A. D. 1908):

       Parties, Platforms, Candidates, Results,
       Volume VII., 674-678.

    36. THE EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT
        (A. D. 1908):

       Summary of the Act,
       Volume VII., 266.

    37. PARTIAL REMISSION TO CHINA OF BOXER INDEMNITY
        (A. D. 1908):

       Correspondence on the Subject,
       Volume VII., 92-93.

    38. UNDERSTANDING WITH JAPAN:

       Exchange of Notes on Policy to the East,
       Volume VII., 362.

    39. COMMISSION TO LIBERIA:

       United States Secretary of State:
       Memorandum to the President,
       Volume VII., 414-417.

    40. THE COUNTRY-LIFE COMMISSION:

       President Roosevelt:
       Letter,
       Volume VII., 679.

       Report of the Commission,
       Volume VII., 679-680.

    41. New Copyright Act:

       New York Evening Post:
       Summary of the Act,
       Volume VII., 166-167.

    {805}

    42. THE PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF ACT
        (A. D. 1909):

       Party Promises of 1908,
       Volume VII., 641.

       C. F. Adams:
       On the Hearings at Washington,
       Volume VII., 641-642.

       President Taft:
       Statement on signing the Bill,
       Volume VII., 642.

       Woodrow Wilson:
       The Tariff Make-Believe,
       Volume VII., 644-645.

       S. W. McCall:
       Reasons for Satisfaction,
       Volume VII., 645-646.

       American Review of Reviews:
       On the Changes Made,
       Volume VII., 646.

       Outside Effects.
       Volume VII., 646-647.

    43. PROPOSED INCOME TAX AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION:

       Governor Hughes, of New York:
       Objections stated,
       Volume VII., 681-682.

    44. HANKAU-SZECHUAN RAILWAY LOAN QUESTION:

       President Taft:
       Message,
       Volume VII., 94-95.

    STUDY XLVIII.

    (Entirely in Volume VII.)

    ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND)
    FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN VICTORIA
    TO THE DEATH OF EDWARD VII (1901-1910).

    1. THE UNITED KINGDOM AND ITS EMPIRE IN 1901:

       Census of the United Kingdom,
       Volume VII., 229.

       Census of the British Empire,
       Volume VII., 51.

    2. LAST YEAR OF THE BRITISH-BOER WAR
       (A. D. 1901-1902):

       The Times History of the War;
       Text of Treaty of Peace,
       Volume VII., 620-623.

    3. IMPERIAL CONFERENCES WITH COLONIAL PREMIERS:

       Conferences of 1902 and 1907,
       Volume VII., 51-53, 53-57.

    4. EDUCATION ACT OF 1902:

       Text of its Main Provisions,
       Volume VII., 196-197.

       J. G. Rogers:
       The Nonconformist Uprising,
       Volume VII., 197.

       J. Bryce:
       The New Education Bill,
       Volume VII., 197-198.

       J. Clifford:
       Passive Resistance,
       Volume VII., 198-199.

    5. DEFENSIVE AGREEMENTS WITH JAPAN
       (A. D. 1902, 1905):

       Texts and explanatory Despatches,
       Volume VII., 342-343, 360-361.

    6. LAND PURCHASE ACT FOR IRELAND
       (A. D. 1903):

       L. Paul Dubois:
       Contemporary Ireland,
       Volume VII., 330, 331-332.

       Text of main Provisions of the Act,
       Volume VII., 330-331.

    7. PROPOSED RETURN TO A PROTECTIVE TARIFF,
       WITH "PREFERENTIAL TRADE"
       (A. D. 1903):

       J. Chamberlain:
       Speeches and Letter,
       Volume VII., 230-231.

       A. J. Balfour:
       Letter to Mr. Chamberlain,
       Volume VII., 232.

    8. AGREEMENTS ("ENTENTE CORDIALE") WITH FRANCE
       (A. D. 1904):

       Text of the Agreements,
       Volume VII., 249-251.

       Lord Lansdowne:
       Explanatory Despatch,
       Volume VII., 252.

       A. Tardieu:
       France and the Alliances,
       Volume VII., 249.

    9. THE "DOGGER BANK INCIDENT" OF RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR
       (A. D. 1904):

       Naval Annual:
       Abridged account,
       Volume VII., 352-353.

    10. RETURN OF THE LIBERAL PARTY TO POWER
        (A. D. 1905):

       Campbell-Bannermann Ministry,
       Volume VII., 233-235.

    11. RESTORATION OF SELF-GOVERNMENT TO THE BOER COLONIES
        (A. D. 1904-1905):

       Letters Patent from the Crown, etc.,
       Volume VII., 626-627.

    12. EDUCATION BILL OF 1906:

       C. W. Barnes:
       Summary of its Provisions,
       Volume VII., 199-200.

       Sir H. Campbell-Bannermann:
       Resolutions on the Action of the Lords,
       Volume VII., 235.

    13. FRIENDLY CONVENTION WITH RUSSIA
       (A. D. 1907):

       Text of the Convention,
       Volume VII., 255-257.

    14. INSTITUTION OF "THE TERRITORIAL FORCE"
        (A. D. 1907-1908):

       Main Provisions of the Act,
       Volume VII., 693-694.

       Lord Roberts:
       Proposal of Compulsory Service,
       Volume VII., 694.

    15. ACTION ON DISTURBANCES IN MACEDONIA
       (A. D. 1907-1908):

       Parliamentary Papers:
       Official Correspondence.

    16. ACTION IN PERSIA DURING THE REVOLUTION
        (A. D. 1907-1908):

       Parliamentary Papers;
       Official Correspondence,
       Volume VII., 483-487.

       The London Times:
       Correspondence,
       Volume VII., 488-491.

    17. DISAFFECTION IN INDIA;
        GOVERNMENTAL REFORMS
       (A. D. 1907-1909):

       The London Times:
       Correspondence,
       Volume VII., 312-14, 314-15.

       Sir H. Cotton:
       The New Spirit in India,
       Volume VII., 316.

       Dr. R. B. Ghose:
       Address to India Congress,
       Volume VII., 316.

       A. Iman:
       Address to All-India Moslem League,
       Volume VII., 316-317.

       Goldwin Smith:
       British Empire in India,
       Volume VII., 317.

       Report on Moral and Material Condition,
       Volume VII., 318-319.

       J. Morley (Viscount):
       Speech in Parliament on the Indian Councils Bill,
       Volume VII., 321-322.

       Text of main Provisions of the Act,
       Volume VII., 322-324.

    18. CAMPAIGN OF ENGLISH "SUFFRAGETTES"
        (A. D. 1907-1909):

       Mrs. Pankhurst:
       Address in New York,
       Volume VII., 224.

       English Press Reports,
       Volume VII., 224-227.

    19. OLD AGE PENSIONS ACT
        (A. D. 1908-1909):

       Summary of Provisions;
       Speech of D. Lloyd-George,
       Volume VII., 508-509.

    20. HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING ACT (1909):

       Summary of its Provisions,
       Volume VII., 613.

    21. BUILDING OF "DREADNOUGHTS" IN ENGLAND AND GERMANY
        (A. D. 1909):

       Lord Charles Beresford:
       Speech in London,
       Volume VII., 700.

       Cassell’s Magazine:
       The Dreadnought,
       Volume VII., 700-701.

       Speeches in British Parliament,
       Volume VII., 700-703.

    22. CHANCELLOR LLOYD-GEORGE’S BUDGET;
        ITS REJECTION BY THE LORDS
        (A. D. 1909):

       D. Lloyd-George:
       Explanatory Speech in Parliament,
       Volume VII., 240-242.

       H. H. Asquith:
       Speech in Parliament,
       Volume VII., 242-243.

       Sir E. Grey:
       Speech at Leeds,
       Volume VII., 243.

       Lords Lansdowne, Rosebery, Balfour, James, et al:
       Speeches,
       Volume VII., 243-245.

       Proceedings, Votes, Parliamentary Dissolution, Election,
       Volume VII., 244-5, 246.

    {806}

    STUDY XLIX.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    CANADA.

    1. DISCOVERY AND EARLY EXPLORATION:

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       58 (51).

       Sir A. Helps:
       Spanish Conquest,
       63 (56).

       J. G. Kohl:
       Discovery of Maine,
       2404-2405 (2352-2353).

       Father Charlevoix:
       New France,
       72-73 (65-66).

       E. Warburton:
       Conquest of Canada,
       74 (67).

       E. Hayes:
       Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
       76 (69).

    2. THE ABORIGINES;
       THE NAME CANADA:

       D. G. Brinton:
       The Lenape,
       84 (77).

       J. W. Powell:
       Ethnological Report,
       85 (78).

       E. Warburton:
       Conquest of Canada,
       365 (355).

       F. Parkman:
       Pioneers of France,
       366 (356)

    3. THE ARRIVAL OF CHAMPLAIN;
       ACADIA;
       PORT ROYAL
       (A. D. 1603):

       E. Warburton:
       Conquest of Canada,
       366 (356).

       F. Parkman:
       Pioneers of France,
       2437 (2385).

       G. Bryce:
       The Canadian People,
       367 (357).

       J. Hannay:
       History of Acadia,
       368-369 (358-359).

    4. FOUNDING OF QUEBEC AND MONTREAL;
       DISCOVERY OF LAKE CHAMPLAIN:

       W. Kingsford:
       History of Canada,
       367-368 (357-358).

       J. MacMullen:
       History of Canada,
       369 (359).

       J. R. Brodhead:
       History of New York,
       369 (359).

    5. JESUIT MISSIONS:

       E. F. Slafter:
       Memoir of Champlain,
       371 (361).

       R. Mackenzie:
       America,
       371-372 (361-362).

       F. Parkman:
       Jesuits in North America,
       372 (362).

       E. Warburton:
       Conquest of Canada,
       373 (363).

       A. Bell:
       History of Canada,
       373 (363).

    6. THE GREAT PIONEER EXPLORERS:

       G. Bryce:
       The Canadian People,
       372-373 (362-363).

       J. Fiske:
       Spanish and French Explorers,
       375-376 (365-366)

       B. A. Hinsdale:
       The Old Northwest,
       378-379 (368-369).

    7. FIRST INTER-COLONIAL OR "KING WILLIAM’S" WAR
       (A. D. 1689-1697):

       G. Bancroft.
       History of the United States,
       376-377 (366-367).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       377 (367).

       J. S. Barry:
       History of Massachusetts,
       378 (368).

    8. SECOND INTER-COLONIAL OR "QUEEN ANNE’S" WAR
       (A. D. 1711-1713):

       R. Johnson:
       History of the French War,
       2362 (2314).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       379-380 (369-370).

       S. S. Hebberd:
       History of Wisconsin,
       380 (370).

    9. THIRD INTER-COLONIAL OR "KING GEORGE’S" WAR
       (A. D. 1744-1748):

       J. Graham:
       History of the United States,
       2362-2363 (2314-2315).

       R. Brown:
       Island of Cape Breton,
       397-398 (387-388).

       J. G. Palfrey:
       History of New England,
       398 (388).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       2363-2364 (2315-2316).

       R. Johnson:
       History of French War,
       2364 (2316).

       T. C. Haliburton:
       The English in America,
       2364-2365 (2316-2317).

       "As far as England was concerned the taking of Louisburg was
       the great event of the war of the Austrian succession. England
       had no other success in that war to compare with it. As things
       turned out, it is not too much to say that this exploit of New
       England gave peace to Europe."
          J. G. PALFREY.

    10. THE FATE OF THE ACADIANS:

       J. Hannay: History of Acadia,
       2438-2439 (2386-2387).

       R. Johnson:
       History of the French War,
       2439-2440 (2387-2388).

       T. C. Haliburton:
       Nova Scotia,
       2440 (2388).

       F. Parkman:
       Montcalm and Wolfe,
       2440-2441 (2388-2389).

       C. C. Smith:
       Wars on the Seaboard,
       2441 (2389).

    11. A BORDER WARFARE:

       F. Parkman:
       Montcalm and Wolfe,
       381 (371).

       G. E. Hart:
       The Fall of New France,
       381 (371).

       E. H. Roberts:
       New York,
       381 (371).

       J. H. Patton:
       The American People,
       381-2 (372).

    12. THE "SEVEN YEARS," OR "FRENCH AND INDIAN," WAR
        (A. D. 1755-1763):

       F. Parkman:
       Montcalm and Wolfe,
       382-383 (372-373).

       G. E. Hart:
       The Fall of New France,
       383-384 (374).

       C. C. Smith:
       Wars on the Seaboard,
       398 (388).

       J. Marshall:
       Life of Washington,
       384-385 (374-375).

    13. THE FALL OF QUEBEC;
        MONTCALM AND WOLFE
        (A. D. 1759):

       E. Warburton:
       Conquest of Canada,
       385 (375).

       W. Irving:
       Life of Washington,
       385-386 (375-376).

    14. CLOSING EVENTS OF THE WAR:

       R. Johnson:
       History of the French War,
       386-387 (376-377).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       387-388 (377-378).

       T. H. Dyer:
       History of Modern Europe,
       2975 (2898).

    15. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND CANADA:

       J. G. Bourinot:
       Constitutional History of Canada,
       388-389 (378-9).

       G. Bryce:
       The Canadian People,
       389-390 (379-380).

       J. Fiske:
       War of Independence,
       3355, first column (3239).

       R. Hildreth:
       History of the United States,
       3365-3366 (3249-3250).

       Sir E. Creasy:
       Fifteen Decisive Battles,
       3366-3368 (3250-3252).

       H. W. Preston:
       Historical Documents,
       3403-3404 (3287-3288).

    16. CONSTITUTIONAL ACT OF 1791;
        UPPER AND LOWER CANADA:

       J. E. C. Munro:
       Constitution of Canada,
       390 (380).

    17. IN THE WAR OF 1812:

       See Study XL.

    18. CONVENTION RELATING TO FISHERIES
        (A. D. 1818):

       H. W. Preston:
       Historical Documents, Article III.,
       3404 (3288).

       E. Schuyler:
       American Diplomacy,
       1151-1152 (1121-1122).

    19. THE "FAMILY COMPACT";
        REBELLION OF 1837:

       G. Bryce:
       The Canadian People,
       390 (380).

       Earl of Durham:
       British North America,
       390 (380).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       391 (381).

       W. P. Greswell:
       The Dominion of Canada,
       391 (381).

       Viscount Bury:
       Exodus of Western Nations,
       392 (382).

       W. P. Greswell:
       The Dominion of Canada,
       392 (382).

    20. THE "CAROLINE AFFAIR";
        THE ASHBURTON TREATY
        (A. D. 1842):

       Viscount Bury:
       Exodus of Western Nations,
       392 (382).

       H. C. Lodge:
       Daniel Webster,
       392-393 (382-383).

       J. Schouler:
       History of the United States,
       3494-3495 (3378-3379).

    21. OPPOSITION OF RACES;
        RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES
        (A. D. 1840-1865):

       Goldwin Smith:
       The Canadian Question,
       393 (383).

       Treaties and Conventions between the United States and
       Other Powers,
       3163-3164 (3079-3080).

       F. E. Haynes:
       Reciprocity Treaty,
       3164 (3080).

       H. J. Raymond:
       Life of Abraham Lincoln,
       3658 (3542).

    {807}

    22. FENIAN INVASIONS
        (A. D. 1866-1871):

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       1833-1834 (1793-1794).

       G. Bryce:
       The Canadian People,
       393-394 (383-384).

    23. FEDERATION;
        THE DOMINION OF CANADA
        (A. D. 1867).

       J. G. Bourinot:
       Federal Government in Canada,
       1139-1140 (1111-1112).

       J. G. Bourinot:
       Constitutional History of Canada,
       394 (384).

       J. Bryce:
       The American Commonwealth,
       394-395 (384-385).

       Full Text of the Constitution,
       546-557 (526-537).

       "The Federal Constitution of the Dominion of Canada is
       contained in the British North America Act, 1867, a statute of
       the British Parliament (30 Vict., c. 3). … The Federal, or
       Dominion Government, is conducted on the so-called ‘Cabinet
       system’ of England, i. e., the Ministry sit in Parliament, and
       hold office at the pleasure of the House of Commons. … The
       distribution of matters within the competence of the Dominion
       Parliament and of the Provincial legislatures respectively,
       bears a general resemblance to that existing in the United
       States; but there is this remarkable distinction, that whereas
       in the United States, Congress has only the powers actually
       granted to it, the State legislatures retaining all such
       powers as have not been taken from them, the Dominion
       Parliament has a general power of legislation, restricted only
       by the grant of certain specific and exclusive powers to the
       Provincial legislatures. … The Constitution of the Dominion
       was never submitted to popular vote, and can be altered only
       by the British Parliament, except as regards certain points
       left to its own legislature. There exists no power of amending
       the provincial Constitutions by popular vote similar to that
       which the peoples of the several States exercise in the United
       States."
         JAMES BRYCE.

    24. LATER ADMISSIONS;
        INCREASE OF TERRITORY:

       J. E. C. Munro:
       Constitution of Canada,
       2429 (2377).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       395 (385).

       J. McCoun:
       The Great North West,
       395-396 (385-386).

       J. E. C. Munro:
       Constitution of Canada,
       333-334, 2658 (323-324, 2586).

       C. Cushing:
       The Treaty of Washington,
       2874 (2799).

       Viscount Milton:
       The San Juan Boundary,
       2874 (2799).

       Creation of New Provinces in 1905,
       Volume VII., 67.

    25. THE FISHERIES QUESTION
        (A. D. 1818-1910):

       Treaties and Conventions Between
       the United States and Other Powers,
       35 (28).

       C. B. Elliott:
       The Northeastern Fisheries,
       1152 (1122).

       FINAL AGREEMENT FOR ARBITRATION (A. D. 1909),
       Volume VII., 446-448.

    26. THE MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION
        (A. D. 1890-1896 and 1905):

       J. G. S. Cox:
       Mr. Laurier and Manitoba,
       Volume VI., 59-61.

       Text of the Encyclical Letter of the Pope,
       Volume VI., 62-63.

       The Outlook (A. D. 1905),
       Volume VII., 68.

    27. IMMIGRATION;
        MOVEMENT FROM THE UNITED STATES.

       E. Farrer:
       Canada and the New Imperialism,
       Volume VII., 63.

       J. W. Dafoe:
       Western Canada,
       Volume VII., 63.

       London Times:
       Correspondence,
       Volume VII., 64.

    28. RECENT IMPORTANT TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS:

       (a) Alaska Boundary.

       President Roosevelt:
       Message (1903),
       Volume VII., 9.

       F. B. Tracy:
       Tercentenary History of Canada,
       Volume VII., 9.

       Convention for fixing the Line,
       Volume VII., 9-10.

       (b) Waterways Treaty.

       Text of Treaty (1909) United States and Great Britain,
       Volume VII., 71-72.

       (c) General Boundary.

       Summary of Boundary Treaty (1908),
       Volume VII., 69-70.

    29. IMPERIAL RELATIONS:

       Parliamentary Papers:
       Proceeding of Imperial Conferences of Colonial Premiers,
       1897, 1902 and 1907,
       Volume VI., 208-209; Volume VII., 51-57.

    STUDY L.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    JAPAN.

    1. EARLY HISTORY:

       B. H. Chamberlain:
       Things Japanese,
       1913-1915 (1873-1875).

       É. Reclus:
       The Earth and Its Inhabitants,
       1990 (3737).

    2. JESUIT MISSIONS;
       A CENTURY OF CHRISTIANITY
       (A. D. 1550-1680):

       Quarterly Review, 1871:
       Christianity in Japan,
       1915-1916 (1875-1876).

       D. Murray:
       Story of Japan,
       1916 (1876).

       Sir E. J. Reed:
       Japan,
       1916-1917 (1876-1877).

    3. OPENING OF PORTS TO FOREIGNERS
       (A. D. 1852):

       Inazo Nitobe:
       The United States and Japan,
       1917-1918 (1877-1878).

       Monument to Commodore Perry,
       Volume VI., 282-283;
       Volume VII., 341.

    4. CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT
       (A. D. 1869--):

       T. Iyenaga:
       Development of Japan,
       1918-1919 (1878-1879).

       H. N. G. Bushby:
       Parliamentary Government in Japan,
       Volume VI., 277-278.

       Tokiwo Yokoi:
       New Japan,
       Volume VI., 278-279.

       Text of the Constitution of 1889,
       578-580 (554-557).

    5. WAR WITH CHINA
       (A. D. 1894-1895):

       G. N. Curzon:
       Problems of the Far East,
       1990-1991 (3737-3738).

       Political Science Quarterly,
       1991 (3738).

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 76-78.

    6. ACQUISITION OF FORMOSA:

       J.H. Wilson:
       China,
       1185-1186 (3747).

       S. W. Williams:
       Middle Kingdom,
       1186 (3747).

       Treaty with China (1895),
       Article II. (b),
       Volume VI., 76.

       The Annual Register (1896),
       Volume VI., 279.

    7. JAPAN AND RUSSIA IN KOREA
       (A. D. 895-898):

       United States Consular Reports,
       Volume VI., 288-289.

       Correspondence of London Times,
       Volume VI., 289.

    {808}

    8. PARTY ORGANIZATIONS;
       THE MARQUIS ITO:

       H. N. G. Bushby:
       Parliamentary Government in Japan,
       Volume VI., 279-280.

       Correspondence of the London Times,
       Volume VI., 282;
       Volume VII., 362-363.

       W. E. Griffis:
       Prince Ito’s Party,
       Volume VII., 343.

    9. DISTRUST OF THE RUSSIANS IN MANCHURIA
       (A. D. 1901-1904):

       G. T. Ladd:
       In Korea with Marquis Ito,
       Volume VII., 341-342.

       Text of Russo-Chinese Treaty of 1902,
       Volume VII., 91-92.

    10. DEFENSIVE AGREEMENTS WITH GREAT BRITAIN:

       Text of Agreements of 1902 and 1905,
       Volume VII., 342-343, 360-361.

    11. WAR WITH RUSSIA
        (A. D. 1904-1905):

       United States War Department:
       Epitome,
       Volume VII., 343-345, 346, 348.

       E. J. Nojine:
       The Truth about Port Arthur,
       Volume VII., 345, 347-348, 350.

       Admiral Sir C. Bridge:
       In the Naval Annual,
       Volume VII., 346.

       Lord Brooke:
       An Eye-witness in Manchuria,
       Volume VII., 347.

       L. Hearn:
       Letter from Japan,
       Volume VII., 347.

       T. Sakurai:
       Human Bullets,
       Volume VII., 348-350.

       American Review of Reviews,
       Volume VII., 351-352.

       G. Kennan:
       The Naval Battle of Tsushima,
       Volume VII., 352-354.

       L. L. Seaman, M. D.:
       The Japanese Medical Service,
       Volume VII., 354-355.

       Official Japanese Statement of Casualties,
       Volume VII., 355-356.

    12. THE PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH
        (A. D. 1905):

       American Mediation;
       President Roosevelt’s Proffer,
       Volume VII., 356.

       Official Correspondence and Preliminaries,
       Volume VII., 356-357.

       F. de Martens:
       The Portsmouth Peace Conference,
       Volume VII., 357.

       E. J. Dillon:
       Story of the Peace Negotiations,
       Volume VII., 357-358.

       Text of the Treaty,
       Volume VII., 358-360.

    13. THE WAR DEBT; MATERIAL CONDITIONS:

       The London Times:
       Correspondence,
       Volume VII., 363, 362.

    14. KOREA UNDER JAPANESE CONTROL
        (A. D. 1904-1909):

       Text of three Agreements of 1904 and 1905,
       Volume VII., 365-367.

       K. Asakawa:
       Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty,
       Volume VII., 367.

       London and New York Press Correspondence,
       Volume VII., 367-370.

       Assassination of Prince Ito,
       Volume VII., 363-364.

    15. DISPUTES WITH CHINA
        (A. D. 1905-1909):

       The London Times:
       Correspondence,
       Volume VII., 95, 97-98.

    16. EXCHANGE OF NOTES WITH THE UNITED STATES
        ON POLICY IN THE EAST
        (A. D. 1908):

       Text of the Declaration,
       Volume VII., 362.

    17. THE SAN FRANCISCO SCHOOL QUESTION:

       F. H. Clark:
       Anti-Japanese Agitation in California,
       Volume VII., 538-540.

    STUDY LI.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    CHINA.

    1. THE NAMES AND CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY:

       H. Yule:
       Cathay,
       428 (416).

       E. Reclus:
       The Earth and its Inhabitants,
       428-430.

    2. ORIGIN AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE:

       T. de Lacouperie:
       Chinese Civilization,
       246 (239).

       R. K. Douglas:
       China,
       430-432 (416-418).

    3. RELIGIONS OF THE PEOPLE:

       R. K. Douglas:
       China,
       432-433 (418-419).

       T. Rhys Davids:
       Buddhism,
       433 (419).

       Abbé Hue:
       Christianity in China,
       1995 (1951).

    4. THE MONGOL CONQUEST;
       EMPIRE OF KUBLAI-KHAN
       (A. D. 1150-1368).

       H. H. Howorth:
       The Mongols,
       2265 (2221).

       C. R. Markham:
       History of Persia,
       2265 (2221).

       H. Yule:
       Cathay,
       433 (419); 2266-2268.

       H. H. Howorth:
       The Mongols,
       433 (419).

       D. C. Boulger.
       China,
       2266 (2222).

    5. THE MING AND MANCHU DYNASTIES:

       L. Ritchie:
       Oriental Nations,
       434 (420).

       H. A. Giles:
       Historic China,
       434-435 (420-421).

       T. T. Meadows:
       North China,
       2126-2127 (3791-3792).

    6. THE OPIUM WAR;
       OPENING OF THE TREATY PORTS
       (A. D. 1839-1842):

       S. Walpole:
       History of England,
       435-437 (421-423).

       S. W. Williams:
       The Middle Kingdom,
       437 (423).

       C. P. Lucas:
       The British Colonies,
       1701.

    7. THE TAIPING REBELLION (A. D. 1850-1864)
       "CHINESE" GORDON:

       S. W. Williams:
       The Middle Kingdom,
       438 (424).

       L. N. Wheeler:
       The Foreigner in China,
       438 (424).

       A. Forbes:
       Chinese Gordon,
       438-439 (424-425).

       R. H. Veitch:
       Charles George Gordon,
       439 (425).

    8. THE WAR WITH ENGLAND AND FRANCE
       (A. D. 1856-1860):

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       439-441 (425-427).

    9. FRENCH ACQUISITIONS IN INDO-CHINA
       (A. D. 1875-1879):

       A. H. Keane:
       Eastern Geography,
       3200-3201 (3114-3115).

       V. Duruy:
       History of France,
       1428 (1395).

    10. THE BURLINGAME TREATY AND THE EXCLUSION ACT:

       W. Speer:
       The Oldest Empire,
       441-442 (427-428).

       E. McPherson:
       Handbook of Politics,
       3702 (3585).

    11. THE CHINESE IN KOREA:

       É. Reclus:
       The Earth and Its Inhabitants,
       1990 (3736-3737).

       R. S. Gundry:
       China and Her Neighbors,
       1990 (3737).

       G. N. Curzon:
       Problems of the Far East,
       1990-1991 (3737-3738).

    12. THE WAR WITH JAPAN
        (A. D. 1894-1895):

       Political Science Quarterly,
       1991 (3738).

       Korean Independence,
       Volume VI., 76.

       Text of the Treaty of Shimonoseki,
       Volume VI., 76-78.

    {809}

    13. TREATY WITH RUSSIA GIVING RIGHTS IN MANCHURIA .

       H. Norman:
       Russia and England,
       Volume VI., 78-79.

       Statistical Description of Manchuria in 1897,
       Volume VI., 301-302.

    14. FOREIGN RESIDENTS OF CHINA
        (A. D. 1897)

       United States Consular Reports,
       Volume VI., 80.

    15. EUROPEAN WRECKING OF THE EMPIRE BEGUN
        (A. D. 1897-1898):

       United States Bureau of Statistics,
       Volume VI., 80.

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 80-83.

       The "Battle of Concessions,"
       Volume VI., 83-86.

    16. RUSSIAN ACQUISITION OF PORT ARTHUR
        (A. D. 1898):

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 86-88.

    17. INCREASED DEMANDS OF FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN
        (A. D. 1898):

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 88-89.

    18. "OPEN-DOOR" COMMERCIAL AGREEMENTS
        SECURED BY THE UNITED STATES:

       U. S. Congressional Documents,
       Volume VI., 104.

    19. EFFORTS TOWARD REFORM
        (A. D. 1898):

       Kang Yeu Wei:
       Revolution of 1898,
       Volume VI., 89-91.

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 91-94.

       Blackwood’s Magazine:
       The Empress Dowager,
       Volume VI., 94-95.

    20. OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITY TO FOREIGNERS
        (A. D. 1898-1900):

       United States Consular Reports,
       Volume VI., 95-101.

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 95-101

       G. F. Wright:
       Letter to the Nation,
       Volume VI., 299

    21. The Tsung-li Yamen:

       The Spectator (London, 1899),
       Volume VI., 101.

    22. EARLY ACCOUNTS OF "THE BOXERS"
        (A. D. 1900):

       Great Britain:
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 104-107.

       Robert Hart:
       The Peking Legations,
       Volume VI., 107-108.

    23. NAVAL DEMONSTRATION OF THE POWERS
        (A. D. 1900):

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 108-109.

       Telegrams from British Minister at Peking,
       Volume VI., 109-112.

       Official Reports,
       Volume VI., 112-113.

    24. CHINESE IMPERIAL EDICTS
        (A. D. 1900):

       Correspondence of London Times,
       Volume VI., 114.

       Report by Minister Wu Ting-fang,
       Volume VI., 115.

    25. SIEGE OF THE FOREIGN LEGATIONS AT PEKING
        (JUNE-AUGUST, 1900):

       Detailed Account by one of the Besieged,
       Volume VI., 115-128.

       London Times Correspondence,
       Volume VI., 115-128.

       United States Secretary of War, Report,
       Volume VI., 128-129.

    26. CAPTURE OF PEKING BY ALLIED FORCES
        (AUGUST, 1900):

       Report of United States General Chaffee,
       Volume VI., 130-132.

    27. HORRORS OF THE ALLIED INVASION:

       T. F. Millard:
       The Armies in China,
       Volume VI., 132.

       E. J. Dillon:
       Chinese Wolf and European Lamb,
       Volume VI., 132-134.

       Correspondence of London Times,
       Volume VI., 134-136.

    28. FINAL NEGOTIATIONS OF POWERS WITH CHINA:

       Texts of Notes, Agreements, etc.,
       Volume VI., 137-143.

    29. MURDERED MISSIONARIES AND CHRISTIANS:

       Several Detailed Statements,
       Volume VI., 143-144.

    30. THE RUSSIAN GRIP ON MANCHURIA
        (A. D. 1901-1902):

       Text of Secret Treaty Secured,
       Volume VI., 300-301.

       Remonstrance of the United States Secretary of State,
       Volume VI., 144.

       United States:
       Papers on Foreign Relations,
       Volume VII., 91-92.

       G. T. Ladd:
       In Korea with Prince Ito,
       Volume VII., 341-342.

    31. CHINESE INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RISING:

       Settlement of the Indemnity,
       Volume VII., 92.

       Remission of part by the United States;
       Correspondence,
       Volume VII., 92-93.

    32. COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES
        (A. D. 1903):

       J. H. Latané:
       America as a World Power,
       Volume VII., 94.

    33. RAILWAYS AND RECENT RAILWAY QUESTIONS:

       D. C. Boulger:
       The Shanghai-Nanking Railway,
       Volume VII., 94.

       The Hankau Sze chuen Railway Loan Question,
       Volume VII., 94-95.

       Railway Agreements and Disputes with Japan,
       Volume VII., 95, 97-98.

       Russo-Chinese Agreement and the Kharbin Question,
       Volume VII., 100-102.

       Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Railway,
       VII., 545.

       Proposed neutralization of Manchurian railways,
       Volume VII., 102-103.

    34. PROMISED CONSTITUTION OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
        (A. D. 1908-1909):

       New York Tribune:
       Summarized translation of Decree,
       Volume VII., 95-96.

       Reaffirmation of the Decree,
       Volume VII., 99-100.

       London Times;
       Election and Opening of Provincial Assemblies,
       A. D. 1909, Volume VII., 102.

    35. DEATH OF THE EMPEROR AND EMPRESS DOWAGER
        (A. D. 1908):

       Newspaper Reports,
       Volume VII., 99.

    36. DISMISSAL OF VICEROY YUAN SHIH-KAI
        (A. D. 1909):

       Correspondence of New York Evening Post,
       Volume VII., 100.

    37. OPIUM REFORM:

       United States Legation Report,
       Volume VII., 462-463.

       Tang Shao Yi:
       Address in London,
       Volume VII., 463-464.

       British Consular Report,
       Volume VII., 464.

    38. AMERICAN TREATIES, VS. EXCLUSION LAWS:

       An Exhibit from the Documents,
       Volume VII., 538.

    {810}

    STUDY LII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    RUSSIA.

    1. ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE AND THEIR NATIONAL NAME:

       V. Thomsen:
       Russia and Scandinavia,
       3009 (2931); 2829 (2755).

       A. Lefèvre:
       Race and Language,
       3009 (2931).

       G. Finlay:
       Byzantine Empire,
       521 (507).

    2. EARLY RELATIONS WITH BYZANTINE EMPIRE:

       G. Finlay:
       Byzantine Empire,
       2829-2830 (2755-2756); 521-522 (507-508).

       G. F. Maclear:
       Conversion of the West,
       480-481 (466-467).

    3. THE MONGOL CONQUEST
       (A. D. 1237-1239);

       H. Yule:
       Cathay,
       2267-2268 (2222-2224).

       C. I. Black:
       Proselytes of Ishmael,
       2268 (2224).

       H. H. Howorth:
       History of the Mongols,
       2268 (2224).

    4. TWO CENTURIES OF TARTAR DOMINATION
       (A. D. 1237-1480):

       J. C. Prichard:
       Races of Mankind,
       3173 (3089).

       P. A. Kropotkine:
       Tartars,
       3173 (3089).

       C. F. Johnstone:
       Historical Abstracts,
       2830-2832 (2756-2758).

       A. Leroy-Beaulieu:
       Empire of the Tsars,
       2832 (2758).

    5. INVASION OF THE POLES;
       ORIGIN OF THE ROMANOFFS:

       H. S. Edwards:
       The Romanoffs,
       2832-2833 (2758).

       H. Krasinski:
       Cossacks of the Ukraine,
       641-642 (618-619).

       W. R. Morfil:
       The Story of Russia,
       2619 (2551).

    6. ASSUMPTION OF THE TITLE "TSAR"
       (A. D. 1547):

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       2833 (2759).

       W. K. Kelly:
       Russia,
       2833 (2759).

    7. CONQUEST OF SIBERIA
       (A. D. 1580):

       W. Coxe:
       Russian Discoveries,
       2979 (2902).

       United States Bureau of Statistics,
       2980.

    8. WARS WITH TURKS AND SWEDEN:

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       2833-2834 (2759-2760).

       J. L. Stevens:
       Gustavus Adolphus,
       2897 (2822).

    9. GREAT RELIGIOUS SCHISM,—"THE RASCOL"
       (A. D. 1655-1660):

       W. R. Morfil:
       Story of Russia,
       2834 (2760).

       Stepniak:
       The Russian Peasantry,
       2834 (2760).

    10. PETER THE GREAT;
        THE CONQUEST OF AZOV:

       Voltaire:
       Charles XII.,
       2834-2835 (2760-2761).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       3259-3260 (3143-3144)

       J. N. Earned:
       Europe,
       1108 (1080).

    11. WAR WITH CHARLES XII. OF SWEDEN
        (A. D. 1697-1718):

       Voltaire:
       Charles XII.,
       2899-2900 (2824-2825).

       A. Crichton:
       Scandinavia,
       2900-2901 (2825-2826).

       W. C. Taylor:
       Modern History,
       2903 (2826-2828).

    12. FOUNDING OF ST. PETERSBURG
        (A. D. 1703):

       E. Schuyler:
       Peter the Great,
       2835-2836 (2761-2762).

    13. FROM PETER THE GREAT TO CATHERINE II.
        (A. D. 1725-1762):

       W. R. Morfil:
       Story of Russia,
       2836-2837 (2762-2763).

       W. K. Kelly:
       History of Russia,
       2837 (2763).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       2837-2838 (2763-2764).

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       2838 (2764).

    14. REIGN OF CATHERINE II.
       (A. D. 1762-1796):

       Lardner:
       History of Russia,
       2839 (2765).

       C. F. Johnstone:
       Historical Abstracts,
       2839-2840 (2765-2766).

       Edinburgh Review:
       Empress Catherine II.,
       2840 (2766).

       R. Waliszewski:
       Romance of an Empress,
       2840-2841 (2766-2767).

       H. Frederic:
       The New Exodus,
       1971 (1930).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1115-1116 (1087-1088).

    15. ASSASSINATION OF PAUL
        (A. D. 1801):

       A. Czartoryski:
       Memoirs,
       2841-2842 (2867-2868).

    16. ALEXANDER I.;
        ALLIANCES AGAINST NAPOLEON
        (A. D. 1801-1807):

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1375 (1342).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1545-1546 (1511-1512).

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       1546-1547 (1513).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1547 (1513).

       C. Joyneville:
       Life of Alexander I.,
       1547-1548 (1513-1514).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Finland,
       2905-2906 (2830-2831).

    17. NAPOLEON’S INVASION
        (A. D. 1812):

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1385-1386 (1351-1352).

       P. Lanfrey:
       History of Napoleon,
       1384 (1351).

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       2842-2843 (2768-2769).

       L. Tolstoi:
       Napoleon and the Russian Campaign,
       2843-2844 (2769-2770).

       A. Thiers:
       History of the Empire,
       2844-2845 (2771).

       V. Duruy:
       History of France,
       2845-2846 (2771-2772).

       General R. Wilson:
       The Invasion of Russia,
       2846-2847 (2772-2773).

       E. Labaume:
       The Campaign in Russia,
       2847 (2773).

    18. ALLIANCE OF RUSSIA AND PRUSSIA: LEIPSIC
        (A. D. 1812-1813):

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1555-1556 (1521-1522).

       J. Mitchell:
       The Fall of Napoleon,
       1557-1558 (1423-1424).

       J. G. Lockhart:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1558-1559 (1525).

       R. H. Horne:
       History of Napoleon,
       1559-1560 (1526).

       C. T. Lewis:
       History of Germany,
       1561-1562 (1527-1528).

       W. Hazlitt:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1562-1563 (1528-1529).

       G. R. Gleig.
       The Leipsic Campaign,
       1563 (1529).

    19. THE ALLIES IN PARIS;
        FALL OF NAPOLEON
        (A. D. 1814):

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       1387-1389 (1354-1356).

       J. Mitchell:
       Fall of Napoleon,
       1389-1391 (1356-1358).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       1391-1392 (1358-1359).

    20. THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA:

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       3745-3747 (3624-3626).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3747 (3626).

    21. ALEXANDER I. AND THE HOLY ALLIANCE:

       M. E. G. Duff:
       European Politics,
       1696-1697 (1658).

       E. Hertslet:
       Europe by Treaty,
       1697 (1658).

       W. R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1697-1698 (1658-1659).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3741 (3621).

       F. H. Hill:
       George Canning,
       3741 (3621).

       R. Bell:
       Life of Canning,
       3741-3742 (3621-3622).

    22. REVOLT OF RUSSIAN POLAND
        (A. D. 1830-1832):

       S. Walpole:
       History of England,
       2625-2626 (2557-2558).

    23. THE CRIMEAN WAR
        (A. D. 1853-1856):

       R. Walpole:
       Foreign Relations,
       2848-2849 (2774-2775).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       2849-2850 (2775-2776).

       W. N. Molesworth:
       History of England,
       2851-2852 (2777-2778).

       L. C. Sanders:
       Life of Palmerston,
       992 (965).

       S. Walpole:
       History of England,
       2853-2855 (2779-2781).

    {811}

    24. EMANCIPATION OF THE SERFS
        (A. D. 1861):

       D. M. Wallace:
       Russia,
       2995 (2917).

       The Times:
       Alexander II.,
       2995 (2917).

       W. H. Dixon:
       Free Russia,
       2995-2996 (2917-2918).

       Stepniak:
       The Russian Peasantry,
       2996 (2918).

    25. RUSSIAN ADVANCE IN CENTRAL ASIA
        (A. D. 1869-1881):

       T. W. Knox:
       Decisive Battles,
       2856-2857 (2782-2783).

       C. H. Pearson:
       National Life,
       2857 (2783).

       É. Reclus:
       The Earth and its Inhabitants,
       3246 (3130).

       J. F. Bright:
       History of England,
       15-17 (15-17).

       The Anglo-Russian Agreement as to Frontiers,
       Volume VI., 1.

    26. WAR WITH TURKEY
        (A. D. 1877-1878):

       Cassell’s History of England,
       259-261 (252-254).

       S. Walpole:
       Foreign Relations,
       3268-3269 (3152-3153).

       T. W. Knox:
       Decisive Battles,
       3269-3270 (3153-3154).

       E. Ollier:
       The Russo-Turkish War,
       3270 (3154).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       3270-3271 (3154-3155).

       E. Ollier:
       The Russo-Turkish War,
       3271-3272 (3156).

       W. Müller:
       Political History,
       3272-3273 (3156-3157).

    27. THE RISE AND SPREAD OF NIHILISM
        (A. D. 1861-):

       J. Rae:
       Contemporary Socialism,
       3026-3027 (2948-2949).

       E. P. Bazan:
       Russia,
       2413-2414 (2361-2362).

       Georg Brandes:
       Impressions of Russia,
       2414 (2362).

       Stepniak:
       Underground Russia,
       2414 (2362).

       C. Joyneville:
       Life of Alexander II.,
       2857-2859 (2783-2785).

    28. ALEXANDER III. (A. D. 1881-1894);
        JEWISH PERSECUTION:

       F. H. Geffcken:
       Russia Under Alexander III.,
       2859-2860 (2785-2786).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       Israel Among the Nations,
       1972 (1931).

       C. N. Barham:
       The Jews in Russia,
       1972-1973 (1931-1932).

    29. ACCESSION OF NICHOLAS II.
        (A. D. 1894):

       Proclamation of the Accession,
       2860 (2786).

       Frightful Calamity at the Coronation,
       Volume VI., 423.

       Liberal Policy of Nicholas,
       Volume VI., 423.

    30. THE FIRST CENSUS OF THE EMPIRE
        (A. D. 1897):

       E. J. Dillon:
       The First Russian Census,
       Volume VI., 423-424.

    31. RUSSIA IN CHINA
        (A. D. 1895-):

       H. Norman:
       Russia and England,
       Volume VI., 78-79.

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 86-88, 101.

    32. RUSSIA IN FINLAND
        (A. D. 1898-1901):

       R. Eucken:
       The Finnish Question,
       Volume VI., 234.

       Correspondence of the London Times,
       Volume VI., 224.

    33. THE STUDENT OUTBREAKS
        (A. D. 1899-1902):

       Detailed Accounts from Various Sources,
       Volume VI., 424, 425-427;
       Volume VII., 563.

    34. AGGRESSIVE MOVEMENTS IN MANCHURIA
       (A. D. 1900-1902):

       G. F. Wright:
       in the Nation,
       Volume VI., 299-301.

       Text of the Convention with China of 1901,
       Volume VI., 300-301.

       Text of Treaty of April, 1902,
       Volume VII., 91-92.

       G. T. Ladd:
       In Korea with Marquis Ito,
       Volume VII., 341-342.

       New Agreement of May, 1909,
       Volume VII., 100.

    35. TRANSPORTATION TO SIBERIA:

       G. F. Kennan:
       The Settlement of Siberia,
       2980.

       Order of Tsar to abolish the System,
       Volume VI., 425.

    36. THE TRANS-SIBERIAN RAILWAY
        (A. D. 1891):

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 428-429.

       A. H. Ford:
       Railways in Asia,
       Volume VI., 429.

       United States Consular Reports,
       Volume VI., 429.

    37. REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENTS
        (A. D. 1902-1905):

       K. Zilliacus:
       Russian Revolutionary Movement,
       Volume VII., 563-564.

       F. Volkhovsky:
       The Russian Awakening,
       Volume VII., 564-565.

       H. W. Nevinson:
       The Dawn in Russia,
       567.

       Imperial Manifestos:
       The so-called Constitution of October 30, 1905,
       Volume VII., 568-569.

       United States Consul:
       Diary of Rising at Moscow,
       Volume VII., 570-571.

       Annual Register:
       Naval Mutiny, Army Revolt, etc.,
       Volume VII., 571.

       Imperial Decree of Religious Liberty,
       Volume VII., 571-572.

    38. WAR WITH JAPAN
        (A. D. 1904-1905):

       (See in Study L.).

    39. THE FIRST, SECOND AND THIRD DUMAS
        (A. D. 1906-1909):

       U. S. Ambassador Meyer:
       Despatches relating to First Duma,
       Volume VII., 572-573.

       Imperial Manifesto dissolving the Duma,
       Volume VII., 574.

       Viborg Address of Duma Members to the People.
       Volume VII., 574.

       Imperial Edict of Reforms,
       Volume VII., 574-575.

       The Short-lived Second Duma,
       Volume VII., 575.

       E. J. Dillon:
       On the Election and Character of the Third Duma,
       Volume VII., 576-577.

    40. THE POLICY OF MASSACRE ("POGROMS");
        THE POLICE "AGENT PROVOCATEUR":

       Prince Urussoff:
       Speech in the First Duma,
       Volume VII., 573.

       Prince Kropotkin:
       Letter to The Times,
       573-574.

       British Parliamentary Paper:
       Massacre of Jews at Kishineff,
       Volume VII., 565-566.

       Russian Police System:
       The Azeff Case,
       Volume VII., 579.

    41. THE RUSSIANIZING OF FINLAND:

       Particulars from various sources,
       Volume VII., 270-273.

    42. AGREEMENTS WITH GREAT BRITAIN:

       Text of Convention (A. D. 1907),
       with Explanatory Despatches,
       Volume VII., 255-7.

    43. Submission to a German Menace
        (A. D. 1909):

       The London Times:
       Editorial Statement,
       Volume VII., 260-261.

    44. PRESENT CONDITIONS IN THE EMPIRE
        (A. D. 1909):

       Differing Accounts,
       Volume VII., 580-581.

    {812}

    STUDY LIII.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    THE TURKISH EMPIRE.

    1. RACE AND ORIGIN OF THE TURKS:

       H. H. Howorth:
       History of the Mongols,
       2265 (2221).

       F. Lenormant:
       Ancient History,
       3245 (3129).

       J. C. Prichard:
       Races of Mankind,
       3173 (3089).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Ottoman Power in Europe,
       252 (245).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       3246-3247 (3130-3131).

       W. Smith:
       Note to above,
       3246 (3130).

    2. RISE OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS FROM WRECK OF MONGOL CONQUESTS
       (A. D. 1218-1240):

       C. R. Markham,
       History of Persia,
       2265.

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       3249-3250 (3133-3134).

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       3250 (3134).

       E. A. Freeman.
       The Ottoman Power,
       3250 (3134).

    3. THEIR ENTRY INTO EUROPE
       (A. D. 1360):

       J. E. Tennent:
       Modern Greece,
       3250-3251 (3134-3135).

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       3251 (3135).

       E. Gibbon:
       Decline and Fall,
       3251-3252 (3135-3136).

    4. THE CAREER OF TIMOUR, THE TARTAR:

       E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       3197 (3112).

       E. A. Freeman:
       Conquests of the Saracens,
       3197 (3112).

       A. Vambery:
       History of Bokhara,
       3197-3198 (3112-3113).

    5. THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE
       (A. D. 1453):

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       3252-3253 (3136-3137).

       E. A. Freeman:
       The Ottoman Power,
       3253 (3137).

       C. C. Felton:
       Greece, Ancient and Modern,
       524 (510).

       G. Finlay:
       The Byzantine Empire,
       524-525 (511).

    6. THE "SUBLIME PORTE":

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       3119-3120 (3036-3037).

       A. H. Sayce:
       Fresh Light from the Monuments,
       2595 (2528).

    7. WARS OF SOLYMAN "THE MAGNIFICENT"
       (A. D. 1520-1566):

       W. Robertson:
       Reign of Charles V.,
       1702-1703 (1663-1664).

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       1713-1714 (1674-1675).

       E. Szabad:
       Hungary,
       1714 (1675).

       N. W. Wraxhall:
       History of France,
       1882-1883 (1843).

       S. Lane-Poole:
       The Barbary Corsairs,
       269-270 (260-261).

       W. H. Prescott:
       Philip II.,
       1703-1704 (1664-1665).

    8. WAR WITH THE HOLY LEAGUE;
       THE BATTLE OF LEPANTO
       (A. D. 1571):

       W. H. Prescott:
       Philip II.,
       3255-3257 (3139-3141).

       R. Watson:
       History of Philip II.,
       3257 (3141).

       C. F. Johnstone:
       Historical Abstracts,
       3257-3258 (3141-3142).

       "It [Lepanto] was indeed a sanguinary battle, surpassing in
       this particular any sea-fight of modern times. The loss fell
       much the most heavily on the Turks. There is the usual
       discrepancy about numbers; but it may be safe to estimate
       their loss at nearly 25,000 slain and 5000 prisoners. What
       brought most pleasure to the hearts of the conquerors was the
       liberation of 12,000 Christian captives, who had been chained
       to the oar on board the Moslem galleys, and who now came
       forth, with tears of joy streaming down their haggard cheeks,
       to bless their deliverers. … The news of the victory of
       Lepanto caused a profound sensation throughout Christendom. …
       It is a great error to speak of the victory of Lepanto as a
       barren victory. True, it did not strip the Turks of an inch of
       territory. But the loss of reputation—that tower of strength
       to the conqueror—was not to be estimated."
          W. H. PRESCOTT.

    9. THE WAR WITH PERSIA, AND THE CONQUEST OF CRETE
       (A. D. 1623-1670):

       R. W. Fraser:
       Turkey,
       3258 (3142).

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       3258 (3142).

       G. Finlay:
       History of Greece,
       3258-3259 (3142-3143).

    10. GREAT INVASIONS OF POLAND AND HUNGARY
        (A. D. 1670-1690):

       Chambers’ History of Poland,
       2619-2620 (2551-2552).

       Sir E. S. Creasy:
       The Ottoman Turks,
       1719-1720 (1680-1681).

       H. E. Malden:
       Vienna,
       1720 (1681).

       G. B. Malleson:
       Eugene of Savoy,
       1720-1721 (1682).

    11. A CENTURY OF AGGRESSION ON THE EUROPEAN FRONTIER
        (A. D. 1680-1780):

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       3259-3260 (3143-3144).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3260 (3144).

       W. K. Kelly:
       History of Russia,
       2837 (2763).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3260-3261 (3144-3145).

       R. Bell:
       History of Russia,
       3261-3262 (3145-3146).

    12. TURKEY IN THE NAPOLEONIC WARS:

       Sir J. Porter:
       Turkey,
       3262-3263 (3146-3147).

       H. Van Laun:
       The Revolutionary Epoch,
       1355 (1322).

       H. Martineau:
       History of England,
       3263-3264 (3147-3148).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1547 (1513).

       C. Joyneville:
       Life of Alexander I.,
       1547-1548 (1513-1514).

    13. GRADUAL RESTRICTION OF TURKISH TERRITORY:

       T. W. Knox:
       Decisive Battles,
       1644-1646 (1606-1608).

       R. W. Fraser:
       Turkey,
       3264-3267 (3148-3151).

       A. A. Paton:
       Researches on the Danube,
       257-258 (250-251).

       J. G. C. Minchin:
       Servia and Montenegro,
       258 (251).

       H. Morse Stephens:
       Modern Historians,
       258-259 (251-252).

       W. Müller:
       Political History,
       3267-3268 (3151-3152).

    14. The Crimean War
        (A. D. 1853-1856):

       See Study XLII.

    15. THE WAR WITH RUSSIA
        (A. D. 1877-1878):

       S. Walpole:
       Foreign Relations,
       3268-3269 (3152-3153.)

       Cassell’s History of England,
       259-261 (252-254).

       E. Ollier.
       The Russo-Turkish War,
       3269-3270 (3153-3154).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       3270-3271 (3155).

    16. THE TREATY OF BERLIN
        (A. D. 1878):

       E. Ollier:
       Russo-Turkish War,
       3271-3272 (3155-3156).

       W. Müller:
       Political History,
       3272-3273 (3156-3157).

       J. H. Rose:
       Century of Continental History,
       261 (254).

    17. THE REVOLT AND MASSACRES IN ARMENIA
       (A. D. 1895, 1903-1904):

       The Annual Register (1895),
       Volume VI., 537-538.

       United States, 54th Congress, Senate Document,
       Volume VI., 538-539.

       Duke of Argyle:
       Our Responsibility for Turkey,
       Volume VI., 539-540.

    {813}

       Contemporary Review:
       The Constantinople Massacre,
       Volume VI., 542-543.

       Great Britain,
       Papers by Command,
       Volume VI., 544-547;
       Volume VII., 653.

    18. CRETAN REVOLTS;
        PROTECTION BY THE POWERS (1866-1909):

       D. Bikelas:
       Christian Greece,
       1648-1649 (1610-1611).

       Ypsiloritis:
       Situation in Crete,
       Volume VI., 540.

       E. J. Dillon:
       Crete and the Cretans,
       Volume VI., 540-541.

       Great Britain:
       Parliamentary Papers,
       Volume VI., 543-547.

       Government under "The Concert of Europe,"
       Volume VI., 549, 551-552.

       Government under "The Concert of Europe,"
       Volume VII., 167-169.

    19. WAR WITH GREECE
        (A. D. 1897):

       B. Burleigh:
       The Greek War,
       Volume VI., 547-548.

       F. Palmer:
       How the Greeks were Defeated,
       Volume VI., 548.

    20. REIGN OF TERROR IN MACEDONIA
        (1900-1909):

       The London Times (August, 1900),
       Volume VI., 47-48.

       G. F. Abbott:
       The Macedonian Question,
       Volume VII., 649-650.

       E. J Dillon:
       The Reign of Terror,
       Volume VII., 650-651.

       H. N. Brailsford:
       The Macedonian Revolt,
       Volume VII., 651.

       H. Vivian:
       The Macedonian Conspiracy,
       Volume VII., 651-652.

       Great Britain:
       Parliamentary Papers,
       Volume VII., 652, 653-655, 657.

    21. THE "YOUNG TURKS" AND THE REVOLUTION OF 1908:

       K. Blind:
       Macedonia,
       Volume VII., 655-656.

       Narrative of the Revolution, from Official
       and Press Despatches,
       Volume VII., 656-662, 664.

    22. MASSACRE IN SOUTHEASTERN ASIA MINOR
        (A. D. 1909):

       Narrative from Various Sources,
       Volume VII., 664.

    23. BULGARIAN INDEPENDENCE AND AUSTRIAN ANNEXATIONS
        (A. D. 1908-1909):

       Narrative of Events from Official and Newspaper Sources,
       Volume VII., 258-261.

    STUDY LIV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    SPANISH AMERICA.

    1. ORIGIN OF SPANISH CLAIMS IN AMERICA:

       (a) By Discovery.

       H. H. Bancroft:
       The Pacific States,
       55 (48).

       Sir A. Helps:
       The Spanish Conquest,
       55-56 (48-49).

       C. R. Markham:
       The Sea Fathers,
       56 (49).

       J. Fiske:
       Discovery of America,
       59-60 (52-53).

       J. Winsor:
       Narrative and Critical History,
       61-62 (54-55).

       (b) By Papal Grant.

       M. Creighton:
       History of the Papacy,
       57 (50).

       L. L. Dominguez:
       Conquest of the River Plate,
       58 (51).

    2. THE AMERICAN ABORIGINES:

       W. Irving:
       Life of Columbus,
       89 (82).

       D. G. Brinton:
       Races and Peoples,
       89 (82), 100 (93), 105 (98).

       W. H. Brett:
       Tribes of Guiana,
       89-90 (82-83).

       H. H. Bancroft:
       Native Races,
       100 (93), 106-107 (99-100).

       T. J. Hutchinson:
       The Parana,
       104 (97).

       J. S. Kingsley:
       Natural History,
       113 (106).

       L. H. Morgan:
       American Aborigines,
       54 (47).

       "The Spanish adventurers who thronged to the New World after
       its discovery found the same race of Red Indians in the West
       India Islands, in Central and South America, in Florida, and
       in Mexico. In their mode of life, and means of subsistence, in
       their weapons, arts, usages, and customs, in their
       institutions, and in their mental and physical
       characteristics, they were the same people in different stages
       of advancement. … There was neither a political society, nor a
       state, nor any civilization in America when it was discovered;
       and, excluding the Eskimos, but one race of Indians, the Red
       Race.’
          L. H. MORGAN.

    3. CONQUEST OF CUBA
       (A. D. 1511):

       W. H. Prescott:
       Conquest of Mexico,
       661 (638).

       S. Hazard,
       Cuba,
       661-662 (638-639).

    4. EARLY EXPLORING EXPEDITIONS:

       W. Irving:
       Life of Columbus,
       65-67 (58-60).

       W. B. Rye:
       Discovery of Terra Florida,
       67 (60).

       Sir A. Helps:
       Spanish Conquest,
       67-68 (60-61).

       W. H. Prescott:
       Conquest of Mexico,
       68-69 (62).

       G. Bancroft:
       History of the United States,
       70 (63).

       F. de Xeres:
       Province of Cuzco,
       71-72 (64-65).

    5. ANCIENT CENTRAL AMERICA:

       H. H. Bancroft:
       Native Races,
       2200-2202 (2156-2158).

       D. G. Brinton:
       Hero-Myths,
       2202 (2158).

    6. THE EMPIRE OF MONTEZUMA:

       H. H. Bancroft:
       Native Races,
       2202 (2158).

       John Fiske:
       Discovery of America,
       2203 (2159).

       H. Cortes:
       Despatches,
       2205-2206 (2161-2162).

       Bernal Diaz:
       Memoirs,
       2206 (2162).

       L. H. Morgan:
       Houses of American Aborigines,
       2206-2207 (2162-2163).

    7. THE SPANISH CONQUEST
       (A. D. 1519-1521):

       S. Hale:
       Story of Mexico,
       2203-2204 (2159-2160).

       J. Winsor:
       Narrative and Critical History,
       2204-2205 (2161).

       M. Chevalier:
       Mexico,
       2205 (2161).

       W. Robertson:
       History of America.
       2207-2208 (2164).

       Sir A. Helps:
       The Spanish Conquest,
       2209 (2165).

       B. Mayer:
       Mexico,
       2209 (2165).

       W. H. Prescott:
       Conquest of Mexico,
       2209-2210 (2165-2166), 2212 (2168).

       M. Chevalier:
       Mexico,
       2211-2212 (2167-2168).

    8. THE EMPIRE OF THE INCAS:

       C. R. Markham:
       History of America,
       2585 (2518).

       W. H. Prescott:
       Conquest of Peru,
       2585-2586 (2518-2519).

       E. G. Squier:
       Peru,
       2586 (2519).

       F. Hassaurek:
       Four years among Spanish Americans,
       693-694 (670-671).

    9. PIZARRO’S CONQUEST OF PERU (A. D. 1531-1533):

       R. G. Watson:
       South America,
       2587 (2520).

       C. R. Markham:
       Conquest of Peru and Chili,
       2587-2588 (2520-2521).

       Sir A. Helps:
       The Spanish Conquest,
       2588-2589 (2521-2522).

    10. THE CONQUEST OF CHILE:

       J. S. Kingsley:
       Natural History,
       422 (411).

       R. G. Watson:
       South America,
       422 (411).

       E. R. Smith:
       The Araucanians,
       422-423 (411-412).

    11. EARLY HISTORY OF PARAGUAY AND BUENOS AYRES:

       T. J. Hutchinson:
       The Parana,
       104 (97).

       R. G. Watson:
       South America,
       2547-2548 (2481-2482), 132-133 (125-126).

       A. Gallenga:
       South America,
       2548-2549 (2482-2483).

    {814}

    12. THE SPANISH VICE-ROYALTIES:

       C. R. Markham:
       South America,
       195 (188).

       C. R. Markham:
       Cuzco and Lima,
       2589 (2522).

       S. Hale:
       The Story of Mexico,
       2212-2213 (2168-2169).

       R. G. Watson:
       South America,
       497-498 (483-484).

       E. J. Payne:
       European Colonies,
       413, first column (403).

    13. REVOLT AND INDEPENDENCE
        (A. D. 1810-1826):

       (a) The Colombian States; Simon Bolivar.

       E. J. Payne:
       European Colonies,
       498-499 (484-485), 499-500 (485-486).

       C. R. Markham:
       South America,
       499 (485).

       F. Hassaurek:
       The Spanish-Americans,
       500 (486).

       (b) Mexico.

       J. Winsor:
       Narrative and Critical History,
       2213-2214 (2169-2170).

       J. W. Monette:
       The Mississippi Valley,
       3186 (3101).

       M. Willson:
       American History,
       2214-2216 (2170-2172).

       R. A. Wilson:
       Mexico,
       2216 (2172).

       (c) Congress of Panama (A. D. 1826).

       C. Cushing:
       Bolivar,
       500-501 (486-487).

       T. H. Benton:
       Thirty Years’ View,
       501 (487).

       (d) Chile.

       B. Hall:
       Extracts from Journal,
       423-424 (412-413).

       The Atlantic Monthly:
       Republic of Chile,
       424-425 (413-414).

       H. Brownell:
       Peru,
       2590-2591 (2523-2524).

       A. B. Hart:
       Essays on American Government,
       426-427 (3694-3695).

       "Treaty of Truce" with Bolivia,
       Volume VI., 75-76.

       Spanish-American Congress,
       Volume VI., 520.

       (e) Peru.

       C. R. Markham:
       Peru,
       2590 (2523), 2592-2593 (2526).

       H. Brownell:
       South America,
       2590-2591 (2523-2524).

       C. Cushing:
       Bolivar,
       2591-2592 (2524-2525).

       E. J. Payne:
       European Colonies,
       2592 (2525).

       Overthrow of an Unconstitutional Government,
       Volume VI., 366.

       (f) The Argentine Republic, and Paraguay.

       E. J. Payne:
       European Colonies,
       133-134 (126-127).

       R. Napp:
       The Argentine Republic,
       134-135 (128).

       I. N. Ford:
       Tropical America,
       135-136 (128-129).

       A. Gallenga:
       South America,
       2548-2549 (2482-2483).

       United States Consular Reports,
       Volume VI., 26.

       Text of the Constitution of the Argentine Republic,
       525-532 (511-518).

       (g) Central America.

       E. J. Payne:
       European Colonies,
       413 (403).

       H. H. Bancroft.
       The Pacific States,
       414.

       Continued Revolutionary Conflicts,
       414-415.

       H. Jalhay:
       Bulletin of American Republics,
       Volume VI., 72-73.

       Recent History:
       Messages of Presidents, Consular Reports, etc.,
       Volume VI., 73-74;
       Volume VII., 74-80.

    14. MEXICO; LATER HISTORY:

       (a) War with the United States
           (A. D. 1846-1848).

       E. J. Payne:
       European Colonies,
       2216-2217 (2173).

       H. Wilson:
       The Slave Power,
       2217 (2173).

       J. W. Draper:
       American Civil War,
       2217-2218 (2173-2174).

       A. H. Noll:
       History of Mexico,
       2218 (2174).

       Bryant and Gay:
       History of the United States,
       2218 (2174).

       J. R. Soley:
       Wars of the United States,
       2218-2219 (2175).

       H. O. Ladd.
       War with Mexico,
       2219-2220 (2176).

       (b) Maximilian’ s Empire, and The Restored Republic.

       A. H. Noll:
       History of Mexico,
       2220-2221 (2176-2177).

       J. McCarthy:
       History of Our Own Times,
       2221-2222 (2177-2178).

       Text of Constitution of Mexico,
       581-590 (558-567).

       (c) The Republic under Diaz.

       S. Hale:
       The Story of Mexico,
       2222-2223 (2178-2179).

       M. Romero:
       Mexico and the United States,
       Volume VI, 305, 306-307.

       W. S. Logan:
       Yaqui,
       Volume VI., 305-306.

       C. F. Lummis:
       The Awakening of a Nation
       Volume VI., 307.

       Bureau of American Republics:
       Mexico,
       Volume VI., 307-308.

       Census of 1900,
       Volume VI., 308-309.

       Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question,
       Volume VII., 419.

       F. R. Guernsey:
       The Year in Mexico (1905 and 1906),
       Volume VII., 420.

    15. VENEZUELA:

       W. Barry:
       Venezuela,
       3720-3721 (3600-3601).

       I. N. Ford:
       Tropical America,
       3721 (3601).

       Messages, State Papers, Arbitration, etc.,
       regarding the Boundary Dispute,
       Volume VI., 684-693.

       The Career and Fall of Cipriano Castro,
       Volume VII., 684-688.

    16. CUBA, FREED FROM SPAIN:

       J. H. Latané:
       Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Spanish America,
       Volume VI., 171.

       Senate Document Number 166, 54th Congress 1st Session,
       Volume VI., 171-173.

       Message of President Cleveland, December 7, 1896,
       Volume VI., 173-174.

       Text of Constitution granted by Spanish Crown (A. D. 1897);
       Volume VI., 175-180.

       United States Senator Proctor, Speech, March 1898,
       Volume VI., 181-182.

       Narrative of Spanish-American War, from Documents,
       Volume VI., 583-612, 620-638.

       Reports of Military-Governor, General Brooke, and
       Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Leonard Wood (A. D. 1899),
       Volume VI., 182-185.

       Reports of United States Secretary of War (A. D. 1900),
       Volume VI., 186-188.

       Text of "the Platt Amendment,"
       Volume VI., 190.

       Report on Establishment of Free Government in Cuba
       (Senate Document Number 312, 58th Congress 2d Session),
       Volume VII., 174-177.

       Papers relating to Foreign Relations of the United States, 1906,
       Volume VII., 178-180.

    17. HAYTI;
        TOUISSANT L’OUVERTURE;
        SAN DOMINGO:

       C. H. Eden:
       The West Indies,
       1670-1671 (1631-1632).

       E. J. Payne:
       European Colonies,
       1671-1673 (1634).

       Later Changes and Developments,
       Volume VI., 192, 258, 639;
       Volume VII., 302-304.

    18. INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS;
        THE BUREAU.

       Bulletin of the Bureau, June, 1898,
       Volume VI., 10.

       President of the United States:
       Message, December 5, 1899,
       Volume VI., 10-11.

       The Pan-American Exposition,
       Volume VI., 58.

       Proceedings of International Conferences of
       American Republics, 1901 and 1906,
       Volume VII., 20-25.

    {815}

    STUDY LV.
       Page references in first 1895 edition in parentheses.

    MODERN ITALY.

    1. THE PENINSULA AS A FRENCH-SPANISH BATTLEFIELD
       (A. D. 1494-1525):

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1080-1081 (1052-1053), 1083-1084 (1055-1056), 1085 (1057).

       H. Grimm:
       Life of Michael Angelo,
       1871 (1831).

       P. Villari:
       Machiavelli and his Times,
       1871-1872 (1831-1832).

       F. P. Guizot:
       History of France,
       1873 (1833).

       T. H. Dyer:
       History of Modern Europe,
       1875-1876 (1835-1836).

       V. Duruy:
       History of France,
       1876-1877 (1836-1837).

       G. W. Kitchin:
       History of France,
       1877-1878 (1838).

       T. Wright:
       History of France,
       1218-1219 (1186-1187).

       J. S. Brewer:
       Reign of Henry VIII.,
       1219 (1187).

       J. Michelet:
       Summary of Modern History,
       1222 (1190).

       C. Coignet:
       Francis I. and his Times,
       1222 (1190).

       T. A. Trollope:
       History of Florence,
       1879, (1839).

    2. UNDER SPANISH AND PAPAL DOMINATION
       (A. D. 1525-1600):

       H. Grimm:
       Michael Angelo,
       1879-1880 (1839-1840).

       W. Robertson:
       Reign of Charles V.,
       1882 (1842).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1086 (1058), 1109 (1081).

       J. A. Symonds:
       Renaissance in Italy,
       1883-1884 (1843-1844).

       E. de Bonnechose:
       History of France,
       1226 (1194).

       G. Procter:
       History of Italy,
       1884 (1844).

       W. Chambers:
       France,
       1227 (1195).

       W. H. Jervis:
       Student’s History of France,
       1227-1228 (1195-1196).

    3. RISE OF THE HOUSE OF SAVOY AND KINGDOM OF SARDINIA
       (A. D. 1559-1792):

       A Gallenga:
       History of Piedmont,
       2882-2883 (2808).

       R. Lodge:
       History of Modern Europe,
       2884 (2809).

       C. W. Koch:
       Revolutions of Europe,
       3078-3079 (2997-2998).

       I. Butt:
       History of Italy,
       1889 (1849).

       W. E. H. Lecky:
       History of England,
       1890 (1850).

       W. Coxe:
       House of Austria,
       1890-1891 (1850-1851), 1892 (1852).

       Sir E. Cust:
       Wars of the 18th Century,
       1891 (1851).

       I. Butt:
       History of Italy,
       1892-1893 (1852-1853).

    4. UNDER NAPOLEON
       (A. D. 1796-1814):

       C. A. Fyffe:
       Modern Europe,
       1347-1349 (1314-1316).

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1349-1350 (1316-1317).

       T. Mitchell:
       Principal Campaigns,
       1350-1351 (1317-1318).

       T. H. Dyer:
       Modern Europe,
       1351-1352 (1318-1319).

       H. Van Laun:
       French Revolutionary Epoch,
       1355-1357 (1322-1324).

       Sir W. Scott:
       Life of Napoleon,
       1361 (1328).

       R. H. Horne:
       History of Napoleon,
       1365-1366 (1332-1333).

       W. O’C. Morris:
       The French Revolution,
       1366-1367 (1333-1334).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1122 (1094).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1383-1384 (1350-1351).

       H. Martin:
       History of France,
       2526 (2464).

       Talleyrand:
       Memoirs,
       2527-2528 (2465-2466).

    5. RISE OF THE CARBONARI
       (A. D. 1803):

       C. Botta:
       Italy,
       1893-1894 (1853-1854).

       W. R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1894-1895 (1854-1855).

    6. DOWNFALL OF NAPOLEON AND RETURN OF THE DESPOTS
       (A. D. 1814-1815):

       A. Rambaud:
       History of Russia,
       1387-1389 (1354-1356).

       J. Mitchell:
       The Fall of Napoleon,
       1389-1391 (1356-1358).

       Sir A. Alison:
       History of Europe,
       1895 (1855).

       W R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1895-1896 (1855-1856).

       I. Butt:
       History of Italy,
       1896-1897 (1856-1857).

       J. W. V. Mario:
       Garibaldi,
       234-235 (227-228).

    7. THE HOLY ALLIANCE
       (A. D. 1815):

       M. E. G. Duff:
       European Politics,
       1696-1697 (1658).

       E. Hertslet:
       Europe by Treaty,
       1697 (1658).

       W. R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1697-1698 (1658-1659).

    8. REVOLUTIONS IN NAPLES, SICILY AND PIEDMONT
       (A. D. 1820-1821):

       E. Dicey:
       Victor Emmanuel,
       1897-1898 (1857-1858).

       W. R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1898-1899 (1858-1859).

    9. THE CONGRESS OF VERONA:

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       3741 (3621).

       F. H. Hill:
       George Canning,
       3741 (3621).

       R. Bell:
       Life of Canning,
       3741-3742 (3621-3622).

       "From Laybach, the allied sovereigns issued a circular to
       their representatives at the various foreign courts, in which
       portentous document they declared that 'useful and necessary
       changes in legislation and in the administration of states
       could only emanate from the free-will, and from the
       intelligent and well-weighed convictions of those whom God has
       made responsible for power.'"
          F. H. HILL.

    10. REVOLTS OF 1830 AND 1848-1849;
        MAZZINI:

       R. Lodge:
       Modern Europe,
       1899 (1859).

       W. R. Thayer:
       Dawn of Italian Independence,
       1900-1901 (1860-1861), 1903 (1863).

       Text of Constitution granted to Sardinia (1848),
       574-578 (3732-3736).

       W. Müller:
       Political History,
       1901-1903 (1861-1863).

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1125 (1097), 1126-1127 (1099).

    11. WAR WITH AUSTRIA;
        GARIBALDI;
        THE NEW KINGDOM OF ITALY
        (A. D. 1856-1861):

       J. N. Larned:
       Europe,
       1128 (1100).

       J. W. Probyn:
       Italy from 1850 to 1890,
       1903-1905 (1863-1865).

       H. Murdock:
       The Reconstruction of Europe,
       1905-1906 (1865-1866).

    12. THE ACQUISITION OF ROME AND VENICE:

       G. S. Godkin:
       Victor Emmanuel II.,
       1906-1908 (1866-1868).

       J. A. Marriott:
       Makers of Modern Italy,
       1908-1909 (1868-1869).

    13. ROME THE CAPITAL OF ITALY
        (A. D. 1870):

       J. W. Probyn:
       Italy from 1815 to 1890,
       2539-2541 (2477-2479).

       Chevalier O’Clery:
       The Making of Italy,
       2541-2542 (2479-2480).

       Text of the Law of the Papal Guarantees,
       2540-2541 (2478-2479).

    14. THE UNITED NATION:

       W. R. Thayer:
       The Italian Crisis,
       1909 (1869).

       J. S. Jeans:
       Italy,
       1843 (1803).

    15. ITALY FROM 1895 TO 1910:

       W. J. Stillman:
       The Union of Italy.
       Volume VI., 273.

       G. D. Vecchia:
       The Revolt in Italy,
       Volume VI., 274-275.

       G. D. Vecchia:
       The Situation in Italy,
       Volume VI., 275-276.

       The Census of 1900,
       Volume VI., 276.

       B. King:
       The New Reign (Victor Emmanuel III.),
       Volume VII., 338.

    16. THE APPALLING EARTHQUAKE OF 1908:

       F. M. Crawford (and others)
       Descriptive Accounts,
       Volume VII., 187-189.

    {816}

    FURTHER DIRECTION.

       On the following important subjects of general history,
       readers may be directed sufficiently to all that this work
       contains by a simple mention of captions and page-numbers in
       one or two or three of its Volumes.

    Civil Service Reform:
       Volume I., pages 489-489 (1475-1477);
       Volume VI., 145-150;
       Volume VII., 103-108.

    Conservation of Natural Resources:
       Volume VII., 143-153.

    Constitutions of Government:
       Volume I., 525-633 (511-610 and Volume V., 3727-3736);
       Volume VI., 154-169.

    Education:
       Volume I., 696-775 (673-748);
       Volume VI., 193-195;
       Volume VII., 191-217.

    Elective Franchise:
       Volume V.
       (under the caption "Woman’s Rights"), 3777-3781 (3656-3660);
       Volume VI. (same caption), 700;
       Volume VII. (under the caption "Elective Franchise"), 219-228.

    Europe:
       Volume II., 1017-1131 (989-1103);
       Volume VII., 247-262

    Insurance:
       Volume III., 1791-1792 (1752-1753);
       Volume VII., 326-329

    Jesuits:
       Volume III., 1928-1935 (1887-1895).

    Law:
       Volume III., 1999-2038 (1955-1994);
       Volume VII., 411-414,
       and (under the caption "Crime and Criminology "), 169-174.

    Libraries:
       Volume III., 2044-2069 (2000-2025);
       Volume VI., 290-293.

    Medical Science:
       Volume III. 2164-2194 (2120-2150);
       Volume VII. (under the caption "Public Health"), 516-527.

    Money and Banking:
       Volume III., 2242-2265 (2198-2221);
       Volume VI. (under the caption "Monetary Questions"), 314-17;
       Volume VII. (under the caption "Finance and Trade"), 263-270.

    Municipal Government:
       Volume VII., 431-442.

    Panama Canal:
       Volume IV., 2474-2475 (2415-2416);
       Volume VI. (under the caption "Canal, Interoceanic"), 65-71;
       Volume VII., 466-471.

    Papacy:
       Volume IV., 2476-2546 (2417-2480).
       Volume V., 3794-3797);
       Volume VI., 344-351;
       Volume VII., 472-477.

    Peace Conferences, International:
       Volume VI., 352-365;
       Volume VII.
       (under the caption "War, The Revolt against"), 714-725.

    Printing and the Press.
       Newspapers: Volume IV., 2659-2678 (2587-2606).

    Race Problems:
       Volume VII., 528-543.

    Railways:
       Volume IV.
       (under the caption "Steam Locomotion"), 3111-3113 (3029-3031);
       Volume VI., 420-422;
       Volume VII., 543-558.

    Science and Invention, Recent:
       Volume II.
       (under the caption "Electrical Discovery"), 797-804 (769-777);

       Volume III.
       (under the caption "Medical Science"), 2164-2194 (2120-2150);

       Volume IV.
       (under the caption "Steam Engine," 3109-3116 (3027-3034);

       Volume VI., 435-449;

       Volume VII., 590-608.

    Slavery:
       Volume IV., 2989-3008 (2911-2930);
       Volume VI., 455;
       Volume VII., 612.

    Social Movements.
    Social Service.
    Industrial Reform:
       Volume IV., 3010-3036 (2932-2958),
       (under the caption "Poor Laws"), 2634-2636 (2562-2564);

       Volume VI. (under the captions "Social Democracy"
       and "Socialist Parties", 455;
       and "Industrial Disturbances"), 267-268;

       Volume VII. (under several captions, as follows:)
       "Children under the Law," 82-89,
       "Labor Organization," 370-395,
       "Labor Protection," 395-401,
       "Labor Remuneration," 402-410,
       "Poverty and Unemployment," 507-515,
       "Social Betterment," 613-617,
       "Socialism," 617-620.

    Suffrage.
       See Elective Franchise.

    Tariff Legislation:
       Volume V., 3147-3173 (Volume IV., 3063-3089),
       Volume VI., 526-527;
       Volume VII., 638-647.

    Temperance Movements:
       Volume V., 3176 (Volume IV., 3091);
       Volume VII. (under the caption "Alcohol Problem"), 10-19.

    Trade:
       Volume V., 3207-3237
       (in the original edition, Volume V. under the caption
       "Commerce," 3696-3726).

    Trusts:
       Volume VI., 529-536;
       Volume VII. (under the caption "Combinations"), 112-135.

    --------Volume 7: End-------------

    ----------Word List: Start--------

    A
    AARON
    ABANDONED
    ABANDONMENT
    ABBASSIDES
    ABBOTT
    ABBÉ
    ABD
    ABDICATION
    ABDUL
    ABDULLA
    ABDURAHMAN
    ABEBA
    ABERDEEN
    ABIR
    ABJURATION
    ABOLITION
    ABOLITIONISTS
    ABOMINATIONS
    ABORIGINES
    ABOUT
    ABRAHAM
    ABROAD
    ABSOLUTISM
    ABSORPTION
    ABU
    ABYSSINIA
    ACADIA
    ACADIANS
    ACCADIANS
    ACCESSION
    ACCIDENT
    ACCIDENTS
    ACCOUNTS
    ACHAIAN
    ACHINESE
    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    ACQUISITION
    ACQUISITIONS
    ACRE
    ACT
    ACTION
    ACTIVE
    ACTS
    ADAMS
    ADANA
    ADDIS
    ADDRESS
    ADMINISTRATION
    ADMINISTRATIONS
    ADMINISTRATORS
    ADMIRAL
    ADMISSION
    ADMISSIONS
    ADMITTED
    ADOLPHUS
    ADOPTION
    ADULTERATIONS
    ADVANCE
    ADVANCEMENT
    ADVENT
    AEHRENTHAL
    AERONAUTICS
    AFFAIR
    AFFAIRS
    AFGHANISTAN
    AFRICA
    AFRICAN
    AFTER
    AGAINST
    AGE
    AGENT
    AGENTS
    AGES
    AGGRESSION
    AGGRESSIONS
    AGGRESSIVE
    AGINCOURT
    AGITATION
    AGLIPAY
    AGRAM
    AGRARIAN
    AGREEMENT
    AGREEMENTS
    AGRICULTURAL
    AGRICULTURE
    AGUINALDO
    AHMED
    AIGUN
    AKSA
    AL
    ALABAMA
    ALAN
    ALASKA
    ALBANIA
    ALBANY
    ALBERT
    ALBERTA
    ALCOHOL
    ALCOHOLISM
    ALCORTA
    ALDERMAN
    ALDRICH
    ALEXANDER
    ALEXANDRIA
    ALEXEI
    ALEXEIEFF
    ALEXIS
    ALFARO
    ALFONSO
    ALFRED
    ALGECIRAS
    ALGIERS
    ALI
    ALIEN
    ALIENS
    ALL
    ALLEGED
    ALLIANCE
    ALLIANCES
    ALLIED
    ALLIES
    ALMENARA
    ALSACE
    ALSOP
    ALVA
    ALVERSTONE
    ALVES
    AMADE
    AMADOR
    AMALGAMATED
    AMARAL
    AMBAN
    AMENDMENT
    AMERICA
    AMERICAN
    AMIN
    AMINA
    AMSTERDAM
    AMUNDSEN
    AN
    ANAM
    ANARCHISM
    ANARCHY
    ANATOLIAN
    ANCIENT
    AND
    ANDERSON
    ANDRASSY
    ANDREW
    ANDROS
    ANGELES
    ANGELL
    ANGEVIN
    ANGLE
    ANGLICAN
    ANGLO
    ANJUMAN
    ANNE
    ANNEXATIONS
    ANNEXED
    ANNIVERSARY
    ANNUITIES
    ANTARCTIC
    ANTHRACITE
    ANTI
    ANTIQUITY
    ANTOINE
    ANTOINETTE
    ANTON
    ANTUNG
    ANTWERP
    ANXIETIES
    APOSTOLIC
    APPALACHIAN
    APPALLING
    APPEAL
    APPEALS
    APPEARANCE
    APPENDIX
    APPOMATTOX
    APPONYI
    APRIL
    AQUEDUCT
    ARAB
    ARABIA
    ARABS
    ARAGON
    ARBITRATION
    ARBY
    ARC
    ARCHAEOLOGICAL
    ARCHIBALD
    ARCTIC
    ARGENTINA
    ARGENTINE
    ARIAN
    ARICA
    ARID
    ARIZONA
    ARKANSAS
    ARMADA
    ARMAMENTS
    ARMAND
    ARMENIA
    ARMENIANS
    ARMINIAN
    ARMOUR
    ARMS
    ARMSTRONG
    ARMY
    ARNOLD
    ARNOLDSEN
    ARRHENIUS
    ARRIVAL
    ARSENALS
    ARTHUR
    ARTICLE
    ARTICLES
    ARTS
    ARYA
    ARYAN
    ARYANS
    AS
    ASCENDENCY
    ASHBURTON
    ASHOKAN
    ASIA
    ASIATIC
    ASQUITH
    ASSAM
    ASSASSINATION
    ASSASSINATIONS
    ASSEMBLY
    ASSINIBOIA
    ASSIS
    ASSISTANCE
    ASSOCIATION
    ASSOCIATIONS
    ASSUAN
    ASSUMES
    ASSUMPTION
    ASSURANCE
    ASSYRIA
    ASSYRIAN
    ASTRONOMY
    AT
    ATABEG
    ATABEGS
    ATABEKS
    ATCHINESE
    ATHABASCA
    ATHENS
    ATKINSON
    ATLANTA
    ATTACK
    ATTEMPTED
    ATTEMPTS
    ATTILA
    ATTITUDE
    ATWATER
    AUGSBURG
    AUGUST
    AUGUSTINIANS
    AUGUSTUS
    AUSGLEICH
    AUSTERLITZ
    AUSTIN
    AUSTRALIA
    AUSTRIA
    AUSTRIAN
    AUSTRO
    AUTHORITY
    AUTOCRAT
    AWAKENING
    AYRES
    AZAD
    AZAM
    AZEFF
    AZIZ
    AZOV
    AZUL
    Aarif
    Aaron
    Ababa
    Abandoned
    Abbas
    Abbey
    Abbot
    Abbott
    Abbé
    Abd
    Abdiel
    Abduction
    Abdul
    Abdullah
    Abdur
    Abdurahman
    Abeba
    Abercorn
    Aberdeen
    Abgeordncten
    Abir
    Abnormally
    Abolished
    Abolition
    Aborigines
    Abortive
    About
    Above
    Abraham
    Abridged
    Abridgment
    Abroad
    Abrogation
    Abrupt
    Abruzzi
    Absolute
    Absorbed
    Abstention
    Abstracts
    Abu
    Abundant
    Abused
    Abyssinia
    Abyssinian
    Academy
    Acadia
    Accelerated
    Accent
    Acceptance
    Access
    Accession
    Accident
    Accidents
    Accompanied
    Accord
    According
    Accordingly
    Account
    Accounts
    Accumulation
    Aceituno
    Aceval
    Achievements
    Achille
    Acquiescence
    Acquisition
    Acquittal
    Acre
    Acres
    Act
    Acting
    Action
    Active
    Actively
    Activity
    Acts
    Actual
    Adam
    Adams
    Adana
    Add
    Added
    Adding
    Addis
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    Address
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    Al
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    B
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    BABISM
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    BY
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    Ba
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    Czar
    Czartoryski
    Czech
    Czechs
    Czolgosz
    Cæsar
    Cæsarism
    Cæsars
    Córdoba
    Cúcuta
    CŒUR
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    D
    DAIDO
    DALGETY
    DALNY
    DAM
    DAMASCUS
    DANIEL
    DANISH
    DANUBIAN
    DARKEST
    DARTMOUTH
    DARWIN
    DARWINISM
    DAVENPORT
    DAVID
    DAVIS
    DAWN
    DAY
    DAYANAND
    DAYLIGHT
    DAYS
    DE
    DEAKIN
    DEALING
    DEATH
    DEBATE
    DEBS
    DEBT
    DEBTS
    DECEASED
    DECEMBER
    DECISION
    DECISIONS
    DECISIVE
    DECLARATION
    DECLARED
    DECLINE
    DEEP
    DEFENSIVE
    DEFINITIVE
    DEGRADATION
    DEL
    DELAGRANGE
    DELAWARE
    DELBRUCK
    DELCASSÉ
    DELHI
    DELOS
    DELYANNIS
    DEMAGOGUES
    DEMANDS
    DEMOCRACY
    DEMOCRATAS
    DEMOCRATIC
    DEMOCRATS
    DEMOCRISTIANA
    DEMONETIZATION
    DEMONSTRATION
    DEMONSTRATIONS
    DENMARK
    DENVER
    DEPENDENCE
    DEPENDENTS
    DEPEW
    DES
    DESCENT
    DESPOTS
    DESTRUCTION
    DESTRUCTIVE
    DETENTION
    DEUNTZER
    DEVELOPMENT
    DIAMOND
    DIAZ
    DICKINSON
    DIET
    DIN
    DINGLEY
    DIOGNETUS
    DIRECT
    DIRECTION
    DIRECTORY
    DISABILITIES
    DISAFFECTION
    DISASTERS
    DISCOVERY
    DISEASE
    DISINTEGRATION
    DISMISSAL
    DISPUTE
    DISPUTES
    DISRAELI
    DISSENSIONS
    DISSENTERS
    DISSOLUTION
    DISTINCTIVE
    DISTRACTION
    DISTRICT
    DISTRUST
    DISTURBANCES
    DISUNION
    DIVIDED
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    DIVISIONS
    DIVORCE
    DOCTRINE
    DOGGER
    DOMESDAY
    DOMESTIC
    DOMINATION
    DOMINGO
    DOMINICAN
    DOMINICANS
    DOMINION
    DON
    DOOR
    DORE
    DOUGLAS
    DOWAGER
    DOWLEH
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    DR
    DRAGA
    DRAGO
    DRANE
    DRAWINGS
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    DREADNOUGHTS
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    DU
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    DUFF
    DUKE
    DUMA
    DUMAS
    DUMONT
    DUNANT
    DUNBAR
    DURATION
    DURBAR
    DURHAM
    DURING
    DURUY
    DUTCH
    DUTIES
    DUTY
    DWIGHT
    DYNASTIES
    DYNASTY
    Dacca
    Dafoe
    Dahomé
    Daido
    Daily
    Dakar
    Dakota
    Dakotas
    Dalai
    Dalgety
    Dali
    Dallas
    Dalmatia
    Dalny
    Dalton
    Dalzell
    Dam
    Damages
    Damascus
    Dame
    Dams
    Dana
    Danes
    Danger
    Dangerous
    Daniel
    Danish
    Dante
    Danton
    Danube
    Darby
    Dark
    Darling
    Darnley
    Darras
    Dartmouth
    Darwin
    Darwinian
    Darwinism
    Dasent
    Dastre
    Data
    Dates
    Davenport
    David
    Davids
    Davidson
    Davies
    Davis
    Dawn
    Dawson
    Day
    Dayanand
    Daylight
    Days
    Dayton
    De
    Deadlock
    Deakin
    Dealing
    Dealings
    Dean
    Deane
    Death
    Debasien
    Debate
    Debates
    Debs
    Debt
    Debts
    Decade
    Decameron
    Deccan
    Deceased
    December
    Decentralization
    Deciduous
    Decision
    Decisions
    Decisive
    Decius
    Decker
    Declaration
    Declarations
    Declare
    Decline
    Declines
    Declining
    Decrease
    Decreased
    Decree
    Decrees
    Decretals
    Deen
    Deep
    Deeper
    Defeat
    Defeated
    Defective
    Defence
    Defences
    Defender
    Defense
    Defensive
    Defensor
    Defiance
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    Definite
    Definition
    Degiorgis
    Degrees
    Dei
    Delagoa
    Delagrange
    Delaplace
    Delaware
    Delbruck
    Delcassé
    Delegacy
    Delegate
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    Delegations
    Delft
    Delgada
    Delhi
    Deliberate
    Delivered
    Delivery
    Dell
    Dellenbaugh
    Delta
    Delusions
    Delyannis
    Demand
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    Demarcation
    Demetrios
    Deming
    Democracia
    Democracy
    Democrat
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    Democraten
    Democratic
    Democratique
    Democratizing
    Democrats
    Democristiana
    Demonstration
    Demoralized
    Demos
    Demosthenes
    Denial
    Denis
    Denmark
    Denominational
    Denton
    Denunciatory
    Denver
    Department
    Departmental
    Departments
    Departure
    Dependencies
    Dependency
    Dependents
    Depew
    Deportation
    Deposed
    Deposition
    Depression
    Deputation
    Deputies
    Deputy
    Der
    Derby
    Derbyshire
    Dernburg
    Derya
    Des
    Descamps
    Descartes
    Description
    Descriptive
    Desert
    Deserts
    Designs
    Desirable
    Desire
    Desiring
    Desjardin
    Despatch
    Despatches
    Desperate
    Despite
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    Despotic
    Despots
    Destroyers
    Destruction
    Destructive
    Destructiveness
    Detailed
    Details
    Detective
    Detention
    Determining
    Dethronement
    Deuntzer
    Deutsche
    Deutschen
    Deutschthum
    Deutsehen
    Devanter
    Developing
    Development
    Developments
    Devine
    Dewa
    Dewey
    Dexter
    Dhinagri
    Dia
    Diamond
    Diana
    Diary
    Diaz
    Dicey
    Dickens
    Dickinson
    Dictator
    Dictatorial
    Dictatorship
    Did
    Diderot
    Died
    Diego
    Diesel
    Diet
    Diets
    Dieu
    Difference
    Differences
    Differentiation
    Differing
    Difficulties
    Difficulty
    Diffusion
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    Digest
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    Diminished
    Dimmick
    Din
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    Dingley
    Dinka
    Dinkas
    Dinners
    Diocesan
    Diocese
    Dioceses
    Diocletian
    Diognetus
    Dios
    Diplomacy
    Diplomatic
    Diplomatist
    Direct
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    Directly
    Director
    Directors
    Directory
    Dirigible
    Disabilities
    Disaffection
    Disappointing
    Disarmament
    Discharge
    Disciple
    Disciplinary
    Discipline
    Disclaims
    Disclosures
    Disconnecting
    Discontent
    Discount
    Discouragement
    Discourse
    Discoverers
    Discoveries
    Discovery
    Discriminating
    Discussed
    Discussing
    Discussion
    Disease
    Diseases
    Disestablishment
    Disfranchisement
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    Disorder
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    Disposition
    Dispute
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    Disputes
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    Disruption
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    Dissatisfaction
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    Dissolution
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    Distortion
    Distress
    Distribution
    District
    Districts
    Distrust
    Disturbance
    Disturbances
    Divided
    Dividends
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    Divinity
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    Divorce
    Divorces
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    Djarboub
    Djebel
    Djibouti
    Djumabala
    Djumaisk
    Do
    Dobrudja
    Dobson
    Doc
    Dochantapeh
    Dock
    Docks
    Doctor
    Doctors
    Doctrine
    Doctrines
    Document
    Documents
    Does
    Dogger
    Doings
    Dolbahanta
    Dollars
    Dolma
    Dolphin
    Dolton
    Dom
    Domain
    Domaine
    Domains
    Domergue
    Domesday
    Domestic
    Domett
    Domingo
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    Dominicans
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    Dominions
    Domitian
    Don
    Donald
    Donaldson
    Donation
    Done
    Door
    Dorian
    Dorians
    Dormund
    Dorothy
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    Doré
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    Doshishukai
    Dostoyevski
    Doubleday
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    Doubtless
    Douglas
    Douma
    Dover
    Dowager
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    Down
    Downing
    Doyle
    Dr
    Draco
    Draft
    Draga
    Drago
    Dragoumis
    Drainage
    Drake
    Drama
    Drane
    Draper
    Drastic
    Drawing
    Drawn
    Dreadnought
    Dreadnoughts
    Dreher
    Dreibund
    Dresden
    Dresdener
    Dressed
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    Dreyfusards
    Dried
    Drink
    Drinking
    Drinks
    Driven
    Driver
    Drogheda
    Droysen
    Drs
    Drude
    Drug
    Drugs
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    Du
    Dual
    Duarte
    Dublin
    Dubois
    Duc
    Duchess
    Duchies
    Duchy
    Ducommum
    Dudley
    Duff
    Duffy
    Duke
    Dull
    Duluth
    Duma
    Dumas
    Dumbarton
    Dumont
    Dunant
    Dunbar
    Duncan
    Duncans
    Duncker
    Dundalk
    Dundee
    Dunedin
    Dunfermline
    Dunham
    Dunlop
    Dunne
    Dunois
    Dunraven
    Durand
    Durban
    Durbar
    Durfee
    Durham
    During
    Duruy
    Dusseldorf
    Dutch
    Dutchman
    Dutchmen
    Duties
    Dutt
    Dutton
    Duty
    Dwellers
    Dwight
    Dyer
    Dynamite
    Dynasties
    Dynasty
    Démocratique
    Döllinger
    D’Aubigné
    D’ÉTAT
    E
    EAGLE
    EAR
    EARL
    EARLIEST
    EARLY
    EARTHQUAKE
    EARTHQUAKES
    EAST
    EASTERN
    ECCLESIASTICAL
    ECCLESIASTICISM
    ECHEGARAY
    ECONOMIC
    ECUADOR
    ED
    EDDIN
    EDICT
    EDICTS
    EDITION
    EDITOR
    EDMONTON
    EDUARDO
    EDUCATION
    EDUCATIONAL
    EDWARD
    EDWIN
    EFFECT
    EFFECTIVE
    EFFECTS
    EFFENDI
    EFFORTS
    EGYPT
    EGYPTIAN
    EHR
    EHRLICH
    EIGHT
    EIGHTEENTH
    EIGHTH
    EIKON
    EL
    ELAMITES
    ELECTED
    ELECTION
    ELECTIONS
    ELECTIVE
    ELECTORAL
    ELECTORS
    ELECTRICAL
    ELECTRICITY
    ELECTRO
    ELECTRONS
    ELEVATOR
    ELEVENTH
    ELGIN
    ELIDORO
    ELIE
    ELIHU
    ELIOT
    ELIZABETH
    ELIZABETHAN
    ELKINS
    ELLEN
    ELLIOTT
    EMANCIPATION
    EMELINE
    EMERGENCY
    EMERY
    EMIGRATION
    EMINENT
    EMMANUEL
    EMPEROR
    EMPERORS
    EMPIRE
    EMPIRES
    EMPLOYERS
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    ENCYCLICAL
    ENCYCLICALS
    END
    ENDJUMEN
    ENGAGEMENTS
    ENGINE
    ENGLAND
    ENGLISH
    ENGLISHMAN
    ENJUMEN
    ENLARGED
    ENTENTE
    ENTITLING
    ENTRY
    ENVER
    EPISCOPATE
    EPISTLE
    EPOCH
    EQUADOR
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    EQUITY
    ERA
    ERDMAN
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    ERICSSON
    ERIE
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    ERUPTION
    ERUPTIONS
    ES
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    ESTABLISHES
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    ESTATE
    ESTATES
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    ESTRADA
    ESTUPINIAN
    ET
    ETC
    ETHER
    ETHIOPIA
    EUCKEN
    EUDISTES
    EUGENE
    EUGENICS
    EULENBURG
    EUPHRATES
    EUROPE
    EUROPEAN
    EVACUATION
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    EVE
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    EVENTS
    EVICTED
    EVOLUTION
    EX
    EXAMINATION
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    EXCHANGE
    EXCHANGES
    EXCLUSION
    EXECUTION
    EXECUTIVE
    EXHIBITION
    EXILE
    EXODUS
    EXPANSION
    EXPATRIATION
    EXPEDITION
    EXPEDITIONS
    EXPLORATION
    EXPLORERS
    EXPLORING
    EXPOSITION
    EXPOSITIONS
    EXTENDING
    EZCURRA
    Each
    Eagle
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    Earl
    Earlier
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    Early
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    Earthquake
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    East
    Easter
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    Eastward
    Eaton
    Ecclesia
    Ecclesiastical
    Echegaray
    Echterdingen
    Eck
    Eckels
    Economic
    Economically
    Economics
    Economists
    Economy
    Ecuador
    Ed
    Eddin
    Eden
    Edersheim
    Edgar
    Edict
    Edicts
    Edinburgh
    Edison
    Edith
    Editor
    Editorial
    Edmonton
    Edmund
    Eduard
    Eduardo
    Education
    Educational
    Edward
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    Edwardus
    Edwin
    Effect
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    Effects
    Effendi
    Efficiency
    Efficient
    Efforts
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    Egede
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    Eggs
    Eginhard
    Egypt
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    Egyptians
    Ehr
    Ehrich
    Ehrlich
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    Ehrman
    Eiffel
    Eight
    Eighteen
    Eighteenth
    Eighth
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    Eightieth
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    Einheitstraumes
    Either
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    El
    Elasticity
    Elbert
    Elder
    Eleanor
    Elected
    Election
    Elections
    Elective
    Elector
    Electoral
    Electors
    Electric
    Electrical
    Electricity
    Electro
    Elementary
    Elevation
    Eleven
    Elgin
    Elgon
    Elias
    Elidoro
    Elie
    Eligibility
    Elihu
    Eliot
    Elizabeth
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    Elizabethport
    Elkind
    Elkins
    Ella
    Ellen
    Elliott
    Ellis
    Ellsworth
    Elmer
    Eloy
    Elroy
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    Ely
    Elysee
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    Emancipation
    Embankment
    Embassy
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    Emerson
    Emerton
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    Emigration
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    Emil
    Emile
    Emilio
    Emin
    Eminence
    Eminent
    Emir
    Emmanuel
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    Emmott
    Emory
    Emperor
    Emperors
    Empire
    Empires
    Employees
    Employers
    Employment
    Employé
    Employés
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    Empress
    Emptiness
    Ena
    Enactment
    Enactments
    Enc
    Encourage
    Encouragement
    Encroachment
    Encroachments
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    Encyclopaedia
    Encyclopedia
    End
    Endicott
    Ending
    Endorsement
    Endowed
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    Enemies
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    Enforcement
    Enfranchisement
    Engagements
    Engine
    Engineer
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    Engineers
    England
    Englanders
    English
    Englishman
    Englishmen
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    Enjumens
    Enlarged
    Enlargement
    Enlargements
    Enlightened
    Enlistment
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    Enormous
    Enough
    Enrique
    Enriquez
    Enseignement
    Entente
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    Entirely
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    Entrance
    Entre
    Entry
    Enumerators
    Envoy
    Enzeli
    Ephesus
    Epic
    Epicureans
    Episcopacy
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    Epistle
    Epistles
    Epitome
    Epoch
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    Equador
    Equal
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    Erection
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    Eskimos
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    Especial
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    Ethics
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    Europe
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    Europeans
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    Evasion
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    Expansion
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    Experts
    Expiration
    Explanation
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    Express
    Expression
    Expulsion
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    Extension
    Extensions
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    Extracts
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    Extreme
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    Eyed
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    Ezra
    F
    FABIAN
    FACTOR
    FACTORY
    FAILURE
    FAIRBANKS
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    FALLIÈRES
    FALLS
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    FAMINES
    FAMY
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    False
    Families
    Family
    Famine
    Famous
    Faneuil
    Fang
    Fannie
    Far
    Faraday
    Farewell
    Farm
    Farman
    Farmer
    Farmers
    Farming
    Faroun
    Farragut
    Farrar
    Farrer
    Farsistan
    Farwell
    Fas
    Fast
    Fatal
    Fate
    Father
    Fatherland
    Fathers
    Fatigue
    Faulkner
    Faun
    Favor
    Favored
    Fawcett
    Fay
    Fazil
    Fe
    Fear
    Fearlessly
    Feast
    Feather
    Features
    February
    Fedai
    Fedakiarans
    Federal
    Federalist
    Federalists
    Federals
    Federated
    Federation
    Federations
    Feeble
    Feeding
    Feeling
    Fehim
    Fehmi
    Fein
    Fejervary
    Felipe
    Felix
    Fell
    Fellow
    Fellowship
    Felton
    Feludia
    Female
    Females
    Fen
    Fence
    Feng
    Fenghuangcheng
    Fenianism
    Fenshuiling
    Fer
    Ferdinand
    Ferencz
    Ferguson
    Ferid
    Ferie
    Fern
    Fernando
    Fernow
    Ferrand
    Ferreira
    Ferrer
    Ferris
    Ferroul
    Fertilizer
    Festina
    Festival
    Feudal
    Feudalism
    Fever
    Few
    Fez
    Fezzis
    Fiala
    Fiber
    Fichte
    Fidei
    Fidelity
    Field
    Fielding
    Fields
    Fierce
    Fife
    Fifteen
    Fifteenth
    Fifth
    Fifthly
    Fifty
    Fighig
    Fight
    Fighting
    Figuero
    Figueroa
    Figure
    Filali
    Filipinas
    Filipino
    Filipinos
    Final
    Finally
    Finance
    Finances
    Financial
    Finch
    Fine
    Fined
    Fines
    Finland
    Finlay
    Finn
    Finnish
    Finns
    Finsen
    Fire
    Firemen
    Firman
    Firmans
    Firmin
    First
    Firstly
    Firth
    Fiscal
    Fischel
    Fischer
    Fish
    Fisher
    Fisheries
    Fishery
    Fishes
    Fishing
    Fiske
    Fissuring
    Fit
    Fitzgerald
    Fitzhugh
    Fitzmaurice
    Fitzpatrick
    Five
    Flag
    Flagg
    Flagler
    Flanders
    Flat
    Flax
    Fleet
    Fleets
    Flemings
    Flemish
    Fletcher
    Flight
    Flinn
    Flint
    Floggings
    Flood
    Floods
    Florence
    Florentine
    Florida
    Floridian
    Flottwell
    Flour
    Flower
    Folk
    Folkersahm
    Folkething
    Follette
    Following
    Fonseca
    Fontainbleau
    Fontaine
    Foochow
    Food
    Fookien
    Foote
    Footnote
    Footprints
    For
    Foraker
    Forbes
    Forbidden
    Force
    Forced
    Forces
    Ford
    Foreign
    Foreigner
    Foreman
    Foremost
    Forest
    Forester
    Forestry
    Forests
    Forged
    Formal
    Formation
    Former
    Formerly
    Formidables
    Formosa
    Formosan
    Forms
    Formula
    Formulary
    Formulation
    Forrest
    Forster
    Forsyth
    Fort
    Fortieth
    Fortification
    Fortis
    Fortnightly
    Fortress
    Forts
    Fortunately
    Fortunes
    Forty
    Forward
    Foster
    Foulke
    Foulois
    Foumis
    Foundation
    Foundations
    Founded
    Founder
    Founders
    Founding
    Foundling
    Four
    Fourteen
    Fourteenth
    Fourth
    Fourthly
    Fowler
    Fox
    Foxton
    Frame
    Framing
    France
    Franchise
    Franchises
    Francis
    Francisco
    Francke
    Franco
    Francois
    Frank
    Frankfort
    Frankfurt
    Frankfurter
    Frankincense
    Frankish
    Franklin
    Frankly
    Franks
    Franz
    Française
    Fraser
    Fraternal
    Fraternities
    Fraternity
    Fraud
    Frauds
    Fred
    Frederic
    Frederick
    Free
    Freedom
    Freeman
    Frees
    Freethinkers
    Freeville
    Freight
    French
    Frenchman
    Frenchmen
    Frenchwomen
    Frequent
    Fresh
    Fresno
    Friar
    Friars
    Frick
    Friday
    Fried
    Friedjung
    Friedrich
    Friedrichshafen
    Friend
    Friendly
    Friends
    Frightened
    Frightful
    Frissell
    Frist
    Frivilliga
    Frohlich
    Froissart
    From
    Frontier
    Frontiers
    Frothingham
    Froude
    Frozen
    Fruit
    Fruits
    Frundsberg
    Fry
    Fuca
    Fugitive
    Fukien
    Fulani
    Fulbert
    Fulfillment
    Fulfilment
    Fulgencio
    Full
    Fuller
    Fully
    Fulton
    Function
    Fund
    Fundamental
    Funds
    Fundy
    Funeral
    Funston
    Furious
    Furness
    Further
    Furthermore
    Fushun
    Fusion
    Fusionists
    Future
    Fyffe
    Fé
    Fête
    G
    GABRIEL
    GAELIC
    GAGE
    GAINS
    GALLIC
    GALLICAN
    GALSTER
    GALVESTON
    GAMBLING
    GANGADHAR
    GAPON
    GARCIA
    GARDEN
    GARFIELD
    GARIBALDI
    GAS
    GASOLINE
    GATUN
    GAUL
    GAULS
    GAUNA
    GAUTSCH
    GAYNOR
    GEARY
    GEAY
    GENERAL
    GENET
    GENEVA
    GENIUS
    GENSERIC
    GEOGRAPHIC
    GEOGRAPHY
    GEORGE
    GEORGEI
    GEORGIA
    GEORGIAN
    GERMAN
    GERMANIC
    GERMANIZING
    GERMANY
    GETTYSBURG
    GHENT
    GHIBELLINES
    GHOSE
    GIBBON
    GIBBONEY
    GIBBS
    GIFFORD
    GIFTS
    GIL
    GINN
    GIOLITTI
    GIORGIS
    GIOVANNI
    GIRONDISTS
    GIVEN
    GIVING
    GLADSTONE
    GOBAT
    GOETHALS
    GOLD
    GOLDEN
    GOLDWIN
    GOLGI
    GOLUCHOWSKI
    GOMEZ
    GOMPERS
    GOOD
    GOODS
    GORDON
    GOREMYKIN
    GORGAS
    GOTHARD
    GOTHS
    GOVERNMENT
    GOVERNMENTAL
    GOVERNMENTS
    GOVERNOR
    GOVERNORS
    GRACCHI
    GRADUAL
    GRAFT
    GRANADA
    GRAND
    GRANT
    GRAY
    GREAT
    GREATLY
    GREECE
    GREEK
    GREEN
    GREGOR
    GREGORIAN
    GREGORY
    GREY
    GRIP
    GROCERS
    GROSSCUP
    GROWERS
    GROWING
    GROWTH
    GRUITCH
    GU
    GUANTANAMO
    GUARDS
    GUATEMALA
    GUELFS
    GUERRA
    GUIANA
    GUISES
    GULF
    GULLY
    GUMMERÉ
    GUSTAVUS
    GUTHRIE
    Gabriel
    Gaelic
    Gage
    Gaillard
    Gain
    Gains
    Gairdner
    Galicia
    Gall
    Gallagher
    Gallatin
    Gallenga
    Galli
    Gallic
    Gallican
    Gallons
    Galster
    Galton
    Galveston
    Galway
    Gambetta
    Gambettas
    Gambia
    Gambling
    Gamboa
    Game
    Gammell
    Gandhi
    Gangadhar
    Ganges
    Gannett
    Gantt
    Gaol
    Gapon
    Garbage
    Garbiras
    Garcia
    Gard
    Gardens
    Gardiner
    Gardner
    Garees
    Garfield
    Garibaldi
    Garment
    Garnett
    Garrison
    Gary
    Gas
    Gascoyne
    Gasoline
    Gaspard
    Gaspey
    Gasquet
    Gaston
    Gate
    Gates
    Gathering
    Gatschet
    Gatun
    Gauche
    Gauge
    Gaulois
    Gauls
    Gauna
    Gauss
    Gautsch
    Gay
    Gayarré
    Gaynor
    Gayraud
    Gazette
    Gazik
    Geary
    Geay
    Gebhart
    Geddes
    Geffcken
    Gen
    Genaro
    Gendarmerie
    Genealogy
    General
    Generally
    Generals
    Generalship
    Generate
    Genesee
    Geneva
    Genius
    Genoa
    Genoese
    Gentile
    Gentlemen
    Genérale
    Geodetic
    Geoffrey
    Geographic
    Geographical
    Geographically
    Geography
    Geological
    Georg
    George
    Georgei
    Georges
    Georgia
    Georgian
    Ger
    Geraes
    Gerard
    Gerlache
    Germain
    German
    Germanic
    Germanizing
    Germans
    Germany
    Germanys
    Gervais
    Geschichte
    Gettysburg
    Gharb
    Ghent
    Ghibellines
    Ghose
    Gibbins
    Gibbon
    Gibboney
    Gibbons
    Gibbs
    Gibraltar
    Gids
    Giesebrecht
    Giffard
    Gifford
    Gift
    Gifts
    Gil
    Gilbert
    Gild
    Giles
    Gilford
    Gill
    Gillhaus
    Gilman
    Gindely
    Ginn
    Giolitti
    Giorgio
    Giorgis
    Giosue
    Giovanni
    Girls
    Girondists
    Giuseppe
    Give
    Given
    Giving
    Givskov
    Gjoa
    Glacier
    Gladden
    Gladstone
    Gladstonian
    Glasgow
    Glasier
    Glass
    Gleanings
    Gleig
    Glenn
    Glombinski
    Gloria
    Glorious
    Glory
    Glossina
    Glossop
    Gneist
    Go
    Goajira
    Goat
    Gobat
    God
    Goddess
    Godfrey
    Godkin
    Godwin
    Goeppingen
    Goethals
    Gold
    Golden
    Goldfields
    Goldmark
    Goldstein
    Goldwin
    Golgi
    Goliath
    Goluchowski
    Gomez
    Gompers
    Gondokoro
    Gonzales
    Good
    Goodnow
    Goodrich
    Goods
    Goodwin
    Goold
    Gordon
    Gore
    Goremykin
    Gorgas
    Goschen
    Gosse
    Gothard
    Goths
    Gough
    Gould
    Govan
    Governed
    Governing
    Government
    Governmental
    Governments
    Governor
    Governors
    Governorship
    Grace
    Gracias
    Gracious
    Gradually
    Graduated
    Graetz
    Graft
    Graham
    Grahame
    Grahamstown
    Grain
    Grampians
    Grampound
    Granada
    Granaries
    Grand
    Grande
    Grandeur
    Grandfather
    Granger
    Granite
    Grant
    Granville
    Grass
    Gratia
    Gratifying
    Grattan
    Graves
    Gravissimo
    Gray
    Grazing
    Great
    Greater
    Greatest
    Greatly
    Greatness
    Greco
    Greece
    Greek
    Greeks
    Greeley
    Green
    Greene
    Greenland
    Greenock
    Greenwich
    Gregor
    Gregorian
    Gregorio
    Gregorovius
    Gregory
    Gresham
    Greswell
    Grey
    Grievances
    Griffin
    Griffis
    Griffith
    Griffiths
    Grimm
    Gripenberg
    Griscom
    Grocers
    Gronlund
    Gross
    Grosscup
    Grosse
    Grossindustrielle
    Grosskaufleute
    Grosso
    Grote
    Groundless
    Grounds
    Group
    Groups
    Groussau
    Grover
    Growers
    Growing
    Growth
    Gruiteh
    Græco
    Grübe
    Guadeloupe
    Guaicaipuro
    Guantanamo
    Guaranteed
    Guarantees
    Guaranty
    Guardian
    Guards
    Guarico
    Guatemala
    Guayaquil
    Guayra
    Guelfs
    Guelphs
    Guerlac
    Guernsey
    Guerra
    Guerville
    Guesdist
    Guest
    Guests
    Guettée
    Guevara
    Guggenheim
    Guglielmo
    Guhl
    Guiana
    Guild
    Guildhall
    Guillemard
    Guilty
    Guineas
    Guinness
    Guiteras
    Guizot
    Gujarat
    Gujerati
    Gulf
    Gulhaneh
    Gulick
    Gully
    Gummeré
    Gunby
    Gundry
    Guns
    Guntzuling
    Guru
    Gusef
    Gustav
    Gustavas
    Gustave
    Gustavus
    Guthrie
    Gyangtse
    Gympie
    Gyroscopic
    GÉNÉRALE
    Générale
    Générate
    H
    HAAKON
    HABANA
    HABEAS
    HABIBULLAH
    HAECKEL
    HAFID
    HAFIZ
    HAGEN
    HAGOPIAN
    HAGUE
    HAI
    HAICHENG
    HAITI
    HAKKI
    HALDANE
    HALE
    HALL
    HALLAM
    HAMARA
    HAMED
    HAMID
    HAMLIN
    HAMMURABI
    HAND
    HANKAU
    HANNA
    HANSEATIC
    HANSEN
    HAPSBURGS
    HARBIN
    HARCOURT
    HARDEN
    HARDIE
    HARPER
    HARRIMAN
    HARRISON
    HARRISSE
    HARRY
    HARTFORD
    HARVARD
    HARVESTER
    HAS
    HASSAN
    HASTINGS
    HATSUSE
    HATTI
    HAUSA
    HAVANA
    HAVEN
    HAY
    HAYNE
    HAYTI
    HEAD
    HEALTH
    HEARST
    HEBRIDES
    HEDERVARY
    HELLENIC
    HELP
    HELVETIC
    HENEY
    HENKEL
    HENRICUS
    HENRIK
    HENRIQUES
    HENRY
    HEPBURN
    HEPTARCHY
    HER
    HERBERT
    HEREDITARY
    HERMANDAD
    HERMANN
    HERMIT
    HERO
    HEROD
    HERODIANS
    HERR
    HERREROS
    HERRING
    HERVÉ
    HERZEGOVINA
    HESSIANS
    HETCH
    HETCHY
    HICKS
    HIGGINSON
    HIGHBINDER
    HIGHLANDS
    HILDEBRAND
    HILL
    HILLS
    HILMI
    HINDU
    HINTZE
    HIS
    HISGEN
    HISTORIANS
    HISTORIC
    HISTORICAL
    HISTORY
    HITCHCOCK
    HO
    HOFF
    HOGUE
    HOHENLOHE
    HOHENSTAUFEN
    HOHENZOLLERN
    HOHENZOLLERNS
    HOLDING
    HOLDINGS
    HOLDS
    HOLLAND
    HOLLWEG
    HOLST
    HOLSTEIN
    HOLY
    HOME
    HOMEL
    HOMES
    HOMESTEAD
    HONDA
    HONDURAS
    HOOKWORM
    HORACE
    HORRIBLE
    HORRORS
    HORUP
    HOSPITALLERS
    HOSTILITY
    HOTTENTOTS
    HOUR
    HOURS
    HOUSE
    HOUSES
    HOUSING
    HOW
    HSI
    HSIHOYEN
    HSU
    HSUAN
    HUDSON
    HUGHES
    HUGUENOT
    HUGUENOTS
    HUMAN
    HUMAYUN
    HUMPHREY
    HUNDRED
    HUNG
    HUNGARY
    HUNS
    HUTCHINSON
    HYDE
    HYGINO
    HYKSOS
    Haakon
    Habana
    Habbania
    Habibullah
    Habit
    Habitations
    Hacha
    Hachimakiyama
    Had
    Hadjin
    Hadley
    Hadramaut
    Hadrian
    Hafid
    Hafiz
    Hagcrup
    Hagen
    Hagopian
    Hague
    Hai
    Haicheng
    Haileybury
    Hains
    Haiti
    Haitian
    Haitians
    Hake
    Hakki
    Hakuaisha
    Haldane
    Haldeman
    Hale
    Hales
    Half
    Haliburton
    Halifax
    Halima
    Hall
    Hallam
    Halliday
    Halligan
    Halsbury
    Halve
    Hamara
    Hamburg
    Hamed
    Hamerton
    Hamid
    Hamidian
    Hamidianism
    Hamilton
    Hamlin
    Hammond
    Hammurabi
    Hampden
    Hampshire
    Hampton
    Hand
    Handbook
    Handelshochschulen
    Hanford
    Hang
    Hankau
    Hankow
    Hanna
    Hannay
    Hanover
    Hanoverian
    Hanoverians
    Hans
    Hanseatic
    Hansen
    Hanson
    Haouz
    Happily
    Happy
    Hapsburg
    Hapsburgh
    Harben
    Harbin
    Harbor
    Harbour
    Harcourt
    Hard
    Harden
    Hardie
    Hardly
    Hardwick
    Hardy
    Hare
    Harem
    Harlan
    Harmony
    Harnack
    Haro
    Harold
    Haroun
    Harper
    Harput
    Harriman
    Harrington
    Harris
    Harrisburg
    Harrison
    Harrisse
    Harrod
    Harry
    Hart
    Hartford
    Harting
    Hartley
    Hartwig
    Harup
    Harvard
    Harvester
    Harvests
    Has
    Haskell
    Hassan
    Hassaurek
    Hassencamp
    Hastings
    Hatch
    Hatfield
    Hatsuse
    Hatters
    Hatti
    Hatzfeld
    Haug
    Hausa
    Haute
    Havana
    Havari
    Have
    Havelock
    Havemeyer
    Haven
    Haverfield
    Haverty
    Having
    Havre
    Hawaii
    Hawaiian
    Hawk
    Hawkins
    Hawks
    Hawksley
    Hawkwood
    Hawthorne
    Hay
    Hayashi
    Hayes
    Hayman
    Haynes
    Hays
    Hayti
    Haytian
    Haywood
    Hazard
    Hazel
    Hazen
    Hazlitt
    He
    Head
    Headlam
    Headley
    Headquarters
    Headship
    Health
    Heard
    Hearing
    Hearings
    Hearn
    Hearst
    Heart
    Heath
    Heathenism
    Heaton
    Heaven
    Heavy
    Hebberd
    Hebraic
    Hebrew
    Hebrews
    Hebrides
    Hecla
    Hedervary
    Heeren
    Hei
    Heibergsland
    Heike
    Heinrich
    Heir
    Helen
    Helena
    Hell
    Hellenes
    Hellenic
    Hellenica
    Help
    Helps
    Helsingfors
    Hemisphere
    Hence
    Henderson
    Hendrick
    Hendrik
    Henebry
    Heney
    Henkel
    Hennepin
    Hennessy
    Henri
    Henries
    Henrik
    Henriques
    Henry
    Henryk
    Hepburn
    Her
    Herald
    Herbert
    Herculaneum
    Herculean
    Here
    Hereafter
    Hereditary
    Heredity
    Hereros
    Heretofore
    Hereward
    Herford
    Herman
    Hermann
    Hermes
    Hermits
    Herndon
    Hero
    Herodotus
    Heroes
    Herr
    Herran
    Herrera
    Herrick
    Herring
    Hersegovina
    Herstlet
    Hertslet
    Hertzian
    Hertzog
    Hervé
    Herzegovina
    Hessians
    Het
    Hetch
    Hetchy
    Heureaux
    Heylyn
    Hiawatha
    Hicks
    Hickson
    Hidalgo
    Hides
    Higginson
    High
    Higham
    Highbinder
    Higher
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    Highness
    Highnesses
    Hilary
    Hildebrand
    Hildeburn
    Hildreth
    Hill
    Hillhouse
    Hills
    Hilmi
    Hilprecht
    Him
    Himself
    Himstedt
    Hindich
    Hindoo
    Hindu
    Hinduism
    Hindus
    Hindustan
    Hinschius
    Hinsdale
    Hinterland
    Hintze
    Hiram
    Hirobumi
    Hirtius
    His
    Hisgen
    Historians
    Historic
    Historical
    Historically
    Historisch
    Historischs
    History
    Hit
    Hitchcock
    Hitherto
    Hittell
    Hittites
    Hoag
    Hoar
    Hodges
    Hodgkin
    Hodgson
    Hoff
    Hoffman
    Hogarth
    Hogs
    Hohenau
    Hohenlohe
    Hohenstaufen
    Hohenzollern
    Hohenzollerns
    Hoke
    Holcomb
    Hold
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    Holding
    Holdings
    Holdsworth
    Holes
    Holguin
    Holiness
    Holland
    Hollander
    Holliday
    Hollister
    Hollweg
    Holm
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    Holst
    Holstein
    Holt
    Holy
    Home
    Homer
    Homes
    Homestead
    Homs
    Hon
    Honan
    Honda
    Honduran
    Honduranean
    Honduras
    Honest
    Hong
    Hongkong
    Honolulu
    Honor
    Honorable
    Honorables
    Honorary
    Honors
    Honour
    Honourable
    Hood
    Hook
    Hookham
    Hookworm
    Hooper
    Hope
    Hopeful
    Hopetoun
    Hoping
    Hopkins
    Hops
    Horace
    Horatian
    Horne
    Horrible
    Horses
    Horseshoe
    Hortensian
    Horton
    Hoshi
    Hosmer
    Hospital
    Hospitals
    Hostile
    Hostilities
    Hostility
    Hot
    Hotel
    Hottentots
    Hough
    Houghton
    Hours
    House
    Household
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    Housing
    Houston
    How
    Howard
    Howe
    Howell
    However
    Howorth
    Hozier
    Hsi
    Hsien
    Hsienchang
    Hsihoyen
    Hsin
    Hsu
    Hsuan
    Huaijen
    Hub
    Huber
    Hubert
    Hudson
    Hue
    Huff
    Hug
    Hugh
    Hughes
    Hughitt
    Hughli
    Hughs
    Hugo
    Huguenot
    Huguenots
    Hugues
    Hukuang
    Hulbert
    Hull
    Hulsin
    Human
    Humanité
    Humayun
    Humbert
    Humboldt
    Hume
    Humphrey
    Humphry
    Hun
    Hunan
    Hundred
    Hundreds
    Hung
    Hungarian
    Hungarians
    Hungary
    Hunt
    Hunte
    Hunter
    Hupei
    Hupuh
    Hurd
    Hurlbert
    Hurlburt
    Hurley
    Huron
    Hurried
    Hurst
    Hus
    Hussite
    Husted
    Hutchins
    Hutchinson
    Huxley
    Hyde
    Hyder
    Hygiene
    Hygienic
    Hygino
    Hypolite
    Hypothekenbank
    Hysteria
    HÄUSSER
    Häusser
    Hérault
    I
    ICELAND
    IDAHO
    IDE
    IDEA
    IDEAS
    IGNATIEFF
    II
    III
    ILLINOIS
    IMAM
    IMMEDIATE
    IMMIGRATION
    IMPEACHMENT
    IMPERATOR
    IMPERIAL
    IMPORTANCE
    IMPORTANT
    IMPRESSMENT
    IMPROVEMENT
    IMPROVEMENTS
    IN
    INAUGURAL
    INAUGURATION
    INCAS
    INCIDENT
    INCOME
    INCORPORATION
    INCREASE
    INCREASED
    INCREASING
    INDEMNITY
    INDEPENDENCE
    INDEPENDENT
    INDEPENDENTS
    INDEPENDISTAS
    INDETERMINATE
    INDIA
    INDIAN
    INDIANAPOLIS
    INDIANS
    INDIES
    INDIVISIBILITY
    INDO
    INDUSTRIAL
    INFAMOUS
    INFIRMITY
    INFLUENCE
    INHABITANTS
    INHERITANCE
    INITIATIVE
    INJUNCTIONS
    INLAND
    INMEDIATISTAS
    INQUISITION
    INSTITUTE
    INSTITUTION
    INSTITUTIONS
    INSURANCE
    INSURRECTION
    INTELLECTUALS
    INTELLIGENZIA
    INTEMPERANCE
    INTER
    INTERCHANGES
    INTERCOLONIAL
    INTEREST
    INTERESTS
    INTERFERENCE
    INTERFEROMETER
    INTERIOR
    INTERNAL
    INTERNATIONAL
    INTERNATIONALISM
    INTEROCEANIC
    INTERPARLIAMENTARY
    INTERSTATE
    INTERVENTION
    INTERVIEW
    INTO
    INTOXICANTS
    INTRANSIGENTES
    INTRODUCTION
    INVASION
    INVASIONS
    INVENTION
    INVENTORY
    INVESTIGATION
    INVISIBLE
    ION
    IONIAN
    IOWA
    IRELAND
    IRISH
    IRON
    IRONSIDES
    IROQUOIS
    IRRIGATION
    IS
    ISAIAH
    ISLAM
    ISLAMISM
    ISLAND
    ISLANDS
    ISLE
    ISRAEL
    ISTHMIAN
    ISVOLSKY
    IT
    ITAGAKI
    ITALIAN
    ITALY
    ITO
    ITS
    IUTARO
    IV
    IVRY
    IX
    IZEDDIN
    Ian
    Ibuki
    Ice
    Iceland
    Icelanders
    Icelandic
    Ichang
    Ichaug
    Icilian
    Iconoclastic
    Ida
    Idaho
    Ide
    Ideal
    Ideas
    Idleness
    If
    Igarashi
    Iglesias
    Igli
    Ignacio
    Ignatief
    Ignatieff
    Ignorance
    Ihne
    Iki
    Ikoma
    Iles
    Ilg
    Iliad
    Ilkhani
    Ill
    Illegal
    Illegality
    Illicit
    Illinois
    Illness
    Illustrated
    Illyria
    Illyrian
    Ilocano
    Ilocos
    Imam
    Imams
    Iman
    Imitating
    Immediate
    Immediately
    Immense
    Immigrants
    Immigration
    Immunity
    Impartial
    Impeachment
    Impending
    Imperator
    Imperial
    Imperialism
    Imperialist
    Imperialists
    Imperially
    Implementing
    Impliedly
    Import
    Important
    Importantly
    Importation
    Imports
    Imposture
    Impressions
    Imprisonment
    Improved
    Improvement
    Improvements
    In
    Inability
    Inaction
    Inadequacy
    Inadequate
    Inasmuch
    Inaugural
    Inauguration
    Inazo
    Inception
    Incessant
    Incident
    Incidentally
    Inclosure
    Income
    Incongruous
    Incorporation
    Incorporators
    Increase
    Increased
    Increases
    Increasing
    Incursions
    Indeed
    Indefatigable
    Indemnity
    Independence
    Independent
    Independently
    Independents
    Independientes
    Independistas
    Indeterminate
    Index
    India
    Indian
    Indiana
    Indianapolis
    Indians
    Indicate
    Indications
    Indictment
    Indictments
    Indies
    Indignation
    Indirectly
    Individual
    Indiæ
    Indo
    Indomitable
    Inducements
    Inductive
    Industrial
    Industries
    Industry
    Infallibility
    Infant
    Infantry
    Infection
    Infinitely
    Infinitesimal
    Inflammation
    Inflated
    Influence
    Influx
    Informal
    Information
    Infuriated
    Ingalls
    Inhabitants
    Inheritance
    Initial
    Initials
    Initiation
    Initiative
    Injunction
    Injunctions
    Injuries
    Inland
    Inlet
    Inman
    Inmediatistas
    Inner
    Innocent
    Innsprück
    Inquiry
    Inquisition
    Inshallah
    Inside
    Inspector
    Inspired
    Installation
    Instantly
    Instead
    Instigated
    Instigations
    Institut
    Institute
    Institution
    Institutions
    Instruction
    Instructions
    Instrument
    Insular
    Insurance
    Insurgency
    Insurgent
    Insurgents
    Insurrection
    Integrity
    Intellectual
    Intellectuals
    Intellektuellen
    Intelligence
    Intelligentia
    Intelligenzia
    Intense
    Inter
    Interborough
    Interchange
    Interchanges
    Interest
    Interests
    Interference
    Interferometer
    Interior
    Intermediate
    Intermediation
    Internal
    International
    Internationale
    Internationaler
    Interoceanic
    Interparliamentary
    Interpellations
    Interpretation
    Interpreted
    Interstate
    Intervention
    Interview
    Intimations
    Into
    Intoxicants
    Intransigentes
    Intrigues
    Introduction
    Invaders
    Invalid
    Invalidating
    Invalidity
    Invaluable
    Invasion
    Invention
    Inventor
    Inventors
    Inventory
    Inverness
    Investigate
    Investigation
    Investigations
    Investing
    Investitures
    Investiturstrcit
    Investiturstreit
    Investment
    Investments
    Inveteracy
    Invincible
    Invincibles
    Invisible
    Invitation
    Involution
    Involved
    Ion
    Ionians
    Iowa
    Ipsus
    Ipswich
    Ira
    Iradeh
    Iran
    Ireland
    Ireton
    Irish
    Irishman
    Iron
    Ironside
    Iroquois
    Irreconcilables
    Irrigation
    Irving
    Is
    Isaac
    Isabella
    Isabelo
    Isaiah
    Isaias
    Iselle
    Isfahan
    Isham
    Ishii
    Ishmael
    Iskanderun
    Islam
    Islamic
    Islamism
    Island
    Islanders
    Islands
    Isle
    Isles
    Ismail
    Ispahan
    Israel
    Israelite
    Israelites
    Issue
    Issues
    Issus
    Isthmian
    Isthmus
    Istria
    Isvolsky
    Iswolsky
    It
    Itagaki
    Italian
    Italians
    Italy
    Itang
    Ithaca
    Itidal
    Ito
    Its
    Itzushan
    Iusammi
    Iutaro
    Ivan
    Ivanovich
    Iveagh
    Ives
    Ivins
    Iyenaga
    Izeddin
    Izzet
    J
    JACKSON
    JACOBITES
    JACOBUS
    JAMAICA
    JAMES
    JAMESON
    JAMESTOWN
    JAN
    JANEIRO
    JANNARIS
    JANUARY
    JAPAN
    JAPANESE
    JAY
    JEANES
    JEFFERSON
    JENKINS
    JEROME
    JERSEY
    JERUSALEM
    JERVIS
    JESUIT
    JESUITS
    JESUS
    JEVONS
    JEWISH
    JEWS
    JIMENEZ
    JOAN
    JOAQUIN
    JOHN
    JOHNSON
    JOINT
    JOLO
    JONES
    JOSE
    JOSEPH
    JOSÉ
    JOUBERT
    JOÃO
    JR
    JUAN
    JUAREZ
    JUBILEE
    JUDAH
    JUDGE
    JUDGES
    JUDICIAL
    JUDSON
    JUDÆA
    JULIAN
    JULIUS
    JULY
    JUNE
    JUNIOR
    JUSTH
    JUSTICE
    JUSTINIAN
    JUVENILE
    Jack
    Jackson
    Jacob
    Jacobin
    Jacobites
    Jacquerie
    Jahrbueh
    Jains
    Jakob
    Jalhay
    Jamaica
    Jamal
    James
    Jameson
    Jamestown
    Jan
    Janeiro
    Jang
    Jannaris
    Jansenists
    January
    Janvion
    Japan
    Japanese
    Japs
    Jas
    Jastrow
    Jaures
    Jaurès
    Java
    Jay
    Jayne
    Je
    Jeanes
    Jeanne
    Jeans
    Jebb
    Jebba
    Jebel
    Jefferson
    Jeffreys
    Jehovah
    Jeme
    Jena
    Jenks
    Jennings
    Jens
    Jerome
    Jersey
    Jerusalem
    Jervis
    Jessop
    Jessup
    Jesuit
    Jesuits
    Jesus
    Jette
    Jevons
    Jew
    Jewish
    Jews
    Jimenez
    Jingo
    Joachimsthal
    Joan
    Joaquim
    Joel
    Johannesburg
    John
    Johns
    Johnson
    Johnston
    Johnstone
    Joined
    Joint
    Joliet
    Jolo
    Joly
    Jomini
    Jones
    Jong
    Jonkheer
    Jonnart
    Jordan
    Jordmans
    Jorge
    Jose
    Joseph
    Josephine
    Josephus
    Josiah
    José
    Joubert
    Jourde
    Journal
    Journalism
    Journals
    Journey
    Joy
    Joyneville
    João
    Jr
    Juan
    Juarez
    Jubilee
    Judah
    Judge
    Judged
    Judges
    Judging
    Judgment
    Judgments
    Judicial
    Judiciary
    Judson
    Judæa
    Jui
    Jules
    Julian
    Julius
    July
    Junction
    June
    Junior
    Junius
    Jurisdiction
    Jurisprudence
    Jurists
    Jury
    Just
    Justh
    Justice
    Justices
    Justification
    Justin
    Justo
    Jutland
    Juvenile
    K
    KAFFIR
    KAI
    KAIPING
    KAISER
    KAJAR
    KALGAN
    KAMIMURA
    KANO
    KANSAS
    KARAGEORGEVICH
    KASSITE
    KATANGA
    KATSURA
    KAULBARS
    KAWAMURA
    KEIR
    KELANTAN
    KELLY
    KENNEDY
    KENTUCKY
    KHAN
    KHARBIN
    KHARKOFF
    KHARTUM
    KIAMIL
    KIEFF
    KINCHOU
    KING
    KINGDOM
    KINGS
    KINGSTON
    KINSHU
    KIPLING
    KIRDORF
    KISHINEFF
    KITCHENER
    KLAN
    KLERKSDORP
    KLUX
    KNIAZ
    KNIGHTS
    KNOWLEDGE
    KNOWN
    KNOX
    KOCH
    KOCHER
    KOGORO
    KOMURA
    KONDRATENKO
    KOREA
    KOSSUTH
    KRATZ
    KRONSTADT
    KU
    KUAN
    KUANG
    KUBLAI
    KUENSAN
    KULTURKAMPF
    KUNO
    KURINO
    KUROKI
    KUROPATKIN
    KUYPER
    Kabul
    Kaffir
    Kaffirs
    Kai
    Kaid
    Kaids
    Kaim
    Kaimakams
    Kaiping
    Kaiser
    Kaisha
    Kajar
    Kakhk
    Kalamas
    Kalgan
    Kalgoorlie
    Kalindero
    Kaliph
    Kam
    Kameruns
    Kamimura
    Kan
    Kang
    Kangra
    Kano
    Kansas
    Kansu
    Kantanga
    Kapp
    Kara
    Karageorgevich
    Karageorgievitch
    Karl
    Karlsruhe
    Karlstadt
    Karola
    Karoo
    Karpoff
    Kasai
    Kasbah
    Kashima
    Kasr
    Katanga
    Kataoka
    Kathiawar
    Katori
    Katsura
    Kaufmann
    Kaulbars
    Kawachi
    Kawakami
    Kawamura
    Kayasths
    Kazvin
    Keane
    Kearsarge
    Keary
    Kebir
    Kedah
    Keefe
    Keen
    Keene
    Keep
    Kehoe
    Keightley
    Keim
    Keir
    Keith
    Kelantan
    Kellogg
    Kelly
    Keltie
    Kemal
    Kenadsa
    Kenia
    Kennan
    Kennedy
    Kenny
    Kensico
    Kensington
    Kent
    Kentucky
    Kenyon
    Keppel
    Kerbela
    Kerguelen
    Kerman
    Kern
    Kerr
    Kestner
    Khabour
    Khalifs
    Khamba
    Khan
    Kharbin
    Kharkoff
    Kharkov
    Khartoum
    Khedivate
    Khedive
    Khedivial
    Khuen
    Khuzistan
    Khyber
    Kiachow
    Kiamil
    Kiang
    Kiangse
    Kiangsi
    Kiao
    Kiaochow
    Kidnapping
    Kieff
    Kieft
    Kiel
    Kiev
    Kikuan
    Kilimanjaro
    Kilkenny
    Kill
    Killed
    Killen
    Killick
    Killowen
    Kilmainham
    Kilmarnock
    Kimberly
    Kincardine
    Kinchou
    King
    Kingdom
    Kingdoms
    Kinglake
    Kingmaker
    Kings
    Kingsbridge
    Kingsford
    Kingship
    Kingsley
    Kingsmill
    Kingston
    Kingstown
    Kington
    Kinley
    Kinshu
    Kiosk
    Kipling
    Kirdorf
    Kirin
    Kirkcaldy
    Kirkpatrick
    Kiro
    Kirwan
    Kishineff
    Kitchener
    Kitchin
    Kittani
    Kitty
    Klehine
    Klein
    Kleine
    Klerksdorp
    Klux
    Knapp
    Kniaz
    Knickerbocker
    Knight
    Knights
    Knopf
    Knossos
    Knots
    Knowing
    Knowledge
    Knowles
    Knox
    Kobi
    Kobu
    Koch
    Kocher
    Kogoro
    Kohl
    Kohlrausch
    Kohlsaat
    Kokovsoff
    Kolde
    Koloman
    Komitajis
    Kompong
    Komura
    Konak
    Konakry
    Kondratenko
    Koner
    Kong
    Konieh
    Kopke
    Koran
    Kordofan
    Korea
    Korean
    Koreans
    Korinchi
    Korostovetz
    Korsakovsk
    Koshoff
    Kossovo
    Kossuth
    Kourlak
    Koursk
    Kovalevsky
    Kovno
    Kow
    Kowloon
    Krakatoa
    Krasinski
    Krasnoyarsk
    Kratz
    Krause
    Krausz
    Kreditanstalt
    Kreuz
    Krivoshein
    Krogh
    Kronstadt
    Kropotkin
    Kropotkine
    Kruger
    Krugersdorp
    Kruna
    Krupp
    Krusenstern
    Kruttschnitt
    Ksar
    Ku
    Kuang
    Kuangsi
    Kuangtung
    Kuei
    Kuen
    Kuenen
    Kulturkampf
    Kum
    Kun
    Kuno
    Kurama
    Kurds
    Kurihama
    Kurino
    Kuroki
    Kuropatkin
    Kurtz
    Kuyper
    Kwan
    Kwang
    Kwango
    Kwangtung
    Kwei
    Kweichow
    Kämmel
    Körber
    K’AI
    L
    LA
    LABOR
    LADRONES
    LAFAYETTE
    LAGERLOF
    LAKE
    LAKES
    LALLA
    LAMA
    LAMSDORFF
    LANCASTER
    LAND
    LANDIS
    LANDLORDISM
    LANDS
    LANE
    LANGLEY
    LANGUAGE
    LANSDOWNE
    LARGE
    LARNED
    LARRINAGA
    LAST
    LATER
    LATHAM
    LATIN
    LATIUM
    LAUD
    LAURIER
    LAVAL
    LAVERAN
    LAW
    LAWGIVERS
    LAWRENCE
    LAWS
    LAZARISTS
    LE
    LEADING
    LEAGUE
    LEASE
    LECOT
    LED
    LEDREBORG
    LEGARDA
    LEGATIONS
    LEGENDARY
    LEGISLATION
    LEGISLATIVE
    LEGUIA
    LEIPSIC
    LEIPSIG
    LENARD
    LEO
    LEONARD
    LEONIDAS
    LEOPOLD
    LEPANTO
    LERROUX
    LESLIE
    LESSONS
    LETCHWORTH
    LETTERS
    LEWIS
    LEYDEN
    LHASA
    LI
    LIABILITY
    LIANG
    LIAO
    LIAUTEY
    LIBERAL
    LIBERATION
    LIBERIA
    LICENSE
    LIEN
    LIEUTENANT
    LIFE
    LII
    LIII
    LILIENTHAL
    LIMA
    LIMERICK
    LIMITATION
    LIMITATIONS
    LINCOLN
    LINDSEY
    LINE
    LINEVITCH
    LINGUISTIC
    LION
    LIPPMAN
    LIQUOR
    LITERATURE
    LIV
    LIVING
    LLOYD
    LOAN
    LOCAL
    LOCKHART
    LOCKOUTS
    LOCOMOTIVE
    LODGE
    LODZ
    LOEB
    LOISY
    LOLLARDS
    LOMBARDS
    LONDON
    LONG
    LOPUKHIN
    LORD
    LORDS
    LORENTZ
    LORRAINE
    LOS
    LOUBET
    LOUIS
    LOUISBURG
    LOUISIANA
    LOW
    LOWELL
    LOWER
    LOWTHER
    LUBIN
    LUIZ
    LUKE
    LUN
    LUNDY
    LUNEVILLE
    LUNG
    LUSITANIA
    LUTHER
    LUTHERAN
    LUTHERANISM
    LUZURIAGA
    LV
    LYOFF
    La
    Labaume
    Labor
    Laboratories
    Laboratory
    Laborers
    Labour
    Labourites
    Labrador
    Lack
    Lackawanna
    Lacombe
    Lacouperie
    Ladd
    Lado
    Ladrones
    Lady
    Lafayette
    Lafcadio
    Lagerlof
    Lagos
    Laguna
    Lahidjan
    Lahm
    Lahore
    Lake
    Lakes
    Lakewood
    Lakey
    Lalcaca
    Lalla
    Lama
    Lamaist
    Lamartine
    Lamas
    Lamb
    Lambert
    Lamed
    Lammasch
    Lamprecht
    Lamsdorff
    Lanao
    Lanark
    Lancashire
    Lancaster
    Lancelot
    Lanciani
    Land
    Landed
    Landesen
    Landing
    Landis
    Landlordism
    Landlords
    Landmarks
    Landon
    Lands
    Landsdowne
    Landslides
    Landsthing
    Landstings
    Landtag
    Lane
    Lanfrey
    Lang
    Langdon
    Langley
    Langmead
    Language
    Lansdowne
    Lantzushan
    Laotiehshan
    Lapathiotis
    Lapcyrère
    Lapeyrère
    Lapilli
    Lappenberg
    Lara
    Lard
    Lardner
    Large
    Largely
    Larger
    Laristan
    Larned
    Larrinaga
    Lars
    Las
    Lasalle
    Last
    Lastly
    Latané
    Late
    Lately
    Later
    Latest
    Latham
    Lathrop
    Latimer
    Latin
    Latinized
    Latins
    Latitudinarian
    Latter
    Latterly
    Laud
    Laughlin
    Laun
    Laundry
    Laurier
    Lausanne
    Laval
    Laveleye
    Laveran
    Lavisse
    Law
    Lawless
    Lawrence
    Laws
    Lawson
    Lax
    Laybach
    Laying
    Laymen
    Lazaro
    Lchlun
    Le
    Lea
    Lead
    Leader
    Leaders
    Leadership
    Leading
    Leaf
    Leaflets
    League
    Leagues
    Leake
    Leander
    Learning
    Lease
    Leave
    Leaving
    Lechler
    Lecky
    Leconte
    Lecot
    Lectures
    Ledreborg
    Lee
    Leeds
    Leer
    Lees
    Left
    Lefèvre
    Legacy
    Legal
    Legality
    Legarda
    Legation
    Legations
    Legend
    Leger
    Legion
    Legislation
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    Legitime
    Legrand
    Leguia
    Lehigh
    Lehmann
    Leibnitz
    Leicester
    Leighlin
    Leighton
    Leinster
    Leipsic
    Leipzig
    Leishman
    Leiter
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    Lenape
    Lenard
    Lennon
    Lenormant
    Lenox
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    Lentur
    Leo
    Leon
    Leonard
    Leone
    Leonidas
    Leopold
    Lepanto
    Lerdo
    Leroy
    Lerroux
    Lerwick
    Leslie
    Less
    Lesseps
    Lesson
    Lessons
    Let
    Letchworth
    Letelier
    Letter
    Letters
    Letts
    Levermore
    Levevasseur
    Levi
    Levy
    Levying
    Lewes
    Lewin
    Lewis
    Lewiston
    Lex
    Leyden
    Leyland
    Lhasa
    Lhassa
    Liability
    Liakhoff
    Liang
    Liangkiang
    Liao
    Liaoyang
    Liautey
    Libau
    Libel
    Liberal
    Liberalism
    Liberals
    Liberation
    Liberator
    Liberia
    Liberian
    Liberians
    Libertador
    Liberties
    Liberty
    Libraries
    Library
    Libre
    Lic
    License
    Licensed
    Licensing
    Licinian
    Lick
    Liddell
    Liege
    Lieutenant
    Life
    Light
    Lightfoot
    Ligue
    Like
    Likewise
    Lilienthal
    Lille
    Lilly
    Lima
    Limantour
    Limerick
    Limit
    Limitation
    Limitations
    Limited
    Limiting
    Limon
    Lincoln
    Lindsey
    Line
    Lines
    Linevitch
    Lingard
    Linlithgow
    Linseed
    Lion
    Lippman
    Liquor
    Liquors
    Lisbon
    Lisburn
    Lismore
    List
    Lists
    Literary
    Literature
    Lithuanian
    Litigation
    Little
    Littleborough
    Liu
    Liverpool
    Lives
    Living
    Livingstone
    Livonians
    Livy
    Lloyd
    Loan
    Loans
    Local
    Lock
    Locke
    Lockhart
    Lockout
    Lockouts
    Locomotion
    Locomotive
    Lodge
    Lodz
    Loeb
    Logan
    Logginovich
    Lohmnan
    Loisy
    Lollards
    Lombard
    Lombardian
    Lombardy
    Lombroso
    Lomja
    London
    Londonderry
    Lone
    Lonely
    Long
    Longman
    Longmore
    Longshoremen
    Longton
    Lonsdale
    Look
    Looked
    Looking
    Loomis
    Lopez
    Lopukhin
    Loran
    Lord
    Lords
    Lordship
    Lordships
    Lorentz
    Lorentzen
    Lorenzo
    Lorient
    Los
    Loss
    Losses
    Lossing
    Lost
    Lotus
    Loubet
    Loud
    Loudon
    Louis
    Louisburg
    Louisiana
    Louisville
    Louvain
    Low
    Lowe
    Lowell
    Lower
    Lowndes
    Lowther
    Loyalists
    Loyd
    Loyola
    Lubbock
    Lubin
    Lucania
    Lucas
    Luce
    Luchaire
    Luciano
    Lucius
    Lucknow
    Ludlow
    Ludwig
    Lugard
    Lugardo
    Luis
    Luiz
    Lukacs
    Lukban
    Luke
    Lulanga
    Lulonga
    Lulongo
    Lumber
    Lummis
    Lund
    Luneville
    Lupton
    Lurgan
    Luristan
    Lushington
    Lusitania
    Lusk
    Luther
    Lutheran
    Lutherans
    Luzerne
    Luzon
    Luzuriaga
    Lyall
    Lyautey
    Lybian
    Lycurgus
    Lycée
    Lyman
    Lynar
    Lynch
    Lyne
    Lynn
    Lyons
    Lyric
    Lyte
    Lytton
    LÈSE
    LÜTZEN
    Lèse
    Lüderitz
    L’Irlande
    L’OUVERTURE
    M
    MACAULAY
    MACCABEAN
    MACDONALD
    MACEDON
    MACEDONIA
    MACEDONIAN
    MACKAY
    MACKENZIE
    MACLAURIN
    MACLEAN
    MACVEAGH
    MADAGASCAR
    MADISON
    MADNESS
    MADRIZ
    MAGAZINE
    MAGHRABI
    MAGHREB
    MAGNA
    MAGNIFICENT
    MAGOON
    MAHAFFY
    MAHDI
    MAHMUD
    MAHOMET
    MAHOMETAN
    MAHON
    MAID
    MAJESTÉ
    MAKAROFF
    MAKERS
    MAKING
    MALARIA
    MALAY
    MANCHU
    MANCHURIA
    MANICKTOLLAH
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    MANILLA
    MANITOBA
    MANNESMANN
    MANUEL
    MAPS
    MARAT
    MARCH
    MARCONI
    MARIE
    MARINE
    MARISCAL
    MARK
    MARKED
    MARKET
    MARLBOROUGH
    MARQUIS
    MARRAKESH
    MARRIAGE
    MARSEILLES
    MARSHALL
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    MARTENS
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    MARU
    MARY
    MARYLAND
    MASCHINE
    MASS
    MASSACHUSETTS
    MASSACRE
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    MATERIAL
    MATOS
    MATSUKATA
    MATTER
    MATTHEW
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    MAX
    MAXIMILIAN
    MAXIMUM
    MAY
    MAYFLOWER
    MAYOR
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    MCCRAY
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    MCKENNA
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    MEANING
    MEASURES
    MECCA
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    MEDIEVAL
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    MEDJLISS
    MEJLIS
    MELILLA
    MEMBERS
    MEMORIAL
    MENDEL
    MENELEK
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    MERGER
    MEROVINGIAN
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    MERRY
    MERSINA
    MESSAGE
    MESSINA
    METCALF
    METCHNIKOFF
    METRE
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    MEXICO
    MEYER
    MICHAEL
    MICHELET
    MICHELSEN
    MICHIGAN
    MIDDLE
    MIDHAT
    MIGNOT
    MIGRATION
    MIGRATIONS
    MIGUEL
    MIGUELISTAS
    MILES
    MILIOUKOV
    MILITARY
    MILLERAND
    MILLS
    MILMAN
    MILNER
    MILWAUKEE
    MIN
    MINDANAO
    MINE
    MINERALS
    MINERS
    MINES
    MING
    MINING
    MINISTER
    MINISTRE
    MINISTRY
    MINNESOTA
    MINOR
    MINTO
    MIRSKY
    MIRZA
    MISCELLANEOUS
    MISSION
    MISSIONARIES
    MISSIONS
    MISSISSIPPI
    MISSOURI
    MISTRAL
    MITCHELL
    MM
    MME
    MOB
    MODERATE
    MODERN
    MODERNISM
    MODUS
    MOHAMID
    MOHAMMED
    MOHAMMEDAN
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    MOHAMMEDANS
    MOHAMMID
    MOHONK
    MOINES
    MOISSAN
    MOLTKE
    MOMMSEN
    MONARCHICAL
    MONARCHY
    MONASTICISM
    MONASTIR
    MONETA
    MONETARY
    MONEY
    MONGOL
    MONITOR
    MONKS
    MONO
    MONOPOLIES
    MONROE
    MONT
    MONTAGUE
    MONTCALM
    MONTENEGRO
    MONTES
    MONTEZUMA
    MONTREAL
    MONTT
    MONUMENT
    MOODY
    MOOR
    MOORISH
    MOORS
    MORAL
    MORALES
    MOREIRA
    MORENGA
    MORET
    MORGAN
    MORISON
    MORLEY
    MORMON
    MOROCCO
    MOROS
    MORRILL
    MORRIS
    MORTON
    MOSCOW
    MOSLEM
    MOSQUITO
    MOTHER
    MOTIENLING
    MOTLEY
    MOUNT
    MOUNTAIN
    MOVE
    MOVEMENT
    MOVEMENTS
    MOVING
    MR
    MRS
    MSS
    MUGWUMPS
    MUHAMMED
    MUIJTEHEDS
    MUKDEN
    MULAI
    MULK
    MULLAH
    MULLAS
    MUNICIPAL
    MURDERED
    MURDERS
    MURRELL
    MUSHIR
    MUSTAFA
    MUTINY
    MUTUAL
    MUZZAFER
    MYLIUS
    MYTILENE
    Mabolos
    Mac
    MacAndrews
    MacArthur
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    MacDonald
    MacDonnell
    MacFarlane
    MacGregor
    MacLean
    MacManus
    MacMullen
    MacVeagh
    Macalister
    Macaulay
    Macdonald
    Macdonnell
    Macedonia
    Macedonian
    Macedonians
    Macgregor
    Machiavelli
    Machine
    Machinists
    Mackay
    Mackenzie
    Mackintosh
    Maclaren
    Maclaurin
    Maclear
    Macmillan
    Macy
    Madagascar
    Madame
    Madan
    Made
    Madeira
    Mademoiselle
    Madison
    Madras
    Madrassi
    Madre
    Madrid
    Madriz
    Madura
    Maen
    Magazine
    Magdalen
    Maghrabi
    Maghreb
    Maghzen
    Magic
    Magistrate
    Magistrates
    Magna
    Magnetic
    Magnitude
    Magoon
    Magruder
    Magus
    Magyar
    Magyarizing
    Magyars
    Mahaffy
    Mahan
    Mahdi
    Mahdis
    Mahmud
    Mahomed
    Mahomedan
    Mahomedans
    Mahomet
    Mahometan
    Mahommed
    Mahommedan
    Mahon
    Mahratta
    Mahrattas
    Mahu
    Maid
    Mail
    Main
    Maine
    Mainland
    Mainly
    Maintenance
    Maison
    Maitland
    Maizuru
    Majeste
    Majestic
    Majesties
    Majesty
    Majesté
    Major
    Majorities
    Majority
    Makaroff
    Make
    Maker
    Makers
    Makhzen
    Making
    Malaga
    Malaria
    Malay
    Malaysia
    Malden
    Male
    Males
    Malines
    Malleson
    Mallet
    Malloy
    Malt
    Malta
    Maltbie
    Malvar
    Mamore
    Man
    Management
    Manager
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    Managua
    Manchester
    Manchu
    Manchuria
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    Manchus
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    Mandates
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    Manifesto
    Manifestos
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    Manila
    Manitoba
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    Mann
    Mannesmann
    Mannesmanns
    Mannheim
    Manning
    Mans
    Mansion
    Mansur
    Manual
    Manuel
    Manufacturers
    Manufactures
    Manufacturing
    Manuscript
    Many
    Mao
    Maori
    Maoris
    Map
    Maps
    Maracaibo
    Marathon
    Marble
    Marblehead
    Marburg
    Marceau
    Marcelin
    Marcellin
    March
    Marche
    Marchiafava
    Marconi
    Marcus
    Margaret
    Margarine
    Margarita
    Maria
    Marie
    Mariette
    Marine
    Marines
    Mario
    Marion
    Mariotti
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    Mark
    Markets
    Markham
    Marking
    Marks
    Marlborough
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    Maroc
    Maroille
    Marquess
    Marquis
    Marrakech
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    Marras
    Marriage
    Marriott
    Marruecos
    Marrying
    Mars
    Marseilles
    Marsh
    Marshal
    Marshall
    Marshals
    Marso
    Marson
    Marston
    Martell
    Martens
    Martha
    Martial
    Martin
    Martineau
    Martinique
    Maru
    Marvelous
    Marvin
    Marxian
    Mary
    Maryland
    Masampho
    Maschin
    Maschine
    Maschines
    Mason
    Masons
    Maspero
    Mass
    Massachusetts
    Massacre
    Massacres
    Massey
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    Master
    Matanzas
    Mateo
    Mater
    Material
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    Mathues
    Matin
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    Mattei
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    Matter
    Matters
    Matthew
    Matto
    Matumba
    Mauchamp
    Mauerbach
    Maunsel
    Maunsell
    Maura
    Maurenbrecher
    Mauretania
    Mauretanie
    Maurice
    Mauritanie
    Maury
    Mavromichalis
    Max
    Maxilom
    Maxim
    Maximilian
    Maximilien
    Maximo
    Maxims
    Maximum
    Maxwell
    May
    Mayadin
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    Maynooth
    Mayo
    Mayor
    Mayors
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    Mazarin
    McADOO
    McANENY
    McAdoo
    McAneny
    McBurney
    McCALL
    McCLELLAN
    McCURDY
    McCall
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    McClellan
    McCoan
    McCook
    McCosh
    McCoun
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    McCurdy
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    Meacham
    Mead
    Meadow
    Meadows
    Meakin
    Meals
    Mean
    Meaning
    Means
    Meantime
    Meanwhile
    Measure
    Measurement
    Measurements
    Measures
    Meats
    Mecca
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    Mechanics
    Mediaeval
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    Medici
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    Meetings
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    Memoire
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    Men
    Menace
    Menaced
    Menacing
    Menam
    Mendel
    Mendoza
    Menelek
    Menelik
    Menocal
    Mention
    Menzel
    Menzies
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    Merchandise
    Merchant
    Merchants
    Merciful
    Merciless
    Mercy
    Merely
    Merger
    Merida
    Merit
    Merite
    Merivale
    Merlou
    Mermeix
    Merovingian
    Merovingians
    Merriam
    Merrill
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    Merriman
    Merry
    Mersina
    Meshed
    Mesopotamian
    Message
    Messages
    Messiah
    Messina
    Messrs
    Metalliferous
    Metcalf
    Metchnikoff
    Meter
    Method
    Methodists
    Methods
    Metre
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    Metropolitan
    Meudon
    Mex
    Mexican
    Mexico
    Meyer
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    Mgr
    Michael
    Michaelmas
    Michaud
    Michelet
    Michelsen
    Michelson
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    Middle
    Middlesex
    Middletown
    Midhat
    Midi
    Midlothian
    Midvale
    Mifflin
    Mignet
    Mignot
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    Millard
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    Millions
    Mills
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    Milo
    Milosh
    Milton
    Milwaukee
    Min
    Minas
    Minchin
    Mindanao
    Mindful
    Mindoro
    Mine
    Mineral
    Mineralogical
    Minerals
    Miners
    Minerva
    Mines
    Minimum
    Mining
    Minister
    Ministerial
    Ministerialists
    Ministers
    Ministries
    Ministry
    Ministère
    Minneapolis
    Minnesota
    Minor
    Minsk
    Minto
    Mirabello
    Miraflores
    Miranda
    Mirsky
    Mirza
    Miscellaneous
    Miscellany
    Misery
    Misfortune
    Miss
    Mission
    Missionaries
    Missionary
    Missions
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    Mitchell
    Mitford
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    Mitsui
    Mittau
    Mivart
    Mixed
    Miéville
    Moabites
    Mob
    Mobile
    Mobilization
    Mobridge
    Modem
    Moderate
    Moderates
    Moderation
    Moderator
    Modern
    Modernism
    Modernists
    Modernizing
    Modes
    Modesto
    Modification
    Modus
    Moeller
    Mogami
    Mogul
    Mohamed
    Mohammed
    Mohammedan
    Mohammedans
    Mohammid
    Mohawk
    Mohonk
    Mohsin
    Moines
    Moissan
    Mojave
    Mokkadem
    Mokri
    Moldavia
    Moldavians
    Molders
    Molesworth
    Mollahs
    Moltke
    Momentum
    Mommsen
    Monarch
    Monarchical
    Monarchies
    Monarchist
    Monarchists
    Monarchs
    Monarchy
    Monasteries
    Monasticism
    Monastir
    Monatsschrift
    Moncton
    Monday
    Moneta
    Monetary
    Monette
    Money
    Moneypenny
    Mongol
    Mongolfiers
    Mongolia
    Mongolian
    Mongolians
    Mongols
    Mongredien
    Monica
    Monitor
    Monks
    Monmouthshire
    Mono
    Monopolistic
    Monopolization
    Monopoly
    Monroe
    Monrovia
    Mons
    Monseigneur
    Monsieur
    Monsignor
    Monson
    Mont
    Montague
    Montalembert
    Montana
    Montcalm
    Monte
    Montefiore
    Montenegrin
    Montenegrins
    Montenegro
    Monterey
    Montero
    Montes
    Montevideo
    Montfort
    Montgomery
    Monthly
    Months
    Montpellier
    Montreal
    Montt
    Monument
    Monuments
    Moodie
    Moody
    Moon
    Moor
    Moore
    Moorish
    Moors
    Moral
    Morales
    Moravia
    Mordecai
    More
    Morecambe
    Moreira
    Morel
    Morell
    Morenga
    Moreno
    Moreover
    Moret
    Morfil
    Morgan
    Morison
    Moritzen
    Moro
    Moroccan
    Morocco
    Moros
    Morris
    Morrison
    Morse
    Mort
    Mortality
    Mortgage
    Morton
    Mosaics
    Moscow
    Mosely
    Moses
    Mosheim
    Moslem
    Moslems
    Mosque
    Mosquito
    Mossamedes
    Most
    Mostaganem
    Mother
    Motherland
    Motherwell
    Motienling
    Motley
    Motor
    Mott
    Moudir
    Moudirieh
    Mouillard
    Moukden
    Mouktar
    Mount
    Mountain
    Mountains
    Mounted
    Mouravieff
    Mourmelon
    Move
    Moved
    Movement
    Movements
    Moving
    Moyer
    Mozambique
    Mr
    Mrs
    Mt
    Much
    Muette
    Mufti
    Muhammad
    Muhammed
    Muir
    Mujtehed
    Mujteheds
    Mukden
    Mukhber
    Mukhbir
    Mulai
    Mulk
    Mullah
    Mullahs
    Muller
    Mullinger
    Mummy
    Munich
    Municipal
    Municipalities
    Municipality
    Municipalization
    Munificent
    Munro
    Munsey
    Munster
    Muravieff
    Murder
    Murderer
    Murders
    Murdock
    Murphy
    Murray
    Murrell
    Muscovite
    Museum
    Mushir
    Music
    Muslim
    Mussulman
    Mussulmans
    Must
    Mustafa
    Musulmans
    Mutesarrif
    Mutiny
    Mutual
    Mutuel
    Muzaffarpur
    Muzaffer
    My
    Mycale
    Mycenae
    Myer
    Mylius
    Mynter
    Myron
    Mystics
    Myths
    Mytilene
    MÜLLER
    MÜRZSTEG
    Mühlberg
    Müller
    Münsterberg
    Mürzsteg
    Mœurs
    M’Crie
    N
    NA
    NABUCO
    NACIONALISTAS
    NAGEL
    NAKAMURA
    NAME
    NAMES
    NANSHAN
    NANTES
    NAPLES
    NAPOLEON
    NAPOLEONIC
    NASEBY
    NASR
    NATAL
    NATHAN
    NATION
    NATIONAL
    NATIONALISM
    NATIONS
    NATURAL
    NATURALIZATION
    NAVAL
    NAVARRE
    NAVIES
    NAVIGATION
    NAVY
    NEAR
    NEBRASKA
    NEEDLES
    NEERGAARD
    NEGOTIATIONS
    NEGRO
    NELIDOW
    NERO
    NEST
    NETHERLANDS
    NEW
    NEWCOMB
    NEWER
    NEWFOUNDLAND
    NEWMAN
    NIAGARA
    NICARAGUA
    NICHOLAS
    NICHOLS
    NICOLAS
    NICOLAU
    NICOLSON
    NICÆA
    NIEL
    NIGERIA
    NIGHT
    NIHILISM
    NILE
    NIMEGUEN
    NINETEENTH
    NINETY
    NINEVEH
    NINTH
    NOBEL
    NOBILITY
    NODZU
    NOGI
    NOMINATED
    NOMINATION
    NOMINATIONS
    NOMINAVIT
    NONCONFORMISTS
    NORD
    NORDENSKJÖLD
    NORDEZ
    NORMAN
    NORMANDY
    NORTH
    NORTHCOTE
    NORTHERN
    NORTHWEST
    NORWAY
    NOS
    NOT
    NOTABLE
    NOTE
    NOTES
    NOVA
    NOVEMBER
    NOVIS
    NULLIFICATION
    NUMBERS
    NUMEROUS
    Naauwpoort
    Nabis
    Nabuco
    Nacaome
    Nacional
    Nacionalista
    Nacionalistas
    Nagel
    Nahum
    Naib
    Nakamura
    Name
    Nan
    Nankau
    Nanking
    Nansen
    Nanshan
    Nantes
    Nantucket
    Napier
    Naples
    Napoleon
    Napoleonic
    Napp
    Narbonne
    Narrative
    Nashville
    Nasi
    Nasr
    Natal
    Natchalnik
    Nathan
    Nathanael
    Nathaniel
    Nation
    National
    Nationalism
    Nationalist
    Nationalists
    Nationalities
    Nationality
    Nationalization
    Nationalizing
    Nations
    Native
    Natives
    Natural
    Naturalists
    Naturalization
    Naturally
    Nature
    Naturelle
    Naturforscher
    Naval
    Navarre
    Navies
    Navigation
    Naville
    Navy
    Nawab
    Nawabs
    Nay
    Nazara
    Nazarenes
    Neal
    Neander
    Near
    Nearly
    Nebogatoff
    Nebraska
    Nebuchadnezzar
    Need
    Needed
    Neergaard
    Neglect
    Negotiation
    Negotiations
    Negra
    Negro
    Negroes
    Negroid
    Negros
    Negus
    Nehemiah
    Neighbors
    Neill
    Neither
    Nekl
    Nelidoff
    Nelidow
    Nelson
    Nelsons
    Nemesis
    Neptune
    Nero
    Nerva
    Ness
    Nest
    Net
    Netherland
    Netherlands
    Neutral
    Neutrality
    Neutrals
    Neva
    Nevada
    Never
    Nevertheless
    Nevinson
    New
    Newcastle
    Newchwang
    Newcomb
    Newest
    Newfound
    Newfoundland
    Newfoundlanders
    Newlands
    Newman
    Newport
    Newry
    News
    Newspaper
    Newspapers
    Newt
    Newton
    Next
    Niagara
    Niausta
    Nicaragua
    Nicaraguan
    Niccolo
    Nicene
    Nicholas
    Nichols
    Nicholson
    Nicias
    Nicodemus
    Nicolas
    Nicolay
    Nicolini
    Nicolson
    Niebuhr
    Niel
    Niels
    Nieman
    Nigel
    Niger
    Nigeria
    Nigerian
    Night
    Nights
    Nikoloff
    Nile
    Niles
    Nilo
    Nimrod
    Nine
    Nineteen
    Nineteenth
    Ninomiya
    Ninth
    Ninthly
    Nipher
    Nipissing
    Nippon
    Nitobe
    Niuchwang
    Nixon
    Njal
    No
    Nobel
    Noble
    Nobody
    Nodzu
    Noel
    Nogi
    Nojine
    Noll
    Nominated
    Nomination
    Nominations
    Non
    Nonconformist
    Nonconformists
    None
    Nor
    Nord
    Nordenskjöld
    Nordez
    Norfolk
    Norgate
    Normal
    Norman
    Normandy
    Normans
    Norse
    Norte
    North
    Northcote
    Northeast
    Northeastern
    Northern
    Northrup
    Northumberland
    Northwest
    Northwestern
    Norton
    Norway
    Norwegian
    Nos
    Nossi
    Not
    Notable
    Note
    Notes
    Nothing
    Notice
    Notification
    Notorious
    Notre
    Nottingham
    Notwithstanding
    Nouvelle
    Nova
    Novel
    Novels
    November
    Novik
    Novoe
    Now
    Nowadays
    Nowhere
    Noyes
    Nubia
    Nullification
    Number
    Numbers
    Numerous
    Nuncio
    Nuncios
    Nuremberg
    Nursery
    Nuts
    Nyanza
    Nyasa
    Nâsr
    Nègre
    Nöldeke
    N’gongo
    O
    OAK
    OATES
    OBELISKS
    OBJECTS
    OBOLENSKI
    OBSERVANCE
    OCCUPATION
    OCCURRENCES
    OCEAN
    OCTAVE
    OCTOBER
    OCTOBRISTS
    ODESSA
    OF
    OFFENDERS
    OFFICE
    OGDEN
    OHIO
    OIL
    OKLAHOMA
    OKU
    OLD
    OLDENBURG
    OLIPHANT
    OLIVER
    OMAR
    OMEYYAD
    OMEYYADS
    ON
    ONE
    ONTARIO
    OP
    OPEN
    OPENED
    OPENING
    OPERATIONS
    OPIUM
    OPPOSITION
    OPSONINS
    OPTION
    OR
    ORANGE
    ORDAINED
    ORDER
    ORDERS
    ORDINANCE
    OREGON
    ORGANIC
    ORGANIZATION
    ORGANIZATIONS
    ORGANIZED
    ORIENT
    ORIENTAL
    ORIGIN
    ORIGINAL
    ORLEANS
    ORMANIAN
    ORVILLE
    OSAKA
    OSCAR
    OSMEÑA
    OSTWALD
    OTHER
    OTTO
    OTTOMAN
    OUTBREAK
    OUTBREAKS
    OUTLOOK
    OVER
    OVERTHROW
    OWN
    OWNERS
    OXFORD
    Oakland
    Oats
    Obaldia
    Obeid
    Obispo
    Object
    Objection
    Objections
    Objects
    Obligatory
    Obninsky
    Obok
    Obolenski
    Obrenovitch
    Obscurantism
    Observations
    Observatory
    Observers
    Obviously
    Occasionally
    Occidental
    Occupation
    Occupying
    Ocean
    Oceanic
    Oceanica
    Oceans
    Ocotepeque
    Octave
    October
    Octobrist
    Octobrists
    Odessa
    Odoacer
    Of
    Offenders
    Offenses
    Offensive
    Offer
    Office
    Officer
    Officers
    Offices
    Official
    Officials
    Officiorum
    Ogden
    Oh
    Ohio
    Oil
    Okabé
    Okhotsk
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    Okinoshima
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    Oku
    Okuma
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    Old
    Oldenburg
    Older
    Oldest
    Oldham
    Ole
    Olean
    Oliphant
    Oliva
    Oliver
    Olives
    Olivia
    Olivier
    Ollier
    Olmsted
    Olney
    Olympic
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    Oman
    Omar
    Omdurman
    Omitting
    On
    Once
    One
    Oneida
    Onesti
    Ongole
    Only
    Onondaga
    Ontarians
    Ontario
    Oodnadatta
    Open
    Opened
    Opening
    Opera
    Operation
    Operations
    Operators
    Opinion
    Opinions
    Opium
    Oppenheim
    Opponents
    Opposed
    Opposing
    Opposite
    Opposition
    Oppositionists
    Oppression
    Oppressions
    Opsonins
    Optimistic
    Option
    Or
    Orange
    Orangemen
    Oranoff
    Oration
    Orations
    Orchard
    Orchards
    Order
    Orders
    Ordinance
    Ordinances
    Ordinarily
    Ordinary
    Ordnance
    Ore
    Oregon
    Orel
    Organic
    Organisation
    Organization
    Organizations
    Organize
    Organized
    Orient
    Oriental
    Orientales
    Orientals
    Origin
    Original
    Originally
    Originator
    Orinoco
    Orkney
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    Orton
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    Osaka
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    Osborne
    Oscar
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    Oslabya
    Osman
    Osmeña
    Ostensibly
    Ostrogoths
    Ostwald
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    Oswego
    Other
    Others
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    Othon
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    Ottawa
    Otto
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    Ottomans
    Otté
    Oudh
    Ounif
    Our
    Ourselves
    Out
    Outbreak
    Outburst
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    Outline
    Outlines
    Outlook
    Output
    Outrages
    Outside
    Over
    Overcome
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    Overflow
    Overstrained
    Overstraining
    Overthrow
    Overthrown
    Overturnings
    Owe
    Owens
    Owing
    Own
    Owners
    Ownership
    Ownerships
    Oxford
    Oyama
    Oyster
    O’Brien
    O’C
    O’CONOR
    O’Callaghan
    O’Clery
    O’Connell
    O’Connor
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    O’HAGAN
    O’Hagan
    P
    PACIFIC
    PACIFICATION
    PACKING
    PAGANISM
    PALACE
    PALFREY
    PALMA
    PAN
    PANAMA
    PANIC
    PANICS
    PANKHURST
    PANLUNG
    PAPACY
    PAPAL
    PAPER
    PARAGUAY
    PARDO
    PARIS
    PARK
    PARKER
    PARLIAMENT
    PARLIAMENTARY
    PARLIAMENTS
    PARNELL
    PAROLE
    PARSONS
    PART
    PARTIAL
    PARTIES
    PARTITION
    PARTY
    PASHA
    PASSAGE
    PASSAY
    PASSIONISTS
    PASSIVE
    PASTEUR
    PATENTS
    PATRIARCHATES
    PATRICIANS
    PAUL
    PAULHAN
    PAUNCEFOTE
    PAUPERISM
    PAWLOW
    PAYNE
    PAZ
    PEACE
    PEARY
    PEASANT
    PEASANTRY
    PEASANTS
    PECANHA
    PEEL
    PEER
    PEKING
    PELLAGRA
    PELOPONNESIAN
    PELÉE
    PENINSULA
    PENINSULAR
    PENNA
    PENNSYLVANIA
    PENNY
    PENOLOGY
    PENSIONS
    PENTECOST
    PEONAGE
    PEOPLE
    PEOPLES
    PEPPER
    PERDICARIS
    PEREIRA
    PERFECTED
    PERICLES
    PERIOD
    PERMANENT
    PERROT
    PERRY
    PERSECUTION
    PERSECUTIONS
    PERSIA
    PERSIAN
    PERU
    PETER
    PETERSBURG
    PETIT
    PETITION
    PETROLEUM
    PETROPALOVSK
    PETROVIE
    PHAGOCYTES
    PHARAOHS
    PHILADELPHIA
    PHILANDER
    PHILIP
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    PHILIPPINES
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    PHYSICAL
    PHYSICS
    PICKETING
    PICQUART
    PICTURE
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    PIENAAR
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    PINO
    PIONEER
    PIOUS
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    PITT
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    PIUS
    PIZARRO
    PLAGUE
    PLAN
    PLANNING
    PLANS
    PLANTAGENETS
    PLANTATIONS
    PLATT
    PLAYGROUND
    PLAZA
    PLEBS
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    PLOT
    PLURAL
    PLYMOUTH
    POBIEDONOSETS
    POBIEDONOSTZEFF
    POGROMS
    POINT
    POLAND
    POLAR
    POLES
    POLICE
    POLICIES
    POLICY
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    POLITICAL
    POLITICS
    POLK
    POLLARD
    POLTAVA
    POOLING
    POOR
    POPE
    POPES
    POPISH
    POPULAR
    PORT
    PORTE
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    PORTLAND
    PORTO
    PORTS
    PORTSMOUTH
    PORTUGAL
    PORTUGUESE
    POSSESSIONS
    POST
    POSTAGE
    POSTAL
    POTEMKIN
    POVERTY
    POWER
    POWERS
    PRACTICAL
    PRAGMATIC
    PRAIRIAL
    PRAIRIE
    PRE
    PREACHING
    PREAMBLE
    PREFACE
    PREFERENTIAL
    PREHISTORIC
    PRELIMINARY
    PREMIER
    PREMIERS
    PRENDERGAST
    PREPARATION
    PREPARATIONS
    PREPARED
    PRESBYTERIAN
    PRESBYTERIANS
    PRESCOTT
    PRESENT
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    PRESIDENCY
    PRESIDENT
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    PRESS
    PRESTON
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    PREVENTION
    PREVENTIVE
    PRIDE
    PRIMARY
    PRIME
    PRIMITIVE
    PRIMROSE
    PRINCE
    PRINCIPAL
    PRINCIPALITIES
    PRITCHETT
    PRIZE
    PRIZES
    PROBATION
    PROBLEM
    PROBLEMS
    PROCLAMATION
    PROFESSOR
    PROFIT
    PROGRAMME
    PROGRESISTAS
    PROGRESS
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    PROHIBITION
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    PROPER
    PROPERLY
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    PROPOSED
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    PROTEST
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    PROVIDENCE
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    PROVINCIAL
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    PROVOCATEUR
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    PRUSSIA
    PRÆTORIAN
    PTOLEMIES
    PU
    PUBLIC
    PUBLISHERS
    PUNIC
    PUNJAB
    PURCHASE
    PURE
    PURGE
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    PUTNAM
    PYRAMIDS
    PYRENEES
    Paasche
    Pablo
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    Pach
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    Pacific
    Pacification
    Pack
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    Padang
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    Page
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    Painting
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    Palace
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    Palmi
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    Palo
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    Pan
    Panama
    Panamanian
    Panglungshan
    Panic
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    Pankhurst
    Panlung
    Pantheon
    Pao
    Papacy
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    Paper
    Papers
    Papillault
    Paraguay
    Parallel
    Paralysis
    Parana
    Parasol
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    Paris
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    Park
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    Parma
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    Parnell
    Parole
    Paroled
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    Part
    Partial
    Partially
    Participation
    Partick
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    Particulars
    Partido
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    Partition
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    Parts
    Party
    Pas
    Pasadena
    Pascal
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    Pass
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    Passamonti
    Passay
    Passed
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    Passion
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    Passive
    Past
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    Patch
    Patent
    Patents
    Pathology
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    Paton
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    Patriarch
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    Patrick
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    Patris
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    Paul
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    Peace
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    Pedagogy
    Pedro
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    Pennypacker
    Penrose
    Pension
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    Penza
    People
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    Peoria
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    Per
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    Percentage
    Percy
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    Pereira
    Perfect
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    Perhaps
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    Period
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    Ph
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    Pigeon
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    Place
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    Play
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    Playing
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    Plaza
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    Please
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    Pliny
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    Po
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    Podolia
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    Poitevin
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    Politique
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    Powderly
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    Prevalence
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    Previous
    Previously
    Price
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    Private
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    Probyn
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    Process
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    Pseudonyms
    Ptolemies
    Pu
    Public
    Publication
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    Publicity
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    Publishing
    Puerto
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    Put
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    Putnam
    Putting
    Pyramiding
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    Père
    Q
    QUALIFICATIONS
    QUEBEC
    QUEEN
    QUESTION
    QUESTIONS
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    Quirpon
    Quite
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    Quo
    Quoting
    R
    RACE
    RACES
    RACIAL
    RADIO
    RADIUM
    RADOLIN
    RAFAEL
    RAIGOSA
    RAIL
    RAILROAD
    RAILROADS
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    RAILWAYS
    RAISULI
    RALLIÉS
    RAMSAY
    RAPID
    RASCOL
    RATE
    RATES
    RATIFICATION
    RAYLEIGH
    RE
    REACTION
    READERS
    READING
    READY
    REALM
    REASON
    REBATE
    REBELLION
    RECALL
    RECENT
    RECIPROCITY
    RECLAMATION
    RECONSTRUCTION
    RECORD
    RED
    REDEMPTORISTS
    REDOUBT
    REFERENCE
    REFERENDUM
    REFINING
    REFORM
    REFORMATION
    REFORMERS
    REFORMS
    REFRIGERATOR
    REGENERADORES
    REGGIO
    REGIE
    REGINA
    REGINALD
    REGION
    REGULATION
    REID
    REIGN
    REIGNS
    REILEY
    REINHOLD
    REINSCH
    REJECTION
    RELATING
    RELATION
    RELATIONS
    RELIEF
    RELIGION
    RELIGIONS
    RELIGIOUS
    REMISSION
    REMONSTRANCE
    REMOVAL
    REMUNERATION
    RENAISSANCE
    RENAN
    RENAULT
    RENEWED
    RENNENKAMPF
    RENOWNED
    RENÉ
    REPATRIATION
    REPEAL
    REPRESENTATION
    REPRESENTATIVE
    REPRESENTING
    REPUBLIC
    REPUBLICAN
    REPUBLICANS
    REPUBLICS
    RESCHAD
    RESEARCH
    RESERVOIR
    RESIDENTS
    RESISTANCE
    RESOLUTIONS
    RESOURCES
    REST
    RESTORATION
    RESTORED
    RESTRICTION
    RESULTS
    RETIREMENT
    RETREAT
    RETURN
    REVAL
    REVEREND
    REVIEW
    REVISED
    REVISION
    REVIVAL
    REVOCATION
    REVOLT
    REVOLTS
    REVOLUTION
    REVOLUTIONARY
    REVOLUTIONISTS
    REVOLUTIONS
    REYES
    RHINE
    RHODE
    RHODES
    RHODESIA
    RIBEIRO
    RICA
    RICE
    RICHARD
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    RICO
    RIDERS
    RIENZI
    RIFF
    RIGA
    RIGHT
    RIGHTS
    RIKKEN
    RIO
    RIOTS
    RISE
    RISING
    RISK
    RITCHIE
    RIVER
    RIZA
    ROAD
    ROBERT
    ROBERTS
    ROBESPIERRE
    ROCHAMBEAU
    ROCHELLE
    ROCKEFELLER
    ROCKHILL
    ROENTGEN
    ROGER
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    ROJESVENSKY
    ROLAND
    ROMAN
    ROMANCE
    ROMANOFFS
    ROMAÑA
    ROME
    RONTGEN
    ROOSEVELT
    ROOT
    ROSE
    ROSEBERY
    ROSEN
    ROSES
    ROSS
    ROTA
    ROTATIVOS
    ROUMANIA
    ROUNDHEADS
    ROUSSEAU
    ROUVIER
    ROWE
    ROYAL
    ROYALTIES
    ROZHDESTVENSKY
    RUDOLPH
    RUDYARD
    RUEF
    RULE
    RUMP
    RUN
    RUNCIMAN
    RUPTURE
    RUSSIA
    RUSSIAN
    RUSSIANIZING
    RUSSIANS
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    RYAN
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    Rabah
    Rabe
    Race
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    Radiant
    Radical
    Radicalism
    Radicals
    Radio
    Radioactivity
    Radium
    Radolin
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    Rafael
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    Raid
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    Rail
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    Rainey
    Rainy
    Raised
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    Raisins
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    Range
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    Rapid
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    Rapidly
    Rapids
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    Rate
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    Rather
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    Ratification
    Ratifications
    Rauch
    Ravages
    Rawlinson
    Ray
    Raye
    Rayleigh
    Raymond
    Razlog
    Re
    Reached
    Reaction
    Reactionists
    Reading
    Ready
    Reaffirmation
    Real
    Rear
    Reason
    Reasons
    Rebate
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    Rebating
    Rebellion
    Rebellious
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    Rebuilding
    Recall
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    Receiving
    Recent
    Recently
    Receptions
    Rechtsgeschichte
    Recipient
    Reciprocity
    Reclamation
    Reclus
    Recognition
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    Recognizing
    Recollections
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    Reconstruction
    Record
    Recorder
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    Recourse
    Recovered
    Recovery
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    Recruits
    Recurrence
    Recurring
    Red
    Rededication
    Redeemer
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    Redistribution
    Redmond
    Redondo
    Reduced
    Reduction
    Reed
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    Reeves
    Reference
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    Referring
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    Reforestation
    Reform
    Reformation
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    Reformers
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    Regarded
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    Register
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    Registry
    Regular
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    Regulative
    Rehoboth
    Reich
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    Reid
    Reign
    Reina
    Reinhold
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    Reinstatement
    Reis
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    Reitz
    Rejected
    Rejecting
    Rejection
    Relating
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    Relationship
    Relative
    Relaxation
    Release
    Relief
    Religieuse
    Religion
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    Remains
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    Remarkably
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    Reminiscences
    Remission
    Remittance
    Remnant
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    Renacimiento
    Renaissance
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    Renfrew
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    Renunciation
    René
    Reopened
    Reorganization
    Repair
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    Reply
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    Represented
    Reprinted
    Republic
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    Repudiation
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    Res
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    Rescript
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    Rest
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    Restoration
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    Result
    Resulting
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    Retail
    Retaliatory
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    Return
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    Reuben
    Reumont
    Reunion
    Reuter
    Rev
    Reval
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    Revell
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    Reverend
    Review
    Reviewing
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    Revised
    Revision
    Revival
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    Riot
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    Rise
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    Road
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    Rock
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    Roll
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    Roman
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    Roosevelt
    Root
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    Roque
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    Rose
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    Ross
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    Rota
    Rotativos
    Rothschild
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    Rouen
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    Round
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    Routes
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    Rudimentary
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    Röntgen
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    R’KIA
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    S
    SADR
    SAFETY
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    SAGE
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    SALE
    SALEM
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    SALONIKA
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    SAM
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    SAN
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    SANCTION
    SANITARY
    SANTA
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    SECOND
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    SEDAN
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    SEE
    SEELEY
    SEGNATURA
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    SEIZURE
    SELF
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    SEPOY
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    SERFS
    SERGIO
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    SERVANTS
    SERVIA
    SERVICE
    SETTLEMENT
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    SEVASTOPOL
    SEVEN
    SEVENTEENTH
    SEVENTH
    SHA
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    SHAN
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    SHORT
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    SIA
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    SINGLE
    SINHA
    SINKING
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    SIX
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    SIXTH
    SLAVE
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    SMALL
    SMIRNOFF
    SMITH
    SOCIAL
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    SPACE
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    STANDARD
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    SUMERIANS
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    SUMNER
    SUMTER
    SUNDAY
    SUPERSEDING
    SUPPRESS
    SUPPRESSION
    SUPREMACY
    SUPREME
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    SUTTNER
    SVANTE
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    SWAZILAND
    SWEATING
    SWEDEN
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    SWIFT
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    SYMONDS
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    SYSTEM
    SZE
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    Sa
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    Sam
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    See
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    Seeing
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    Seven
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    Shipbuilding
    Shipka
    Shipley
    Shipments
    Shippen
    Shippers
    Shipping
    Ships
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    Shiras
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    Shirtwaist
    Shiwaji
    Shock
    Shocks
    Shoes
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    Shonts
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    Shore
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    Shortly
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    Shots
    Should
    Shouts
    Show
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    Shumaker
    Shuster
    Shylock
    Sia
    Siam
    Siamese
    Siberia
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    Sicilian
    Sicily
    Sick
    Sickness
    Sickocki
    Sid
    Side
    Sidi
    Sidney
    Siebert
    Siege
    Siemens
    Sienkiewicz
    Sierra
    Sierras
    Sifton
    Sigananda
    Sigimund
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    Signal
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    Signature
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    Signers
    Significance
    Signor
    Signors
    Signs
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    Sikes
    Sikhs
    Sikkim
    Silas
    Silent
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    Silvanus
    Silvela
    Silver
    Simcox
    Sime
    Similar
    Similarly
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    Simminting
    Simms
    Simon
    Simonnet
    Simons
    Simplon
    Simpson
    Simultaneously
    Simyan
    Sin
    Sinai
    Since
    Sinclair
    Sind
    Singapore
    Singh
    Singular
    Sinha
    Sink
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    Sir
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    Sirdars
    Sire
    Sismondi
    Sissoi
    Sister
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    Site
    Sites
    Situation
    Six
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    Sixth
    Sixthly
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    Size
    Siècle
    Skagen
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    Sketch
    Sketches
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    Skottowe
    Skouptchina
    Skupschina
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    Skupstchina
    Slafter
    Slater
    Slates
    Slav
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    Slaves
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    Slight
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    Slocum
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    Slowness
    Small
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    Smiles
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    Smoking
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    Smuts
    Smyth
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    Snowden
    Snowdon
    Snuff
    Snyder
    So
    Sobat
    Social
    Socialism
    Socialisme
    Socialist
    Socialistic
    Socialists
    Societies
    Society
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    Société
    Socrates
    Sofia
    Soft
    Sohm
    Soil
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    Soldiers
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    Solid
    Solidarity
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    Son
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    Sonora
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    Soon
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    Sore
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    Sorrow
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    Sound
    Sounds
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    Southwest
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    Sowars
    Space
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    Span
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    Spaniards
    Spanish
    Sparks
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    Spaulding
    Speaker
    Speakership
    Speaking
    Spears
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    Species
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    Speck
    Spectator
    Speculation
    Speculative
    Speech
    Speeches
    Speed
    Speer
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    Sperry
    Speyer
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    Sphere
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    Stand
    Standard
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    Standpoint
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    Stanhope
    Stanley
    Stanleyville
    Stanwood
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    State
    Stated
    Statehood
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    Statements
    States
    Statesman
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    Station
    Stations
    Statisches
    Statistical
    Statistician
    Statistics
    Status
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    Statutes
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    Stellenbosch
    Stephen
    Stephens
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    Stiles
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    Stokers
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    Strachan
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    Styria
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    Subscribers
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    Successes
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    Suffrage
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    Sugar
    Suggestion
    Suggestions
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    Suit
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    Suits
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    Sully
    Sultan
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    Sultanate
    Sultaneh
    Sultans
    Sulzberger
    Sumatra
    Summaries
    Summarized
    Summary
    Summer
    Summing
    Sumner
    Sumter
    Sun
    Sunday
    Sundays
    Sunderland
    Sundry
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    Sunnis
    Superintendence
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    Superior
    Superiority
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    Supplanting
    Supplement
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    Suppose
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    Suppress
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    Supremacies
    Supremacy
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    Surprise
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    Sydney
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    Symes
    Symonds
    Symons
    Syndicalism
    Syndicalisme
    Syndicalist
    Syndicate
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    Syndication
    Syndicats
    Synod
    Synods
    Synopsis
    Syntonic
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    Syria
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    T
    TABAH
    TABRIZ
    TACNA
    TAFF
    TAFT
    TAI
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    TAIREN
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    TAKUSHAN
    TALIENWAN
    TAMMANY
    TANG
    TANGIER
    TARIFF
    TARIFFS
    TARSUS
    TARTAR
    TARTARS
    TASHINCHIAO
    TAVERA
    TAX
    TAXATION
    TAYLOR
    TEA
    TEACHERS
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    TEAMSTERS
    TECHNICAL
    TEHERAN
    TEHRAN
    TELEGRAPH
    TELEGRAPHERS
    TELEGRAPHIC
    TELEGRAPHY
    TELEPHONE
    TELISSU
    TELLES
    TEMPERANCE
    TEMPLARS
    TEMPLEISM
    TEN
    TENANTS
    TENDENCIES
    TENEMENT
    TENNESSEE
    TENTH
    TENURE
    TERCENTENARY
    TERCENTENIAL
    TERM
    TERRITORIAL
    TERRITORIES
    TERRITORY
    TERROR
    TEST
    TEUTONIC
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    TEXAS
    TH
    THAN
    THAT
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    THIBET
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    THIRTEENTH
    THIRTY
    THOMAS
    THOMSON
    THOROUGH
    THOUGH
    THOUSAND
    THREE
    THÉOPHILE
    TIBET
    TIEN
    TIGER
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    TIME
    TIMES
    TIMOUR
    TIRPITZ
    TISZA
    TITLE
    TITTONI
    TITUS
    TO
    TOBACCO
    TOGO
    TOLSTOI
    TOM
    TOMAS
    TOMUCHENG
    TORIES
    TORONTO
    TORRES
    TORSTENSON
    TOUISSANT
    TOURS
    TOWARD
    TOWN
    TOWNSHEND
    TRACK
    TRADE
    TRAFALGAR
    TRAINING
    TRAINMEN
    TRANS
    TRANSANDINE
    TRANSCONTINENTAL
    TRANSIT
    TRANSITION
    TRANSLATION
    TRANSPORTATION
    TRANSVAAL
    TRAVAIL
    TREACHERY
    TREASON
    TREATIES
    TREATY
    TRENCH
    TRENT
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    TRIAL
    TRIALS
    TRIBE
    TRIBES
    TRIBUNAL
    TRIBUNALS
    TRIBUNES
    TRIPLE
    TRIUMVIRATES
    TROOPS
    TROUBETZKOI
    TROUBLES
    TRUNK
    TRUST
    TRUSTS
    TSAI
    TSAR
    TSE
    TSIN
    TSONTSHEFF
    TSUSHIMA
    TUBERCULOSIS
    TUDORS
    TULLOCH
    TUN
    TUNG
    TUNNEL
    TUNNELS
    TURBINE
    TURKEY
    TURKISH
    TURKS
    TURNEY
    TURNING
    TUSKEGEE
    TWEEDMOUTH
    TWELFTH
    TWENTIETH
    TWENTY
    TWO
    TYLER
    TYRANNY
    TYRREL
    TZE
    Ta
    Tabah
    Table
    Tables
    Tablets
    Tabreez
    Tabriz
    Tachira
    Tacitus
    Tacna
    Tacoma
    Tacuta
    Tadayoshi
    Tadjoura
    Taels
    Taff
    Tafilalt
    Tafilet
    Taft
    Tagalla
    Tagalog
    Tahuamano
    Tai
    Taine
    Tairen
    Taitzu
    Takahashi
    Takahira
    Takata
    Take
    Taken
    Taking
    Takushan
    Talcott
    Tales
    Talfourd
    Talien
    Talienwan
    Talleyrand
    Talon
    Talori
    Tammany
    Tan
    Taney
    Tang
    Tanganyika
    Tangier
    Tangiers
    Tangshan
    Tanin
    Tarbox
    Tarbutt
    Tardieu
    Tardy
    Tariff
    Tariffs
    Tarsus
    Tartars
    Tartary
    Tashihchiao
    Tashinchiao
    Taslikishla
    Tasmania
    Taswell
    Taurus
    Taussig
    Tavera
    Tax
    Taxable
    Taxation
    Taxes
    Tayabas
    Taylor
    Tchad
    Tea
    Teach
    Teachers
    Teaching
    Teaming
    Teamsters
    Technical
    Technology
    Tegucigalpa
    Tehachapi
    Teheran
    Tehran
    Tehuamanu
    Tehuantepec
    Tejada
    Tejon
    Tekla
    Tel
    Telegram
    Telegrams
    Telegraph
    Telegraphers
    Telegraphic
    Telegraphs
    Telegraphy
    Telephone
    Telissu
    Tell
    Telles
    Temiskaming
    Temperance
    Templars
    Temple
    Templeism
    Temporary
    Temps
    Ten
    Tenant
    Tenants
    Tenders
    Tenement
    Teniet
    Tennent
    Tennessee
    Tennessee*
    Tenney
    Tenny
    Tennyson
    Tentative
    Tenthly
    Tents
    Teques
    Terauchi
    Tercentenary
    Tercentennial
    Terence
    Terencio
    Terentilian
    Term
    Terminal
    Termination
    Terms
    Terra
    Terre
    Terrific
    Territorial
    Territorials
    Territories
    Territory
    Terror
    Terrorism
    Test
    Testa
    Testament
    Testaments
    Testimony
    Tetuan
    Teutonic
    Tewfik
    Texarkana
    Texas
    Text
    Texts
    Thank
    Thanks
    That
    Thayer
    The
    Theater
    Theatre
    Theban
    Thebes
    Their
    Theirs
    Then
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    Theodor
    Theodore
    Theodoric
    Theodoros
    Theodosius
    Theological
    Theology
    Theoretically
    Theories
    Theory
    Theotoki
    Theotokis
    There
    Thereafter
    Therefore
    Theresias
    Thereupon
    Therisso
    Thermopylae
    These
    They
    Thibet
    Thibetan
    Thierry
    Thiers
    Thievery
    Things
    Thinking
    Third
    Thirdly
    Thirlwall
    Thirteen
    Thirteenth
    Thirty
    This
    Thomas
    Thompson
    Thomsen
    Thomson
    Thoreau
    Thorne
    Thornton
    Thorpe
    Those
    Thou
    Though
    Thought
    Thoughtful
    Thousands
    Threatened
    Threatening
    Threats
    Three
    Thrice
    Thrift
    Throne
    Through
    Throughout
    Throw
    Throwing
    Thucydides
    Thursday
    Thus
    Thwaites
    Tiam
    Tibbles
    Tibet
    Tibetan
    Tibetans
    Ticonderoga
    Tidmor
    Tie
    Tieh
    Tiele
    Tien
    Tientsin
    Tienyow
    Tiers
    Tiflis
    Tiger
    Tighe
    Tiglathpileser
    Tigris
    Tilak
    Tilden
    Till
    Tilley
    Tim
    Timayenis
    Timber
    Timbermen
    Time
    Times
    Timothy
    Timperley
    Tin
    Ting
    Tirey
    Tirpitz
    Tisza
    Tit
    Titan
    Title
    Titles
    Tittoni
    Titus
    To
    Tobacco
    Tobolsk
    Today
    Todd
    Togo
    Tokens
    Tokio
    Tokiwo
    Tokyo
    Toleration
    Tolstoi
    Tolstoy
    Tom
    Tomas
    Tombelo
    Tomitudes
    Tomkins
    Tomsk
    Tomucheng
    Tone
    Tongass
    Tonight
    Tons
    Too
    Tool
    Topeka
    Topical
    Topography
    Toromonas
    Toronto
    Torpedo
    Torpid
    Torre
    Torrey
    Torriano
    Tortelier
    Torture
    Toru
    Tory
    Toshakhana
    Total
    Toulon
    Toulouse
    Tour
    Tout
    Toward
    Tower
    Towle
    Town
    Towns
    Townsend
    Tozer
    Tractarian
    Tracy
    Trade
    Traders
    Trades
    Traditions
    Traffic
    Tragedy
    Tragically
    Traill
    Train
    Training
    Trainmen
    Trains
    Trajan
    Tranquility
    Trans
    Transandine
    Transatlantic
    Transcontinental
    Transcriber
    Transcribers
    Transcript
    Transfer
    Transform
    Transformation
    Transit
    Translation
    Transmitting
    Transport
    Transportation
    Transvaal
    Transvaalers
    Transylvania
    Trappists
    Travail
    Travassos
    Travel
    Travellers
    Travelling
    Travers
    Treacherous
    Treason
    Treasure
    Treasurer
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    Treasury
    Treaties
    Treatise
    Treatment
    Treaty
    Tree
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    Tremor
    Trench
    Trengganu
    Trent
    Trepoff
    Trevor
    Trial
    Trials
    Tribal
    Tribe
    Tribes
    Tribesmen
    Tribuna
    Tribunal
    Tribunals
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    Tribunes
    Tributa
    Tributes
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    Triennial
    Trieste
    Trimborn
    Trinidad
    Tripartite
    Triple
    Tripoli
    Triumph
    Triumphant
    Triumvirates
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    Trollope
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    Troops
    Tropical
    Tropics
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    Trotha
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    Truancy
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    Truce
    Trudeau
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    Trujillo
    Truman
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    Trust
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    Tsai
    Tsana
    Tsar
    Tsars
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    Tucker
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    Tudor
    Tudors
    Tuesday
    Tulio
    Tulloch
    Tullock
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    Tumults
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    Tun
    Tuna
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    Tunnels
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    Turbinia
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    Turenne
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    Turk
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    Turkish
    Turks
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    Turney
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    Type
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    Typography
    Tyrol
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    Tyrrell
    Tytler
    Tzar
    Tzars
    Tze
    T’ung
    U
    UGANDA
    UL
    ULEMA
    UNCLE
    UNDER
    UNDERFED
    UNDERGROUND
    UNDERSTANDING
    UNDERTAKING
    UNDERTAKINGS
    UNEMPLOYMENT
    UNIFORM
    UNIFORMITY
    UNION
    UNIONIST
    UNIONS
    UNITED
    UNITY
    UNIVERSAL
    UNIVERSITIES
    UNIVERSITY
    UP
    UPON
    UPPER
    UPRISING
    URBAN
    URIAH
    URIBE
    URUGUAY
    URUSSOFF
    URYU
    USAGE
    USE
    USES
    UTAH
    UTILITIES
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    Ubanghi
    Ubangi
    Ucinaria
    Uganda
    Ugly
    Uhlhorn
    Uitlanders
    Ujda
    Ukase
    Ukhtomsk
    Ukraine
    Ular
    Ulema
    Ulfa
    Ulfilas
    Ullmann
    Ulster
    Ultimately
    Ultimatum
    Ultramontane
    Ultramontanes
    Umberto
    Umbria
    Umbrian
    Umpire
    Unanimous
    Uncertainties
    Uncinaria
    Unclassified
    Uncle
    Unclean
    Unconstitutional
    Under
    Underfed
    Underground
    Undersigned
    Undertaking
    Undertakings
    Undoubtedly
    Unearthing
    Unemployed
    Unemployment
    Unexpectedly
    Unexplained
    Unfit
    Unfortunate
    Unfortunately
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    Unhappily
    Unification
    Unified
    Uniform
    Uniformity
    Union
    Unionism
    Unionist
    Unionists
    Unions
    Unit
    United
    Units
    Unity
    Universal
    Universe
    Universelle
    Universities
    University
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    Unparalleled
    Unpopularity
    Unprotected
    Unreadiness
    Unreasonable
    Unreserved
    Unsatisfactory
    Unskilled
    Unsuitable
    Until
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    V
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    significance
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    sternest
    sternly
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    sternum
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    stigmatized
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    stirrings
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    stockade
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    stolidity
    stomach
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    stones
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    stop
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    story
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    stoves
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    straightforwardly
    straightforwardness
    straightway
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    strategically
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    stubborn
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    stupid
    stupidity
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    sub
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    subheading
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    sublime
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    subsection
    subsections
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    sulphur
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    summarized
    summarizes
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    summary
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    summer
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    summonses
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    superhuman
    superintendence
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    superstition
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    supremacy
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    surest
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    surmise
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    susceptibilities
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    swollen
    sword
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    syllable
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    symbol
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    symptomatology
    symptoms
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    synopsis
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    system
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    sérieusement
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    ----------Word List: End--------

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