## The Project Gutenberg eBook of Borneo and the Indian Archipelago

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Title: Borneo and the Indian Archipelago

Author: Frank Marryat

Release date: October 8, 2008 [eBook #26844]
Most recently updated: January 4, 2021

Language: English

Other information and formats: www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/26844

Credits: Produced by Ronald Lee

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BORNEO AND THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO ***

# BORNEO
AND
THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO.

London:
Spottiswoode and Shaw,
New-street Square.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

CHINESE JOSS HOUSE.

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

# BORNEO
AND
THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO.

WITH
DRAWINGS OF COSTUME AND SCENERY.

BY
FRANK S. MARRYAT,
LATE MIDSHIPMAN OF H. M. S. SAMARANG,
SURVEYING VESSEL.

LONDON:
LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1848.

[v]

## INTRODUCTION.

I wish the readers of these pages to understand that it has been with no desire to appear before the public as an author that I have published this Narrative of the Proceedings of Her Majesty's ship Samarang during her last Surveying Cruise.

During the time that I was in the ship, I made a large collection of drawings, representing, I hope faithfully, the costumes of the natives and the scenery of a country so new to Europeans. They were considered, on my return, as worthy to be presented to the public, as being more voluminous and more characteristic than drawings made in haste usually are.

I may here observe, that it has been a great error on the part of the Admiralty, considering the great expense incurred in fitting out vessels for survey, that a little additional outlay is not made in supplying every vessel with a professional draughtsman, as was invariably the case in the first vessels sent out on discovery. The duties of officers in surveying vessels are much too fatiguing and severe to allow them the time to make anything but hasty sketches, and they require that practice with the pencil without which natural talent is of little avail; the consequence is, that the engravings, which have appeared in too many of the Narratives of Journeys and[vi] Expeditions, give not only an imperfect, but even an erroneous, idea of what they would describe.

A hasty pencil sketch, from an unpractised hand, is made over to an artist to reduce to proportion; from him it passes over to the hand of an engraver, and an interesting plate is produced by their joint labours. But, in this making up, the character and features of the individual are lost, or the scenery is composed of foliage not indigenous to the country, but introduced by the artist to make a good picture.

In describing people and countries hitherto unknown, no description given by the pen will equal one correct drawing. How far I may have succeeded must be decided by those who have, with me, visited the same places and mixed with the people delineated. How I found time to complete the drawings is explained by my not doing any duty on board at one time, and at another by my having been discharged into the hospital-ship at Hong Kong.

It was my intention to have published these drawings without letter-press, but in this I have been overruled. I have therefore been compelled to have recourse to my own private journal, which certainly was never intended for publication. As I proceeded, I found that, as I was not on board during the whole of the time, it would be better, and make the work more perfect, if I published the whole of the cruise, which I could easily do by referring to the journals of my messmates.

I would gladly mention their names, and publicly acknowledge their assistance; but, all things considered, I think it as well to withhold them, and I take this opportunity of thanking them for their kindness.

FRANK S. MARRYAT.

[vii-viii]

## LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

LITHOGRAPHIC PLATES.
Chinese Joss House | Frontispiece | West Point, Hong Kong | To face page 142
Bornese Vessel | Title-page | View on the Island of Poo-too | 151
Loondoo Dyak | To face page 5 | Chinese Joss House at Ningpo | 156
River Sarawak and Town of Kuchin | 6 | Quelpartians | 182
Keeney-Ballo | 59 | Mandarin of Quelpart (Corea) | 183
Serebis Dyak | 79 | Japanese | 185
Saghai Dyak | 80 | Natives of Luzon (Philippines) | 199
War Dance of the Dyaks | 85 | View in Samboangan | 201
Malay Chief (Sooloo) | 101 | Illanoan Pirate | 207
Bruni | 106 | Dusum | 210
Court of the Sultan of Borneo | 109 | Port Louis | 220
WOODCUTS.
| Page |  | Page
Mr. Brooke's House | 7 | Procession of the Sultan of Gonong Tabor | 133
Dyak Head | 13 | Ears of Dyaks at Gonong Tabor | 135
Malays of Kuchin | 23 | Portrait of Mahomed Pullulu, Sultan of Sooloo | 139
Native of Batan | 27 | Tanka Boats—Hong Kong | 141
Native of Pa-tchu-san | 31 | Chinese Fishermen | 145
Sooloo Village | 42 | Cook's Shop | 146
Native Boat—Borneo | 63 | Pagoda—Ningpo | 154
Dyak War Prahu | 64 | Tanka Boat Women | 165
Dyak Women in Canoe | 74 | Man-of-War Junk | 168
Teeth of Dyaks | 79 | Trading Junks | 169
Costumes of Dyak Women | 80 | Japanese Boat | 184
Sum-pi-tan—Blow-pipe, with poisoned Arrows | 80 | Salt Smugglers | 193
Dyak Village | 82 | Spanish Galleon | 196
Obtaining Fire | 89 | Water Carriers—Manilla | 199
View of Sincapore | 93 | Illanoan Pirates | 208
Malay Woman | 100 | Natives of N. E. Coast of Borneo | 210
Proboscis Monkey | 103 | Convict | 215
Natives of Bruni | 108 | Kling Woman | 216
City of Manilla | 121 |  |

[1]

# BORNEO
AND
THE INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO.

On the 25th of January, 1843, H. M. S. Samarang, being completely equipped, went out of Portsmouth harbour and anchored at Spithead. The crew were paid advanced wages; and, five minutes after the money had been put into their hats at the pay-table, it was all most dexterously transferred to the pockets of their wives, whose regard and affection for their husbands at this peculiar time was most exemplary. On the following day, the crew of the Samarang made sail with full hearts and empty pockets.

On the 25th February, sighted Fuerto Ventura: when off this island, the man at the mast-head reported a wreck in sight, which, as we neared it, appeared to be the wreck of a brig. Strange to say, the captain recognised it as an old acquaintance, which he had seen off Cape Finisterre on his return from China in the Sulphur. If this was not a mistake, it would be evidence of a southerly current in this quarter of the Atlantic. This may be, but I do not consider the proof to be sufficient to warrant the fact; although it may lead to[2] the supposition. If this was the wreck seen at such a long interval by the captain, a succession of northerly winds and gales might have driven it down so far to the southward without the assistance of any current. It is well known that the great current of the Atlantic, the gulf stream (which is occasioned by the waters, being forced by the continuous trade winds into the Gulf of Mexico, finding a vent to the northward by the coast of America, from thence towards Newfoundland, and then in a more easterly direction), loses its force, and is expended to the northward of the Western Islands; and this is the cause why so many rocks have been yearly reported to have been fallen in with in this latitude. Wrecks, all over the Atlantic, which have been water-logged but do not sink, are borne by the various winds and currents until they get into the gulf stream, which sweeps them along in its course until they arrive to where its force is expended, and there they remain comparatively stationary. By this time, probably, years have passed, and they are covered with sea-weeds and barnacles, and, floating three or four feet out of the water, have every appearance of rocks; and, indeed, if run upon on a dark night, prove nearly as fatal.

March 3rd.—Anchored off the town of Porto Praya, Island of St. Jago, in nine fathoms. Porto Praya is a miserable town, built on a most unhealthy spot, there being an extensive marsh behind it, which, from its miasma, creates a great mortality among the inhabitants. The consul is a native of Bona Vista: two English consuls having fallen victims to the climate in quick succession, no one was found very willing to succeed to such a certain provision from the Foreign Office. The interior of the island is, however, very different from what would be expected from the sight of Porto Praya. Some of the officers paid a visit to the valley of St. Domingo, which they described as a perfect paradise, luxuriant with every tropical fruit.[3] Porto Praya is renowned for very large sharks. I was informed by a captain in Her Majesty's service, that once, when he anchored at Porto Praya, he had left the ship to go on shore in one of the twenty-two-foot gigs, not unaptly nick-named coffins in the service. He had not pulled more than a cable's length from the ship, when a shark, nearly as long as the gig, came up swimming with great velocity after them; and as he passed, the animal shouldered the boat, so as nearly to upset it: as it was, the boat took in the water over the gunwale. As the animal appeared preparing for another attack, the captain thought it advisable to pull alongside, and go on shore in the cutter instead of his own boat; and on this large boat the shark did not make a second attempt.

April 25th.—Anchored in Simon's Bay, Cape of Good Hope. Sailed again on the 7th of May, and fell in with a favourable wind; and too much of it. For six days we were scudding before it under a close-reefed main-topsail and fore-staysail. On the 10th we lost one of the best men in the ship, the sailmaker, Charles Downing, who fell overboard; the ship was rounded to, the life-buoy let go, but we saw nothing of him. June 7th saw Christmas Islands, and on the same afternoon the land of Java. On the 11th we arrived off the town of Anger, in company with a fleet of merchant vessels of all nations and of all rigs. Having been so long without a fresh meal, we were not sorry to find ourselves surrounded by boats loaded with fish, fruit, and vegetables; we ate enormously, and they made us pay in proportion.

On the 19th we arrived at Sincapore, and found the roads very gay with vessels of all descriptions, from the gallant free trader of 1000 tons to the Chinese junk. As Sincapore, as well as many other places, was more than once visited, I shall defer my description for the present. On June the 27th we weighed and made sail for the river of[4] Sarawak (Borneo), to pay a visit to Mr. Brooke, who resides at Kuchin, a town situated on that river.

The public have already been introduced to Mr. Brooke in the volumes published by Captain Henry Keppel. Mr. Brooke is a gentleman of independent fortune, who was formerly in the service of the Company. The usefulness and philanthropy of his public career are well known: if the private history which induced him to quit the service, and afterwards expatriate himself, could with propriety, and also regard to Mr. Brooke's feelings, be made known, it would redound still more to his honour and his high principle; but these I have no right to make public. Mr. Brooke, having made up his mind to the high task of civilising a barbarous people, and by every means in his power of putting an end to the wholesale annual murders committed by a nation of pirates, whose hands were, like Ishmael's, against every man, sailed from England in his yacht, the Royalist schooner, with a crew of picked and tried men, and proceeded to Sarawak, where he found the rajah, Muda Hassein, the uncle to the reigning sultan of Borneo, engaged in putting down the insurrection of various chiefs of the neighbouring territory. Mr. Brooke, with his small force, gave his assistance to the rajah; and through his efforts, and those of his well-armed band, the refractory chiefs were reduced to obedience. Willing to retain such a powerful ally, and partial to the English, the rajah made Mr. Brooke most splendid promises to induce him to remain; but the rajah, like all Asiatics, did not fulfil the performance of these promises until after much delay and vexation to Mr. Brooke, who required all the courage and patience with which he is so eminently gifted, before he could obtain his ends. At last he was successful: Muda Hassein made over to him a large tract of land, over which he was constituted rajah, and Mr. Brooke took up his residence at Kuchin; and this grant was ultimately confirmed by the[5] seal of the sultan of Borneo. Such, in few words, is the history of Mr. Brooke: if the reader should wish for a more detailed account, I must refer him to Capt. Henry Keppel's work, in which is published a great portion of Mr. Brooke's own private memoranda.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

LOONDOO DYAK.
(N. W. COAST OF BORNEO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

On the morning of the 29th June we saw the high land of Borneo, but for several days were unsuccessful in discovering the mouth of the river. On the night of July the 4th we anchored off the entrance of a river, which the captain supposed to be the Sarawak. The next morning the two barges, well armed, were sent up the river to obtain information. After pulling with the stream six or eight miles, they discovered a small canoe, which, on their approach, retreated up the river with great speed. Mr. Heard, the officer in charge of the boats, had taken the precaution, as he ascended the river, of cutting a palm branch for each boat, and these were now displayed at the bows as a sign of peaceable intentions.

These universal tokens of amity reassured the natives, who, seeing them, now turned the bows of their canoes, and paddled towards the boats. The canoe contained four men, almost in a state of nudity, their only covering consisting of a narrow slip of cotton fastened round the middle. They were copper-coloured, and extremely ugly: their hair jet black, very long, and falling down the back; eyes were also black, and deeply sunk in the head, giving a vindictive appearance to the countenance; nose flattened; mouth very large; the lips of a bright vermilion, from the chewing of the betel-nut; and, to add to their ugliness, their teeth black, and filed to sharp points. Such is the personal appearance of a Loondoo Dyak.

They informed us that the river we were then in was the Loondoo, and that the Sarawak was some distance to the eastward. They also gave us the information that the boats of the Dido had been engaged with pirates, and had been successful, having captured one prahu and[6] sunk another. After great persuasion, we induced one of them to accompany us to the ship, and pilot her to the Sarawak.

The same evening we weighed anchor, and stood towards a remarkable promontory (Tangong Sipang), to the eastward of which is the principal entrance of the Sarawak river; a second, but less safe, entrance being within a mile of the promontory. Light and variable winds prevented our arrival at the mouth of the river until the evening of the following day. From thence, after two days' incessant kedging and towing, we anchored off the town of Kuchin, on the morning of the 8th instant. The town of Kuchin is built on the left-hand side of the river Sarawak going up; and, from the windings of the river, you have to pull twenty-five miles up the river to arrive at it, whereas it is only five miles from the coast as the crow flies. It consists of about 800 houses, built on piles driven into the ground, the sides and roofs being enclosed with dried palm leaves. Strips of bamboo are laid across, which serve as a floor. In fact, there is little difference between these houses and those built by the Burmahs and other tribes in whose countries bamboo and ratan are plentiful. The houses of Mr. Brooke and the rajah are much superior to any others, having the advantage and comfort of wooden sides and floorings. We visited the rajah several times, who invariably received us with urbanity, and entertained us in a very hospitable manner. Muda Hassein is a man about fifty years of age,—some think more,—of low stature, as are most of the Malays, well made, and with a very prepossessing countenance for a Malay. His brother, Budruden, is a much finer man, very agreeable, and very partial to the English. The Malays profess Mahomedanism; but Budruden in many points followed European customs, both in dress and drinking wine.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

RIVER SARAWACK AND TOWN OF KUCHIN.
(BORNEO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

The residence of Mr. Brooke is on the side of the river opposite to the town, as, for the most part, are all the houses of the Europeans.[7] In structure it somewhat resembles a Swiss cottage, and is erected upon a green mound, which slopes down to the river's bank, where there is a landing-place for boats. At the back of the house is a garden, containing almost every tree peculiar to the climate; and it was a novelty to us to see collected together the cotton-tree, the areca, sago, palm, &c., with every variety of the Camellia japonica in a state of most luxurious wildness.

MR. BROOKE'S HOUSE.

The establishment consists of six Europeans, and the house contains one large receiving-room, and several smaller ones, appropriated to the residents as sleeping apartments, besides Mr. Brooke's own private[8] rooms. The large room is decorated with rifles, swords, and other instruments of warfare, European and native; and it is in this room that the European rajah gives his audiences: and it is also in this room that every day, at five o'clock, a capital dinner is served up, to which we were made heartily welcome. During our stay, Mr. Brooke, accompanied by several of our officers and some of the residents, made an excursion up the river. We started early in the morning, with a flowing tide; and, rapidly sweeping past the suburbs of the town, which extend some distance up the river, we found ourselves gliding through most interesting scenery. On either side, the river was bounded by gloomy forests, whose trees feathered down to the river's bank, the water reflecting their shadows with peculiar distinctness. Occasionally the scene was diversified by a cleared spot amidst this wilderness, where, perchance, a half-ruined hut, apparently not inhabited for years, the remains of a canoe, together with fragments of household utensils, were to be seen, proving that once it had been the abode of those who had been cut off by some native attack, and probably the heads of its former occupants were now hanging up in some skull-house belonging to another tribe. The trees were literally alive with monkeys and squirrels, which quickly decamped as we approached them. Several times we were startled by the sudden plunge of the alligators into the water, close to the boats, and of whose propinquity we were not aware until they made the plunge. All these rivers are infested with alligators, and I believe they are very often mischievous; at all events, one of our youngsters was continually in a small canoe, paddling about, and the natives cautioned us that if he was not careful he certainly would be taken by one of these animals.

Early in the afternoon we disembarked at a Chinese village twenty-five miles from Kuchin. The inhabitants of this village work the gold and antimony mines belonging to Mr. Brooke. We remained[9] there for the night, and the next morning proceeded further up the river, and landed at another village, where we breakfasted, and then proceeded on foot to visit the mines. Our path lay through dense forests of gigantic trees, whose branches met and interlaced overhead, shading us from the burning rays of the sun. At times we would emerge from the wood, and find ourselves passing through cultivated patches of ravines, enclosed on all sides by lofty mountains, covered with foliage. In these spots we found a few natives with their families, who seemed to be contented in their perfect isolation; for in these secluded spots generations may pass away, and know no world beyond their own confines of forest jungle. At times our route was over mountains, whose appearance was so formidable that our hearts almost failed us at the prospect of having to scale them; but we succeeded beyond our expectations, and at length arrived at the antimony village, not a little pleased at our labours being ended. Our spirits, which had been flagging, were revived by a pull at the bottle. From our resting-place we had a good view of the mine, which is a source of great profit to Mr. Brooke. The antimony is obtained from the side of a hill, the whole of which is supposed to be formed of this valuable mineral. The side at which the men are at work shines like silver during the day, and may be seen several miles distant, strangely contrasting with the dark foliage of the adjoining jungles. The ore is conveyed to Kuchin, and is there shipped on board of the Royalist, (Mr. Brooke's schooner yacht,) and taken to Sincapore, where it is eagerly purchased by the merchants, and shipped for England.

After partaking of a little refreshment we set off, through woods and over mountains, as before, to visit the gold mine. On our arrival at every village on the road, a certain number of guns were fired by the natives, in honour of the European rajah; and the same ceremony was repeated when we left it. It was late in the afternoon before we[10] arrived at the village attached to the gold mine. It is prettily situated in the depth of a valley, through which runs a small rivulet.

On every side mountains soar into the clouds, which must be passed before you can reach the village. Dinner had been prepared for us by the inhabitants of the village, who were a colony of Chinese; and it was served up in a large building dedicated to Joss, whose shrine was brilliantly illuminated with candles and joss-sticks. Some of the officers unthinkingly lighted their cigars at the altar. The Chinese, observing it, requested very civilly that they would do so no more; a request which was, of course, complied with. After dinner we all proceeded to the rivulet, in search of gold; the natives had cleared out the bed of the river; the sand and stones were thrown into an artificial sluice for washing it; and a little gold was found by some of the party. This gold mine, if it may be so called, is worth to Mr. Brooke about 1000l. per annum, after all the expenses are paid. Its real value is much greater; but the Chinese conceal a great quantity, and appropriate it to themselves. But if the particles of gold which are brought down by a small rivulet are of such value, what may be the value of the mines above, in the mountains as yet untrodden by human feet? This, it is to be hoped, enterprise will some day reveal.

We remained at the village that night, and at daylight commenced our journey back to the village from which we had started the day before. There we embarked, and proceeded down the river to the first Chinese village, at which we arrived in the course of the afternoon. A short distance inland is a mountain, called Sarambo, which it was proposed to ascend, as, by our telescopes, we could perceive houses near to its summit, and were told it was the residence of some of the mountain Dyaks under Mr. Brooke's sway. From the village this mountain wore the appearance of a huge sugar-loaf, and its sides appeared inaccessible. Mr. Brooke, with his usual kindness,[11] gave his consent, and despatched a messenger to the Dyak village, requesting the chief to send a party down by daylight the next morning, to convey our luggage up the mountain. At day-dawn we were awakened by a confused noise outside of the house, and, looking out, we perceived that more than a score of these mountain Dyaks had arrived. Most of them had nothing on but the usual strip of cotton; some few had on red baize jackets. They all wore a peculiar kind of kris, and many had spears, sampitans, and shields. They were fine-limbed men, with muscles strongly developed. Their hair fell down their backs, and nearly reached their middle: it was prevented from falling over the face by a fillet of grass, which was ornamented with mountain flowers.

DYAK HEAD.

After a hurried breakfast we set off for the foot of the mountain, our party amounting to about eighty people. The guides led the way, followed by the Europeans; and the Dyaks, with the luggage, brought up the rear. In this order we commenced the ascent. Each person was provided with a bamboo, which was found indispensable; and thus, like a party of pilgrims, we proceeded on our way; and before we had gone very far, we discovered that we were subjected to severe penance. The mountain was nearly perpendicular. In some places we had to ascend by a single piece of wood, with rough notches for the feet, resting against a rock twenty or thirty feet above our heads; and on either side was a precipice, so that a false step must have been certain death. In other places a single piece of bamboo was thrown over a frightful chasm, by way of bridge. This, with a slight bamboo rail for the hand, was all that we had to trust to. The careful manner in which we passed these dangers was a source of great laughter and amusement to the Dyaks who followed us. Accustomed from infancy to tread these dangerous paths, although heavily laden, they scorned to support themselves. Some of our party were nearly exhausted,[12] and a long way in the rear before we came to the village. We had to wait for their coming up, and threw ourselves under the shade of some huge trees, that we might contemplate the bird's-eye view beneath. It was a sight which must be seen to be appreciated. Almost as far as the eye could reach was one immense wooded plain, bounded by lofty mountains in the far distance, whose tops pierced the clouds. The rivers appeared like silver threads, running through the jungles; now breaking off, and then regained. At our feet lay the village we had started from, the houses of which appeared like mere points. Shakspeare Cliff was as nothing to it, and his beautiful lines would have fallen very short of the mark; and while we gazed, suddenly a cloud below us would pass between us and the view, and all would be hidden from the sight. Thus we were far above the clouds, and then the clouds would break, and open, and pass and repass over each other, until, like the dissolving views, all was clear again, although the landscape was not changed. It was towards noon before we saw the first mountain village, which we did not immediately enter, as we waited the arrival of the laggards: we stopped, therefore, at a spring of cold water, and enjoyed a refreshing wash. Here we fell in with some pretty Dyak girls, very scantily clothed, who were throwing water at each other in sport. We soon came in for a plentiful share, which we returned with interest; and in this amusing combat we passed half an hour, until all had joined the party. We then entered the village, which was situated in a grove of trees. The houses were built upon posts, as those down by the river side. They were immensely large, with a bamboo platform running the whole length of the building, and divided into many compartments, in each of which a Dyak family resides. We were escorted, through a crowd of wondering Dyaks, to a house in the centre of the village, which was very different in construction from the others. It was perfectly round, and well ventilated [13]by numerous port-holes in the roof, which was pointed. We ascended to the room above by means of a rough ladder, and when we entered we were rather taken aback at finding that we were in the Head House, as it is termed, and that the beams were lined with human heads, all hanging by a small line passed through the top of the skull. They were painted in the most fantastic and hideous manner; pieces of wood, painted to imitate the eyes, were inserted into the sockets, and added not a little to their ghastly grinning appearance. The strangest part of the story, and which added very much to the effect of the scene, was, that these skulls were perpetually moving to and fro, and knocking against, each other. This, I presume, was occasioned by the different currents of air blowing in at the port-holes cut in the roof; but what with their continual motion, their nodding their chins when they hit each other, and their grinning teeth, they really appeared to be endowed with new life, and were a very merry set of fellows. However, whatever might be the first impression occasioned by this very unusual sight, it very soon wore off, and we amused ourselves with those motions which were "not life," as Byron says; and, in the course of the day, succeeded in making a very excellent dinner in company with these gentlemen, although we were none of us sufficiently Don Giovannis to invite our friends above to supper. We visited three villages on the Sarambo mountain. Each of these villages was governed by a chief of its own, but they were subordinate to the great chief, residing in the first village.

In the evening the major portion of the population came to the Head House, to exhibit to us their national dances. The music was composed of two gongs and two large bamboo drums. The men stood up first, in war costume, brandishing their spears and shields, and throwing[14] themselves into the most extraordinary attitudes, as they cut with their knives at some imaginary enemy; at the same time uttering the most unearthly yells, in which the Dyak spectators joined, apparently highly delighted with the exhibition. The women then came forward, and went through a very unmeaning kind of dance, keeping time with their hands and feet; but still it was rather a relief after the noise and yelling from which we had just suffered. The chief, Macuta, expressing a wish to see a specimen of our dancing, not to let them suppose we were not as warlike as themselves, two of the gig's boat's crew stood up, and went through the evolutions of the broad-sword exercise in a very creditable manner. After this performance one of the seamen danced the sailor's hornpipe, which brought forth a torrent of yells instead of bravos, but they certainly meant the same thing. By this time, the heat from a large fire, with the smell of humanity in so crowded a room, became so overpowering, that I was glad to leave the Head House to get a little fresh air, and my ears relieved from the dinning of the drums and gongs. It was a beautiful starry night, and, strolling through the village, I soon made acquaintance with a native Dyak, who requested me to enter his house. He introduced me to his family, consisting of several fine girls and a young lad. The former were naked from the shoulders to below the breasts, where a pair of stays, composed of several circles of whalebone, with brass fastenings, were secured round their waists; and to the stays was attached a cotton petticoat, reaching to below their knees. This was the whole of their attire. They were much shorter than European women, but well made; very interesting in their appearance, and affable and friendly in their manners. Their eyes were dark and piercing, and I may say there was something wicked in their furtive glances; their noses were but slightly flattened; the mouth rather large; but when I beheld the magnificent teeth which required all its size to display, I[15] thought this rather an advantage. Their hair was superlatively beautiful, and would have been envied by many a courtly dame. It was jet black, and of the finest texture, and hung in graceful masses down the back, nearly reaching to the ground. A mountain Dyak girl, if not a beauty, has many most beautiful points; and, at all events, is very interesting and, I may say, pretty. They have good eyes, good teeth, and good hair;—more than good: I may say splendid;—and they have good manners, and know how to make use of their eyes. I shall, therefore, leave my readers to form their own estimates by my description. Expecting to meet some natives in my ramble, I had filled my pockets with ship's biscuit, and which I now distributed among the ladies, who appeared very grateful, as they rewarded me, while they munched it, by darting wicked glances from their laughing eyes.

Observing that the lad wore a necklace of human teeth round his neck, his father explained to me, in pantomime, that they were the teeth of an enemy whom he slew in battle, and whose head was now in the Head House.

As it was getting late I bade my new friends farewell, by shaking hands all round. The girls laughed immoderately at this way of bidding good-bye, which, of course, was to them quite novel. I regretted afterwards that I had not attempted the more agreeable way of bidding ladies farewell, which, I presume, they would have understood better; as I believe kissing is an universal language, perfectly understood from the equator to the pole.

At daylight the next morning we descended the mountain, and, embarking in the boats, arrived at the ship late in the afternoon.

While at Sarawak we witnessed a very strange ceremony. Hearing a great noise in a house, we entered, and found ourselves in a large room crowded to excess by a numerous assemblage, singing in any[16] thing but harmony. They proved to be natives of Java, assembled for the purpose of celebrating one of their festivals. On our entrance into the house, we were literally covered by the inmates with perfumes of the most delightful fragrance. Some of these odours were in a liquid state, and were poured down our backs, or upon our heads; others were in a state of powder, with which we were plentifully besprinkled. We were then escorted into the centre of the room, where we found a circle of elderly men, who were reading portions of their sacred books, and their voices were accompanied by music from instruments of native manufacture. We were treated with great attention, being permitted to enter the circle of the elders, who ordered the attendants to hand us refreshments, which consisted of cakes made of rice and cocoa-nut oil, and Sam-schoo. Some of our party, having become slightly elevated, volunteered a song, which proposition was opposed by the more reasonable. The Javanese were appealed to by the former, and they gave their votes in favour of the song. It was accordingly sung by our whole party, much to the delight of our kind entertainers, who, no doubt, considered that we felt and appreciated their rites. At length we took our leave, well pleased with our novel entertainment. So well did we succeed in making ourselves agreeable, that we received an invitation for the following night.

July 10th.—In the evening a display of fireworks took place, notice of which had been given to the rajah, and, indeed, to the whole population of Kuchin, who had all assembled near to the ship, to witness what they considered a most wonderful sight. Seamen were stationed at all the yard-arms, flying jib, and driver booms, with blue-lights, which were fired simultaneously with the discharge of a dozen rockets, and the great gun of a royal salute. The echoes reverberated for at least a minute after the last gun of the salute had been fired; and, judging by the yells of the natives, the display must have created a[17] strong sensation. Immediately after the salute, the anchor was weighed, and we commenced dropping down the river with the ebb tide; but we soon grounded on the mud, and we remained all night with the bowsprit in the bushes which grow on the banks of the river.

The ship floated the next morning; the anchor was weighed, and with the assistance of the ebb tide, we dropped down the river at the rate of five miles per hour. As we were nearing a cluster of dangerous rocks, about a mile below Kuchin, we found that the ship was at the mercy of the rapid tide; and, notwithstanding all our endeavours, the ship struck on the rocks. Anchors were immediately laid out, but to no effect: the water rapidly shallowed, and we gave up all thoughts of getting off until the next flood tide. As the water left the ship, she fell over to starboard, and, an hour after she had grounded, she listed to starboard 25 degrees. Our position was now becoming critical: the main deck ports had been shipped some time previous, but this precaution did not prevent the water from gaining entrance on the main and lower decks. As she still continued to heel over to starboard, a hawser was taken on shore, and, by purchases, set taut to the mast head; but before this could be accomplished she had filled so much that it proved useless.

A boat was now despatched to Kuchin, to acquaint Mr. Brooke with our disaster, and to request the assistance of the native boats. During the absence of the boats, the top-gallant-masts had been sent down, and topmasts lowered; but the ship was now careening over 46 degrees, and full of water. All hopes of getting her off were therefore, for the present, abandoned; and we commenced removing every thing that could be taken out of her in the boats. The surveying instruments and other valuables, were sent up to Kuchin in the gig; and afterwards every thing that could be obtained from the ship was brought up in the native boats, as well as the whole crew of the [18]Samarang. Mr. Brooke insisted upon all the officers making a temporary abode at his house, and prepared a shed for the crew. An excellent dinner was laid before the officers, while a substantial mess of fowls and rice was served out to the crew. In fact, the kindness of Mr. Brooke was beyond all bounds. The gentlemen who resided with him, as well as himself, provided us with clothes from their own wardrobes, and during our protracted stay did all in their power to make us comfortable; indeed, I may safely say, that we were so happy and comfortable, that there were but very few of the officers and crew of the Samarang that ever wished to see her afloat again. But I must return to my narrative.

The morning after our disaster we went down to the ship, and commenced recovering provisions and stores, sending down masts and yards, and every other article deemed necessary; and this was continued for several days: during which the midshipmen, petty officers, and seamen were removed to the opposite shore, where two houses had been, by Mr. Brooke, prepared for their reception. Our house, (the midshipmen's) we christened Cockpit Hall; it was very romantically situate in the middle of a plantation of cocoa nut, palm, banana, and plantain trees. It was separated from the house in which the seamen were barracked by a small kind of jungle, not more than 300 yards in extent, but so intricate that we constantly lost our way in it, and had to shout and receive an answer, or go back and take a fresh departure. Our garden, in which there was a delightful spring of cold water, extended on a gentle slope about a hundred yards in front of the house, where its base was watered by a branch of the Sarawak; in which we refreshed ourselves by bathing morning and evening, in spite of the numerous alligators and water snakes with which the river abounds. But our incautious gambols received a check. Two of our party agreed to proceed to the mouth of the branch I have mentioned,[19] to determine which could return with the greatest speed. They had commenced their swimming race, when we, who stood ashore as umpires, observed an enormous water snake, with head erect, making for the two swimmers. We cried out to them to hasten on shore, which they did; while we kept up a rapid discharge of stones at the head of the brute, who was at last driven off in another direction. This incident induced us to be more cautious, and to keep within safe boundary for the future.

Our repose at Cockpit Hall was, however, much disturbed by the nightly visits of wild hogs, porcupines, wild cats, guanos, and various other animals, some of which made dreadful noises. When they paid us their visits, we all turned out, and, armed with muskets, commenced an assault upon them, which soon caused them to evacuate our domain; but similar success did not attend our endeavours to dislodge the swarms of musquitos, scorpions, lizards, and centipedes from our habitations. They secreted themselves in the thatch, and the sides of the house during the day, and failed not to disturb with their onslaughts during the whole of the night.

July 22d.—Mr. Hooper, the purser, was despatched in the Royalist to Sincapore, to purchase provisions and obtain assistance from any of the men-of-war who might be lying in the roads.

It is not necessary to enter into a minute detail of the service which we were now employed upon. It certainly was not a service of love, as we had to raise a ship which we hoped would remain where she was. To enter into particulars, technical terms must be resorted to, which would only puzzle the reader. The position of the Samarang was simply this: she lay on a rock, and had filled by careening over; as long as she was on her side, the water rose and fell in her with the flood and ebb of the tide; but if once we could get her on an even keel, as soon as the water left her with the ebb of the tide, all we had to do[20] was to pump her out, and then she would float again. To effect this, we had to lighten her as much as possible, by taking out of her her guns and stores of every description; then to get purchases on her from the shore, and assist the purchases with rafts under her bilge, so as to raise her again upon an even keel. On the second day after she filled, when the tide had run out, we removed all our chests from the lower deck; most of them were broken, and a large proportion of the contents missing. On the 27th May every thing had been prepared, and the attempt to get the vessel on an even keel was made, and it proved successful, as it well might with the variety of purchases, and the force of men we had at our disposition. When we repaired to the ship with 100 Malays to man the purchase-falls, the tide was ebbing fast, and the pumps were immediately set to work; so that at midnight, when the tide commenced flowing, the ship was nearly free of water. The purchases were then manned, and with the assistance of the rafts the ship gradually righted. The following day, about half-past two in the morning, the ship was free of water, and had risen to a careen of 30°; at 3 o'clock she floated into deep water, and was then anchored. During the forenoon of the same day the ship was towed to her former anchoring ground off Kuchin. The same night the Harlequin and Royalist arrived in the river, and a day or two afterwards a brig and schooner came over with the intention of bidding for the remains of the ship, and of stocking the officers with clothes and necessaries. This was a losing speculation, as may be imagined, arising from a report having been circulated that it was impossible to raise the ship, whereas, as the reader will perceive, there was very little difficulty in so doing, nothing but sufficient strength being required.

Our ship, as may be supposed, was in a most filthy state after the late immersion. Plunging into a river does not clean a vessel,[21] although it does a man. The decks were literally coated with mud and slime, which emitted the most foetid odour. Silver spoons, watches, and valuables of every description, were everywhere strewed about, few of which ever reached their rightful owners; for the Malays who were employed to clean the ship had an eye to business, and secreted every thing which was portable. By dint of great exertion, the ship was in a few days ready to receive her tanks, guns, and stores, which were embarked by the Harlequin's boats and boats' crews. She was soon in a forward state, and an expedition was formed to survey a part of the coast during the completion of her refitting. The gig and one of the barges were fitted out for this service, and on August the 13th, at daylight, we left Kuchin, well armed, and provisioned for ten days. At 10 A. M. we dropped anchor under the Peak of Santabong, from which the branch of the Sarawak we were then in derives its name. Here we remained a short time to refresh the men, who had not ceased tugging at the oar from the time that we started. The foot of the Santabong mountain is about a quarter of a mile from the river. It then ascends almost perpendicularly to a great height, towering far above the neighbouring mountains. Afterwards it runs seaward for a mile or two, and terminates in a remarkable peak, which forms the eastern horn of the extensive bay between it and Tanjon Datu. Here we were about a week, during which time we had extended our survey to the last-mentioned cape, which is about forty miles to the westward of Santabong. While in the vicinity of Datu, a strict watch was kept, that we might have timely notice of the approach of any prahus. A short distance from the cape is a delightful bay studded with small islets, which is known by the appellation of Pirate's Bay, so called from its being a favourite resort of the Illanoan pirates. It was in this bay that the Dido's boats were anchored when they were surprised by several[22] piratical prahus, the look-out men in the European boats, exhausted by the heat and long pulling at the oar, having fallen asleep. They had scarcely time to cut the cables and grasp their weapons ere they were assailed on all sides by the pirates, who felt confident of success, from having found them napping. But they little knew what people they had to deal with, and if Jack was asleep when they made the attack, they found him wide awake when they came to close quarters. All their endeavours to board in the face of the rapid fire of the boats' guns and small arms proved abortive, and they soon discovered that it would be quite sufficient for their purpose if, instead of capturing the boats, they could make their own escape. One of the prahus, pierced by the well-directed shot, foundered, another was abandoned, and the rest, favoured by darkness, made their escape. For a more detailed account, I must refer the reader to Captain Keppel's work on Borneo.

During the survey, we visited the islands of Talen Talen—the Malay word for turtle. These islands are the property of Mr. Brooke. A few Malays lived on the largest of them for the purpose of getting turtle eggs, with which they supply the trading prahus, who continually call here to lay in a stock of these eggs, which are considered a great luxury by the Malays. We landed with Mr. Williamson, the Malay interpreter at Sarawak, belonging to Mr. Brooke's establishment. We were well received by the Malays, who knew Mr. Williamson well, and he informed them that our object was to procure a live turtle. They requested us to take our choice of the numerous turtle then lying on the beach. We selected one of about three cwt.; but although the turtles are never turned on this island, she appeared to be aware that such was our intention, and scuttled off as fast as she could for the water; however, we intercepted her, and with some difficulty secured our prize. From one of[23] the numerous nests on the beach we took 600 turtle eggs. As many thousands could have been as easily procured, but we had sufficient for our wants. The Malays watch during the night, to ascertain where the turtle deposits her eggs, for as soon as she has finished her task, she covers them with her nippers with sand, and immediately retires into the sea. A piece of wood is then set up as a mark for the nest, which is rifled as occasion requires. It is a curious fact that the male turtle never lands.

MALAYS OF KUCHIN.

After visiting several villages on the coast, we returned to Kuchin on Saturday the 19th, when we found that death had deprived us of our only musician on board the ship, a loss which was much felt by the crew, as he contributed much to their amusement. One of the supernumerary boys had also fallen a victim to the dysentery; but, although we deplored our loss, we had great reason to be thankful that it had been no greater, as on the day we left Kuchin, we had upwards of seventy men on the sick report. The same day, at noon, the anchor was weighed, and we dropped down the river with the[24] ebb tide. Strange to say, in spite of all our precautions, we struck on the same reef of rocks again; fortunately, however, the ship turned with the tide and grounded in the mud close to the bushes, from whence there was no extricating her till the flood tide had made. In the afternoon, when it was low water, a very large alligator was discovered asleep upon the rocks, which had been properly christened the Samarang Rocks, and which were now, at low ebb, several feet above water. A party of officers and marines pulled towards him, and fired a volley at him. The brute was evidently wounded, as he sprang up several feet in the air, and then disappeared under the water. Shortly after he again made his appearance, having landed on the opposite side of the river; his assailants again gave chase, and again wounded him, but he shuffled into the river and escaped.

At three in the afternoon, we were much pleased at the arrival of the Diana, one of the Company's steamers, sent from Sincapore to our assistance. She proved extremely useful, for that night we gained fifteen miles, when we again grounded and remained all night. On the following day, at eleven A. M., a cloud of thick smoke was observed rising above the jungle, which we immediately decided to proceed from a steamer. Shortly afterwards two masts appeared above the trees, and at one of them the Vixen's number was flying: she soon hove in sight. We weighed, and with the Harlequin, were towed down the river at a rapid pace. When we arrived at the entrance we anchored, finding there the Wanderer, and being joined soon afterwards by the Ariel, Royalist, and Diana, we formed a squadron of six vessels.

On the 23d August, the Samarang, Harlequin, Ariel, and Royalist, weighed anchor and steered along the coast for Borneo Proper, where we arrived on Tuesday the 29th. On the Thursday following, Mr. Brooke, accompanied by the captains of the three men-of-war and[25] some officers, started in one of the barges for the city of Bruni, which was about eighteen miles from our anchorage. They had an audience with the sultan, but upon what cause I do not exactly know. They were treated with great civility, and returned to the ship about one o'clock on the following morning. My description of Bruni I shall reserve for a future visit. On the 5th of September we made sail for Hong Kong, with the Vixen in company, leaving the Ariel and Royalist to carry Mr. Brooke and the rajah's brother down to Sarawak. The Harlequin sailed for Sincapore. The Vixen having parted company to obtain fuel at Manilla, we continued our course to Hong Kong, where we arrived on the 14th inst., and found there Admirals Parker and Cochrane, in their respective ships the Cornwallis and Agincourt, with others of the squadron. We sailed again on the 2d of November, and after working up the coast of China for a week, we steered to the eastward, and on the 12th sighted the Bashee group. Here our surveying duties commenced in earnest, as we left the ship at four A. M. and did not return till darkness put an end to our labours. The governor of this group of islands sent a letter to our captain requesting the pleasure of seeing the ship in San Domingo Bay, where wood, water, and live stock could be obtained on reasonable terms. This letter was accompanied with a present of fruit and vegetables. A few days afterwards, we worked up to San Domingo Bay (Batan Island), and we were much surprised on our arrival to perceive that the town had a cathedral, of apparently ancient architecture, besides several houses built on the European style. The remainder of the town, which is of some extent, was composed of houses built of bamboo, and thatched with palm leaves.

We anchored late in the afternoon, and were boarded by a Spanish military officer, who, to judge by certain signs and peculiarities, had been imbibing something stronger than water. The captain and[26] some of the officers went on shore, to call upon the governor. The governor's house was distinguished by a flag-staff, with the Spanish colours, or, rather, a remnant of the Spanish colours; and around the door stood a group of most indifferently clad Luzonian soldiers, turned out, we presumed, as a guard of honour. The governor was as much in dishabille as his troops, and shortly afterwards the party was joined by two priests and the governor's wife, a very pretty Creole, about twenty years of age. We were regaled with wine and chocolate, and parted late in the evening, on very friendly terms. The governor's house is a miserable abode: it has but one story, and the basement is a barrack for the soldiers. The upper part, inhabited by the governor, was very scantily furnished: a few old chairs, a couple of tables, and the walls whitewashed and decorated with prints of the Virgin Mary and his excellency's patron saint. The house of the priests, which adjoined the cathedral, was in much better repair, and more gaudy in the inside.

There are three missions in Batan, each settlement having its cathedral and officiating priests. The natives, who are a distinct race, are well-proportioned, of a copper colour, and medium stature. They are very ugly: their hair is black, and cut short. Their usual dress consists of a piece of cotton, passed round the loins, and a peculiar-looking conical hat, surmounted with a tuft of goat's hair. In rainy weather they wear a cloak of rushes, through which the water cannot penetrate. The sole covering of the women is a piece of cotton, fastened below the bosom, and reaching down to the knee. Almost the whole of the Bashee group of islands are very mountainous. At the back of San Domingo the land rises to a great height, forming a remarkable peak, which can be seen many leagues distant. Bullocks, goats, pigs, and vegetables, can be obtained at a very moderate price; but very little fruit is grown, the natives usually preferring to cultivate[27] yams, cocoas, and sweet potatoes. The sugar-cane is cultivated, and the tobacco grown here is considered, with great justice, far superior to any grown at Luzon. After a week's stay at San Domingo we ran down to Ivana, one of the missions, and made a rough survey of the bay. The mission house at this place was fitted up with every comfort, and we even found luxuries which we looked in vain for at San Domingo.

NATIVE OF BATAN.

After completing the survey of this portion of the island, the governor (who had accompanied us from San Domingo) and a party of us set off to return to San Domingo by land. Our path lay over[28] mountains nearly 2000 feet in height, from the summit of which every point and inlet could be discerned, over the whole of the group which lay below, exactly as if they were laid down on a chart. Our walk was very fatiguing, and we were all rejoiced when, from an eminence, we descried the village of San Carlos, the residence of the warm-hearted and hospitable Father Nicholas. We descended into the vale, and were heartily welcomed by the jolly old priest, who regaled us with all that his larder could supply us. It had been arranged that the ship should leave Ivana for San Domingo on the following morning. At the entreaty of the good padre we remained at San Carlos all night, and the following morning returned to San Domingo, the ship anchoring in the bay on the same afternoon. We had now become quite domesticated with the friendly Spaniards. In the evenings we were received by an assemblage of the natives at the governor's house. They were dressed in their best, and went through an unmeaning dance, which was kept up till a late hour.

On the 27th November we left Batan, and its kind inhabitants, who exacted a promise that we would return at some future period, and shaped a course for the Madjicosima islands, which are subject to the kingdom of Loo Choo. On the afternoon of the 1st of December land was discovered ahead, and a few hours afterwards we anchored in a narrow passage, surrounded by reefs on every side. We were anchored off the island of Pa-tchu-san, one of the group: it was very mountainous. On the following morning the captain and some of the officers went on shore. They were received by several hundred natives, who saluted them as they passed on their way to a temporary shed, where a levee was held by all the principal mandarins. Our Chinese interpreter, who was a native of Canton, explained the captain's wishes, and the nature of the service that we were employed on. They appeared uneasy at the proposal of our surveying the whole[29] group, and informed the captain that they would refer the question to the viceroy, and give him a final answer on the morrow. This answer was in the affirmative, and a few days afterwards we commenced our survey of the islands. We were attended by the natives, who furnished us with horses, and anticipated our wishes in every thing that could make us comfortable. On the first day, at sunset, we arrived at a temple dedicated to Fo, romantically situated in a grove of trees, which concealed the elevation until you were within a few yards of it. Here it was proposed to take up our quarters for the night, and a more delightful spot could not well be imagined than our resting-place.

The temple was built at the foot of a hill, within a few hundred yards of the sea. Lights were displayed as a signal to the stragglers, groups of whom might be seen by the light of the moon, reposing themselves on the ridge behind us. The glare of the torches brought them all down to us, both men and horses anxious for rest after the arduous toil of the day. Just as I was dropping off to sleep, one of my messmates said to another, "I say, Jemmy, I wonder whether your mother has any idea that you are sleeping in the temple of Fo, on the island of Pa-tchu-san?" A loud snore was the only reply, proving that the party addressed was unconscious of the island Pa-tchu-san, the temple of Fo, or of his mother, and the bells ringing for church.

Pa-tchu-san, as I have before observed, is very mountainous and exceedingly picturesque. A high ridge covered with trees extends the whole length of the island, north and south. On either side of this ridge are innumerable grassy knolls and mounds from which we looked down upon the extensive plain on either side, which was studded with knolls similar to those that we were standing on. During our survey we passed through all the villages bordering the[30] sea, at the entrance of which we were invariably received by all the principal inhabitants. All their villages or towns are surrounded by the most luxurious groves, which have been apparently planted, for in many parts not a shrub could be seen beyond the confines of the town. The roads through the towns or streets generally meet at right angles, lined on each side with gigantic trees. The houses are built within enclosures raised with huge stones. These houses are strongly built, the frame being composed of four uprights of large timber, to which are attached cross pieces on the top of them, of the same dimensions as their supporters. Openings are left on each side of the house, which, when the owner pleases, can be closed by well-fitted shutters on the sliding principle. The roofs are thatched with paddy stalks. The floor frame is raised about two feet from the ground, and on it are fixed strong slips of bamboo, which are covered over with mats. These afford very comfortable sitting and sleeping apartments. The only inconvenience was, that the fire was made in the corner of the sitting-room, and as there was no vent for the smoke, we were nearly stifled. This nuisance was, however, soon removed by a word to the natives through the medium of the interpreter, and afterwards the fire was lighted, and the victuals cooked, at an adjoining shed.

The natives of the Madjicosima islands are rather below the middle stature, but very strong and muscular. Their hair is worn in a very peculiar manner; the crown of the head is shaved, leaving a circle of long hair, which is turned up on the top of the head and tied into a knot of a peculiar shape. Through this knot of hair are passed two brass ornaments by the common people, but the chiefs are distinguished by silver ones. These are evidently intended to keep the knot in its right position. They cultivate the moustache and the beard, the latter being worn pointed. Their dress consists of a long[31] loose robe of blue or cross-barred cotton stuffs, which reaches down nearly to the ancles. This robe is fastened to the waist by a girdle of the same material, and in which they keep their fans, pipes, &c. The sleeves of the robe are very large, widening as they approach the wrists, which are consequently bare. Their shoes or sandals are very ingeniously made of wicker work, and confined to the foot by means of a strap between the larger toes of each foot.

NATIVE OF PA-TCHU-SAN.

The inhabitants of these islands certainly deserve to be ranked among the most gentle and amiable of nations: no boisterousness attends their conversation, no violent gestures to give effect to the words; on the contrary, their voices are modulated when they are speaking, and their actions, although decided, are gentle. Their mode of salutation is graceful in the extreme. It consists in a low bending of the head, accompanied with a slight inclination of the body, and the hands closed, being raised at the same time to the[32] forehead. What a change in a few degrees of latitude, in manners, customs, and dispositions, between the savage pirates of Borneo and these amiable islanders!

The plains between the mountains are cultivated as paddy fields: the soil appears very good, and there is little doubt but that every kind of fruit would grow if introduced into these islands; and what a fitting present it would be to them, if they were to be sent. They grow radishes, onions, and sweet potatoes, but not more than are sufficient for their own use. They supplied us with bullocks, pigs, goats, and fowls, but they seldom kill them for their own use; their principal diet being composed of shell fish and vegetables made into a sort of stew, which is eaten with rice, worked by the hand into balls. Every man of consequence carries with him a kind of portable larder, which is a box with a shelf in the middle, and a sliding door. In this are put cups of Japan, containing the eatables. This Chow Chow box is carried by a servant, who also takes with him a wicker basket, containing rice and potatoes for his own consumption.

These islands have no intercourse with any part of the world except Loo Choo, to which they pay tribute as dependencies, and from whence they annually receive the necessaries they may require, by a junk. They had no idea that the continents of Europe or America existed. They had only heard of China, Loo Choo, and Japan, and they could hardly credit our assertions when we stated that we had lately gained a great victory over China. When we gave them a description of steam vessels, and first-rate men-of-war carrying 120 guns, they evidently disbelieved us. We were the first white men they had ever seen; and ludicrous was the repeated examination of our arms, which they bared and contrasted with their own. After great persuasion a few of the chief mandarins and their suites visited the ship, which was put in holiday attire upon the occasion. It would be[33] impossible to attempt to describe their rapture at the neatness, order, and regularity which reigned on board. The guns were shotted and fired for their amusement: they threw up their hands in astonishment, and gazed on us and on each other with looks of blank amazement. During the whole of our peregrinations over these islands we never saw a female, for on our approach to any village a courier was sent ahead to warn the inhabitants of our arrival, when the women either shut themselves up or retired to an adjacent village until we had passed through. The men assisted us in our labours and attended to our comforts by all the means in their power. Horses were provided every day, houses for us at night, and good substantial repasts. Wherever they enter, the natives invariably eat and drink, more, I believe, from custom than from hunger. On these occasions tea is the general beverage, the kettle being a large shell, which admirably answers the purpose. It may be worthy of remark, that on entering a house, the shoes or sandals are invariably left at the door. Two of the chiefs were deservedly great favourites with our party; they were given the famous names of Chesterfield and Beaufort, the former from his gentlemanly manners, the latter from the profound knowledge he displayed of all rocks, shoals, &c. On the 17th of December, having completed our survey of Pa-tchu-san, we returned to the ship: on the 22d we left our anchorage, which was christened Port Providence, and ran round to Kuchee Bay on the opposite side of the island. This noble bay was called Port Haddington, in honour of the late first lord of the Admiralty. On the 27th the first barge, cutter, and gig left the ship to survey the island Ku-king-san, the nearest port of which was about twenty miles from Kuchee Bay, alias Port Haddington, where we lay at anchor. The boats carried with them provisions for three weeks, by which time it was supposed that the survey would be completed. As the formation of this island is similar[34] to Pa-tchu-san, it would be but repetition to describe it minutely, but it is worthy of remark that it is indented with numerous deep bays, in each of which there is sufficient water for a ship of the line. Many of these bays have natural breakwaters, created by shoals, with a deep water passage on either side of them, and which may be easily distinguished from the shoals by the deep blue colour of the water.

On the 15th of January, 1844, the surveying party returned, having been absent twenty days. We were again visited by the mandarins, who came to bid us farewell: they quitted us with many expressions of good will, and expressed a wish that we would return again, and as individuals, I had no doubt of their sincerity.

On the 18th of January we sailed for Ty-ping-san, which is situated about seventy miles north of Pa-tchu-san. On the following day we sighted the land, and late in the evening anchored off the coast. This island is low, compared with the other islands of the group. The following morning the captain landed and presented a letter of introduction given him by the mandarins of Pa-tchu-san. The letter of introduction had the best effects, for we were immediately visited by the principal mandarins, who informed us that we should be furnished with horses and every thing else that we might require.

It was on a reef to the northward of this island that the Providence, of twenty guns, was wrecked about fifty years back. Captain Broughton and the crew arrived safely at Ty-ping-san, but the present inhabitants, when it was mentioned, either did not or would not recollect any thing of the circumstances. As a proof of the morality of these people, and how much crime is held in abhorrence, I have the following little history to narrate.

During our survey, we fixed a station upon the extremity of a bleak and desolate point of land running more than a mile into the sea. There, in a cave formed by a reef on a mass of rock, we discovered[35] two skeletons. This would not have so much excited our suspicion, had it not been from the remarkable locality, as in all the graves we fell in with the corpses were invariably uncoffined. We expressed a wish to know why such a spot should have been fixed upon as a last resting-place, as it was many miles from the nearest habitation. It was not until after much entreaty that they at length, very reluctantly, consented to give us the desired explanation, which, as nearly as I can recollect, was as follows:—

A young girl, who was considered as the belle and pride of the nearest town, had formed an attachment to a youth who had been brought up with her, as a playmate, from their earliest years; and it was acknowledged by the inhabitants of the town that a more fitting match could not be made, as the young man was of most graceful mien, and equally well favoured as his mistress; but the father of the girl, who had been all along blind to the natural consequences of their long intimacy, had other views for his daughter, and had selected a husband for her whose chief recommendation was his wealth. So far it is the old story.

To oppose her father's commands was not to be thought of, for filial obedience is, with this people, one of the most sacred of duties. The bridal day approached; presents had been exchanged between the parents of the parties; and every thing was in a forward state for the celebration of the nuptials, with all the magnificence befitting the wealthy condition of the bridegroom. The lovers were in a state of phrensy, but solaced themselves with stolen interviews. At length the poor girl, urged by her lover, confessed every thing to her father, and implored his mercy. He was thunderstruck at this intelligence, for till that moment he had imagined that his daughter had not a thought to which he was not privy. The most rigorous discipline was resorted to—the girl was confined to her chamber, and spies[36] placed to watch every motion. Those to whom she thought she could trust were suborned by her father, and to him were conveyed all the letters which she believed to have been safely conveyed to her lover. His notes being also intercepted, at last each considered the other as faithless. The poor girl, imagining that her lover had forsaken her, at last sent to her father, to acquaint him that she had returned to her duty, and was ready to receive the man whom he had selected for her husband. They were married: but she deceived herself; as soon as the ceremony was over, the courage which had supported her gave way, her former feelings returned stronger than ever, and she hated herself for her fickleness. Her heart whispered that it was impossible that one possessing every great and every amiable quality, as did her lover, could ever have proved faithless, or would have abandoned one who loved him so dearly. As she sat in the garden and wept, a slight noise attracted her attention, and she found in her presence her lover, disguised, who had come to take a last farewell. Explanations immediately ensued—they found that they had been tricked—their love and their despair overcame their reason, and they fled. The father and bridegroom pursued the guilty pair, and after a most rigorous search, they were discovered. They knew that their fate was sealed, and they bore up bravely to the last. They were arraigned, found guilty, and condemned to death; after which their bodies were to be removed far from any dwelling-place. The sentence was carried into effect, and their remains were deposited in the cave in which we discovered them. Many parents might draw a lesson from this tragedy, and anybody who feels inclined may write a novel upon it; it must not, however, bear the same title as the Chinese one translated by Governor Davis, which is styled the "Fortunate Union."

In ten days we completed the survey of the island, and sailed for Batan, where we arrived on the 7th of February. There we remained[37] a few days, and then sailed for Hong Kong, having but three days' provisions on board. We encountered a heavy gale; but, fortunately, it was in our favour. On the 9th a junk was reported in sight; and in the course of an hour we were sufficiently near to perceive that the people on board of her were making signals of distress, and cutting away her masts. We hove to as near to her as we could venture, for the sea ran high, and lowered a boat, which reached the junk in safety. They found her to be in a sinking state: a hawser was made fast to her, with the intention of towing her into Hong Kong, then not fifty miles distant. We again made sail, towing the junk at a rapid rate; but the strain caused her planks to sever, and consequently increased the rush of water in her hold. The Chinese hailed the ship, and entreated to be rescued from their perilous condition. She was immediately hauled alongside, and twelve of her crew succeeded in getting on board of us; but the hawser gave way, and the junk drifted astern, with five men still remaining on board. Sail was immediately made, and in a short time we ran alongside of her, staving in her bulwarks, for both vessels were rolling heavily. Fortunately her mainmast had gone by the board; had it been still standing, and had become locked in our rigging, we should have been in great peril ourselves. The remaining five men and a dog gained the ship, and the junk again went astern, and in three minutes afterwards went to the bottom. When they saw her sink, the Chinese raised up a cry at their miraculous escape. One poor fellow had his hand shockingly mutilated, it having been crushed between the sides of the two vessels.

The wind had now much subsided, and we made sail for Hong Kong, where we arrived on the following day. There we found the Agincourt, Sir Thomas Cochrane, who was now commander-in-chief, Sir William Parker having sailed for England. The cutter and two of the Company's steamers were also here; and the Minden hospital ship,[38] as usual, crowded with the sick and dying. Our first lieutenant, Mr. Wade, took this opportunity of leaving the ship, and Mr. Heard succeeded him.

On the 6th we sailed for Macao, which is too well known to require any description here. On the 10th we sailed for Manilla, an account of which I shall reserve for our future visit. On the 1st of April we again sailed, on a surveying cruise, to the southward. After fixing the positions of several small islands in the Mendoro Sea, we steered for Samboangan, a Spanish penal colony, situated at the southern extremity of Mindanao. On the 8th we arrived there, and took up our anchorage close to the town.

Samboangan is built on an extensive plain; most of the houses are supported on poles ten or twelve feet from the ground. The roofs are thatched, and the sides covered with palm leaves, ingeniously secured by strips of bamboo. The fort is well built; and although a century old, is in very good preservation. It has a numerous garrison, and is defended by guns of large calibre. There is also an establishment of gun-boats, which scour the coast in search of pirates. On each side, and at the back of the town, are groves of cocoa-nuts, bamboos, plantains, and other fruit trees, through which narrow paths are cut, forming delightful shady walks to a stranger, who gazes with astonishment and pleasure upon the variety of delicious fruits, of whose existence he had no idea. The plain on which the town is built extends about eight miles inland, when it is bounded by a chain of mountains, which divides the Spanish territory from that of the warlike tribes who inhabit the interior.

The plain I have spoken of is covered with small villages, pleasantly situated among thick groves of trees; and it is watered by numerous streams. The whole country around Samboangan abounds in scenery of the most picturesque description; and the groups of gaily-dressed[39] and joyous natives in no small degree add to the beauty of the landscape. Horses can be obtained at very moderate charges; but unfortunately no one has ever thought of establishing an hotel, and the want of one was much felt. We were, therefore, thrown upon the hospitality and kindness of the natives, who made us welcome by every demonstration in their power. Fruit, chocolate, and sweet biscuits, were the ordinary refreshments, for which the charges made scarcely repaid the trouble of preparing them.

The church, priests' and governor's houses, are the only respectable buildings in the colony; the other houses in the town are very inferior, being inhabited by liberated exiles from Manilla. We remained here five days, and early on the morning of the 13th ran down to a watering-place about fifteen miles from the town, and completed our water.

The same night we sailed for Sooloo; and the next day, when performing divine service, it being Sunday, the officer of the watch reported five prahus in sight, full of men, and each armed with a long gun, pulling towards the ship. It was quite calm at the time, and our main deck ports were open. No doubt they perceived the daylight through the ports, and satisfied themselves that we were a man-of-war, for they soon afterwards altered their course, and made for the shore. We presumed that they were pirates from the island of Baselan, who, fancying we were a merchant vessel, had come out with the intention of attacking us.

At noon on the 16th of April we made the town of Sooloo, the capital of the island of the same name. It being calm, and the ship at some distance from the anchorage, the gig was sent ahead to board one of the three schooners lying in the bay, and hoist a light, as a guide to the ship; and a rocket was put into the boat to fire in case of being attacked by superior numbers. There were but five men in the gig!

[40]After two hours' hard pulling, they arrived alongside the largest of the three vessels. She proved to be the Velocipede, an English vessel, trading to Sooloo for pearl oysters. The owner of the schooner soon came from the shore, having been sent off by the sultan of Sooloo to know the object of our visit. He was accompanied by several Datus or chiefs, who went back to the town perfectly satisfied with the explanation given. But the arrival of a man-of-war appeared to excite the fears of the natives, for gongs were sounding throughout the night, and lights were flitting to and fro, by the aid of which it was perceived that there was a strong assemblage of the natives.

The ship anchored on the afternoon of the following day, and the captain, attended by several of his officers, visited the sultan. We were received by the prime minister, who informed us that the sultan was somewhat indisposed, and begged to postpone the interview until the following day. Leaving the palace, we strolled through the town, which is partly built in the water; bridges, formed of interlaced bamboo, were the means of communication between the houses. As these bridges were some hundred yards in length, the walking was somewhat dangerous; a slip would have been the cause of a good ducking and a swim to any unlucky wight, which, I have no doubt, would have given great satisfaction to the townspeople, who, armed with spears, krisses, and shields, were watching our motions; but no such mishap occurred, and we returned on board before sunset. Next day the captain and the same party went again on shore, and were received by the sultan in person. He was dressed in the extreme of Malay fashion. He was an excessively plain young man, and seemed to be ill at ease during the whole of the conference. He appeared to be a mere puppet in the hands of his ferocious chiefs, who had all the conversation, without referring to their royal master at any time.

The sultan's dress consisted of a purple satin jacket and green[41] velvet trousers, both trimmed with gold and silver lace; a red sash confined his trousers at the waist; and in the sash he wore a kris of the most costly description. He wore diamond buttons on his jacket, which, being open, exposed his naked chest. But the party who mostly excited our interest was the heir apparent, a child of four years old, who was dressed as an adult, even to his miniature kris. He bids fair to be a handsome man. His laughing face and engaging manner caused him to be caressed by the whole party, a circumstance which evidently gave much pleasure to the sultan. We were regaled with chocolate, sweet cakes, and fruit; and every attention paid to us by the chiefs. At our departure the sultan and ministers shook hands warmly with every one of our party, and we returned on board, accompanied by Mr. Wyndham, of the Velocipede schooner, who, being a perfect master of the tongue, had acted as an interpreter on this occasion.

The Samarang was the first English man-of-war that had called at Sooloo since the visit of Dalrymple in 1761, when he reinstated on the throne the sultan (grandfather to the present one), who had been deposed by his rebellious subjects.

Great Sooloo is about fifty miles in length, and twenty-five in breadth, being the largest of a group of islands known as the Sooloo Archipelago. This group of islands is inhabited by a fierce and warlike race, bearing in their personal appearance a strong resemblance to the Malays, although the two languages differ materially from each other. Great Sooloo, the residence of the sultan, is very mountainous. Many of the mountains are wooded to the summit, while others are covered with patches of cultivation. These islands are thickly populated; and if the islanders do not practise piracy as a profession, they are always ready to aid, assist, and protect those who do. The town of Sooloo is well known to be the principal rendezvous of pirates, who, whenever[42] they have made a capture, resort there to dispose of their lawless booty. The ministers, and even the sultan himself, are not able to resist the temptation of being able to purchase European goods, and articles of value, for less than half their real value. If not the stealers, they are the receivers, and thus they patronise piracy of every description. Governed by their own prince, and independent of any other power, the people of Sooloo have most extravagant notions of their own prowess, and of the strength of their fortifications; and they ridicule the idea of any one venturing to interfere with or attack them.

SOOLOO VILLAGE.

On the 18th of April we sailed from Sooloo, and visited several[43] islands in the Archipelago, on one of which we grounded, but escaped without sustaining any damage. On the 23rd we anchored off Unsang, the eastern province of Borneo, where we remained four days surveying the coast. A shooting and fishing party visited the shore daily: the former killed several wild hogs, and the latter brought every evening a plentiful supply of fish.

On the 27th of April sailed from Unsang. This day we first served out our ship-brewed porter, in addition to the usual allowance of spirits. It continued to be served out nightly, but opinions were very different about its merits.

For several days after leaving Unsang, we had but little or no wind, and we were borne away by a strong easterly current, till we were carried in sight of Celebes, which is high and mountainous, and covered with dense forests of gigantic trees. On Sunday, the 4th of May, we arrived off Cape Rivers (Celebes), the position of which was determined by astronomical observations. It was the intention of the captain to have passed through the Straits of Macassar, but light wind, and a strong current from the southward, would not permit us to gain a mile per day. After experiencing very disagreeable weather while off the coast, we bore up and made sail for Monado, a Dutch settlement on one of the north-western promontories of this remarkably shaped island. Our passage was any thing but agreeable; scarcely a night passed that we were not visited by strong squalls, accompanied by thunder, lightning, and heavy rain. On Sunday, the 18th, we anchored in forty-eight fathoms off the town of Monado, within two cables' length of the shore, which shelves very suddenly into deep water. A kedge was laid out in-shore of the ship, and kept well taut; a requisite precaution, as otherwise, if the land breeze blew off strong, the ship would have dragged her anchor down the steep beach, and drifted out.

[44]The town of Monado is built on a plain surrounded by mountains, the highest of which, Klabat, is 6000 feet above the level of the sea. The houses are well built, and neatly thatched; they are all detached, and enclosed in a yard or garden. The roads are excellent, and reflect great credit upon a Prussian engineer, who undertook the task. The fort, which is at the water's edge, is small, but strongly built, and well adapted to resist the attack of any native force, although I should imagine it could not hold out any time against the well-directed fire of a frigate's broadside. A party of us enjoyed a pleasant ramble through the town and suburbs, which are dotted with neat cottages, where their owners invited us to enter and partake of refreshments. We went into several, and found them scrupulously neat and clean, as Dutch houses usually are. The people who entertained us refused all compensation, and it was with difficulty that we prevailed upon the black-eyed damsels to accept our silk handkerchiefs by way of reminiscences. Very few Europeans reside here, although their half-bred offspring may be seen in every tenth person, and they boast of the European blood which flows in their veins. Monado abounds with poultry, fruit, vegetables, and all the necessaries of life. Cocoa and sugar are cultivated. Stock is easily obtained, and very moderate; and water is procured from a small river which divides the town. Boats should enter the river at last quarter flood, and return first quarter ebb, as the tide falls rapidly; and at low water the bar at the entrance is dry. During our stay we surveyed the major portion of the bay, finding nothing under 150 fathoms of water at one-third of a mile from the shore.

We found here a Mr. Hart, who had been left at this place in consequence of his precarious state, from a gun-shot wound he had received on the Coti River (Borneo). Mr. Hart was a volunteer in the ill-fated expedition undertaken by Mr. Murray, who attempted to[45] establish a colony in the Coti River, and who lost his life in an encounter with the natives. The vessels employed—a brig and a schooner—were fitting out at Hong Kong while we were there. We fell in with the schooner (the Young Queen) the day after we left Manilla. The captain of her came on board to give us the intelligence of the failure of the expedition, with the death of its leader. Misfortune appeared to cling to them, for, soon after the schooner left Coti, the crew of her mutinied, and the mutiny was not put down but by the death of the ringleader, who was shot by the commander. He was bound to Hong Kong to deliver himself up for trial for taking the life of the man, and I hardly need observe that he was fully acquitted. This gentleman was a brother of Mr. Hart.

On the 26th of May, our observations being completed, we sailed from Monado; Mr. Hart, with the captain's permission, taking advantage of this opportunity of reaching Sincapore. The following day we ran through the Straits of Banca, and steered for Ternate, off which island we arrived on the following Saturday. On Sunday morning, before daylight, we struck heavily on a coral reef, but by dint of great exertion we got off, and floated at six. A boat was despatched to the Dutch governor of the town to state that it was not our intention to anchor. The island of Ternate is, I believe, governed by a sultan, who has sway over several other islands. The Dutch have a settlement here, and have long been on good terms with the ruling powers. It is the most important of the Molucca group, as it produces a vast quantity of cloves, beside every variety of tropical fruits. It was taken by us in 1810, and restored in 1815. This island, as far as I could judge, is perfectly round, and about twenty-five miles in circuit, the land gradually rising to a huge peak in the centre. It is of volcanic formation. It is well wooded, and abounds with game; and on this island the boa constrictor grows to the largest size, being[46] often found upwards of thirty feet in length. The Dutch town is built on the south-east side of the island. The houses appear to be better constructed than those of Monado, and the whole town better arranged. There are several forts, two churches, and apparently about 400 houses. The one occupied by the governor is distinguished from the others by its size, and superiority of architecture and decorations. We obtained quantities of every description of fruit from the boats which crowded round the ship: in addition to shaddocks, pineapples, oranges, bananas, and many other common varieties, we had the delightful treat of the mangosteins, which grow only in these latitudes. It is impossible to describe the peculiarly grateful taste of this cool and refreshing fruit. It is a mixture of the sweet and acid, blended in the most luscious manner. It is in size somewhat smaller than an apple, and the skin, which is very thick and bitter, of a dark plum colour. This when dried is used as a remedy for the dysentery. The inside, which is nearly white, is divided into four parts, resembling in substance a firm jelly; and, in my opinion, gives one more the idea of what nectar was, or ought to be, than any thing else which enters into the mouth of man. We decided that the Peak of Ternate was the true Mount Olympus, and that it was there that the gods were assembled and, in ancient days, ate mangosteins, called nectar by the Greeks.

The boat which had been sent on shore to the governor at length returned, and we made sail to the southward, to survey a portion of the coast of Gilolo (another of the Spice Islands), which was supposed to be laid down incorrectly in the charts.

On the morning of Monday, the 3rd of June, the ship being off the coast of Gilolo, the gig with the captain, and the barge with several officers, left the ship with four days' provisions to survey a portion of the coast. At 11 A. M. they landed on a reef, running out about a[47] cable's length from a small island. About two in the afternoon a body of natives, armed with spears and krisses, issued with loud yells from the jungle, and advanced towards them. At the same time a prahu pulled round a point, and made towards the barge, which was at anchor about fifty yards from the shore. The captain was at the time on shore taking observations, but as the natives approached he retired to the gig and got the arms in readiness. The natives came within 100 yards of us, and then halted. The captain signed them to go away: they approached nearer; we gave them a volley, and they hastily retreated into the jungle.

The barge was now prepared for the expected attack of the prahu, which by this time had approached within point blank range of the barge's gun, which was a brass six-pounder. Observing, it is to be presumed, that the boat was so well-armed, and the men were loading the gun, the prahu ceased pulling, and hoisted Dutch colours. They were ordered to pull for the Gilolo shore, which they did; a rocket fired at them quickening their speed considerably. At 3 P. M. the observations being completed, the astronomical instruments were re-embarked on the barge, and the captain quitted the gig and went into the barge. Both boats were pulled towards the main land. On the in-shore side of the small island I have mentioned, we discovered a village consisting of fifteen or twenty houses. The gig was despatched with two officers to burn the village, which was done; the natives who were in the huts escaping into the jungle. In the mean time, the barge proceeded towards a large village in search of the prahu. On their way they fell in with a large canoe, at anchor in one of the creeks.

Taking the canoe in tow, we again took to the oars, and in a short time perceived the natives hauling the prahu into a creek. A round of grape quickly decided the matter; the natives fled, and the prahu was quietly taken possession of by our crew. Having effected our[48] object, we proceeded along the coast with our two prizes in tow. At sunset, after rifling the boats of arms, flags, and gongs, we set them on fire, and made sail to the southward; the gig, which had rejoined us, being in company. About midnight we anchored in a small and lonely bay,—I should say, twenty miles from where the above occurrences took place. We took our meals, but did not attempt to repose till after two in the morning, although we were quite tired after the events of the day before. We then lay down, and composed ourselves to sleep.

We had not, however, been recumbent long, ere the sounds of gongs were heard at a distance; and shortly afterwards the man on the look-out reported that three prahus were coming into the bay. A short time sufficed to have every thing in readiness for the expected conflict.

The foremost of the prahus approached within ten yards of the barge, lowered her sail, and rounded to. A native, one of the chiefs we presumed, inquired in broken English if we belonged to a ship. The captain would not satisfy him on that point, but desired him to go away.

The other two prahus, having been joined by a third (making four in all), had now closed within half pistol shot, and lowered their sails.

Seeing that we were completely enclosed, a musket-ball was fired over the largest prahu. The men in the prahus gave their accustomed yell, and the whole force advanced towards us.

[49]The six-pounder, loaded with round and grape, was now fired into the largest prahu; the cries and confusion were great; the crew of the prahu leapt into the water, but few arrived on shore,—they sunk under the fire of our muskets. The three other prahus then commenced a spirited fire from their guns and small arms, assisted by a flight of arrows and spears.

Pulling within twenty yards of them, we plied them alternately with grape and canister from our six-pounder. The engagement continued with great vigour for some time, when their fire slackened; and shortly afterwards two more of the prahus were deserted by their crews, who made for the shore; the fourth made off. The three prahus were taken possession of, towed into deep water, and anchored. Leaving the gig in charge of them, we went in pursuit of the fourth prahu, and soon came up with her; but her crew escaped by running the boat on shore.

Another prahu now hove in sight, pulling, or rather paddling, towards us. Leaving our prize, we faced our new antagonist, saluting her with grape and musquetry, and causing so much havoc, that, shrieking and yelling, they made for the nearest shore without returning a single shot. We followed her, firing into her as fast as possible. On coming up with her we found her aground, with six dead and one mortally wounded; the remainder of the crew had saved themselves by wading to the shore. After getting this prahu afloat, we brought the other prahu, which we had just before captured (No. 4.), alongside. This boat was crowded with dead and dying. Among the latter was a female child, apparently about eight months old, in a state of nudity. The poor little creature's left arm was nearly severed from its body by a grape shot. She was removed into the boat, where the rest of the wounded were placed, with as much care as possible. A low moaning sound escaped from her lips, her eyes were glazed, and she evidently was fast dying: it would have been a mercy to have put an end to her sufferings. The dead were then thrown overboard, and the prahu set on fire; the last prahu, containing the wounded, was left to her fate.

It was now daylight, and on looking around we perceived five more prahus off a point between the gig and ourselves in the barge[50] and several others pulling in from seaward. We gave way for the five prahus, which were drawn up in a line ready to receive us. Notwithstanding their fire, assisted by their spears and other missiles, we pulled within fifteen yards of the outermost prahu of the five, and discharged our gun, accompanied by a volley of musquetry. The other prahus now closed and poured in a heavy fire; but, although the barge was struck, not one of our men was injured. The repeated fire from the boats soon caused the people in the prahus to make for the shore through the water, when many of them fell from our musquetry. It was now about six o'clock in the morning, our last charge of canister shot was in the gun, the last rocket in the tube, and nearly all the percussion caps expended. The barge was pulled closer to the nearest prahu to give more effect to the discharge, and the captain was in the stern of the barge with the rocket tube in hand, when one of the prahus on shore fired her swivel; the ball struck the captain, and knocked him overboard. He was hauled in, and we found that he had received a severe wound in the groin, which was dressed by the surgeon.

Lieutenant Baugh now took the command, and the gun was discharged with good effect, and all the people on board of the prahus, who were able to escape, made for the shore. One of our marines was wounded in the neck with an arrow, and, with the exception of the captain, no other casualty took place.

The fight would have been continued with the round shot still left in the barge, but the assistant surgeon was anxious that the captain should return to the ship and have the ball extracted. The barge therefore pulled for the ship, whose royals were just visible above the horizon. The pirates, finding that we were retreating, returned to their prahus and fired their guns at us, but without effect.

We arrived on board about 9 A. M., and the ship's head was put[51] towards the scene of action, while the barge and two cutters were despatched in search of the gig, of whose safety we had great doubts. About 11.30, A.M ., the second cutter, being in advance, discovered a sail in shore, and which, by the aid of our telescopes, we made out to be the gig. When we closed with her, and found that all was right we were greatly relieved. We heard from Mr. Hooper, the purser, who was in her, that after waiting in vain for the barge's return, he set fire to the prahus. In one of them he found a woman and child alive, whom he landed at the nearest point. He then pulled in the direction we had gone, being guided by the sound of our guns. On his arrival in the bay we were not in sight, and perceiving several prahus with flags flying and gongs beating, he naturally concluded that we had been overpowered, and he was making the best of his way towards the ship. The boats continued pulling towards the shore, leaving the gig to return to the ship and ease the minds of the ship's company respecting her safety.

On our arrival in the bay with the barge and cutters, we found that the prahus had hauled into a creek, on the banks of which was a masked battery, which opened a spirited fire upon us as soon as we came within range. After an hour's cannonading on both sides we were joined by the gig, with orders for us not to land, but to return to the ship at sunset. This order was not received with pleasure, as we hoped to have a chance of punishing the fellows a little more. We pulled a short distance along the coast, and entered another bay, in which we destroyed two prahus; after which we returned to the ship. Calms, and a strong current setting to the northward, detained the ship near the scene of action for several days. We at length passed through the straits of Patientia, but did not get the breeze until we sighted the Isle of Bouro. Passing through the Bonta passage,[52] straits of Salayer, and Java sea, we arrived at Sincapore on the 28th of June.

Here we found the Harlequin, which had had a brush with the pirates on the coast of Sumatra. The Harlequin, Wanderer, and Diana were sent to the villages of Micedo and Batta, to demand the murderers of an English captain. On the rajah refusing to deliver them up, the vessels opened their fire and burnt the villages. The Harlequin lost two men killed and five wounded; among the latter was Lieutenant Chads, whose arm was nearly severed by a Malay kris. While here the Superb arrived from Hong Kong on her way to England; the Driver, with Sir Henry Pottinger on board; and the Cambrian, Commodore Chads. Also the Iris from England, and the Dido from Hong Kong, which latter vessel sailed for Sarawak.

I may as well here remark, that the Dutch made a formal complaint against our captain for having attacked their prahus, which they asserted were not pirates, but employed by them against the pirates. It is but fair to give the arguments that were used against us, particularly as the authorities at Sincapore appeared to think that we were to blame. They said, you were in boats, and you touched at Gillolo; the natives, accustomed to be taken off by the Illanoan pirates, were naturally jealous and suspicious, seeing no vessel. They came alone, armed, to ascertain who you were. At 100 yards they stopped; you signalled them to go away, and they advanced nearer to you, but they committed no act of hostility. You fired a volley at them, and they retreated. Here the aggression was on your side.

At the same time, you say, a war prahu pulled round the point, and approached to within range; when the prahu was close to you she ceased paddling, and hoisted Dutch colours. You desired it to pull for the Gillolo shore, which it did. There was no aggression in this instance, and nothing piratical in the conduct of the prahu.[53] After she had obeyed your order to pull to the Gillolo shore, you wantonly fired a Congreve rocket at her; your conduct in this instance being much more like that of a pirate than hers. In the afternoon you pull along the Gillolo shore, and you discover a village; you send your boat ashore and set fire to it. Why so? You state that you were attacked by Illanoan pirates, who reside at Tampassook, some hundred miles from Gillolo, and you then burn the village of the people of Gillolo, and that without the least aggression on their part. Is it surprising that you should be supposed to be pirates after such wanton outrage? To proceed: you state that you then go in search of the prahu which you ordered away, and that on your way you captured a large canoe, which you take in tow, and afterwards perceive the pirates hauling their vessel into a creek. You attack them, and they run away, leaving the prahu in your possession, and, as usual, after rifling the prahu and canoe, you set them on fire. Up to this point there has been nothing but aggression on your part; and it is not, therefore, surprising that you were supposed to be pirates, and that the communication was made along the coast, and the vessels employed against the pirates were summoned for its protection. Again, the prahus came out and surrounded you; they did not fire at you, but hailed you in English, requesting to know if you belonged to a ship. Now, if any thing could prove that they were not pirate vessels, it was their doing this; and had you replied, they would have explained to you what their employment was: but you think proper to give no answer to this simple question, order them to go away, and then fire a loaded musket into them, which brings on the conflict which you so much desired. That these observations were true, it must be admitted, and the complaint of the Dutch, with the hoisting of the Dutch flag, gave great weight to them: however, pirates or no pirates, the Admiralty Court, on our arrival in England, considered[54] them to have been such; and, as will be seen by the extract from the "Times" below, awarded head money to the amount of about 10,000l. to the captain and crew of the Samarang, and for his wound received, our captain obtained a pension of (I believe) £250 a year.[1]

"ADMIRALTY COURT.

(Before Dr. Lushington.)

"ILLANOAN PIRATES.—BOUNTY.

"In this case a petition was presented by Sir Edward Belcher, the captain, and the rest of the officers and crew of Her Majesty's ship-of-war Samarang, setting forth that on the 3d of June, 1844, the Samarang being then engaged in surveying duties, and near the island of Gillolo, on her passage towards the Straits of Patientia, Sir E. Belcher, with two officers and four men, quitted her in the gig, accompanied by the second barge, armed with a brass six-pounder gun and small arms, and manned with twenty officers and men. While engaged on the extreme side of a reef, extending from a small islet, in taking astronomical observations, they were disturbed by an extraordinary yell proceeding from about forty men of colour, who were advancing from the islet along both sides of the reef, with the evident intention of surrounding Sir E. Belcher and his party, on nearing whom they commenced hurling spears and arrows, though without effect. They were soon repulsed and put to flight by musketry. In the course of the day several large prahus made their appearance, manned by large crews of Malay pirates, and severe conflicts took place between the respective parties, in one of which a ball from the leading prahu struck Sir E. Belcher on the thigh, and knocked him overboard, severely and dangerously wounding him; but, having been lifted out of the water, and dragged into the barge, he shortly after resumed the command, and ultimately succeeded in destroying all the prahus.

"Dr. Addams applied to the Court to award the bounties specified in the 6th of George IV. c. 49. for the capture and destruction of piratical ships and vessels. He submitted that the affidavits produced clearly showed the character of the persons on board the prahus, and that not less than 1,330 persons were alive on board the several prahus at the beginning of the attack, 350 of whom were killed.

"The Queen's Advocate, on behalf of the Crown, admitted that a very meritorious service had been performed, and made no opposition to the application.

"The Court pronounced for the usual bounties on the number of pirates stated."

[55]Our captain having now nearly recovered from the wound which he had received, we found that our destination was Borneo; but previous to the ship getting under weigh, the boats were ordered to be manned and armed, to proceed on an excursion to Romania Point, distant about thirty miles from Sincapore. It was expected that we might there fall in with some of the piratical vessels which so completely infest the Indian Archipelago; and if so, we trusted to give them a lesson which might for a time put a check to their nefarious and cruel system of plunder and rapine. I found that my name was down in the list of the party selected for the expedition. Bidding, therefore, a temporary adieu to Sincapore, on the 2d of August we set off on the expedition, with a force consisting of two barges, one cutter, and a gun-boat belonging to the merchants of Sincapore, which had been expressly built to resist any attacks of these bold assailants.

Although the real object of the expedition was, as I have above stated, to fall in with the pirates, our ostensible one was to survey the[56] islands off the Point Romania, which is the most unfrequented part of the Malay peninsula. We arrived there late at night, as ignorant whether the pirates were there, as the pirates would have been of our arrival. We had, therefore, nothing to do but to anchor close under the land, and keep a sharp look-out, in case of being the attacked instead of the attacking party. As we were not indifferently provided with the creature comforts which Sincapore afforded, we amused ourselves pretty well; but if we occasionally opened our mouths, we took good care not to shut our eyes, and were constantly on the alert. There is a far from pleasant feeling attached to lying in an open boat, in a night as dark as pitch, expecting a momentary attack from an insidious enemy, and wholly in a state of uncertainty as to from what quarter it may be made, or as to what odds you may be exposed. Under these circumstances, we remained in watching and silence during a night which appeared interminably long; and daylight was gladly welcomed by the whole party; and when it arrived we found ourselves anchored among a crowd of small islands, which were covered from the beach to their summits with the most luxuriant foliage. Within shore of us was a beautiful little sandy bay; while the whole coast, as far as the eye could reach, was one extended jungle, by all accounts extending many hundred miles inland, and infested with tigers and other beasts of prey. As for pirates, we saw nothing of them, or any signs of their having been in that quarter; either they were away on some distant marauding party, or, having received intelligence of our approach and force, had considered us too strong to be opposed, and had kept out of the way. Our warlike expedition, therefore, was soon changed into a sort of pic-nic party—we amused ourselves with bathing, turning of turtle, shooting, and eating the wild pine-apples which grew on all the islands. We remained there for three days, during which nothing occurred worth[57] narrating, unless it is an instance of the thoughtless and reckless conduct of midshipmen. We were pulling leisurely along the coast in one of the boats, when we perceived a very large Bengal tiger taking an evening stroll, and who, by the motion of his tail, was evidently in a state of much self-satisfaction. We winded the boat's head towards him, and were preparing to give him a round of grape from the gun, but before we could get the gun well pointed, he retreated majestically into the jungle, which was in the bight of a small bay, and cut off from the main jungle by some large rocks. Three of our party immediately declared that they would have a tiger-hunt, and bring back his skin as a trophy. They landed, two of them having each a ship's musket, a very uncertain weapon, as they are at present provided, for, whether from damp or careless manufacture, the percussion caps will not often go off; and the third armed with nothing but a knife. On their landing, they took their position on the rocks, and were delighted to find that the tiger could not retreat to the main jungle without passing them. They had not long taken up their position before they heard the crackling of the wood in the jungle, announcing the tiger's approach towards them. They fixed their bayonets and cocked their locks; the young gentleman with the knife was also prepared; but the noise in the jungle ceased. Whether it was that the tiger was afraid to attack three at the same time, or was making a circuit for a more convenient spring upon them, certain it is that our three young gentlemen either became tired of waiting for him, or had thought better of their mad attempt. One proposed returning to the boat, the others assented; and after denouncing the tiger as a coward, and wholly unworthy of the name of a royal tiger, they commenced their retreat as the dark set in; gradually their pace quickened, in two minutes they were in a hard trot; at last the panic took them all, and by the time they arrived at the boats they could not speak from want of breath, so hurried had[58] been their retreat. We sincerely congratulated them upon their arrival safe and sound, and having escaped without loss of life and limb from a very mad adventure. I subsequently related this incident to an old Indian sportsman, who told me that my messmates had had a most fortunate escape, as they would have had little or no chance had the tiger made his spring, which he certainly would have done had they remained much longer, and that one of them at least must have been sacrificed. On the morning of the fourth day, the ship, having made sail from Sincapore, hove in sight, and picked us up. The boats were hoisted in, and we steered for Borneo, to complete some surveys on the north-east coast.

The island of Borneo, throughout the whole of the N. E. coast, is, with few exceptions, a low land, covered with jungle; but so beautifully verdant does it appear when viewed from some distance, that you would be led to suppose that it was widely cultivated. This idea is, however, soon dispelled on a near approach, when you discover the rich groups of acacias, palms, pandani, and numerous trees as yet unknown, so luxuriant in themselves, but forming one entangled mass, alike impenetrable to European or native. What, in the distant view, we fancied a verdant meadow, where we might relax from our long confinement, and amuse ourselves with recreation, now proved to be ranges of long damp grass, interspersed with swamps, and infested with venomous snakes. In short, I never yet was on a coast which, on arriving on it, promised so much, and, on landing, caused such a series of disappointments to those who love to ramble about, than the coast of Borneo. To the naturalist, however, confined as he is to the shelving beach, there is ample food for employment and research: the island abounds in novel objects of natural history, both in the animal and vegetable kingdom.

Nothing certain is as yet ascertained relative to the interior of this[59] immense island, if island it can with propriety be called. From the accounts of the natives (which, however, must be received with due caution), it consists of a large plain, devoid of jungle, and inhabited by cannibals. Two adventurous Dutchmen have latterly set off from Pontiana, the Dutch settlement, on an excursion into the interior; but it is doubtful if they succeed, where so many others have already failed.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

KEENEY-BALLO.
(OOSOKAN BAY, BORNEO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

Borneo has but small elevation for so large an island; in the immediate vicinity of Keeney Ballu the country is hilly, but by far the greatest portion of Borneo is but a few feet above the level of the sea. Keeney Ballu is the highest mountain in the island,—its height is estimated at 14,000 feet or more,—and it can be seen at 150 miles distant on a very clear day. It is very singular that there should be a mountain of so great a height rising from an island of otherwise low land. Near Sarawak there is mountainous country, where live the Dyaks, previously described, and a mountain of the name of Santabong, which has already been made mention of. On the S. E. coast of the island we saw no elevation of land of any consequence. I have given a drawing of the mountain of Keeney Ballu, distant forty miles. At this distance, with the aid of the glass, you may perceive the numerous cascades which fall from its summit in every direction. The Dyaks of Borneo imagine that a lake exists at the top of this mountain, and that it is to be their receptacle after death.

As the island is in most parts a flat and marshy jungle, extending about 200 miles inland, and the rivers are not rapid, although numerous, it would be presumed, especially as the dews of the night are very heavy, that the island would be fatal to Europeans. Such, however, proved not to be the case. During our repeated visits to the island (a period of nearly two years), we only lost one man, by a[60] most imprudent exposure to the night air, sleeping in an open boat, without the awning being spread, and exposed to a very heavy dew.

Borneo abounds with rivers, some of them very fine, running inland for one or two hundred miles. Most of these rivers have been taken possession of and colonised by the various tribes indigenous to the neighbouring isles and continent, to wit, Arabs, Malays, Illanoans, Bughis, the natives of Celebes, Chinese, &c. The reason for this emigration to Borneo is the protection afforded by these rivers; for as all these tribes live entirely by piracy, they here find a safe retreat for themselves and their vessels. How long ago their settlements may have been first made, or what opposition they may have received from the Dyak aborigines, it is impossible to say; but as most of the head men in Borneo claim to be of Arab descent, it may be presumed that many years must have elapsed since the aboriginal tribes of Dyaks and Dusums were dispossessed of the rivers, and driven into the interior. Of these people I shall speak hereafter; there is no doubt but that they were the original inhabitants of the whole island, and that the various tribes I have mentioned are but colonists for piratical purposes.

These piratical hordes generally infest the high lands upon the shores of these rivers, which are difficult of navigation; and, moreover, from their numerous branches, their resorts are not very easily discovered. These towns are fortified with stockades, guns of various calibre, and the passage up the river defended by booms or piles of timber, which admit of but one narrow passage for their prahus.

It must be understood that these piratical hordes are not only independent of each other, but often at war, in consequence of their spoliations. Some of their chiefs have taken upon them the titles of princes; and one has assumed, as is well known, that of Sultan of Borneo, another of Sooloo,—how far entitled to such a rank it would be difficult to say; but this is certain, that there must be a beginning[61] to every dynasty; and if we trace back far into history, we shall find, both at home and abroad, that most dynasties have had their origin in freebooting on a grand scale,—even the House of Hapsburg itself is derived from no better an origin; and the Sultan of Borneo, whoever he may be, and if a Sultan does exist, some 800 years hence will, by the antiquity of his title, prove his high descent, as the German emperor now does his own.

On the 20th of August we came to an anchor at the mouth of the Sarawak river, where we remained three weeks completing some very important surveys. When our work was done, the captain, accompanied by several officers, went up the river.

On our arrival at Kuchin, we found the Dido corvette, commanded by Captain Keppell, lying abreast of the town. We also found that Kuchin was at present nearly deserted, as the Dido's boats, with the Phlegethon steamer, and all the native war prahus which could be mustered, had proceeded with Mr. Brooke to the Sakarron, a neighbouring river, to punish some of the mixed tribes who had lately been detected in an act of flagrant piracy. On the change of the tide we started for the Sakarron, with the hope of gaining the Dido's boats, and rendering them some assistance. Our men exerted themselves to the utmost; but it requires time to pull eighty miles; and I will therefore, en voyage, explain more fully the cause and the object of the expedition.

The river Sakarron, with its tributaries, the Linga and Serebis, have been for a long while in the possession of a proverbial piratical tribe of Malays, governed by chiefs, who are of Arab descent, and much better acquainted with the art of war than those lawless communions are in general. Their towers and fastnesses on the banks of their rivers they have contrived to fortify in a very superior manner. Living wholly by the proceeds of their piratical excursions, and,[62] aware of the efforts made by the European rajah, Mr. Brooke, to put it down, they resolved to take the first opportunity which might offer to show their hostility and contempt to their new-raised enemy. The occasion soon presented itself. Seven of the Kuchin Malays, having ventured in a canoe up the Sakarron river, were all murdered, and their heads cut off, and kept, as usual, as trophies; and the intelligence of this outrage communicated by them to Mr. Brooke, with defiance.

Captain Keppell, of the Dido, had just arrived at Sarawak when this news was brought to Mr. Brooke. Captain Keppell had been sent by Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane to the island on purpose to look out for pirates, and to destroy them and their nests wherever he could find them. He therefore gladly offered his assistance to Mr. Brooke to punish these murderous wretches; and the Phlegethon steamer coming in while they were preparing for the expedition, was, of course, added to the force employed. This fortunate accession of strength, assisted by all the Malay war boats which Mr. Brooke could muster, enabled them to give an effectual check to a band of pirates, so numerous and so warlike as to have become most formidable. To proceed:—

That night we anchored with the last of the flood at the entrance of the Sakarron. We had great fear, from the intelligence we had received from time to time, from boats we fell in with on our passage, that we should arrive too late to be partakers of the affray; and so it proved, for the next morning, while proceeding higher up the river, we perceived a large force of native boats coming down with the ebb, and all of them filled to the gunwale with plunder.

The Malay and Dyak canoes are made out of a hollowed tree, or, as they are termed in many ports of India, "dug-outs." They are long and narrow, and are capable of being propelled with great swiftness.[63] Although very easy to capsize, they are constantly loaded till so deep that at the least inclination the water pours over the gunwale, and one man is usually employed baling with a scoop made out of a banana leaf. Custom, however, makes them so used to keep the equilibrium, that you often see the Dyaks, whose canoes are similar to the Malays', standing upright and propelling them with their spears.

NATIVE BOAT—BORNEO.

The Malay war-boat, or prahu, is built of timber at the lower part, the upper is of bamboo, rattan, and kedgang (the dried leaf of the Nepa palm). Outside the bends, about a foot from the water line, runs a strong gallery, in which the rowers sit cross-legged. At the after-part of the boat is a cabin for the chief who commands, and the whole of the vessel is surmounted by a strong flat roof, upon which they fight, their principal weapons being the kris and spear, both of which, to be used with effect, require elbow-room.

The Dyak war-boat is a long built canoe, more substantially constructed than the prahu of the Malays, and sufficiently capacious to[64] hold from seventy to eighty men. This also has a roof to fight from. They are generally painted, and the stern ornamented with feathers.

Both descriptions of war-boats are remarkably swift, notwithstanding such apparent top-weight. To proceed:—

DYAK WAR PRAHU.

We hove to, to speak to those on board of the canoes, and were informed by them that the pirates had sustained a severe defeat, and that the European force was about to descend the river on their return to Kuchin. As a proof of the victory having been gained, they produced several heads which had been taken in the fight.

We proceeded about six miles further up the river, when we discovered the European boats and crews lying at anchor abreast of the smoking ruins of what had been a Malay town. Here we learnt that the pirates had been completely routed, after a desperate resistance, that four large towns had been burnt, and seventy-five brass guns of the country, called leilas, had been captured. The victory, however, had not been gained without loss on our side, and had the pirates been better prepared, we must have suffered much more. Several of the[65] people of Kuchin had been killed, and of Europeans we had to lament the loss of Mr. Wade, first lieutenant of the Dido, and formerly of the Samarang, and Mr. Stewart, one of the residents at Kuchin; the latter gentleman lost his life by an excess of zeal which quite overcame all prudence. Mr. Wade had landed with his men after an attack and capture of a fort, and when in advance received a bullet in the heart. He fell instantly dead; his body was recovered by his shipmates, and borne to the boat, and during a temporary cessation of hostilities was conveyed to the river. His loss was much deplored by his shipmates in both vessels, by whom he was respected as an officer, and beloved as a friend.

Mr. Stewart, pulling in advance in a small canoe, with some of the natives belonging to Kuchin, was suddenly pounced upon by three or four of the enemy's prahus full of men. They ran down the canoe, and thus were Mr. Stewart and his companions at their mercy. Mercy!—a wrong term to use when speaking of those who never show any. They were all krissed, to the number of seventeen, in sight of their companions in the other boats, who were too far behind to arrive in time to render them any assistance, although it hardly need be said that every effort was made. The last that was seen of poor Stewart was his body being carried by one of the Dyaks into the jungle by the side of the river, and the fellow was so anxious to obtain the much-valued trophy of a white man's head, that, as he bore it along, he kept his knife sawing at the head to sever it from the body. Indeed, so much do these people value a white man's head, that they will build a separate room on purpose to contain it.

Whilst lying at this place, riding to a strong flood tide, a canoe floated past us, in which we could discern two dead bodies; they were both dressed as Malays, and the garments were good. Over the bows of the canoe there hung a handsomely ornamented kris. We tried to[66] hook the canoe with the boat-hook, but the strength of the tide was so great that we could not succeed in securing it, and it floated away with the stream. We presumed that they were the bodies of some of the Malays killed in the recent conflict, who probably inhabited a higher portion of the river, and that they had been put into the canoe by their friends to be carried home, and had been swept away by the tide from not having been securely fastened, for nothing would have induced the enemy thus to make us a present of two heads.

"We weighed, in company with the steamer and boats, on the same evening, and returned to Kuchin, where we arrived on the following day. The men-of-war boats having been towed by the steamer, we arrived some time before the native prahus belonging to the river, which had accompanied us. On the following day they arrived, and the scene was novel and interesting. They all rounded the point together, dressed out with flags of all descriptions, beating their gongs and tom-toms, and firing blank cartridges from their "Leilas." Highly elated with their victory, and with the plunder which had accompanied it, they celebrated it by all getting excessively drunk that night upon shamsoo.

We remained at Kuchin for three days, enjoying Mr. Brooke's hospitality; and during that time it was proposed and arranged that we should pay a visit to the river Loondoo, the residence of a very remarkable tribe of Dyaks under Mr. Brooke's authority; but not being able to fix the exact period for the visit, on that night we returned to the ship.

We had not been much more than twenty-four hours on board, when the captain, who had been away, returned at midnight; and, at this unusual hour, ordered all the boats, manned and armed, to be piped away immediately. We were informed that the river Sakarron was again our destination; and at four o'clock in the morning we[67] started, with fourteen days' provisions, and armed to the teeth, to join the Dido's boats at the mouth of the river Morotabis, from thence to be towed with them by the steamer to our destination. The cause of this new expedition was the intelligence that the Arab chief, Serib Saib, who had escaped during the late conflict, had returned to the Sakarron to collect together and re-organize his piratical subjects. We soon arrived at the same spot which we had before visited when the town had been burnt down; but the expedition proved to be one of little interest. Notwithstanding his threats, Serib Saib's confidence gave way at the approach of our force, and he made a precipitate retreat up the river, accompanied by four or five hundred of his warriors. Nevertheless, we continued to force our way up the river, with the expectation that, when fairly at bay, he would make a stand. Our advance was made known to the enemy by fires lighted on the different hills abreast of the boats. This speedy mode of communication is adopted by all the natives in this part of the world. Determined not to abandon the pursuit while a chance remained, we followed the redoubtable Serib Saib for eighty miles up the river, which in some parts was too narrow for our boats' crews to make use of their oars; but all obstacles were overcome in the ardour of the chase.

To impede our progress, large trees had been felled so as to fall across the river where it was narrow; but these were removed, and we forced our way on. At last the river, as we approached the source, became little wider than a ditch, the barges grounded, and could proceed no farther; the gigs only could float, and we continued, till, after forty-eight hours of severe labour, we found ourselves at the head of the river; and we also discovered that Serib Saib had escaped, having with his whole force landed, and made his way through the jungle into the interior, leaving at our disposal the forty war canoes[68] which had carried him and his men. To follow him was impossible; so we were obliged to content ourselves with the capture of the war canoes, which were all that we had to show for our exertions. Disappointed, and hungry withal, we were not sorry to find ourselves once more with our heads down the river.

I must not omit, however, to narrate a little trick played upon our gallant captain. I have stated that the river was so narrow near its source that we could not use the oars, and the gigs, which continued the pursuit, had to be hauled through the bushes by the boat-hooks. Returning to where the larger boats had been left aground, our bow-man, who was employed shooting the gig along by such aid as the branches of the trees, or the tendrils which hung to them, afforded him, stuck his boat-hook into what appeared to be a suspended ball of moss; but he soon discovered that it was something more, as it was a nest of hornets, which sallied out in great numbers, and resented the insult to their domicile by attacking the bowman first, as the principal aggressor, and us afterwards, as parties concerned. Now the sting of a hornet is no joke; we covered our faces with our handkerchiefs, or any thing we could find, and made a hasty retreat from the spot, pushing the gig down the stream, till we were clear of their attacks. In the hurry of our escape we left the boat-hook hanging in the hornet's nest, and not feeling at all inclined to go back for it, we hailed the captain's gig, which was following us, and requested very humbly that they would be pleased to recover our boat-hook for us, as we could not well re-ascend the stream from the want of it. As we did not mention that it was so peculiarly situated, the captain saw no objection, and as they came to where it hung, his bow-man caught hold of the staff, and wrested it from its position; but this time such force was used that the tendril gave way, and the nest itself fell down into the boat, and the irritated insects poured out their[69] whole force to revenge this second aggression. The insects after all appeared to have a knowledge of the service, for they served out their stings in the same proportion as the prize-money is divided: the captain came in for his full share.

Returning rather in a bad humour at having had so long a pull for nothing, we anchored off a fortified Malay town, which went by the name of Bintang, and which had been brought to terms by Captain Keppell on a previous expedition up the river. The people had consequently remained neutral, although it was well known that they were not to be trusted, and that, had we been defeated above and beaten back, they would, in all probability, have attacked us in the rear. As the evening closed in, by way of astonishing the natives, and giving them some idea of our perfect equipment, the boats were directed to give a feu-de-joie. Some fifteen guns, with rockets, port-fires, blue lights, supported by a well-sustained roulade of musketry, had a very warlike effect; and, no doubt, gave the natives an impression of our superiority in the use of fire-arms. At the conclusion, Captain Keppell, who was always ready for fun, gave out the order that all hands were to join in "God save the Queen," taking the time from him. A dead silence was immediately produced, waiting for him to lead off, which he did; but, to our great amusement, he, by mistake, commenced with "Rule Britannia;" and this, being more to the seamen's taste, certainly, as far as lungs were concerned, was done most ample justice to.

The saying is, "No song no supper;" of course it must be presumed that a song deserves a supper. It proved so in this instance; for just as the chorus was hushed, the Sultan of Bintang, as he styles himself, sent off to the head boat (the one I happened to be in) a superb supper for seven people, consisting of seven bronze trays, each tray containing about a dozen small plates, in which were many varieties of flesh and fowl cooked in a very superior manner. To each tray was[70] a spoon, made of the yellow leaf of some tree unknown; but, as specimens of primitive elegance and utility combined, they were matchless. We had some doubts, from our knowledge of the treachery of the Malays, whether we should fall to upon these appetising viands, as there was no saying but that they might be poisoned. Mr. Brooke, however, who, although not the commandant, was the mentor of the party, explained that he invariably observed one rule when treating and dealing with these people,—which was, never to exhibit any unworthy suspicion of them, as, by so doing, they became convinced of our own integrity and honour. That this confidence might have, in many instances, proved dangerous, unless adopted with great caution, must be admitted; but in our relations with the people on the rivers of Borneo it was of great service. The Malays are so very suspicious themselves, that nothing but confidence on your part will remove the feeling; and, in treating with Malays, this is the first object to be obtained. The remarks of Mr. Brooke, which were not a little assisted by the tempting nature of the viands, and no small degree of hunger, had the effect, and the trays were all cleared out in consequence.

While I was in this river I was capsized by a bore. This, I must explain to my non-nautical readers, is a huge rolling wave, which is as upright as a wall, and travels almost as fast as a locomotive. It is occasioned by the flood tide pouring in and overcoming the feeders to the river, forcing them back to their source. On this occasion I was pulling down the river in a small gig, following the other boats, which had turned up another branch of it, when I perceived it rapidly advancing, and making a noise not unlike the animal of the same name, only a great deal louder. Had I been steering a straight course down the river I should have faced it, and probably have got off with the boat half full of water; but I calculated upon reaching the[71] point and entering the branch of the river before its arrival. But I had not calculated upon its speed, and a strong eddy current at the point was wicked enough to draw our boat broadside to the middle of the stream.

The wall of water rushed on us, turned us over and over; but fortunately by its force it also threw us all, with the gig, upon the point. It did not, however, throw us our oars, which were performing a pas de quatre in a whirlpool close to us. This was a narrow escape, as, had we remained in the agitated waters, the alligators would soon have dragged us under. For two minutes the river was in a state of ebullition, but gradually subsided. We then launched the boat, regained our oars, and proceeded to join our comrades. Thankful as we were for our lives having been preserved, still as we were wet through and had lost all our provisions and necessaries, we were compelled to admit that it was a very great bore.

Shortly after our leaving this river a fatal accident happened to one of our best men. The wind was blowing a heavy gale from the westward, accompanied by thunder and lightning, such as is only to be seen and heard on the coast of Borneo. The carpenters were on shore felling trees for masts and yards, and as we were anchored some distance from the shore a tent was pitched for their accommodation. They had not been in the tent long when a large iron-wood tree was struck by lightning, and fell, burying one of the carpenters, Miller by name, in the sand underneath it. He was extricated with great difficulty; but before any surgical assistance could be rendered him he was a corpse. On examination most of his bones were found to be crushed.

Soon after our return from the Sakarron the expedition to Loondoo was arranged, and we started in the barge and gig, accompanied by Captain Keppell in his own boat, and Mr. Brooke and Hentig in one of the native boats, called a Tam-bang. The distance[72] was about forty miles, and we should have arrived at four o'clock in the afternoon, but, owing to the narrowness of the channel, and a want of knowledge of the river, we grounded on the flats, where we lay high and dry for the space of four hours. Floating with the following tide, we discovered the proper channel, and found our way up the river, although the night was dark as pitch: when near the town, we anchored for daylight.

I may as well here give a slight description of the scenery on the Borneo rivers, all of which, that we have visited, with the exception of the Bruni, bear a close resemblance to each other. They are far from picturesque or beautiful, for the banks are generally low, and the jungle invariably extends to the water's edge. For the first fifteen or twenty miles the banks are lined with the nepa-palms, which then gradually disappear, leaving the mangrove alone to clothe the sides of the stream. When you enter these rivers, it is rare to see any thing like a human habitation for many miles; reach after reach, the same double line of rich foliage is presented, varying only in the description of trees and bushes as the water becomes more fresh; now and then a small canoe may be seen rounding a point, or you may pass the stakes which denote that formerly there had been a fishing station. At last a hut appears on the bank, probably flanked with one or two Banana trees. You turn into the next reach and suddenly find yourself close to one or more populous and fortified towns. As you ascend higher the scenery becomes much more interesting and varied from the mangroves disappearing. Few of the rivers of Borneo are more than eighty miles in extent. The two rivers of Bruni and Coran are supposed to meet in the centre of the island, although for many miles near their source they are not much wider than a common ditch.

Before day-light of the following morning our slumbers were disturbed[73] by the crowing of a whole army of cocks, which assured us of the proximity of the town we were in search of. We got under weigh, and, rounding the point, Loondoo hove in sight, a fine town, built in a grove of cocoa-nut trees, and by no means despicably fortified. We found our progress arrested by a boom composed of huge trees fastened together by coir cables, and extending the whole width of the river. Had our intentions been hostile, it would have taken some time to have cut the fastenings of this boom, and we should, during the operation, have been exposed to a double line of fire from two forts raised on each side of the river. The Chief of Loondoo had, however, been duly advised of our intended visit, and as soon as our boats were seen from the town, a head-man was sent out in a canoe to usher us in. After a little delay we got the barge within the boom. When within, we found that we had further reason to congratulate ourselves that we came as friends, as the raking fire from the forts would have been most effectual, for we discovered that we had to pass an inner boom equally well secured as the first. The town was surrounded by a strong stockade made of the trunks of the knee-bone palm, a wood superior in durability to any known. This stockade had but one opening of any dimensions. A few strokes of the oars brought us abreast of it, and we let go our anchors. The eldest son of the Chief came to us immediately in a canoe. He was a splendidly formed young man, about twenty-five years old. He wore his hair long and flowing, his countenance was open and ingenuous, his eyes black and knowing. His dress was a light blue velvet jacket without sleeves, and a many-coloured sash wound round his waist. His arms and legs, which were symmetrical to admiration, were naked, but encircled with a profusion of heavy brass rings. He brought a present of fowls, cocoa-nuts, and bananas to Mr. Brooke[74] from his father, and an invitation for us to pay him a visit at his house whenever we should feel inclined.

DYAK WOMEN IN CANOE.

Preparatory to landing, we began performing our ablutions in the boat, much to the amusement and delight of the naked groups of Dyaks who were assembled at the landing place, and who eyed us in mute astonishment. The application of a hair brush was the signal for a general burst of laughter, but cleaning the teeth with a tooth brush caused a scream of wonder, a perfect yell, I presume at our barbarous customs. There were many women among the groups; they appeared to be well made, and more than tolerably good looking. I need not enter into a very minute description of their attire, for, truth to say, they had advanced very little beyond the costume of our common mother Eve. We were soon in closer contact with them,[75] for one of our party throwing out of the boat a common black bottle, half a dozen of the women plunged into the stream to gain possession of it. They swam to the side of our boat without any reserve, and then a struggle ensued as to who should be the fortunate owner of the prize. It was gained by a fine young girl of about seventeen years of age, and who had a splendid pair of black eyes. She swam like a frog, and with her long hair streaming in the water behind her, came pretty well up to our ideas of a mermaid.

As we had contrived to empty a considerable number of these bottles during our expedition, they were now thrown overboard in every direction. This occasioned a great increase of the floating party, it being joined by all the other women on the beach, and for more than half an hour we amused ourselves with the exertions and contentions of our charming naiads, to obtain what they appeared to prize so much; at last all our empty bottles were gone, and the women swam on shore with them, as much delighted with their spoil as we had been amused with their eagerness and activity.

About 10 o'clock we landed, and proceeded to pay our visit to the Chief. We were ushered into a spacious house, built of wood and thatched with leaves, capable of containing at least 400 people. The Chief was sitting on a mat with his three sons by his side, and attended by all his warriors. The remainder of the space within was occupied by as many of the natives as could find room; those who could not, remained in the court-yard outside. The Chief, who was a fine looking grey-bearded man of about sixty years of age, was dressed in velvet, and wore on his head a turban of embroidered silk. The three sons were dressed in the way I have already described the one to have been who came to us in the canoe. Without exception, those three young men were the most symmetrical in form I have ever seen. The unrestrained state of nature in which these Dyaks[76] live, gives to them a natural grace and an easiness of posture, which is their chief characteristic. After the usual greetings and salutations had been passed through, we all sat down on mats and cushions which had been arranged for us; a short conversation with Mr. Brooke, who speaks the language fluently, then took place between him and the Chief, after which refreshments were set before us. These consisted of various eatables and sweetmeats made of rice, honey, sugar, flour, and oil; and although very simple as a confectionery, they were very palatable. We remained with the Chief about an hour, and before we went away he requested our company in the evening, promising to treat us with a Dyak war dance. We took our leave for the present, and amused ourselves with strolling about the town. I will take this opportunity of making known some information I have at this and at different times obtained relative to this people.

The villages of the Dyaks are always built high up, near the source of the rivers, or, should the river below be occupied by the piratical tribes, on the hills adjoining to the source. Their houses are very large, capable of containing two hundred people, and are built of palm leaves. A village or town may consist of fifteen or twenty houses. Several families reside in one house, divided from each other by only a slight partition of mats. Here they take their meals, and employ themselves, without interfering with each other. Their furniture and property are very simple, consisting of a few cooking utensils, the paddles of their canoes, their arms, and a few mats.

In all the Dyak villages every precaution is taken to guard against surprise. I have already described the strength and fortifications of Loondoo, and a similar principle is every where adopted. The town being built on the banks of the river, the boom I have described is invariably laid across the stream to prevent the ascent of boats.[77] Commanding the barriers, one or more forts are built on an eminence, mounting within them five or six of the native guns, called leilas. The forts are surrounded by a strong stockade, which is surmounted by a cheveaux-de-frise of split bamboos. These stockaded forts are, with the houses and cocoa nuts adjoining, again surrounded by a strong stockade, which effectually secures them from any night attack.

Great respect is paid to the laws and to the mandates of their Chiefs, although it but too often happens that, stimulated by revenge, or other passions, they take the law into their own hands; but if crimes are committed, they are not committed without punishment following them, and some of their punishments are very barbarous and cruel: I have seen a woman with both her hands half-severed at the wrists, and a man with both his ears cut off.

The religious ideas of the Dyaks resemble those of the North American Indians: they acknowledge a Supreme Being, or "Great Spirit;" they have also some conception of an hereafter. Many of the tribes imagine that the great mountain Keney Balloo is a place of punishment for guilty departed souls. They are very scrupulous regarding their cemeteries, paying the greatest respect to the graves of their ancestors. When a tribe quits one place to reside at another, they exhume the bones of their relations, and take them with them.

I could not discover if they had any marriage ceremony, but they are very jealous of their wives, and visit with great severity any indiscretion on their parts.

The Dyaks live principally upon rice, fish, and fruit, and they are very moderate in their living. They extract shamshoo from the palm, but seldom drink it Their principal luxury consists in the chewing the betel-nut and chunam; a habit in which, like all the other inhabitants of these regions, from Arracan down to the island of[78] New Guinea, they indulge to excess. This habit is any thing but becoming, as it renders the teeth quite black, and the lips of a high vermilion, neither of which alterations is any improvement to a copper-coloured face.

They both chew and smoke tobacco, but they do not use pipes for smoking; they roll up the tobacco in a strip of dried leaf, take three or four whiffs, emitting the smoke through their nostrils, and then they extinguish it. They are fond of placing a small roll of tobacco between the upper lip and gums, and allow it to remain there for hours. Opium is never used by them, and I doubt if they are acquainted with its properties.

They seldom cultivate more land than is requisite for the rice, yams, and sago for their own consumption, their time being chiefly employed in hunting and fishing. They appear to me to be far from an industrious race of people, and I have often observed hundreds of fine-looking fellows lolling and sauntering about, seeming to have no cares beyond the present. Some tribes that I visited preferred obtaining their rice in exchange from others, to the labour of planting it themselves. They are, in fact, not agriculturally inclined, but always ready for barter.

They are middle-sized, averaging five feet five inches, but very strong-built and well-conditioned, and with limbs beautifully proportioned. In features they differ very much from the piratical inhabitants of these rivers. The head is finely formed, the hair, slightly shaven in front, is all thrown to the back of the head; their cheek-bones are high, eyes small, black and piercing, nose not exactly flat—indeed in some cases I have seen it rather aquiline; the mouth is large, and lips rather thick, and there is a total absence of hair on the face and eyebrows. Now the above description is not very much unlike that of an African; and yet they are very unlike, arising, I [79]believe, from the very pleasing and frank expression of their countenances, which is their only beauty. This description, however, must not be considered as applicable to the whole of these tribes,—those on the S. E. coast of the island being by no means so well-favoured.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

SEREBIS DYAK.
(N. W. COAST OF BORNEO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

The different tribes are more distinguishable by their costumes than by their manners. The Dyaks of Loondoo are quite naked, and cover the arms and legs with brass rings. Those of Serebis and Linga are remarkable for wearing as many as ten to fifteen large rings in their ears. The Dusums, a tribe of Dyaks on the north coast, wear immense rings of solid tin or copper round their hips and shoulders, while the Saghai Dyaks of the S. E. are dressed in tigers' skins and rich cloth, with splendid head-dresses, made out of monkeys' skins and the feathers of the Argus pheasant.

TEETH OF DYAKS.

The invariable custom of filing the teeth sharp, combined with the use of the betel-nut turning them quite black, gives their profile a very strange appearance. Sometimes they render their teeth concave by filing.[80]

COSTUMES OF DYAK WOMEN.

SUM-PI-TAN—BLOW-PIPE WITH POISONED ARROWS.

Their arms consist of the blow-pipe (sum-pi-tan), from which they eject small arrows, poisoned with the juice of the upas; a long sharp knife, termed pa-rang; a spear, and a shield. They are seldom without their arms, for the spear is used in hunting, the knife for cutting leaves, and the sum-pi-tan for shooting small birds. Their warfare is carried on more by treachery and stratagem than open fighting—they [81]are all warriors, and seldom at peace. The powerful tribes which reside on the banks of the river generally possess several war prahus, capable of holding from twenty to thirty men, and mounting a brass gun (leila) on her bows, carrying a ball of one to two pounds weight. These prahus, when an expedition is to be made against a neighbouring tribe, are manned by the warriors, one or two of the most consequential men being stationed in each prahu. Before they start upon an expedition, like the North American Indians, they perform their war dance.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

SAGHAI DYAK.
(S. E. COAST OF BORNEO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

Should their enemies have gained intelligence of the meditated attack, they take the precaution of sending away their women, children, and furniture, into the jungle, and place men in ambush on the banks of the river, who attack the assailants as they advance. The Dyaks are all very brave, and fight desperately, yelling during the combat like the American Indians. The great object in their combats is to obtain as many of the heads of the party opposed as possible; and if they succeed in their surprise of the town or village, the heads of the women and children are equally carried off as trophies. But there is great difficulty in obtaining a head, for the moment that a man falls every effort is made by his own party to carry off the body, and prevent the enemy from obtaining such a trophy. If the attacking party are completely victorious, they finish their work of destruction by setting fire to all the houses, and cutting down all the cocoa-nut trees; after which they return home in triumph with their spoil. As soon as they arrive another war dance is performed; and after making very merry, they deposit the heads which they have obtained in the head-house. Now, putting scalps for heads, the reader will perceive that their customs are nearly those of the American Indians.

Every Dyak village has its head-house: it is generally the hall of audience as well. The interior is decorated with heads piled up in[82] pyramids to the roof: of course the greater the number of heads the more celebrated they are as warriors.

DYAK VILLAGE.

The women of the north-east coast are by no means bad-looking, but very inferior to the mountain Dyaks before described. I have seen one or two faces which might be considered as pretty. With the exception of a cloth, which is secured above the hips with a hoop of rattan, and descends down to the knees, they expose every other portion of their bodies. Their hair, which is fine and black, generally[83] falls down behind. Their feet are bare. Like the American squaws, they do all the drudgery, carry the water, and paddle the canoes. They generally fled at our approach, if we came unexpectedly. The best looking I ever saw was one we captured on the river Sakarron. She was in a dreadful fright, expecting every moment to be killed, probably taking it for granted that we had our head-houses to decorate as well as their husbands. While lying off the town of Baloongan, expecting hostilities to ensue, we observed that the women who came down to fill their bamboos with water were all armed.

And now to resume the narrative of our proceedings:—

I stated that after our interview with the old chief, and promising to return in the evening to witness a war dance, we proceeded on a stroll, accompanied by the chiefs eldest son, who acted as our guide, and followed by a large party of the natives. We first examined the forts: these were in a tolerable state of efficiency, but their gunpowder was coarse and bad. We next went over the naval arsenal, for being then at peace with every body, their prahus were hauled up under cover of sheds. One of them was a fine boat, about forty feet long, mounting a gun, and capable of containing forty or fifty men. She was very gaily decorated with paint and feathers, and had done good service on the Sakarron river in a late war. These war prahus have a flat strong roof, from which they fight, although they are wholly exposed to the spears and arrows of the enemy.

We then invaded their domestic privacy, by entering the houses, and proceeded to an inspection of the blacksmith's shop, where we found the chiefs youngest son, with his velvet jacket thrown aside, working away at a piece of iron, which he was fashioning into a pa-rang, or Dyak knife. The Dyak pa-rang has been confounded with the Malay kris, but they differ materially. The Dyaks, I believe, seldom use the kris, and the[84] Malays never use the knife; and I observed, when we visited the south coast of Borneo, that the knife and other arms of the tribes inhabiting this portion, were precisely similar to those of the Dyaks on the northern coast. Customs so universal and so strictly adhered to proves not only individuality, but antiquity. Having examined every thing and every body, we were pretty well tired, and were not sorry that the hour had now arrived at which we were again to repair to the house of the rajah.

On our arrival we found the rajah where we left him, and all the chief men and warriors assembled. Refreshments had been prepared for us, and we again swallowed various mysterious confections, which, as I before observed, would have been very good if we had been hungry. As soon as the eatables had been despatched, we lighted our cheroots, and having, by a dexterous and unperceived application out of a brandy bottle, succeeded in changing the rajah's lemonade into excellent punch, we smoked and drank until the rajah requested to know if we were ready to witness the promised war dance. Having expressed our wishes in the affirmative, the music struck up; it consisted of gongs and tom-toms. The Malay gong, which the Dyaks also make use of, is like the Javanese, thick with a broad rim, and very different from the gong of the Chinese. Instead of the clanging noise of the latter, it gives out a muffled sound of a deep tone. The gong and tom-tom are used by the Dyaks and Malays in war, and for signals at night, and the Dyaks procure them from the Malays. I said that the music struck up, for, rude as the instruments were, they modulate the sound, and keep time so admirably, that it was any thing but inharmonious.

A space was now cleared in the centre of the house, and two of the oldest warriors stepped into it. They were dressed in turbans, long loose jackets, sashes round their waists descending to their feet,[85] and small bells were attached to their ankles. They commenced by first shaking hands with the rajah, and then with all the Europeans present, thereby giving us to understand, as was explained to us, that the dance was to be considered only as a spectacle, and not to be taken in its literal sense, as preparatory to an attack upon us, a view of the case in which we fully coincided with them.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

WAR DANCE OF THE DYAKS.

This ceremony being over, they rushed into the centre and gave a most unearthly scream, then poising themselves on one foot they described a circle with the other, at the same time extending their arms like the wings of a bird, and then meeting their hands, clapping them and keeping time with the music. After a little while the music became louder, and suddenly our ears were pierced with the whole of the natives present joining in the hideous war cry. Then the motions and the screams of the dancers became more violent, and every thing was working up to a state of excitement by which even we were influenced. Suddenly a very unpleasant odour pervaded the room, already too warm from the numbers it contained. Involuntarily we held our noses, wondering what might be the cause, when we perceived that one of the warriors had stepped into the centre and suspended round the shoulders of each dancer a human head in a wide meshed basket of rattan. These heads had been taken in the late Sakarron business, and were therefore but a fortnight old. They were encased in a wide net work of rattan, and were ornamented with beads. Their stench was intolerable, although, as we discovered upon after examination, when they were suspended against the wall, they had been partially baked and were quite black. The teeth and hair were quite perfect, the features somewhat shrunk, and they were altogether very fair specimens of pickled heads; but our worthy friends required a lesson from the New Zealanders in the art of preserving. The appearance of the heads was the signal for the music to play louder,[86] for the war cry of the natives to be more energetic, and for the screams of the dancers to be more piercing. Their motions now became more rapid, and the excitement in proportion. Their eyes glistened with unwonted brightness. The perspiration dropped down their faces, and thus did yelling, dancing, gongs, and tom-toms become more rapid and more violent every minute, till the dancing warriors were ready to drop. A farewell yell, with emphasis, was given by the surrounding warriors; immediately the music ceased, the dancers disappeared, and the tumultuous excitement and noise was succeeded by a dead silence. Such was the excitement communicated, that when it was all over we ourselves remained for some time panting to recover our breath. Again we lighted our cheroots and smoked for a while the pipe of peace.

A quarter of an hour elapsed and the preparations were made for another martial dance. This was performed by two of the rajah's sons, the same young men I have previously made mention of. They came forward each having on his arm one of the large Dyak shields, and in the centre of the cleared space were two long swords lying on the floor. The ceremony of shaking hands, as described preparatory to the former dance, was first gone through; the music then struck up and they entered the arena. At first they confined themselves to evolutions of defence, springing from one side to the other with wonderful quickness, keeping their shields in front of them, falling on one knee and performing various feats of agility. After a short time, they each seized a sword, and then the display was very remarkable, and proved what ugly customers they must be in single conflict. Blows in every direction, feints of every description, were made by both, but invariably received upon the shields. Cumbrous as these shields were, no opening was ever left, retreating, pursuing, dodging, and striking, the body was never exposed. Occasionally, during this[87] performance, the war cry was given by the surrounding warriors, but the combatants held their peace; in fact they could not afford to open their mouths, lest an opening should be made. It was a most masterly performance, and we were delighted with it.

As the evening advanced into night, we had a sort of extemporary drama, reminding us of one of the dances, as they are called, of the American Indians, in which the warriors tell their deeds of prowess. This was performed by two of the principal and oldest warriors, who appeared in long white robes, with long staves in their hands. They paraded up and down the centre, alternately haranguing each other; the subject was the praise of their own rulers, a relation of their own exploits, and an exhortation to the young warriors to emulate their deeds. This performance was most tedious; it lasted for about three hours, and, as we could not understand a word that was said, it was not peculiarly interesting. It, however, had one good effect: it sent us all asleep. I fell asleep before the others, I am told; very possible. I certainly woke up the first, and on waking, found that all the lights were out, and that the rajah and the whole company had disappeared, with the exception of my European friends, who were all lying around me. My cheroot was still in my mouth, so I re-lighted it and smoked it, and then again lay down by the side of my companions. Such was the wind-up of our visit to the rajah, who first excited us by his melodramas, and then sent us to sleep with his recitations.

The next morning, at daylight, we repaired to our boats, and when all was ready took leave of the old rajah. The rajah's eldest son had promised to accompany us to the mouth of the river, and show us how the natives hunted the wild pigs, which are very numerous in all the jungles of Borneo.

We got under weigh and proceeded down the river accompanied by a large canoe, which was occupied by the rajah's son, six or seven[88] hunters, and a pack of the dogs used in hunting the wild boar on this island. These dogs were small, but very wiry, with muzzles like foxes, and curling tails. Their hair was short, and of a tan colour. Small as they are, they are very bold, and one of them will keep a wild pig at bay till the hunters come up to him.

OBTAINING FIRE.

We arrived at the hunting ground at the mouth of the river in good time, before the scent was off, and landed in the Tam-bang. Our captain having a survey to make of an island at the mouth of the river, to our great delight took away the barge and gig, leaving Mr. Brooke, Hentig, Captain Keppell, Adams, and myself, to accompany the rajah's son. Having arranged that the native boat should pull along the coast in the direction that we were to walk, and having put on board the little that we had collected for our dinners, we shouldered our guns and followed the hunters and dogs. The natives who accompanied us were naked, and armed only with a spear. They entered the jungle with the dogs, rather too fatiguing an exercise for us, and we contented ourselves with walking along the beach abreast of them, waiting very patiently for the game to be started. In a very few minutes the dogs gave tongue, and as the noise continued we presumed that a boar was on foot; nor were we wrong in our conjecture; the barking of the dogs ceased, and one of the hunters came out of the jungle to us with a fine pig on his back, which he had transfixed with his spear. Nor were we long without our share of the sport, for we suddenly came upon a whole herd which had been driven out of the jungle, and our bullets did execution. We afterwards had more shots, and with what we killed on the beach, and the natives secured in the jungle, as the evening advanced we found ourselves in possession of eight fine grown animals. These the rajah's son and his hunters very politely requested our acceptance of. We now had quite sufficient materials for our dinner, and as we were literally as hungry as hunters,[89] we were most anxious to fall to, and looked upon our pigs with very cannibal eyes. The first thing necessary was to light a fire, and for the first time I had an opportunity of seeing the Dyak way of obtaining it. It differs slightly from the usual manner, and is best explained by a sketch. Captain Keppell, who was always the life and soul of every thing, whether it was a fight or a pic nic, was unanimously elected caterer, and in that capacity he was most brilliant. I must digress a little to bestow upon that officer the meed of universal opinion; for his kindness, mirth, and goodness of heart, have rendered him a favourite wherever he has been known, not only a favourite with the officers, but even more so, if possible, with the men. In the expeditions in which Keppell has been commanding officer, where the men were worn out with continued exertion at the oar, and with the many obstacles to be overcome, Keppell's voice would be heard, and when heard, the men were encouraged and renewed their endeavours. Keppell's stock,[90] when provisions were running short, and with small hopes of a fresh supply, was freely shared among those about him, while our gallant captain, with a boat half filled with his own hampers, would see, and appeared pleased to see, those in his company longing for a mouthful which never would be offered. If any of the youngsters belonging to other ships were, from carelessness or ignorance, in trouble with the commanding officers, it was to Keppell that they applied, and it was Keppell who was the intercessor. In fact, every occasion in which kindness, generosity, or consideration for others could be shown, such an opportunity was never lost by Keppell, who, to sum up, was a beloved friend, a delightful companion, and a respected commander. As soon as our fire was lighted, we set to, under Keppell's directions, and, as may be supposed, as we had little or nothing else, pork was our principal dish. In fact, we had pig at the top, pig at the bottom, pig in the centre, and pig at the sides. A Jew would have made but a sorry repast, but we, emancipated Christians, made a most ravenous one, defying Moses and all his Deuteronomy. We had plenty of wine and segars, and soon found ourselves very comfortably seated on the sand, still warm from the rays of the burning mid-day sun. Towards the end of a long repast we felt a little chilly, and we therefore rose and indulged in the games of leap-frog, fly-the-garter, and other venturous amusements. We certainly had in our party one or two who were as well fitted to grace the senate as to play at leap-frog, but I have always observed that the cleverest men are the most like children when an opportunity is offered for relaxation. I don't know what the natives thought of the European Rajah Brooke playing at leap-frog, but it is certain that the rajah did not care what they thought. I have said little of Mr. Brooke, but I will now say that a more mild, amiable, and celebrated person I never knew. Every one loved him, and he deserved it.

[91]After we had warmed ourselves with play, we lighted an enormous fire to keep off the mosquitoes, and made a bowl of grog to keep off the effects of the night air, which is occasionally very pernicious. We smoked and quaffed, and had many a merry song and many a witty remark, and many a laugh about nothing on that night. As it is highly imprudent to sleep in the open air in Borneo, at ten o'clock we broke up and went to repose in the boats under the spread awnings. Just as we were selecting the softest plank we could find for a bed, we had an alarm which might have been attended with fatal consequences. I omitted to mention that when we rose to part and go into the boats, one of the party threw a lighted brand out of the fire at the legs of another; this compliment was returned, and as it was thought very amusing, the object being to leap up and let the brand pass between your legs, by degrees all the party were engaged in it, even the rajah and the natives joined in the sport, and were highly amused with it, although with bare legs they stood a worse chance of being hit than we did. At last the brands were all expended and the fire extinct, and then, as I said, we went away to sleep under the boats' awnings. We were in the act of depositing our loaded rifles by our sides in a place of security, when the unearthly war cry rose in the jungle, and in the stillness of the night these discordant screams sounded like the yelling of a legion of devils. Immediately afterwards a body of natives rushed from the jungle in the direction of the boats, in which we supposed that our European party were all assembled. Always on our guard against treachery, and not knowing but that these people might belong to a hostile band, in an instant our rifles were in our hands and pointed at the naked body of natives, who were now within twenty yards of us. Mr. Hentig was on the point of firing, when loud shouts of laughter from the Dyaks arrested his hand, and we then perceived that Mr. Brooke and others were with the natives, who[92] enjoyed the attempt to intimidate us. It was fortunate that it ended as it did; for had Mr. Hentig been more hasty, blood must have been shed in consequence of this native practical joke. We joined the laugh, however, laid down our rifles, then laid ourselves down, and went fast asleep, having no further disturbance than the still small voice of the mosquito, which, like that of conscience, is one that "murders sleep."

The following morning we bade adieu to our friendly hunting party, and I must not here omit to mention a trait of honesty on the part of the Dyaks. I had dropped my pocket handkerchief in the walk of the day before, and in the evening it was brought to me by one of the natives, who had followed a considerable distance to bring it to me. It must be known, that a coloured silk handkerchief is to one of these poor Dyaks, who are very fond of finery, an article of considerable value. He might have retained it without any fear; and his bringing it to me was not certainly with any hope of reward, as I could have given him nothing which he would have prized so much as the handkerchief itself. He was made a present of it for his honesty.

We bade farewell to our friends at Kuchin, and continued our survey on the coast. The boats were now continually employed away from the ship, which moved slowly to the westward. At this time exposure and hard work brought the fever into the ship. The barge returned in consequence of four of her men being taken with it, and our sick list increased daily. A few days afterwards the coxswain of the barge died, and was buried along side the same morning. This death, after so short an illness, damped the spirits of the officers and men, particularly of those who were ill. After this burial we sailed for Sincapore. At this time our sick report contained the names of more than thirty men, with every probability of[93] the number being increased; but, thanks to God, from change of air, fresh provisions, and a little relaxation from the constant fatigue, the majority were in a short time convalescent. On the 25th of September we arrived at Sincapore.

VIEW OF SINCAPORE.

From the anchorage the town of Sincapore has a very pleasing appearance. Most of the public buildings, as well as some of the principal merchants' houses, face the sea. The church is also close to the beach, I presume to allow the congregation the benefit of the[94] sea breezes. It has no architectural beauty to recommend it, being a plain building with a spiral steeple, surmounted by a cross. The interior is fitted up with more regard to neatness than elegance. It has an organ, and is supplied with a host of young choristers from the academy.

Between the beach and Government Hill is a delightful upland, which is generally attended by all the beauty and fashion of Sincapore in the cool of the evening. A canal or small river divides the town into two parts. On the western side of it, stand all the stone houses of the merchants, and it is here that all commercial business is transacted. It is densely populated with Armenian Jews, Chinese, and people from every part of India, each nation residing in its own quarter, in the houses peculiar to and characteristic of their country. Indeed, one of the first things that strikes the stranger in Sincapore is the variety of costume; Chinamen, Malays and Indians, Armenians and Jews, all mingle together in every variety of picturesque costume, giving you an idea of a carnival. The palanquins resemble an omnibus on a small scale, they are drawn on four wheels, have a door on either side, and seats for four people. They are very high, and drawn by one horse. The conductors, however, are not perched up on high, but run by the side of the horse, as do all the syces in India.

There are two hotels, the proprietors of which are of course rivals. One is kept by an Englishman, the other by a Frenchman; both are equally attentive, but the Frenchman's house has the preference, in consequence of its superior locality, facing the esplanade, and looking upon the sea. The governor's house is situated on the summit of a hill, about a quarter of a mile from the beach. From it you have a bird's eye view of the whole town, and also of the country in the interior for some distance. From this eminence the town has a very[95] picturesque appearance; the houses on the east side of the river (the May fair of Sincapore), are built apart and surrounded by pretty gardens and lawns; beyond this you have the roads and the sea studded with every variety of vessels; and the island of Binting rises from sea in the distance. The interior is not without beauty: the eye ranges over a vast expanse of grove and forest, interspersed with plantations of nutmegs, cinnamon, cloves, and sugar canes, and from which a most delightful perfume is brought by the breeze, while here and there white houses may be perceived, looking like mere specks in the dark foliage by which they are surrounded. It is surprising, when we reflect how short a space of time has passed since this settlement was first made, how such a mass of building and such a concourse of people can have been collected.

It certainly does appear strange, but it is no less true, that no nation can colonise like the English, and I have often made that remark in my wanderings and visitings of the various parts of the globe. England fills the world and civilises the world with her redundant population, and all her colonies flourish, and remind you of a swarm of bees which have just left the old hive and are busy in providing for themselves. The Dutch colonies are not what you can call thriving; they have not the bustle, the enterprise, and activity which our colonies possess. The Dutch have never conciliated the natives, and obtained their goodwill; they have invariably resorted to violence, and to a disregard of justice. One would have thought that the French, from their bonhomie, would have been one of the very best nations to civilise, and certain to have succeeded; but such is not the case. What can be the cause of this, if it be not that, instead of raising the character of the native population by good example and strict justice, they demoralise by introducing vices hitherto unknown to them, and alienate them by injustice? There[96] was an outcry raised at the French taking possession of Taheite, as if any attempt on their part to colonise was an infringement on our right as Englishmen of universal colonisation. I think if we were wise, we should raise no objection to their colonising as much as they please. The whole expence of founding the colony, raising the fortifications, and building the towns, and, if I may use the phrase, of settling every thing, may safely be left to them. If a war breaks out, they will have done a great deal of expensive work for our benefit, as we are certain then to take possession. Algiers has cost an enormous sum to France, and will cost still more, and yet it can hardly be considered as a colony. It is a military possession, an African barrack, no more; and what will be the result in case of the breaking out of hostilities? Their possession of Algiers will be most advantageous to England, for defend it they will with all their power. We, with Gibraltar as a rendezvous, shall of course have a most favourable position for assailing it, and the consequence will be, that the whole focus of the war will be drawn away from our own coasts, and the Mediterranean will be the arena of all the fighting. The struggle must be before the Pillars of Hercules. The more we increase our fleets, the larger must her force be, and she will have no squadron to spare to send out to annoy our trade and colonial possessions. But as this is a digression, and has nothing to do with my narrative, I beg pardon and go on.

We found that the Dido had anchored there before us, and had received her orders to proceed to England. Oh! how we envied her good fortune; and surely if envy is a base passion, in this instance it becomes ennobled by the feelings of home and country which excite it. The Dido left on the 10th, and we regretted the loss of Captain Keppell most deeply. Many merchant vessels had been lately wrecked on the north coast of Borneo, and their crews made prisoners[97] by the pirate hordes. Some of the vessels had had females on board, who had not been heard of since. A letter from a master of a merchant vessel was received by the authorities at Sincapore, wherein it was stated on oath, that, having lately put into the port of Ambong, in Borneo, an European woman had been seen near one of the huts of the village; but that on their approach, she disappeared. This account was corroborated by the evidence of some Lascar seamen, who formed a portion of the crew of the vessel. The contents of this letter being forwarded by the authorities to our gallant captain, he determined upon proceeding to Ambong, accompanied by our old ally, the Phlegethon steamer. Fortunately the town lay in our track, as we were about to proceed to Labuan, and from thence to Manilla. We again weighed anchor for Sarawak, whither the steamer had already proceeded. On our arrival at the mouth of the river we anchored, and the captain went up in his gig. The following day, to our great surprise, we received an intimation that we might make a party of pleasure (a party quite unknown in the Samarang), and go up to Kuchin. We hurried away before the captain had time to repent his indulgence, and set off, some seven or eight of us, in the cutter, and pulled away as fast as we could, till we were first out of hail, and then out of sight, when we considered that we were safe.

I have already stated that the native houses are built on the left side of the Sarawak river, and those of the Europeans on the right. These latter are pretty commodious little bungalows, built of cedar and pine wood. At present there are but three, belonging to Mr. Brooke, Mr. Williamson the interpreter, and Hentig, a merchant who has lately settled there. Ruppell, Mr. Brooke's superintendent, and Treecher, the surgeon, live in a large house on the native side of the river. Each of these European houses has its chatty bath adjoining to it, and this luxury is indulged in at all hours of the day. At nine[98] o'clock a gong summons all the Europeans to the breakfast table of Mr. Brooke. When breakfast is over, they all separate, either to follow business or pleasure, and seldom meet again till six in the evening, when dinner is served, and the time is passed away till all retire to bed.

Let me describe the view from the front of Mr. Brooke's house:—The schooner lying half way across the river is the Julia, belonging to Mr. Brooke: she sails every month for Sincapore, laden with antimony ore; and thus, at the same time, she forms a mail-packet between Sincapore and Kuchin. The large open building, with a wharf, leading down to the river, is the store in which the antimony is sifted, smelted, and weighed. On the point near the bend of the river is the fort. It is a strong building of large timbers, and mounts eight 24-lb. iron guns, in very excellent condition. This is a very necessary defence, as the European rajah has many enemies. The building whose top just appears above the trees is the Chinese joss-house, or temple; for there are many Chinese settlers at Kuchin, who are very useful in their capacities of carpenters, blacksmiths, and agriculturists. Sweeping with the eye a range of dwelling houses built on stakes, you stop at one of tolerable proportions, which has a platform in front of it, on which are mounted about twenty small guns, and there is a flag-staff, on which is hoisted a red and yellow flag: that is the palace of Rajah Muda Hassan. Take a canoe, and cross over to it. You will find Muda sitting cross-legged in the centre of it: he shakes hands with you, and offers you cigars and tea. You will also meet his brother, Bud-ruddeen. You take your leave of the rajah, and amuse yourself with a walk round the town, during which you examine the natives and their wives, their customs, their houses, and their gardens.

With the exception of the more civilised tribes in the vicinity of[99] the Sarawak, the Malays who inhabit the coast of Borneo are a cruel, treacherous, and disgusting race of men, with scarcely one good quality to recommend them. The numerous tribes of these people are separately governed, either by a rajah or petty sultan. Their laws are much more respected than would be supposed in a country where every man is armed, and is a robber by profession. The dress of the Malay is very uniform, consisting of a loose jacket, a sash, and trousers: in some parts a cloth is worn round the head; in others, a hat, made of leaves or rattan. Their arms are the kris and spear; occasionally they carry the sum-pi-tan, and poisoned arrows. Their houses are built upon stakes, probably for the sake of cleanliness; as the flooring consists of a kind of grating made of rattan, all dirt falls through. The houses are small, and contain but one family, and, like those of the Dyaks, are built of the lightest materials. The Malays pretend to Mahomedanism, and there is generally a large empty building in every town which is dignified with the name of a mosque: on the outside are hung drums or tom-toms, of huge dimensions, which are used as gentle reminders of the hours of prayer.

I have already stated that these Malay tribes live almost wholly by piracy, to carry on which each town possesses several large prahus, which they man, and send out to intercept any unfortunate junk or other vessel incapable of much resistance, which fate or the currents may have driven too near their coast. When the vessels are captured the cargoes are deposited in their warehouses, the vessels are broken up, and the crews are retained as slaves, to dig yams or pound paddy. Unless they are irritated by a desperate resistance, or they attack an inimical tribe, they do not shed blood, as has generally been supposed; restrained, however, by no other feeling than that of avarice, for the slaves are too valuable to be destroyed. In their physiognomy these Malays are inferior to the Dyaks: they have a strong resemblance to[100] the monkey in face, with an air of low cunning and rascality most unprepossessing. In stature they are very low, and generally bandy-legged. Their hair and eyes are invariably black, but the face is, in most cases, devoid of hair; when it does grow, it is only at the extreme point of the chin. The Borneo Malay women are as plain as the men, although at Sincapore, Mauritius, and the Sooloos, they are well favoured; and they wind their serang, or robe, so tight round their bodies, that they walk in a very constrained and ungainly fashion. Many of these tribes are intermixed with the natives of the Celebes, such as the inhabitants of Sooloo.

MALAY WOMAN.

The Malays deal with criminals in a very summary manner, the knowledge of which prevents many crimes among this semi-barbarous people. Robbers, for the first offence, lose their right hand; for the second they undergo the penalty of death. When we were at Kuchin [101]a Chinaman was convicted of selling sam-schoo without permission: his goods were confiscated for a time, to be redeemed only by his good behaviour. I am not acquainted with their punishments for minor offences, except in the above instance; but I believe it is generally by fine. Every rajah holds despotic sway over the inhabitants of his province, and punishes as he thinks proper, without reference to any tribunal, even in cases where the sentence is death. The method of executing criminals with the kris is as follows:—He is made to sit down in a chair, with his arms extended horizontally, and held in that position by two men. The executioner, who stands behind him, inserts his kris above the collar-bone, in a perpendicular manner, which causes instant death, as the weapon enters the heart.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

MALAY CHIEF.
(SOOLOO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

The following anecdote, related to me by some of the Roche people, may amuse the reader:—A celebrated Malay pirate, whose sanguinary deeds had filled the Archipelago with terror, became violently enamoured with one of the slaves of a rajah living on the river Sarawak. After vainly endeavouring to obtain her from her master by offers of money and entreaties, he lay in wait for her, and ran away with her into the jungle.

He had hardly passed his honeymoon before the rajah discovered his retreat, and he sent to the Malay to inform him, that, if he would make his appearance at the audience upon a certain day, he should have justice done him.

The Malay chief, who was a man of undaunted courage, and who felt confident that the reputation he had acquired by his piratical exploits was alone sufficient to awe his enemies, consented to appear, hoping that arrangements might be made which would permit him to leave the jungle, and allow him to enjoy his new bride in quiet.

On the day appointed he appeared before the council, armed, and accompanied by his brother, both resting their hands upon the handles[102] of their krisses, a movement which among the Malays proclaims no feelings of amity. In this attitude of preparation they walked into the audience room, which was crowded with a host of enemies. The council decided, that if on a certain day he would produce a specified sum of money the girl should be his, and he should return unmolested. The sum named was exorbitant, but the Malay chief agreed to the payment, and was permitted to depart.

When the day of payment arrived, the council sat as before, and the Malay chief again made his appearance; but this time he came alone, his brother being absent on a piratical expedition. He had, in consequence of his violent affection for the girl, made every attempt to raise the stipulated sum, but could not succeed. He brought all that he could collect, but it fell far short of the sum which had been agreed upon, and he requested time to procure the remainder. The council consulted a while, and then stipulated, that the chief, not having brought the sum agreed upon, should leave his kris as a pledge till the rest should be forthcoming. The kris that the chief wore was itself of great value, very handsomely ornamented with precious stones. It had belonged to his ancestors, and was, as they always are, highly prized, and they knew that it would, if possible, be reclaimed. The chief was most reluctant to part with it, but his love for his mistress overcame his scruples, and also his prudence, for it left him unarmed amidst his implacable enemies. He pulled out his kris, and laid it on the table upon the money, and was busy disengaging the sheath to add to it, when, by a signal from the rajah, he was seized from behind. He started up, but it was too late; his trusty weapon, which had so often stood by him in his need, was no longer within his reach, and he was in a moment transfixed with a dozen blades, falling a victim to his love of the girl and the treachery of his foes.

[103]After passing two very pleasant days at Kuchin, we prepared to descend the river. I have omitted to say that Mr. Treecher, the surgeon, was fond of natural history, and possessed a very tolerable collection of birds, and other animals indigenous to the country. I was shown several skeletons of the orang outang, some of which were of great size. There is no want of these animals in the jungle, but a living specimen is not easy to procure; I saw but one, an adult female, belonging to Mr. Brooke. It was very gentle in its manners, and, when standing upright, might have measured three feet six inches.

PROBOSCIS MONKEY.

On board of the Phlegethon there were two specimens of the wa-wa, or long-armed ape, which had been presented to Mr. Brooke by one of[104] the neighbouring rajahs, and they are by the natives considered very valuable. Their affection when domesticated is remarkable; their first act when they meet one they know is to leap upon your breast and embrace you with their arms, just like a child will its mother, and they will remain, if permitted, in this position for hours, and complain if removed. Their cry is very plaintive, and, heard at night in the jungle, sounds like that of a female in distress. I was given to understand that in the presents made by chiefs, a scarce variety of monkey is often the principal gift, and most esteemed.

The scarcest monkey in Borneo is the proboscis, or long-nosed. I saw but two specimens of this animal, one a female, with the nose very long, and pendulous at the extremity; the other a male, very young, and with the nose more or less prominent, and giving its face a more actual resemblance to that of a man's than I had ever before seen. This monkey has never, I believe, been brought to England alive. The British Museum has a stuffed specimen. It is not so mischievous in its habits as the tribe in general.

As Rajah Muda Hassan has been so frequently mentioned, it may be as well to give a succinct outline of his history. At the death of the late sultan, Muda Hassan was the heir-apparent to the throne, but he resigned in favour of his nephew, retaining the office of prime minister, which office he had held during the former reign, not only to the satisfaction of the sultan, but also of the people, with whom he was deservedly a great favourite. His influence, being even greater than that of the sultan, occasioned a jealous feeling, and a contention of party, which induced Muda Hassan to retire to Sarawak with his wives and personal attendants. He was succeeded in his office of prime minister by an Arab, Pangeran Usop, a man of unbounded ambition, who by his harsh and tyrannical conduct soon became hated by the Brunese, who longed for the return of Muda Hassan, under[105] whose sway they had been quiet and happy. Pangeran Usop, aware of the popular feeling, now considered Muda Hassan as his enemy, and took every opportunity of vilifying and creating suspicion of Muda Hassan on the mind of the sultan, who was little better than an idiot. He asserted that Muda Hassan and his brother Bud-ruddeen were leagued with the English, and were their only supporters in their pretensions to the isle of Labuan, and that they would assist the English in taking possession of Borneo.

These reports, although at first treated with disdain, continually repeated had their effect, not only upon the sultan, but upon the people; and Muda Hassan, who was informed of what had been going on, and had not deigned to notice it, now considered that it was advisable to repair to Borneo, and refute the charges brought against him.

When Mr. Brooke purchased the rajahship and mines of Sarawak, he agreed to compensate Muda with a life annuity of two or three hundred per annum, and give him a passage to his native city, Bruni, whenever he should feel disposed to leave Kuchin. Some time had now elapsed since the signing of the contract, during which Muda had remained at his palace at Kuchin, enjoying his income, and living on the very best terms with the Europeans. He now, however, expressed a wish to return to Bruni, and as it was Mr. Brooke's intention to proceed to that port in the Samarang, it was proposed that the Phlegethon steamer should embark Muda and his suite, and that on our arrival at Bruni we should see this rajah and his brother Bud-ruddeen installed in their positions which by their birth they were entitled to. Another object was in view, and expected to be gained by this step. Up to the present, no efforts had been made by the Bornean government to discountenance piracy; on the contrary, the plunder of the pirates was brought in and openly disposed of at Bruni, which is the[106] royal residence. Muda and his brother Bud-ruddeen were stanch friends to the English, and it was anticipated that by their being appointed to offices of power, and forcing the sultan to a treaty to put down piracy, and pay respect to the English flag, a very important advance would be made towards the extermination of these marauders, and commerce, once rendered secure, and property respected, Borneo would soon be brought to a state of comparative civilisation.

As soon as the two rajahs, with all their wives and suite, &c., could be got on board of the Phlegethon, Mr. Brooke, and Mr. Williamson the interpreter, came on board the Samarang, and we sailed. On our arrival at the island of Labuan, we anchored the ship, and despatched the steamer, with her cargo, up to Bruni. The captain of the Samarang and one or two officers proceeded up to Bruni in the barge on the following day; and I was the midshipman in charge of the boat. We did not arrive at the city till 8 o'clock in the evening; and it was too dark to distinguish the houses. With some difficulty, we discovered the steamer, which was anchored on the main street. We pulled alongside, and landing the captain and Kuchinians, Adams, the surgeon of the party, and I, found ourselves in undisturbed possession of the barge.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

BRUNI.
(BORNEO PROPER.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

Bruni is called by Crawfurd the Venice of the East; and he is so far correct, that it is built in the same peculiar way, and is a most extraordinary town. It is built almost entirely on the water. It is of great size, containing from thirty to forty thousand inhabitants, most of whom are Malays, but who, from having so long intermixed with the tribes on the coast, now style themselves Brunese, after the town. This town, which is situated where the river forms a wide and shallow estuary, is built with little regard to regularity. There are, however, two large main streets, intersecting each other in the form of an irregular cross. These divide the town into four parts, one of which[107] is partly built upon terra firma, while the other three portions are composed of massive wooden houses, built on piles, and just sufficiently separated here and there to admit of the passage of a canoe. On the portion which is on dry land is built the sultan's palace, a church or mosque, and most of the more prominent buildings. It was in the main street (if such a term may be used), and as near as possible in the centre of the town, that the steamer was anchored.

When we awoke and roused up it was broad daylight, and the scene was most novel: surrounding the steamer and the barge, and extending many yards from them, lay hundreds of canoes, filled with natives of every tribe to be found on the coast, and dressed in every variety of costume. From the wild Dusum to the civilised Arab and Malay rajah, natives in every posture, and decked in every colour, impelled by curiosity, were crowded around us. Here was a chief, dressed in an embroidered jacket, sitting cross-legged, and shading himself with a yellow silk umbrella. There were some wild-looking Dyaks, with scarcely as much covering as decency demanded, standing up on their narrow canoes, one hand resting on the handle of their knives, the other on their hips, eying us from under their long matted hair with glances that told of no good feeling towards us. In another quarter were women, in a covered boat, whose jealous lattices only permitted us a glimpse of sparkling eyes, and of the yellow array which proclaimed them as some of the royal favourites. As far as you could see on all sides there was a confused mass, composed of embroidered chiefs, black-eyed women, grey-bearded Arabs, spears, shields, paddles and umbrellas. Taking out my sketch-book, I amused myself with drawing the various costumes—no very easy task, as the canoes were continually on the move; and before I could well catch the head and shoulders of a native, when I raised my eyes from the paper he had[108] often disappeared in the crowd, and I found another party and another costume in his place.

NATIVES OF BRUNI.

Rajah Muda Hassan had already landed, and 10 o'clock had been fixed upon as the hour for a full-dress visit to the sultan. As the time approached, Mr. Brooke, with our captain and the officers composing the party, came into the barge, and were pulled up to the sultan's audience chamber. This was a large three-sided building, facing the water, with a platform in front, on which were mounted five or six leilas, or native guns. The roof was slightly carved, and the gables ornamented with large wooden rams' horns. The red and yellow flag of Borneo waved above it.

We were received at the platform by a numerous party of chiefs, handsomely dressed in silks, satins, and gold embroidery. They ushered us into the audience chamber, the walls of which were lined with a sort of cloth, and ornamented with shields. The floor was matted. The chamber was filled with natives, all well dressed and armed. They sat cross-legged, preserving a respectful silence. A vacant aisle was preserved between them leading to the throne, which[109] was at the upper end of the chamber. The throne was a frame of painted wood, gilt and carved, and bearing a very suspicious resemblance to a Chinese bedstead. On this, sitting cross-legged, was the sultan of Borneo, to whom we were all separately presented as English warriors, &c. &c. Chairs were then placed in a half circle in front of the sultan, and we seated ourselves. The sultan, a man of about sixty years of age, is said to be very imbecile, and under the control of his ministers, who do with him as they please. He was dressed in a loose jacket and trousers of purple satin, richly embroidered with gold, a close-fitting vest of gold cloth, and a light cloth turban on his head. In his sash he wore a gold-headed kris of exquisite workmanship. His head was bald, and his features wore a continual air of suspicion, mixed with simplicity. The first is not to be wondered at, as he lives in the happy expectation of being poisoned every day. He has two thumbs on the right hand, and makes the supernumerary one useful by employing it in charging his mouth with the beetle-nut and chunan, in which luxury he indulges to excess. Immediately below him were his two body attendants, who have charge of his beetle-nut box and his weapons. In front of the throne, and inside the half aisle formed by the Europeans, Seraib Yussef, the prime minister, Muda Hassan, and Bud-ruddeen, were seated on their hams. On each side and below the throne were hundreds of attendants or guards; those in the front row sitting cross-legged, with drawn krisses; those behind them standing with long spears, tipped with bunches of red horsehair, in their hands. The remainder of the chamber was occupied by chiefs, all of them armed.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

COURT OF THE SULTAN OF BRUNI.
(SIGNING THE TREATY WITH ENGLAND.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

The communications and demands we had to make were carried on through Mr. Williamson, the interpreter. The speakers were Mr. Brooke, our captain, the sultan's prime minister, Muda and Bud-ruddeen, the sultan occasionally nodding his head in approval of replies[110] made by his prime minister. The whole of the conversation was carried on in so low a tone as not to be heard except by those sitting nearest to the throne. The subject of it was, however, no secret; and it was as follows:—

Near to the mouth of the river, is an island called Pulo Cheremon, on which the sultan has built some forts. On our entering the river, one of our boats had been fired at from one of these forts, although the English flag was hoisted at the time. The demands made in this conference were, that the proper respect should be paid to the English flag, that the forts upon Pulo Cheremon should be dismantled, and that the sultan should reinstate Muda and Bud-ruddeen in offices becoming their rank. Now, that the first demand was reasonable must be admitted; but what right we had to insist upon the forts being destroyed, and the sultan's uncles put into office, I really cannot pretend to say.

Seraib Yussef, who was inimical to the English, expressed his disapprobation of their demands in very strong terms: as for the sultan, he had very little to say. As it appeared that there was no chance of our demands being complied with without coercion, the conference was broken up by our principals pointing to the steamer, which lay within pistol-shot of the palace, and reminding the sultan and the ministers that a few broadsides would destroy the town. Having made this observation, we all rose to take our departure, stating that we would wait for an answer to our demands upon the following day. Our situation was rather critical, only eight Europeans among hundreds of armed natives taking their sultan in this manner by the beard, when, at a signal from him, we might have all been despatched in a moment. More than one chief had his hand upon his kris as we stalked through a passage left for us out of the audience chamber; but whatever may have been their wishes, they did not venture further[111] without authority. On reaching the platform outside, a very strange sight presented itself. With the exception of a lane left for our passage to the boat, the whole space was covered with naked savages. These were the Maruts, a tribe of Dyaks who live in the mountains. The word marut signifies brave. These naked gentlemen, who are very partial to the sultan, had come down from the mountains to render assistance in case of hostility on our part. They were splendidly framed men, but very plain in person, with the long matted hair falling over their shoulders. They were armed with long knives and shields, which they brandished in a very warlike manner, occasionally giving a loud yell. They certainly appeared very anxious to begin work; and I fully expected we should have had to draw and defend ourselves. I was not sorry, therefore, when I found myself once more in the stern sheets of the barge, with our brass six-pounder loaded with grape, pointed towards them. The poor fellows little knew the effect of a shower of grape-shot, or they would not have been so anxious for a "turn-up."

The sultan had offered a house for the accommodation of the Europeans during our stay at Bruni. It was a small wooden building over the water and resting upon piles. It communicated by a platform with the Mahomedan mosque, which was built of brick and of tolerable dimensions. The interior of this mosque had no other furniture in it except a sort of pulpit painted, which stood in the centre. Outside on a raised platform was a very large tom-tom or drum, upon which a native played from morning to night, much to our annoyance, as it was so close to us. Religious worship appears at a very low ebb at Bruni, for during the whole time that we remained there I did not see one person enter the mosque.

At the back of the mosque there was a piece of green sward, which separated us from the royal buildings. Passing through the mosque[112] we strolled over this piece of pasture, when, close to the water's edge, we discovered several fine old brass 32-pounders, dismounted and half-buried in the swamp. On inspection we found them to be Spanish, bearing the inscription of Carolus Tertius, Rex Hispaniorum, with the arms of Castile above. How they came into the sultan's possession we could not find out. He was said to value them exceedingly; if so, he did not show it by the neglect paid to them.

Bruni on a calm day presents a novel and pretty appearance. The masses of houses appear to float on the water, and the uniformity is broken by gay flags and banners, which indicate the rank and the office of them who hoist them. The large square sails of the prahus, the variety of boats and canoes, the floating bazaar, and the numerous costumes continually in moving panorama before you, all combine to form a very admirable picture. Add to this the chiming and beating of gongs and tom-toms in every cadence, and from every quarter, and you are somewhat reminded of an Asiatic Bartholomew fair.

The right-hand side of the river, which is opposite to the town, consists of a series of small hills, which are partially cleared, but present little appearance of cultivation. Here we were shown a specimen of the upas tree: it was growing close to a small stone fountain in the vicinity of some straggling huts. It was a solitary tree, tall and red-stemmed, with the foliage branching out in a canopy at the top.

So much has been said for and against this tree, usually supposed to be fabulous, that we looked upon it with great curiosity; and although aware that its noxious qualities have been much exaggerated, we were anxious to test its powers, if we could. We procured a ladder, which we raised against the tree, and one of our party ascended to the uppermost branches without experiencing the fainting sensation ascribed to be produced by close contact with its foliage. We then tapped the tree at the bottom, and there issued from it a[113] white viscous fluid, which the natives asserted to be a virulent poison, and used by them for dipping the points of their arrows. We carried off a bottle of this poison, and having drunk from the fountain beneath the tree, without fear and without injury, we went away. This was the only specimen of the upas tree that I saw in Borneo. The lower orders at Bruni, in addition to a jacket and trousers, wear an immense straw hat of a conical shape, with a brim as wide as an umbrella. This hat, unless thrown back on the shoulders, entirely conceals the face. At times, when the river is crowded with canoes, nothing is to be seen but a mass of these straw hats, which present a very strange appearance. But the greatest novelty at Bruni is the floating bazaar. There are no shops in the city, and the market is held every day in canoes. These come in at sunrise every morning from every part of the river, laden with fresh fruit, tobacco, pepper, and every other article which is produced in the vicinity; a few European productions, such as handkerchiefs, check-cotton prints, &c., also make their appearance. Congregated in the main street the canoes are tacked together, forming lanes through which the purchasers, in their own canoes, paddle, selecting and bargaining for their goods with as much convenience as if the whole was transacted on terra firma. Iron is here so valuable that it is used as money. One hundred flat pieces an inch square are valued at a dollar, and among the lower classes these iron pieces form the sole coin. They are unstamped, so that every person appears to be at liberty to cut his own iron into money; but whether such is really the case I cannot vouch.

We remained at Bruni for a week, during which time a great deal of diplomatic duty was got through by the seniors of the party, leaving the juniors to amuse themselves with discovering fresh objects of interest, and illustrating every thing worthy of notice.

Our whole party met every evening at the small house which had[114] been appropriated for our use by the sultan. It staggered fearfully upon its wooden legs under our accumulated weight, and we constantly expected that we should be let down into the water. Here we dined and passed the evening in conversation, with our arms all ready at hand, guns and pistols loaded, and the boats anchored close along side of us, in case of any treachery. Every day an interview was had with the sultan, but no definite answer had been obtained to our demands. On the 6th, however, it was resolved by our diplomatists that no more time should be wasted in useless discussion, but that the sultan must be at once brought to terms; indeed, our own safety demanded it, for the popular feeling was so much excited, and the people were so indignant at our attempt to coerce their sultan, that we were in hourly expectation of an attack.

At seven in the evening the party repaired to the audience chamber, leaving their arms behind them, for they felt that any effort from five Europeans to defend themselves against so many hundreds, would be unavailing, and that more would be gained by a show of indifference. They landed at the platform, and the barge, in which were Lieutenant Baugh (since dead) and myself, was ordered to lie on her oars abreast of the audience chamber, and to keep her 6-pounder, in which there was a fearful dose of grape and canister, pointed at the sultan himself during the whole of the interview.

It was an anxious time: the audience chamber was filled with hundreds of armed men, in the midst of whom were five Europeans dictating to their sultan. The platform outside was crowded with the wild and fearless Maruts: not a native in the city but was armed to the teeth, and anxious for the fray.

We, on our parts, were well prepared for fearful vengeance; the barge was so placed that the assassination of Mr. Brooke and the Europeans would have been revenged on the first discharge of our[115] gun by the slaughter of hundreds; and in the main street lay the steamer, with a spring on her cable, her half ports up, and guns loaded to the muzzle, awaiting, as by instruction, for the discharge of the gun from the barge, to follow up the work of death. The platform admitted one of the steamer's guns to look into the audience chamber, the muzzle was pointed direct at the sultan, a man held the lighted tow in his hand. Every European on board had his musket ready loaded, and matters assumed a serious appearance.

From where I was on the barge, all appeared hushed in the audience room. I could see the prime minister, Muda, and Bud-ruddeen, as they rose in turns to speak. I could perceive by the motion of their lips that they were talking, but not a sound came to our ears. This state of things lasted about half an hour, and then there was a slight stir, and Mr. Brooke and his party marched towards us through the crowd of warriors.

By dint of threats he had gained his point. The sultan had signed a treaty by which he bound himself to respect the British flag, to make over to us the island of Labuan, to destroy the forts on Pulo-Cheremon, to discountenance piracy, and to instal Muda and Bud-ruddeen into offices becoming their birth and high rank.

I have since heard Mr. Brooke remark, that considering the natives were well aware that our guns were directed against them, the self-possession and coolness shared by every one of them were worthy of admiration. They never showed the slightest emotion, their speeches were free from gesticulation, and even their threats were conveyed in a quiet subdued tone; and every thing was carried on with all the calmness and deliberation that might be expected at a cabinet council at St. James's.

Whilst at Bruni, we picked up several specimens of coal, and asking one of the chiefs if much could be procured, he showed us a few[116] sacks. Ignorant of its value, he was still cunning enough to perceive how much interest Ave felt in the discovery, and immediately asked a most tremendous price for his stock. One would really have thought that we were bargaining for precious stones; at all events he must have had an intuitive idea that we considered them as "black diamonds." On the other hand, an old Arab at Bruni, who had supplied us with one or two live bullocks, when he saw the Samarang at anchor at the mouth of the river, had the modesty to offer our captain 400 dollars for her, less than 100l. sterling. Sell dear and buy cheap is the way to get rich, and proves how fit for commerce are all the people of the archipelago.

While we were lying at Bruni in the barge, one day, when Adams the assistant-surgeon and myself were sole occupants, we were surprised at the appearance of a handsomely dressed Malay youth, who stepped into the boat, greeting us, although strangers, sans cérémonie. Always wishing to study native character, we amused him as well as we could, and on his departure gave him to understand that he might come whenever he pleased. About dark we were surprised by a canoe coming under our stern, and the occupant throwing into the barge several fine fowls and a large basket of fruit. We could not imagine to whom we were indebted for this civility, but suspected our Malay friend, and when he came again we taxed him with it, and he acknowledged it. On this visit he sat in the boat for some time, appearing to take a great interest in every thing connected with us, and observed that we were bargaining with the natives in the canoes alongside of us for the various arms of the country, which they are content to sell provided they obtain a most exorbitant price. Our Malay friend went off in his canoe, and in the course of an hour returned with a large collection of shields, spears, krisses, and mats, which he begged our acceptance of. Every day did he bring us[117] presents of some description or another, refusing to take any thing in return, except perhaps an English pocket handkerchief or something of very trifling value. Suddenly his visits were discontinued, and we saw no more of him. One day, dining at the house lent us by the sultan, Mr. Brooke was talking with some of our party of a young Malay chief, who, being mad, had attempted to kill his wife, and had in consequence been placed in durance, but had since been liberated. Mr. Brooke wishing to speak to him, sent for him, and on his appearance this madman proved to be our generous unknown.

The day after the signing of the treaty we left Bruni, the steamer taking the barge in tow, and the same afternoon we joined the Samarang at our newly-acquired possession, the isle of Labuan. This island is about thirty miles in circumference, flat, and covered with thick jungle. It has no inhabitants. Its anchorage is good, being protected by the main and two smaller islands. The embouchure of a rivulet forms a small bay, which we dignified with the title of Victoria. We found water plentiful, and several specimens of coal.

From Labuan we proceeded to Ambong, a place where it was supposed that an European female had been detained as a slave. Ambong is a pretty little bay, with a Malay village built in the bight of it, and there is a fine view of Keeney Balloo, the great mountain of Borneo, in the back-ground. This mountain, estimated to be 14,000 feet high, is about forty miles from Ambong, and with the aid of a glass we could discern cataracts and ravines innumerable. It is certainly a most splendid affair, on one side rising almost perpendicularly, and in appearance nearly flat at the top. At sunset, from the bay, its appearance was splendid. We found nothing at Ambong to lead us to suppose that European females had at any time been made prisoners by the inhabitants: they were apparently a quiet, peaceable people, living entirely by agriculture. Their close neighbours,[118] however, the Moros of Tampassook, are a notorious tribe of the Illanoan pirates, who are the terror of the Asiatic seas. It was not improbable that these people might have many European prisoners as their slaves, but from what we knew of their character, we felt assured that if they possessed white female prisoners, they would never consent to their being ransomed.

After making a survey of Ambong, we only waited to take in a supply of fresh beef, and then started the Phlegethon on her return to Sarawak with Mr. Brooke and Mr. Williamson, while we shaped our course in an opposite direction on our way to Manilla.

I may here remark that the bullocks at Ambong were remarkably fine and the price of them ridiculously cheap. Two of the largest were to be purchased for about twenty-five shillings worth of calico or any other European manufacture. Wherever we went on this island, and I may say over the Indian archipelago generally, the spirit of trade and barter appeared to be universal; and if the inhabitants of Borneo were inclined to look into the riches of their island, and with them procure English manufactures, which when piracy is abolished they will do, the commercial opening to this country will be great indeed. The scenery in the bay of Ambong varies from that of the Borneo coast in general. The bay is backed by a series of small hills, cleared away and partially cultivated, instead of the low jungle which is elsewhere so universal.

On our way to Manilla we touched at the entrance of a river up which is situated the town of Tampassook. Bodies of armed men came down in haste to oppose our landing, which we did with a view of taking sights to verify the chronometers. We came to a parley before we came to blows, and the captain drew a line close to the beach, telling the Illanoans that his men would remain inside of it, on condition that they would remain outside. This arrangement was[119] agreed to, and the observations were taken between four or five hundred armed warriors on one side, and four boats with the guns ready to fire on the other.

The pirates were all very well dressed in stuffs and cloths: they carried shields so large as to cover the whole body, and long heavy swords with the handles ornamented with balls and human hair. Many were on horseback, and formed a very respectable irregular cavalry, wearing a light loose dress, and armed with long spears and short round shields. One costume was quite novel, being a coat of armour made of buffalo leather scaled with oyster shells. Both parties adhered to the agreement, and all therefore passed off quietly; the observations were completed, and we returned to the ship.

Tampassook, it is asserted, would be a grand place for booty if it was stormed, as the inhabitants possess a great deal of money and diamonds. They are, however, a very brave people, and would not part with their riches without a terrible resistance.

While off this river we had notice given us that there was a fleet of 100 piratical prahus lying off the island of Balabac. We shaped our course thither, hoping to surprise them, but we were disappointed: the birds had flown, and the bay of Balabac was untenanted. We cruised for a week among the islands in search of them, but could not discover their retreat; so we shaped our course for Manilla, taking the passage to the eastward of Palawan, which was considered the best at this season of the year.

While off the north-east coast of Palawan, our boats left to survey discovered an Illanoan prahu at anchor off one of the small islands that surround the coast. The boats gave chase, and the pirates used every exertion to get away. The gig soon headed the other boats, but gained very slowly on the pirate, and her muskets caused no apparent execution, but one of the cutters with the grape from her[120] gun killed several of their fighting men, who stood on the roof brandishing their krisses, and fearlessly exposing themselves to the fire. On turning a point the prahu kept before the wind, and walked away from us so fast that we gave up the chase.

In about a fortnight afterwards, the Corregidor, a small island at the mouth of Manilla Bay, hove in sight. On our arriving abreast of it, a gun-boat came out to board us, and inquire after our bill of health; but as we had a spanking breeze, and men-of-war do not heave-to to be boarded, the gun-boat returned to the island as wise as she came out. Manilla Bay is of immense size, being thirty miles deep, and twenty wide. Near the mouth of the Bay the land is high, but at the head, where the city of Manilla is built, it is remarkably low and flat. As we had the wind in our teeth, and Manilla was twenty-five miles distant, we did not arrive there till sunset. After shaving the sterns of several merchant ships, who would have been better pleased if we had given them a wider berth, we at last dropped anchor about two miles from the town.

Manilla, from the anchorage, has not an inviting appearance. I have said that the land upon which it is built is very low, and as the town is strongly fortified, nothing is to be seen from the shipping but a long line of sea wall, with the roofs of the largest buildings, and a mass of brick, which we were told was the cathedral, overtopping it. At one end of this sea wall is the canal, or river, flanked on one side by a mole, and on the other by a light-house.

Manilla is, however, a very delightful place; and to us, who had been so many months among savages, it appeared a Paradise. The canal I have alluded to divides the fortified city from the suburban towns of San Fernando, San Gabriel, and others, in which are situated all the commercial houses, stores, godowns, dock-yards, and saw mills. All the Chinese and lower orders also reside in these suburbs,[121] and I may add that all the amusements, feasts, &c., are carried on in this quarter. The city of Manilla within the fortifications is a very quiet, clean, and well-regulated town, inhabited entirely by the higher orders: the streets are well laid out, the houses regular, and built of white freestone. In the centre of the city is the Plaza, on one side of which is the cathedral, and opposite it the governor's palace; both very insignificant buildings. The cathedral, which is very ancient, is devoid of all attempt at architecture, and resembles a huge barn; while the governor's palace, in appearance, reminds you of a stable.

CITY OF MANILLA.

[122]During the day the streets of Manilla are perfectly quiet and deserted. At dusk the people begin to move, and show signs of life. The sallyport gates are closed at eleven o'clock at night, after which hour there is neither ingress or egress, and on this point they are most absurdly particular.

The natives of Luzon are much below the middle size. The men are slightly made, weak, and inoffensive; the women, on the contrary, are remarkable for their pretty faces, feet, and figures, set off by a dress of the most picturesque description: a short petticoat, of gaily-coloured silk or cotton, and a boddice of similar material, of sufficient height to cover the bosom, is their usual costume. Their long jet black hair is allowed to fall in tresses down their backs. Many have a kerchief tastefully thrown over their heads; and they wear little velvet slippers, embroidered with gold and silver thread. Their appearance is extremely captivating to foreigners, who do not in a hurry forget their graceful mien and the arch glances from their brilliant eyes. Manilla supports a considerable body of infantry and cavalry, the whole composed of natives of the island. Their horses are small, as well as the men, and are not well trained; but the object of the Spaniards is to make a show to intimidate the Indians, who, having no discipline whatever, are, of course, inferior even to these very moderate troops. Not long ago, one of the strongest forts was taken possession of by a party of rebels, assisted by some soldiers who had revolted: the fort was recaptured, and, as an example, a dreadful slaughter ensued. The parade ground, outside the citadel, was the scene of carnage. A large pit was dug, at the brink of which the victims were placed; they were then shot, and thrown into this grave. Eighty-two were thus butchered, and buried in the pit, over which a mound has been raised, to commemorate their execution.

Outside the town, and half encircling it, there is a splendid esplanade,[123] between an avenue of trees. This leads to the water, when the road runs parallel with it for nearly a mile, terminating at one of the piers of the canal. This is known by the, I presume, correct name of Scandal Point. A number of carriages, filled with all the élite of Manilla, turn out on this drive a little before sunset, and the scene is very gay and exciting. I leave the reader to conceive upwards of 200 carriages passing and repassing, besides equestrians and pedestrians. The reader may say that it must be like the ring at Hyde Park; but it is more brilliant, although not in such good taste; and then it is the beauty of the climate—the contrast between the foliage and the blue ocean—which gives the effect. No buttoning up to an east wind, nor running away from a shower; but ever gay, and fresh, and exhilarating. Here you meet the old Don, enjoying his quiet stroll and cigar, all alone. Soldier officers, in plain dress and long mustachoes, doffing their hats to every señora. The English merchant, in his unassuming undress of a white jacket; the British naval officers, with their gay uniforms and careless manners, prying, with a sailor's curiosity, into every pretty face; and now and then a saucy mid, mounted on a hack, dashing between the line of carriages at a full gallop, disturbing their propriety, and checking the cavalcade, to the great consternation, real or assumed, of the ladies. All was gaiety and gladness; on every side was to be heard the merry laugh and hail of recognition. To add to the excitement, the bands of the several regiments played the most popular airs on a parade adjoining to the esplanade.

While the carriages were driving up and down, the vesper bell tolled from the cathedral. In an instant every carriage stopped—every head was uncovered, and bent in an attitude of devotion. Horses, women, men—all as if transfixed: every tongue silent—nothing heard but the bell of the cathedral, and the light breeze[124] which bore away its vibrations. The bell at last ceased, and in a moment every thing was in full activity as before.

Twice a week a military band plays at the public almeda from nine till ten in the evening; and on one of these nights we started in a carriage to the spot. The almeda is situated close to the gates of the city, and joins to the esplanade. It is an open square, bordered with a row of trees, to which are suspended lamps; while in the spaces between the trees there are seats for the accommodation of the public. In the middle of the almeda is a stand erected for the musicians. On our arrival there we found it well lighted up; the place was surrounded by carriages, which were empty, their occupants having joined the parade. Following the example, we mixed with the throng, which was numerous. The women were mostly collected in groups, and the men were smoking their cheroots and beating time to the music, which was excellent. Lighting our cigars, we strolled lazily along, and, by dint of lamp-light and impudence, managed to form a very tolerable idea of the beauty of the senoras. At ten o'clock, the band struck up a lively polka, which was the signal for a general dispersion. This is considered one of the principal and most favourite recreations at Manilla.

The inhabitants of Manilla are composed of the pure Spaniard, and the Mustichas, or mixed breed. The former are very proud and inhospitable; the latter are, on the contrary, very friendly, and, for any little civility, request that you will make their house your home. The women of the latter are by far the most preferable: the former are said to be very deficient in good-breeding and education; like the Indians, they sleep half the day, and are scarcely alive till sun-down, when they dress for the almeda or esplanade.

There are very good subscription rooms in the city. Every month they give a ball, concert, or amateur performance. Strangers are[125] presented with tickets for these amusements—no thanks to the Spaniards—but from the kindness of the English merchants, who are nearly all members. I went to one of these balls: there were plenty of women—more than could get partners; the music was good, the women well dressed, and they waltzed exquisitely. Adjoining the ball-room was a billiard-room, in which those who preferred smoking cigars in a cool room to dancing, with the thermometer at 90°, had retreated. Nothing can be done at Manilla without the cigar: they smoke for an appetite, they smoke for digestion, they smoke when they are too hot, they smoke when it is chilly. As the hands of the time-piece approached the hour of eleven, every one who lived outside the city was obliged to be off. We, among others, took our departure; but when we sought for our carriage, it had disappeared. We set off at a hard trot, to reach the gates before eleven, but in our haste we missed the road, and came to a cul-de-sac. We retraced our steps, but when we reached the gates they were closed. A request to the officer of the guard we knew to be useless, so we turned back, and prepared to pass the night in the streets, in our uniforms and swords. After wandering half an hour up and down without seeing a light or meeting a soul, I heard a violent hammering at a door at a little distance. I found it was one of our party, who hammered away, and called out for "Soda water" between each hammering. "All's right!" said he; "look here!" And sure enough there was a board outside, with "Soda Water" painted in large letters in English. This repeated hammering and demand for soda water at last produced the desired effect. A person in a dressing-gown and slippers came out into the balcony, and demanded our business. We explained our extreme thirst and benighted condition; and as the gentleman hesitated, we again applied to the door, intimating that if we had no admission, at all events he should have no repose. At last[126] he sent down to have the door opened. We found that he was a German chemist, who fabricated soda water, among other articles, and, knowing the partiality of the English for the beverage, had advertised it in our language over the door. We passed the night with him very comfortably at his house, breakfasted with him the next morning, and, promising to bring the whole of our shipmates to drink soda water for his benefit till we were blown out like balloons, we wished him good-bye, and returned to the ship.

Gambling is carried to a great extent in Manilla: the game played is Monté. We visited one of their gambling houses. Winding our way down a dark and narrow street, we arrived at a porte-cochère. The requisite signal was given, the door opened cautiously, and after some scrutiny we were ushered up a flight of stairs, and entered a room, in the centre of which was a table, round which were a group, composed of every class. An Indian squaw was sitting by the side of a military officer, the one staking her annas, the other his doubloons. I stood by the side of an old Chinaman, who staked his doubloon and lost every time. The strictest silence was observed, and nothing was heard but the chinking of the dollars, and the occasional à quien of the banker, who inquired the owner of the stakes. Every thing was conducted with the greatest order; when one man had lost all his money he would retire, and make room for another. The authorities of Manilla have made every effort to put a check to this demoralising practice, but without much success. It is universal, from the highest to the lowest, from the civilised to the most barbarous, over the whole of the Indian Archipelago.

The Indians of the Phillippines are among the best favoured of the Asiatic islanders, but they are not reckoned so brave as the Malays. They are a quiet inoffensive race, clean and well shaped, and are all converted to the Catholic faith. Their principal amusement is[127] cock-fighting, which, indeed, is carried to a great extent in all the islands. Every man in the streets has his fighting cock under his arm, and groups may be seen at all hours of the day, pitting their cocks and betting on the issue. The country about Manilla is very pretty, well cultivated, and studded with thriving villages. The Spanish possessions in this part of Luzon are confined to about twenty miles in every direction; the interior of the island being peopled with a race of savages who occasionally make incursions into the country, carrying away cattle or any thing else that they can lay their hands upon. I could obtain no particulars of these aborigines, except that they go nearly if not altogether naked.

On the 1st of December, our old acquaintance, the Velocipede schooner, arrived from Sooloo, having on board six Lascars, who had been ransomed from the sultan of Sooloo by Mr. Wyndham. They had formed a portion of the crew of the Premier, an English merchant vessel, which had been wrecked on a reef off the eastern coast of Borneo. The crew, consisting of Europeans and Lascars, had been divided between the sultans of Sooloo, Gonong Tabor, and Balungan. One of the Lascars was the bearer of a letter from the captain of the Premier, stating that he and his crew were still captives, and trusting that a vessel would be sent to rescue them, as they were strictly guarded by the natives, and had no hopes of escape. The Samarang being the only man-of-war at Manilla, the English consul requested our captain to proceed again to Borneo to obtain these people, calling at Sooloo in order to obtain information and a pilot.

On the 10th of December we sailed for Sooloo, where we arrived on the 15th. We found the natives preparing for an attack, which they anticipated from the French, and suspicious that our intentions were also hostile. Having already described Sooloo, I shall confine myself to events. The captain, with his officers, went on shore, and[128] had an audience with the sultan; and having brought an interpreter with us from Manilla, the conversation was carried on without difficulty. Refreshments, as lemonade, &c. were handed round as before, and, as before, the room of audience was crowded to suffocation.

The prime minister, who was a little corpulent man with an aquiline nose, wore such an expression of low cunning, and eyed us with such ill-concealed hatred, that we christened him Daniel Quilp, and he was ever afterwards spoken of by that soubriquet. Our object being made known, and the sultan's assistance demanded to obtain the remainder of the prisoners, every obstacle that Quilp could throw in our way was resorted to; and thus the audience became very tiresome, and I paid little or no attention to what was said, amusing myself by using my eyes, instead of tormenting my ears. A heavy red curtain was hung up, dividing the room into two compartments. Observing that this moved once or twice, I endeavoured to find out the cause, when several pairs of black eyes, half hidden in the folds and rents, explained the mystery; and whilst they were loudly disputing, I was winking and making faces at the sultan's wives, who, stimulated by curiosity to behold the white men, were thus transgressing the rules of the harem. But old Quilp looked very hard at me, and for the ladies' sakes I was obliged to desist.

Behind the sultan stood a young man very handsomely dressed in crimson silk, who held in his hands an English finger-glass. We were very much at a loss to know what his office might be, and also what might be the office of the finger-glass; but our curiosity was soon gratified; the sultan beckoned the youth to approach, and as the latter presented the finger-glass, his highness blew his nose in it.

Indeed, the misappropriation of English utensils in this part of the world is very absurd, although it is not surprising that an article coming into their hands, the use of which they have no idea of, should[129] be appropriated to that use which they consider it best adapted to. On the occasion of a dinner given to us by the sultan of Bruni, the whole party were seized with a fit of very indecorous and immoderate laughter, by finding the centre dish, which was a curry, served up in a capacious vessel, which in Europe is only to be found under a bed. The curry, nevertheless, was excellent; and what matter did it make? "What's in a name? A rose by any other name would smell as sweet."—But to return.

We remained eight days at Sooloo, during which time there was much altercation and excitement. At last the sultan of Sooloo agreed to send a prahu with us to pilot us up the river, to the town where the crew of the Premier were in durance.

During the time that we were at Sooloo, we had evidence sufficient of the vindictive feeling held by the rabble against Europeans, and at the same time the various ways they resorted to, to give us an idea of their superiority. They drew our attention to some old cannon mounted on rotten gun-carriages; they pointed out the strength of their fort, the sharpness of their krisses and spears; and we could not but smile at the false estimate of their and our capabilities. They expressed curiosity to see our swords, which are always made of finely tempered steel, although not sharp edged, as they are required more for thrusting and parrying. Of our mode of self-defence they are ignorant, as they invariably cut with their krisses; their first attention was, therefore, drawn to the edge of the sword; passing the thumb along it, and finding it blunt, they expressed the greatest contempt for the weapon. It was useless to show them the thrust and parry movements, or to prove the well-tempered steel by bending the blade till the hilt and point were almost meeting. A sharp iron hoop in their ideas was preferable to all the best English workmanship. The Sooloo knives are larger than they usually are in the[130] Archipelago, and of superior manufacture. By rubbing them with limes and exposing them to the sun, they stain them in a manner quite peculiar to the place.

Partly to the machinations of our friend Quilp and the irritable and proud disposition of the people, who considered that the sultan was humiliated by listening to reason and remonstrance, we were more than once very near coming to blows. At last every thing was arranged amicably; and just before starting, the prime minister, Quilp, and a large party of chiefs, condescended to pay a visit to the ship.

To guard against treachery, for Quilp was equal to any thing, the marines were kept under arms, and supplied with ball cartridges. The ship was soon crowded with chiefs, armed to the teeth, and accompanied by men with muskets, spears, and shields. It certainly did not look like a very amicable visit on their part, or a very friendly reception on ours; but the ship wore a very gay appearance. The guns, nettings, and booms were covered with the chiefs and attendants dressed in very gay colours. Groups of them sat down on the decks, and made their remarks upon what they beheld; while numbers prowled about up and down, examining, peeping, and wondering. We amused them with firing congreve rockets, guns, &c., which gave them some idea of our value, and we therefore combined instruction with amusement. They departed highly pleased and astonished, and it was evident that we were some degrees higher in the estimation of Quilp himself.

The prahu ordered to pilot us having come alongside, we hoisted her up abaft, and took the people on board, and then made sail for the hitherto unknown territory of Panti river. We anchored off the main land on the 25th December, that we might discover the mouth of the river, which was unknown to us. Our Christmas-day was not a very happy one; we did nothing but drink to the hopes of a better[131] one the ensuing year. On the following day we weighed, and moved some distance up the river, and then anchored, waiting the return of the prahu, which had been despatched up to the town the night before. We had, by the means of warping and towing, gained about fifteen miles up the river, when we found that it divided into two branches, and, not knowing which branch to take, we had anchored, waiting the return of the prahu. As she, however, did not make her appearance, although she had had quite sufficient time allowed her, the boats were therefore manned and armed, and we started in search of the town Gonong Tabor. As bad luck would have it, we chose the left branch of the river, and, after two days' unsuccessful search, came back just as we went, but not quite so fresh as when we started. The prahu had not yet returned, so, taking a new departure, we proceeded up the right branch. This proved a fine broad river; one portion of it, studded with small islands, was very picturesque. We soon hove in sight of what appeared to be a town, although there were no signs of life visible. It was built on the left side of the river on two small hills, but we heard no gongs or tomtoms sounding, the usual alarm of all the Malay settlements on the approach of strangers. When we arrived off it, we found that the town was deserted. It had evidently but a short time back been a populous and flourishing place, but it had been destroyed by the enemy, as, although the houses were standing, the cocoa-nut and other trees had been all cut down. On the brow of the hill were many graves; one, which was stockaded and thatched, and the remnants of several flags fluttering in the wind, denoted the resting-place of a rajah. He little thought when he was alive that his head would be transported to a head house some 20,000 miles distant, but such was his fate: science required it, and he was packed up to add to the craniological specimens in the College of[132] Surgeons, the gentlemen presiding over which are as fond of heads as the Dyaks themselves.

We moved up the river till nightfall, and then anchored. We were satisfied from appearances that we were not far from a town, and, loading our arms, we kept a very strict look-out.

At daylight the next morning we weighed anchor, and, having passed two reaches of the river, we came in sight of the towns of Gonong Tabor and Gonong Satang. We pulled towards them, with a flag of truce, and were immediately boarded by a canoe, which contained the prime minister, who made every profession of good-will on the part of his master, the sultan of Gonong Tabor. We observed with surprise that he hoisted a Dutch flag, which he requested that we would salute. The captain replied, that they must first salute the English flag, and, if they did so, he promised to return the salute. This was complied with; the English flag was saluted with twenty-one guns, and an equal number returned. The boats were then anchored off the town.

Immediately after we had returned the salute, we heard an attempt at music, and this was soon explained by the appearance of a procession filing through the gates of the town towards the boats. It was headed by a Malay, bearing the standard of Gonong Tabor,—red, with a white border; he was followed by another carrying a large canopy of silk, highly ornamented, and fringed with lace. After this personage came the prime minister; then two musicians, one playing the drum, and the other a flageolet of rude construction. These musicians were dressed in red bordered with yellow, with cowls over their heads. The rear was composed of a body-guard of Malays, well armed. The whole advanced towards the landing-place, having been sent by the sultan to escort the captain to the palace. The captain and officers landed, and, escorted by the natives, proceeded to the[133] palace, the red silk canopy being carried over the head of the captain as a mark of honour. The sultan, a corpulent but fine-looking man, received us very courteously. He informed the captain that all the white people belonging to the Premier had been ransomed by the Dutch, whose trading vessels were in the habit of visiting Gonong Tabor. The captain of the Premier had refused to acknowledge the Lascars as British subjects, and, in consequence, the poor fellows had been retained as slaves. They were not, however, at Gonong Tabor, but at Baloongan, a town of some importance up a neighbouring river. He added, that four of the Lascars had fallen victims to the climate, and that there were twelve still remaining at the above-mentioned town.[134] It appeared that, from some misunderstanding between the sultans of Gonong Tabor and Gonong Satang relative to the disposal of the English prisoners, they had come to blows, and were at this time at open warfare, the two towns being within gunshot of each other. Gonong Satang was built on a hill on the opposite side of the river, and was strongly stockaded as well as Gonong Tabor.

PROCESSION OF THE SULTAN OF GONONG TABOR.

The sultan expressed his desire to enter into an amicable treaty with the English, and offered our captain his assistance in procuring the release of the Lascars at Baloongan. This offer was accepted, and, when we left, a prahu accompanied us to that town.

In the course of the evening the sultan's prime minister and suite visited the barge, which was moored within a few yards of the landing-place. We surprised them very much with our quick firing, but their astonishment was unbounded at the firing of a congreve rocket, which they perceived carried destruction to every thing in its flight. The grand vizier was in ecstasies, and begged very hard that the captain would go up to Gonong Satang, and just fire one or two at their adversaries in that town. This, of course, was refused.

EARS OF DYAKS AT GONONG TABOR.

We here fell in with a most remarkable tribe of Dyaks: they wore immense rings in their ears, made of tin or copper, the weight of which elongated the ear to a most extraordinary extent. On their heads they wore a mass of feathers of the Argus pheasant. They wore on their shoulders skins of the leopard and wild cat, and neck-laces of beads and teeth. They were armed with the usual parang, blowpipe, and shield. They were a much larger race of men than the Dyaks of the north coast, but not so well favoured. We remained here five days, and on the 1st of January, 1845, went down the river to the ship, accompanied by the prahu which was to be our guide to Baloongan. The following day we sailed for Baloongan, and on the 3rd we anchored off the bank where the Premier was cast away. Her[135] ribs and timbers were left, but the natives had carried away every thing of value, except a small anchor, which they had not ingenuity enough to recover. Leaving the ship at anchor here, we again manned the boats, and, accompanied by the pilot prahu, proceeded up the Saghai river: the next day we arrived in sight of Baloongan. Heaving to, to load our guns, and get our fire-arms in readiness (for we expected a hostile reception), we then hoisted a flag of truce and pulled up to the town. What first occupied our attention was a green plot in front of the town, on which were mounted from fifteen to twenty guns, which were continually pointed so as to bear upon us as we pulled up, and which were backed by some thousands, I should[136] think, of Malays and savages, all well armed with spears and knives. This looked like business, but we pulled on, with the white flag still flying. A canoe came off, containing, as at Gonong Tabor, the prime minister. He waved with his hand, ordering us to anchor, and pointing to the guns, which the natives still continued to train after us. The captain refused to anchor, and pulled on; we were then almost abreast and within thirty yards of the battery. As we passed it within ten yards, the natives kept the muzzles pointed at our boats, and we expected them every moment to fire. Had they done so, we might have received considerable damage; but what would their loss have been when we had opened with round, grape, and canister, and congreve rockets, upon such an exposed and densely crowded multitude? They contented themselves, however, with yelling, which does not kill, and, passing the battery, we dropped our anchor close to the gate of the stockade by which the town was surrounded.

In passing the battery, and refusing to anchor, the captain adopted the most prudent and safe course; for we had long before discovered that decision is absolutely necessary with these people. The least hesitation on our part would have fortified their courage to attack; but they are so much awed by our superior arms, and I may safely add the superior courage of our men, that they never will, however much they may threaten, be the first to come to blows, provided there is no vacillation or unsteadiness on our parts. This the captain knew, and acted accordingly.

After returning their salute of twenty-one guns, the captain, with some of the officers and a party of small-armed men passed through a line of Dyaks to the hall of audience, which, as usual, was crowded to excess with armed Malays. The sultan, who was a stout athletic man, received us very cordially, but his confused manners and restless eyes showed that he was not at his ease. His dress consisted of a[137] yellow satin jacket, over which he wore another of purple silk, worked and hemmed with lace. His trousers and turban were made of similar materials. Shoes and stockings he had none, and wearing both jackets open, his chest was exposed. The sultan acknowledged that the Lascars were still in his territory, but, as two of them were at some distance in the interior, it would require a few days to bring them in. He appeared very glad that the business was settling so easily, for he no doubt expected an inquiry and a demand for all the ship's stores, the major portion of which had found their way to Baloongan. The chain cables must have been invaluable to the natives, and I detected several links which had been partly converted into spear-heads.

There was nothing worthy of remark in the town of Baloongan. We were very much interested in the Dyak tribes, who were the same as those described at Gonong Tabor, and in greater numbers. They were equally tall, and appeared to be the very perfection of savage warriors. They invited us several times to pay them a visit on the hills, where they resided. These Dyaks appeared very friendly to us, and one of them, an intelligent fellow, of the name of Meta, volunteered to take a letter overland to Mr. Brooke: his mode of travelling was by pulling up the Saghai river to its source in his canoe, till he came close to the source of the Coran, and by his account the two rivers nearly meet. He took the letter, binding it round his head with a piece of linen; but I do not know if ever it was delivered. One observation I made relative to these Saghai Dyaks, which was, that much as they must have been astonished at our arms and equipments, like the North American Indians, they never allowed the least sign of it to be perceived.

At the end of a week the prisoners returned in a very miserable condition. They had been at work, pounding paddy and digging[138] yams; and they stated that they had not sufficient allowed to eat to support existence, besides being beat about the legs with bamboos. Two of the twelve died evidently from ill treatment and exhaustion. Their gratitude at being delivered from their slavery was beyond bounds; and it certainly is not very creditable to the master of the Premier to have abandoned them in the way he did, when a word from him would have procured their liberty.

We returned to the ship, and the next day ran down to the Premier Reef; the captain then went again to the Panti river, in the boats, to conclude the treaty with the sultan of Gonong Tabor. This was soon accomplished; and giving him an union jack to hoist, at which he was much pleased, we bade him farewell.

We finished the survey of the Premier Shoal, as it is now named, and then steered for the island of Maratua, which the sultan of Gonong Tabor had by his treaty made over to the English, representing it as having an excellent harbour and good water; but on our arrival we were much disappointed to find an island surrounded by reefs, with only one intricate passage through them and sufficiently wide only for boats. Probably the sultan knew no better. As we were very short of water, we now made sail for Sooloo, and fell in with the Sooloo prahu, which had been sent to us as a pilot, and which we had never seen since she went up the river Panti before us. She had been waiting for us outside, and the people were very much pleased at finding us, as they feared being taken by the pirates of Tawee-Tawee. After having been nearly wrecked on a reef, and having grounded on another, we anchored off the Lugutan islands, and despatched the two cutters in search of water. One of them attacked and burnt a prahu, because she looked suspicious; the other did better, she discovered a stream of water, off which we anchored the same evening. Having completed wood and water, we sailed for[139] Sooloo, where we arrived on the Sunday. We were surprised to find a French squadron anchored in the bay. It consisted of the Cleopatra, 50-gun frigate, Rear Admiral Cecile, with an ambassador on board, the Victorieuse, 22, and the Alchimede war steamer. They were treating with the sultan of Sooloo for the island of Basilan, the natives of which had beat off their boats, with the loss of a lieutenant[140] and four men killed and many wounded. The island of Basilan is subject to Sooloo, although the natives have refused to pay tribute for many years. The French, aware of this, and wishing to establish a colony in the East, offered the sultan 20,000 dollars if he would make over the island to them; but this was not acceded to, the chiefs being divided on the question. The people of Sooloo have a great dislike to all Europeans, but particularly to the French. Treacherous as we and the French knew them to be, we little thought to have it proved in so fearful a manner. About a mile to the right of the town is a spring, where all the ships watered. One day some peculiar looking berries were found in the pool, which, on examination, proved to be deadly poison, the natives having thrown them in with the intention of poisoning us en masse. The water was of course started overboard, and intelligence sent to Admiral Cecile, who was highly incensed.

PORTRAIT OF MAHOMED PULLULU, SULTAN OF SOOLOO.

It was singular by what means this discovery was made. One of the seamen of the Samarang complained of a stinging sensation in his feet from having wetted them in the pool. Our assistant surgeon happening to be on shore at the time, caused the watering to be stopped, and the pool to be examined. Buried in the sand, at the bottom of the pool, and secured in wicker baskets, were found those poisonous berries, which the natives had concealed there. As soon as Admiral Cecile received the information, all the water was thrown overboard, and the boats of the whole squadron, manned and armed, landed the French admiral, the ambassador, and our captain. They repaired to the palace of the sultan, who not only expressed his abhorrence of the attempt, but promised to put to death the parties if they could be discovered. The attempt did not, however, stop here. In addition to fruit, the boats at Sooloo brought off rice cakes, which were eagerly bought by the seamen. Some of the chiefs issued an[141] order for a large number of poisoned cakes, which they intended for our consumption; but fortunately the order was so extensive that it got wind, and we were warned of what was intended by a native of Manilla, who had been captured by pirates and sold at Sooloo. In reward for this intelligence, we gave him, and others of the same place, a passage to Manilla, taking care, however, that they should be smuggled on board. Sailed for Manilla, staid there a few days, and then went to Batan, from thence to Hong Kong, where we arrived on the 1st of April, and found the Iris and Castor in the harbour.

TANKA BOATS—HONG KONG.

There never was, perhaps, so rapid a rise in any settlement made by the English as that of Hong Kong, considering the very short time that it has been in our possession. Where, two years back, there existed but a few huts, you now behold a well-built and improving[142] town, with churches, hotels, stores, wharves, and godowns. The capacious harbour which, but a short time ago, was only visited by some Chinese junks or English opium clippers, is now swarming with men-of-war and merchant ships. The town extends along the base of the mountain. Every day some improvement takes place in this fast-growing colony, but, from the scarcity of building ground, house rent is very dear, and every thing has risen in proportion. The town which, from the irregularity of the ground, has but one street of importance, lies under the highest part of a rock, which is called Possession Peak. It is built on a kind of ledge, but this is so steep that the basements of the back houses can be seen over the roofs of those in the front, although the houses are no further apart than is necessary for the streets. Above the town the rock rises almost perpendicularly; but every spot which can be built upon is appropriated, and scattered buildings may be seen half way up the rock, only accessible by tortuous and narrow paths. The houses are built of white freestone; many of them are handsome erections, and on a fine day the town of Victoria has an imposing appearance.

The island is now intersected by roads, in some parts necessarily precipitous, but equestrians can make the circuit of Hong Kong without any other risk but from the marauding Chinese, who, in spite of the police, still find means of exercising their vocation. To the left of the town of Victoria is a very pretty valley, but in the middle of it is a swamp, which renders the place so unhealthy that no one can reside there: some who did, died there; and there are one or two neat little villas on it, now untenanted and falling into ruins. Strange to say, it still bears the name of Happy Valley.

The harbour is completely land locked, and has two entrances. One side of it is formed by Hong Kong, the other by Kow-loon, which is part of the mainland.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

WEST POINT.
HONG KONG.

But all this has its reverse. The unhealthiness of the climate is very great, and this is impressed upon the stranger while at anchor in the roads; for the first object that meets his eye is the Minden hospital ship, with her flag continually half mast high, announcing that another poor sailor had gone to his long home. When you land you will certainly meet a funeral; and watching the countenances of the passers by, their sallow complexions, and their debilitated frames, with the total unconcern with which they view the mournful processions, you may assure yourself that they must be of daily and hourly occurrence. And such is the fact.

I was sorry to find that murders and robberies were most frequent at Hong Kong, although the police force has been augmented from London, and is under the charge of an experienced officer. While on shore, I observed the body of a Chinaman rise to the surface, disfigured in a horrible manner, and although notice was sent immediately to the authorities, it was allowed to remain beating against the wharf till late in the afternoon, when it was towed out and sunk in the middle of the harbour.

I once witnessed the punishment of a Chinese robber at the market gate; he had been apprehended on the preceding night. His tail, which was false, and filled with blades of knives, needles, &c., came off in the officer's hands. However, he was secured, and received a daily allowance of fifty lashes, which was continued as long as he was capable of bearing the punishment, and then he was sent to work on the roads.

I left H. M. S. Samarang at this port, and joined the Iris, commanded by Captain Mundy, whose high character as an officer and a gentleman I well knew; unfortunately I was only lent to the Iris, and the consequence was, as will be seen, I had ultimately to return to the Samarang. I found that the Iris was to sail for the north[144] coast of China, and I was delighted at the idea of visiting those parts, which there was little chance of if I had remained in the Samarang.

CHINESE FISHERMEN.

One object of the Iris proceeding to the coast of China was to carry General D'Aguilar and suite on a visit to the most interesting of the hostage ports. We sailed on the 6th of April, and after a week's beating arrived at Chapel Island, at the mouth of Amoy bay. This bay is very spacious, being nearly thirty miles deep. To the left of the entrance is a high peak, on the summit of which is built a splendid pagoda, serving as a landmark to vessels coming from seaward. The town of Amoy is built at the bottom of the bay. Close to it, and forming an inner harbour, is the island of Ku-lang-so, near to which we dropped our anchor. Ku-lang-so is a pretty island, about a mile in diameter. Up to the evacuation of Amoy it had been occupied by our troops; and the remains of a race course and a theatre prove that the gallant 18th had contrived to amuse themselves. At the present time it is all but deserted, the only European residents being Mr. Sullivan, the Vice Consul; the Chinese, who had been driven from it at the capture of the city, not having as yet returned. The houses on it are prettily disposed, and some rich foliage and green pasture give an English character to the scenery, and are very refreshing, after continually looking at the everlasting paddy fields, which constitute the principal features of the sea coast of China. It is to this circumstance that I ascribe the exaggerated accounts we have of the beauty of the island of Ku-lang-so. It forms, however, a very pleasant promenade, and may be enjoyed without interruption from the inhabitants. The city of Amoy is built on a low neck of land. The houses are of a dusky tint, and from the anchorage are indistinguishable through forests of junks' masts, which surround the town. To the right of the town, and extending to some distance, is a fortified wall, which gave some trouble at the capture. I landed[145] with a party to walk through the city. The streets are narrow and dirty, the open shops on either side reminding you very much of Constantinople. The population is immense, the streets are always crowded. We soon found that we were objects of attention, and were followed by a mob. It was with difficulty that we could force our way; and, moreover, the town having been lately evacuated by our troops, the Chinese thought themselves secure in venting their animosity, by pushing, jostling, and throwing stones at us. In this, however, they were mistaken, for being a tolerably strong party, and knowing that they had a very wholesome fear of us, we were not slow in resorting to blows when intreaties proved in vain; and, before we were in the middle of the town, more than one celestial head had come in contact with the pavement. One had the impudence to bellow in my face; for which impertinence he received a facer, which gave him[146] something to bellow for. Those, however, who "were at a distance had the means of annoying with impunity, and we were glad to take refuge in a pastry cook's shop, which happened most opportunely to present itself.

COOK'S SHOP.

[147]On our entering, we were each presented with a pair of chop sticks, and a large tray was placed before us, filled with sweetmeats of every description. There were nutmegs and other spices, ginger, sugar cane, bamboo, and the knee-bone palm, preserved in the most exquisite manner. Every thing was so novel, chop sticks not excepted, that it was quite fearful the extent to which we indulged in the sweetmeats; however, as we had no maiden aunts ready with their doses, as in our infancy, we ate and spared not. Cakes of the most recherche description, and pastry, the lightness of which would have shamed Gunter, were each and all in their turn discussed; and what was our astonishment to find that, on calling for the bill, the charge amounted to about sixpence.

We visited as much of the town as the mob would permit, but I shall reserve my description of a genuine Chinese town until our arrival to the northward. The joss-houses at Amoy are not remarkable, and one description of these buildings will suffice for all.

We lay at Amoy for about a week, during which the Mandarins paid us a full dress visit. They were extremely cautious, and remained on board for a couple of hours. At their departure we gave them the economical Chinese salute of three guns. During our stay here I amused myself principally on the island of Ku-lang-so, and I was not sorry when we weighed anchor, and, with a fair wind, made sail for Chusan.

Chusan is the largest of a closely packed group of islands, near to the main land of China, and about 500 miles to the northward of Amoy. These islands, many of them very diminutive, are so close to each other, that on threading them to approach the town of Chusan, the channel wears the appearance of a small river branching out into every direction. If the leading marks were removed it would be a complete marine labyrinth, and a boat might pull and pull in and[148] out for the whole day, without arriving at its destination. Narrow, however, as is the passage, with a due precaution, and the necessary amount of backing and filling, there is sufficient water for ships of the largest size. At sunset we anchored off the town of Chusan. Here the islands form a beautiful little harbour, sufficiently capacious. The island being covered with tea plants, the panorama is pretty and refreshing. From the anchorage little can be seen of the town, as it is built on a flat, and hidden by a parapet and bank of mud, which runs along the bottom of the harbour. This temporary fortification is called a bund, and was erected by the Chinese previous to the capture of the place. Behind this bund is an esplanade, parallel with which are houses, which serve as barracks for the troops, and the residences of the civil and military functionaries. The country is hilly, and several commanding forts are visible from the anchorage.

On landing, we directed our steps to the town by a causeway which leads from the landing-place to the gates between the fields of paddy, which are, as usual, swamped with water. The sides of this causeway are lined with shops; and the island being occupied by the English, soon stared you in the face, in the shape of boards in front of each shop, bearing such inscriptions as "Snip, from Pekin," "Stultz, from Ningpo," and others equally ludicrous, in good English letters. There were "Buckmasters" and "Hobys" innumerable; Licensed Victuallers and "Dealers in Grocery." Passing a tolerably well constructed gate, guarded by an English sentry, we entered the town. The streets are cleaner than those of Amoy, and not so narrow; but what gave us most satisfaction was, that our appearance excited no attention; and we enjoyed our walk, and made our observations uninterruptedly.

Our first visit was to a toy-shop: a great many articles were exposed for sale, and many very beautiful carvings; they were, however, far too delicate for a midshipman's chest, and the price did not[149] exactly suit a midshipman's pocket. A silk warehouse next occupied our attention: here we were shown some beautiful embroidery, some of which was purchased. After walking over the whole town, we proceeded to the principal joss-house: this was very handsome; but I was sorry that it had been selected as a barrack, and was occupied by a company of sepoys. The altar was converted into a stand for arms, and the god Fo was accoutred with a sheath and cross belt. To complete the absurdity, a green demon before the altar was grinning maliciously from under the weight of a frieze coat. At the entrance of the joss-house is a covered porch, under which are two figures sitting, and in this posture nearly twenty feet high. The interior of the house is handsomely ornamented and gilt; and behind the altar there is a row of some fifteen figures, in a sitting posture, all gilt from head to foot, and forming a very goodly assembly: they represented old men wrapped in togas, with faces expressive of instruction, revelation, and wisdom. There was nothing Chinese in their features; the heads were shaved, and it is to be presumed that they represented the prophets and holy writers who flourished antecedent to the great Fo. The expression on their countenances was admirable; and surprised us the more, from a knowledge how fond the Chinese are of filling their temples with unnatural and unmeaning devils.

We then visited a smaller god-house: this the 8th regiment had converted into a theatre. Very little traces of a holy temple were discernible; and the great Fo occupied a corner of the green-room. The scenes were painted in fresco, and the whole affair was very tolerably arranged. Most part of the scenery had been painted by my brother during his stay at this port in the Cambrian. The Chinamen consider this no sacrilege, as they always use the temples as theatres themselves.

[150]During the winter months Chusan is very cold, and the snow lies on the ground. The country there abounds with game—deer, swans, partridges, pheasants, and wild fowl of every description: the prices are very moderate; a fine buck may be purchased for a dollar, and a brace of pheasants for a rupee. It was now the month of May, and the swans and geese had departed, and game was becoming scarce as the weather became fine; still, however, there was a duck or so to be picked up, so I joined a party bent on trying their luck, and we prepared for a hard day's work.

No one who has not tried it can have an idea of the fatigue of a day's shooting at Chusan. Having a Chinese covered boat, we loaded her with quite sufficient to support nature for twenty-four hours; and pulling about four miles through the channels intersecting the islands, we landed about daylight. Before us was a vast paddy field, into which we plunged up to our knees in mud and water. As we approached one of the dykes which convey the water for the irrigation, caution was observed, not a word was uttered by one of the party, and our good behaviour was rewarded by a brace of fine birds, which were deposited in the bag, carried by a celestial under-keeper. Crossing the dyke, we continued to wade through the paddy fields, shooting some plover and a red-legged partridge, until we arrived at a Chinese village. We passed through it, and fell in with a herd of water buffaloes, as they term them. One of them charged furiously, but the contents of one of our barrels in his eyes made him start in mid career; and having had quite enough into his head, he turned to us his tail. These animals show a great antipathy to Europeans, probably from not having been accustomed to their dress. Red, of course, makes them furious, and, thanks to his jacket, a drummer of one of the regiments was killed by these animals. Towards evening we felt it quite impossible to wade any further; and although nightfall is [151]considered the best time for shooting ducks, we thought it was the best time to return to the boat, which we did not regain, fatigued, hungry, and covered with mud, till ten o'clock at night.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

VIEW ON THE ISLAND OF POO-TOO.
(NEAR CHUSAN.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

One day, strolling in the country about four miles from Chusan, we fell in with a very pretty little house surrounded with trees. The courtesy usually shown to the English at Chusan induced us to enter it, that we might inspect the premises. Its owner, a mandarin, was absent, but his major-domo took us over the whole house. The round doors and oyster-shell windows amused us greatly. The garden was ornamented with artificial rocks, studded with flowering shrubs, with great taste. There were two or three grottoes, in one of which was a joss; and an arbour of lilacs and laburnums, in full bloom, gave a charming appearance to the whole. Thanking the Chinaman for his civility, we went away, much pleased with the mandarin's country retreat.

During our stay at Chusan we had made a party to go to the island of Poo-too, but we were hurried away sooner than we expected, and our design was frustrated. I will, however, give a description of the island of Poo-too, as described to me. This island is about forty miles from Chusan, and is inhabited solely by priests. These being condemned to a life of celibacy, no woman resides on the island, which is covered with temples of all descriptions, many of them very handsome, but one in particular, which was built by the emperor. The island is not large, and is laid out like a vast garden, with squares and walks, bridges, &c.

We left Chusan, and soon afterwards anchored off the mouth of the Ningpo River, which is only thirty miles to northward and westward of the Chusan isles. The first object of interest before us was the famous joss-house fort, which gave us so much trouble at the capture. General D'Aguilar and Captain Mundy being about to visit[152] the city of Ningpo, a party of us obtained a week's leave of absence for the same purpose. We landed in a ship's boat at Chinghae, a small but tolerably fortified town, which, however, needs no description. There we obtained a covered Chinese boat, in which we put our beds and blankets, intending to live on board her during our stay at Ningpo. Starting with a fair wind and tide, by noon we were within five miles of the city, which is built about forty miles up the river. The banks of the river appeared to be highly cultivated, and the river was crowded with boats of all descriptions, some going up with the tide, others at anchor, waiting for the tide to change, to go in an opposite direction. The first that we saw of Ningpo was a low wall, from the middle of which rose a tall pagoda. This, with innumerable masts of the vessels lying off the town, was all that was visible: nor could we discern much more on a nearer approach. Threading the crowd of vessels which filled the river, on our left we could only see the wall and battlements of the town, the before-mentioned pagoda soaring above every thing. To the right, on the side of the river opposite to the town, were several detached houses, surrounded with low shrubberies; behind these was the Chinese country, and then the eye wandered over countless paddy fields, until it at last rested upon some faint blue mountains in the distance.

Among the houses on the right was that of the vice-consul, Mr. Thorn. Anchoring our boat as near to his landing-place as possible, we made arrangements for the night, it being then too late to pay him the accustomed visit. We had, however, scarcely spread our mattresses, and put some supper on the fire, when we were hailed by a Chinese boy, and requested to come on shore. Ignorant from whence the invitation might come, but nothing loath, we hauled our boat to the jetty, and, landing, followed young pigtail, who ushered us through a court-yard into a house of tolerable dimensions, agreeably[153] arranged according to English ideas of comfort. In five minutes more we were introduced to Mr. Mackenzie, an English merchant, who, having been informed of our arrival, had sent for us to request that, during our stay at Ningpo, we would make his house our home. We would not tax his hospitality so far as to sleep at his house, having already made our own arrangements; but we willingly accepted his kind offer of being his guests during the day, and proved our sincerity by immediately sitting down to an excellent dinner, and in the evening we retreated to our boat. The next morning we breakfasted with our host, and then crossed the river, to inspect the city. Having landed at one of the gates, we hired a sort of sedan chairs, which were carried by two athletic Tartars, and proceeded to examine a very remarkable building called the Ruined Pagoda. I shall give Dr. Milne's description of it, taken out of the Chinese repository, as I think it will be better than my own:—

"We bent our steps to the Tien-fung, called by foreigners the Ruined Pagoda. Foreigners make for it as soon as they enter the east gate. After shaping their course in a south-east direction through numberless streets, it abruptly bursts upon the view, rising 160 feet above their heads, and towering high above the surrounding houses. The pagoda is hexagonal, and counts seven stories and twenty-eight windows. Above every window is a lantern, and when the pagoda is illuminated, the effect is very brilliant. This building is in much need of repair, and is daily becoming more dilapidated. It has already deviated many feet from the perpendicular, and might not unaptly be described as the Leaning Tower of Ningpo."

Dr. Milne thus describes the view from the summit:—

"The entire city and suburbs lay beneath us; the valley of Ningpo, with its hamlets and villages, hills and rivers, on every side; and away in the distance, on the one hand chains of lofty mountains, the sea, with all its islands, on the other." Dr. Milne asserts that Ningpo is 10,000 years old, and that the pagoda was raised antecedent to the city being built. He concludes by explaining the object of the Chinese in raising these monuments.

[154]

PAGODA—NINGPO.

[155]

The view from the summit is remarkably fine, and the ruinous condition of the pagoda almost warrants the supposition of its being nearly as ancient as Dr. Milne asserts. I made a drawing of it, and we then proceeded to the joss-house, which is considered as the handsomest in the Celestial empire. No part of the building was visible from the street, and we stopped at an unpretending door where we dismounted from our vehicles. A Bhuddist priest, clothed in grey and his head shaved, ushered us through a long gallery into the court-yard of the temple. To describe this building accurately would be impossible. It was gilt and carved from floor to ceiling. The porch was supported by pillars of stone beautifully carved with figures of griffins and snakes. In the court-yard were two lions carved out of a purple marble, and in the middle of the yard was an immense brazen ram highly ornamented with hieroglyphics and allegorical designs. As for the temple itself, it was so vast, so intricate, and so various in its designs and gildings, that I can only say picture to yourself a building composed entirely of carving, coloured porcelain, and gilding, and then you may have a faint idea of it. I attempted to make a drawing of it, but before I had obtained much more than the outline, it was time to recross the river. We dined and passed the evening with Mr. Mackenzie as before. The next morning I walked to the Chinese cemetery with my gun in my hand, and shot a few snipe and wood pigeons, and after breakfast we crossed the river to pay a visit to the shops of Ningpo. The streets of the city are narrow, but superior to any that we had yet seen. The principal streets are ornamented with stone arches, and the huge[156] painted boards used by the Chinese for advertisements give them a very gay appearance. We first entered into a furniture warehouse, some 300 yards in length, and filled with Chinese bedsteads carved and gilt in a very splendid manner. These bedsteads consist of moveable frames about twelve feet square, and within them are disposed couches, chairs, tables, and the requisites for the toilet, besides a writing desk, so that a bedstead in China contains all the furniture of the room. Some of these were valued at five and six hundred dollars, but were very highly ornamented and of exquisite workmanship.

A hat shop was the next visited. Its interior would have been considered splendid even in Regent Street. A long highly polished counter with a top of cane-work, was loaded with the hats and caps of Mandarins of every class, and the display was very tempting to those who wanted them. We then passed five minutes in a porcelain warehouse; from the warehouse we went to a toy-shop, and being by this time pretty well encumbered with mandarins' hats and caps, gongs, and a variety of other articles which we did not want, at the same time making the discovery that our purses were not encumbered with dollars as they were when we set forth, we thought it advisable to leave off shopping for the day.

The next day we visited the Hall of Confucius, which was not worth seeing, nor could we discover to what use it was dedicated, so we turned from it and went off to see a Chinese play. As we proceeded to the theatre we were surprised to hear a lad singing "Jim along Josey," we turned round and found it was a real pig tail who was singing, and we inquired where he learnt the air. We found that he had served on board one of our vessels during the Chinese war, so we hired the young traitor as a cicerone during our stay at Ningpo, and ordered him to follow us to the theatre, which as usual was a temple or joss-house.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

CHINESE JOSS HOUSE AT NINGPO.

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

[157]We found it crowded with Chinese, and the actors were performing on a raised platform. Our entrance caused a great sensation, and for a short time the performance was unnoticed by the audience. Our beaver hats quite puzzled them, for we were in plain clothes; even the actors indulged in a stare, and for a short time we were "better than a play." The Chinese acting has been often described: all I can say is, that so far it was like real life that all the actors were speaking at one time, and it was impossible to hear what they said, even if the gongs had not kept up a continual hammering, which effectually drowned the voices. At all events they were well off in the property line, being all very showily dressed. Fireworks were at intervals exploded, and occasionally a tumbler would perform some feat, but I felt little interest in the performance, and kept my eyes on the gallery containing the ladies, among whom I saw one or two very pretty faces.

The wall round Ningpo is built wide enough for a carriage drive. It has embrasures, but no guns were mounted. By ascending some steps near to the town gate we found ourselves on the top of the wall, and walked half round the town on the parapet. It was very extensive, and, as far as the eye could reach, the plain was studded with country houses of a slate colour.

I forgot to mention that while here we visited a sect of Chinese nuns or female devotees. They were assembled in a large room, at one end of which was an image of the god Fo. Each nun was seated at a small table on which was a reading stand and a book of prayers. They were all reading, and at the same time beating a hollow painted piece of wood: the latter duty was, we were informed, to keep up the attention of the god. What with them all gabbling at once, and the tapping noise made with the wood, god Fo appeared more likely to have his attention distracted than otherwise. However, it was of no[158] consequence, as Fo was one of that description of gods mentioned in the Bible, among whose attributes we find, "Ears have they, but they hear not."

We remained here a week, and I was much interested with what I saw; but so much has already been written about the Chinese, that I wish to confine myself to what may be considered unbroken ground. As the time fixed for our departure approached, we determined to go to Chinghae overland, in chairs. Taking a farewell of our kind and hospitable host, Mr. Mackenzie, we each took a chair, and took our departure. The road was interesting, being at one time through tea plantations, and at another through paddy fields. Our bearers were strong muscular fellows, and thought little of carrying us twenty-five miles. We passed crowds of Chinamen irrigating the land, and working in the paddy fields. In some instances they favoured us with a salute of yells and stones; and as we approached Chinghae, the unwashed vented their feelings in some very unpleasant ways. In the town we were followed by a mob; and by the time we had reached the quay, and procured a boat to take us off to the ship, the whole town had turned out. Tapping one or two of the most officious with the bamboo oars, we managed to shove the boat off, and pulled on board.

We sailed for Chusan the same evening, but this time I unfortunately was attacked by one of the prevailing diseases of the country, and was confined to my hammock. We revisited Amoy, and then shaped our course for Hong Kong. On our arrival, we found no ship there but the Castor, the admiral and fleet being employed on the coast of Borneo, subduing the pirates in Maludu Bay. The ship being again about to start for the northward, I was considered too unwell to remain in her, and was sent on board the Minden hospital ship, to live or to die, as it might please God.

[159]The Minden hospital ship is a fine 74; and as all the guns, masts, and stores, had been landed at the time that she was selected for the duty, there was great accommodation on board of her; but great as it was, unfortunately there was not sufficient to meet the demands upon it in this unhealthy climate. A description of her internal arrangement may not be uninteresting. The quarter-deck and poop was set apart for the convalescents; but the heat of the sun was so overpowering, that it was not until late in the afternoon that they could breathe the purer atmosphere. Long confinement below had left them pale and wan, and their unsteady gait proved how much they had suffered in their constitution, and how narrowly they had escaped the grave. To some this escape had been beneficial, as their constant perusal of the Bible established; others, if they even had during their illness alarms about their future state, had already dismissed them from their thoughts, and were impatiently awaiting their return to health to return to past folly and vice. The main deck was allotted to the medical and other officers belonging to the ship, the seamen who composed the ship's company, and also on this deck were located the seamen who had been discharged cured, and who then waited for the arrival of their ships, which were absent from Hong Kong. On this deck, abaft all, was the inspector's cabin, and adjoining it the mess-room of the assistant-surgeons, who, like all their class, rendered callous by time and habit to their dangerous and painful duty, thought only of driving away the memory of the daily mortality to which they were witnesses by jovial living and mirth. Indeed nothing could be a more harassing scene than that of the lower deck, where the patients were located. Under any circumstances an hospital is a depressing and afflicting sight, even with all the advantages of clean well-regulated wards, attentive nurses, and pure ventilation. Imagine then the feelings of a sick wretch, stretched on a canvass cot,[160] who is first hoisted up the ship's side, and then lowered down a dark hatchway (filled with anxiety and forebodings as to his ever leaving the vessel alive) to the scene of misery which I am about to describe—the lower deck of the Minden hospital ship.

This lower deck has on each side of it three rows of iron bedsteads, for the most part filled with the dead and dying; an intolerable stench, arising from putrefaction, which it is impossible by any means to get rid of, salutes his descent; and to this is added the groans of lingering sufferers. He may chance, God help him, to be lowered down at the very hour of the inspecting surgeon's visits. The latter is seated by a bed, having probably just performed, or in the act of performing, an operation. The goodly array of instruments meets his eye, and he wonders, as they are displayed, what these several instruments of torture can be applied to; the groans of the patient fall upon his ear, and his nerves are so shattered and debilitated by disease, that the blood curdles to his heart. The inspector writes the particulars of the case on a printed form, while the dressers are passing bandages round the fainting patient. As soon as he is out of the cot which lowered him down, the new arrival is washed, and clothed in hospital linen, ready to be put into a bed. Not unfrequently he has to wait till room can be made for him, by removing the corpse of the last occupant, just deceased. He is then placed on it, a coarse sheet is thrown over him, and he is left to await the inspector's visit, which, as that officer has all his former patients first to prescribe for, may perhaps be not for an hour or two, or more. At last he is visited, prescribed for, a can of rice-water is placed at the head of his bed, and he is left to his own thoughts, if the groans of those around him, and the horror that he feels at his situation, will permit him to reach them. If he can do so, they must be any thing but agreeable; and a clever medical man told me that this admission into the hospital, and the[161] scene which the patient was introduced to, was quite sufficient, acting upon a mind unnerved by disease, to produce fever. Excepting that the hospital was too crowded, which indeed could not be prevented, there was, however, every arrangement for the comfort of the patients which could be made under such a climate. No one was to blame—the hospital for the military was building, and until it was ready for the reception of the patients, the men of both services were received on board of the Minden. But if the day is so trying, who can describe the horrors of the night? The atmosphere becomes still more foul and pestilential, from the partially closed port-holes, and from the indifference of the nurses to the necessary cleanliness required. The whole becomes alive with cockroaches and other vermin, creeping over the patients; and the mosquitoes prey upon the unfortunate sufferer, or drive him mad with their unceasing humming preparatory to their attacks. Add these new trials to the groans of the dying, which, during my residence on board, never ceased, and at night were more awful and painfully distinct. The nurses were all men, obtained from the scum of the sea-ports, for no others would volunteer for the duty—a set of brutes indifferent to the sufferings of others. As long as they were, during the day, superintended and watched by the officers, they did their duty, but at night the neglect was most shameful. In fact, these wretches composed themselves to sleep instead of watching. Patients may in vain call, in a feeble voice, for water—the only answer is a snore. On one occasion, having listened to the call of a poor fellow for more than an hour, and each time in a weaker voice, for drink, I was obliged to get up myself to wake the nurse, that the man might not die of thirst.[2]

[162]My cabin, for all the officers were separated from the men, commanded the whole view of the lower deck, and I was compelled to be witness of scenes of the most frightful description. An English sailor had been hung for murder, in consequence of his accomplice, who was by far the most criminal of the two, having turned queen's evidence. This latter soon afterwards was brought on board the Minden, having been attacked with the fever, and never was there such an evidence of the racking of a bad conscience. In his ravings he shrieked for mercy, and then would blaspheme in the most awful manner. At one moment the spectre of his dead comrade would be invoked by him, requesting it to depart, or desiring those around him to take it away. At others, the murdered man was standing at his bed-side, and he would attempt to run, that he might flee from the vision. Thus was he haunted, and thus did he disturb all around him till his very last hour, when he died in an extreme of agony, physical and mental. What a relief it was when this poor wretch was at last silent!

Almost every day there was to be seen a Roman Catholic priest administering the last unction to some disciple of his faith, some Irish soldier or sailor, whose hour was come. On these occasions the amputation table was his altar, and a brass flat candlestick the only ornament. He never failed to be at his post every day, and was a good old man. At the same time that the old priest was officiating by the side of one bed, the chaplain of the ship would be attending the last moments of some other victim. On these occasions all would be silent on the deck, even the groans were stifled and checked for [163]the time, and nothing would be heard but the muttered prayer of the Catholic priest, or the last, and often futile, attempts of the clergyman of our own creed to extract some sign of faith and hope from the fast-sinking and almost senseless patient.

"He dies, and makes no sign! O God, forgive him!"

At times the uproar on the deck would be appalling. Some powerful man in the strength of delirium would rise from his bed, and, bursting from some half-dozen of the nurses, would rush through the tiers of beds roaring like a bull, and dealing blows right and left upon the unfortunate sick men who fell in his way. Then there would be general chase after him, until, overpowered by additional help, he was brought back to his bed and confined by force. An hour or two afterwards, the nurses who watched him would quit the side of the pallet; a sheet would be thrown over it; no other communication was necessary to tell me that the storm had been succeeded by a calm, and that life's fitful fever was over.

At the forepart of the hospital deck is a bath room; adjoining to that is a small dark cabin, with no other furniture than a long white-washed board, laid upon two tressels, with hooks fixed to the carlines of the deck. Above these the dead bodies are removed: immediately after their decease a post mortem examination is made by the assistant surgeon, a report of which is sent into the inspector. A port-hole has a wooden shoot or slide fixed to it, by which the bodies are ejected into the boat waiting to convey them for interment.

The church service is read every morning on the hospital deck, and during the performance the strictest attention was paid by the patients. When convalescent I enjoyed the privilege of walking on the poop with the others who had been spared, and truly grateful was I for my recovery. Such scenes as I have described could not but[164] have the effect upon me: I hope that I left the hospital a wiser and a better man.

At last the time came when I was pronounced by the doctors to be quite cured, and at liberty to leave the ship. I hardly need say that I did so with alacrity. I had always before this considered Hong Kong as a most disgusting place; but now that I had been so long cooped up with disease and death, it appeared to me as a paradise. I had made one or two acquaintances during my former visits, and now found their kind offers too welcome to refuse them. Having nothing to do, and not being even obliged to present myself on board of the Mind en, I enjoyed myself excessively in journeys and excursions to the other side of the island. My acquaintances were the officers of the 42d regiment, who were remarkably kind and intelligent men, and during my stay I was a great deal in their society. We one day made up a party to visit Pirate's Bay, a spot on the Chinese main, about twelve miles from Hong Kong. Starting early, we took our guns and the requisites for a pic-nic. When we arrived at the spot, we hired the only respectable house in the place, left a native to make the necessary arrangements for our dinner, and then started on a cruise to view the country. We shot at any thing that came in our way, and by noon our game-bag contained a curious medley of ducks, paroquets, swallows, and water rats. By this time the sun became so overpowering that we returned to the house which had been hired for our accommodation. Here we dined, and returned to Hong Kong well pleased with our trip. The roads at Hong Kong, though not particularly good, have been made at great expence. Large rocks have been cut through to afford communication, and the quantity of rivulets running down from the mountains, have rendered it necessary to build innumerable bridges. There were but few good horses on the island; but I managed to procure a tolerable one, and in the evening would ride[165] out by "Happy Valley," and return by dark, the only exercise which the heat of the climate would permit, and which was necessary to restore me to health. Society is in a queer state here, as may be imagined when I state, that the shipowner won't associate with the small merchant, and the latter will not deign to acknowledge a man who keeps a store. Under these circumstances, the army and navy keep aloof, and associate with no class. There were very few ladies at Hong Kong at this time, and of what class they were composed of may be imagined, when I state that a shopkeeper's sister was the belle of the place, and received all the homage of the marriageable men of Hong Kong. Hospitality to strangers is as yet unknown, and a letter of introduction is only good for one tiffin, or more rarely one[166] dinner. I made several excursions in the country, but did not find any thing worth narrating, or describing with the pencil.

TANKA BOAT WOMEN.

It is here worthy of remark, that there is every prospect of all the enormous expense which has been bestowed upon this island being totally thrown away, and that those who have speculated will lose all their money; in fact, that in a few years Hong Kong will be totally deserted, and all the money expended upon it will be lost. To explain this I must mention a few facts, not probably known to my readers.

When, many years ago, the trade with foreigners was first permitted by the Chinese government, Canton was selected as the port from which it should be carried on. The Chinese government had two reasons for making this selection: their first was, their dislike and jealousy of foreigners induced them to select a port at the very confines of the empire where the communication with them should take place, so that by no chance the foreigners should obtain any thing like a footing in or knowledge of their country; the second reason was, that by so doing they obtained, at the expence of the foreigners, a very considerable inland revenue from the tea trade. Canton is situated at least 500 miles from those provinces in which the tea is grown, and the transit to Canton is over a very mountainous range, at the passes of which tolls are levied by the government, which are now said to amount annually to seven millions. The assertion, therefore, of the Chinese government that they do not care about the trade is very false, for they have derived a great revenue from it.

The opening of the more northern ports, which was obtained by the war with China, has already made a great difference, and every year will make a greater. Shang-hai, one of the ports opened, and the farthest to the northward, is situated on the confines of the great tea country, and vessels going there to take in their cargoes avoid all[167] the duties of transit, and procure the tea in a much better condition. The merchants of Canton, moreover, who traffic in tea, are all of them for the most part people of the province of Shang-hai, who resort to Canton to look after their interests, but now that the port of Shang-hai is opened, their merchants are returning to their own country, the English merchants are settling at Shang-hai, and the vessels are going there to load with tea direct. Already a large portion of the traffic has left Canton and gone to Shang-hai, and it is but natural to suppose, that in a few years the tea trade will be carried on altogether from that port, as the expence of transit over the mountains and the duties levied will be avoided, as well as the advantage gained of having the tea in a much better condition when shipped on board. How the Chinese government will act when it finds that it loses the great revenue arising from the trade being carried on at Canton remains to be seen, but it will, probably, succumb to another war, if such is considered necessary. It will be a curious subject of interest to watch the fall of Hong Kong, of Macao, and also of Canton itself, with its turbulent population, which must, when the trade is withdrawn, fall into insignificance.

The great error of the last war was, our selection of such an unhealthy and barren island as Hong Kong as our pied-à-terre in China, when we might have had Chusan, or, indeed, any other place which we might have insisted upon. We thought that Chusan was unhealthy because we barracked our soldiers in the swamps, and consequently lost many of the men, when, as it is a most healthy and delightful climate, had the barracks been built on the hills, we probably should not have lost a man. Even now it is not too late. The Chinese dislike our propinquity to their coast at Hong Kong, and the last expedition will have the effect of increasing this dislike. I think, with very little difficulty, the Chinese government would now exchange[168] Chusan for Hong Kong, if it were only to keep such unpleasant barbarians, as the English have proved to be, at a more respectable distance. If we had possession of Chusan, the trade would come to our ports. The Chinese junks would come to us loaded with tea, and take our goods in return. The trade would then be really thrown open, which at present it is not.

MAN-OF-WAR JUNK.

Murders and robberies were of daily, or, rather, nightly occurrence at Hong Kong, the offenders being Chinese, who are the most daring robbers perhaps in the world.

[169]

TRADING JUNKS.

[170]I must now detail the events of a cruise of the Samarang during the time that I was in the Iris, and I avail myself of the private journal of one of my friends.

May 9th, sailed from Hong Kong to Batan, to complete the survey of the Bashee group. On the 20th we left Batan to run to Ibyat, about twenty miles from the former island, and although a high table land, it is low when compared with Batan. I never saw an island less inviting in appearance than Ibyat. We landed at the foot of a precipice, nearly perpendicular, and ascended to the summit by means of rough ladders, placed upright against large masses of rock; on either side of which were gaping chasms, the very sight of which were sufficient to unnerve us. This plan was not only the best for landing on this strange island, but, as the natives informed us, was almost the only one where a landing could be effected without great danger. It was near sunset when we landed; the boats returned to the ship, leaving us to partake of the hospitality of the padres from Batan, who had taken a passage in the ship, as they had some spiritual business to transact on this island. About 8 P. M., we arrived at the village of San Raphael, where we slept in a house set apart for the use of the padres. This village is situated in the centre of the island, built in a valley and on eminences which surround it. The most commanding position is occupied by the church and mission house, both of which are much larger, although built of the same materials, and on the same plan, as the houses of the natives. There was but one room in the mission house, which was scantily furnished with some heavy wooden chairs, and some cane settees for bed places; however, thanks to the kindness of the padres, we contrived to make ourselves very comfortable. There are four villages in the island, San Raphael, Santa Maria, Santa Lucia, and Santa Rosa; each consisting of about forty houses, containing about 300 people; so that the population[171] may be taken, at a rough guess, at about 1200. The natives profess the Roman Catholic religion, and appear to be very sincere in their devotion. Divine service is performed morning and evening, at which time the boys and girls of the village walk to the church in two lines, chanting a hymn to the Virgin Mary. Each line is headed by the youngest of either sex, bearing a cross. The boys wore nothing but the middle cloth, and the girls were almost as scantily clothed; the only garment being a skirt or petticoat, not larger than a moderate sized pocket-handkerchief. During two days our friends, the padres, were fully occupied with the important ceremonies of marriage and baptism. Many of the parties joined in matrimony were mere children. They all had, on this important occasion, some addition to their general costume. The bridegroom, for instance, wore a shirt; some of them had actually a pair of trousers. The bride had an additional and large petticoat, and an embroidered handkerchief. They were not at all bashful—there was no blushing—no tears, and, on the contrary, marriage appeared to be considered as an excellent joke, and the laughing and flirtation were carried on to the church door. The padres appeared to be almost worshipped by the poor natives, who, on their arrival and departure, respectfully saluted their hands. But their great affection was shown in a more satisfactory and substantial manner, by the continual supply of goats, pigs, fowls, vegetables, and fruit, which were liberally supplied during our stay. I forgot to say that the marriage certificates were of a very primitive kind; they consisted of a laurel leaf, in which were rudely inscribed the names of the bride and bridegroom. At length, having finished our survey, we bid farewell to our hospitable entertainers, and on the 27th made sail for St. Domingo.

We remained two days at St. Domingo, and then weighed and steered to the northward. On the 3d of June we landed on the island[172] of Samazana, near the south point of Formosa. The inhabitants of Samazana are Chinese, although they pay no tribute to the emperor. This island was first inhabited, about twenty years since, by a party of Chinese sailors, who were thrown on shore in a tempest. They afterwards returned to Amoy, where, having persuaded several families to join them, they returned to Samazana, and colonised it. The fertility of this island has richly repaid them for their labour. The village contains about 100 people, who are located in about ten or fifteen houses. Paddy, sugar-cane, and yams are grown in abundance, and ground nuts cover nearly one third of the island. These Chinese settlers keep up a trade with Amoy, from whence they obtain what they require, in exchange for the productions of their island. We found these people very civil and obliging, but excessively dirty in their persons and apparel.

About seven o'clock in the evening, while we were dining on the beach, an earthquake shook the island, the glasses jingled together, and all our party were in involuntary see-saw motion, like the Chinese figures. This lasted about ten seconds. Several of us, who had never before experienced the sensation, were much relieved when the shock was over, as it created a suffocating sensation. During the evening there were several other shocks, but none of them equal to the first in violence. We remained all night on the island, to ascertain the latitude by the stars.

On the following morning we returned on board, when we were informed that the ship had struck on a reef on the preceding evening, at 7 P. M. The lead was thrown overboard, but no soundings were obtained, proving, beyond doubt, that the concussion had been communicated to the vessel. She was about four miles off the land at the time, and many would not then be convinced that it was an earthquake; although I believe it has been satisfactorily proved that the[173] shock has been felt by a vessel which has been out of sight of any land.

On the 6th of June sighted one of the Madjicosima islands. The master in the second cutter left the ship, with a week's provisions, to survey the island, while we made sail for our former anchorage at Pa-tchu-san, to obtain water.

On the 8th of June we arrived at Pa-tchu-san, where we were received by our friends, the chiefs, who appeared delighted to see us again. We learnt through our interpreter that a French frigate had left Loo-choo for Corea two months before—twenty-seven of their countrymen, chiefly missionaries, having been murdered by the Coreans. It would appear that the French missionaries, exceeding their vocation, had wished to make some alterations in the Corean form of government, but their attempts not meeting the approbation of those in power, they fell a sacrifice to their good intentions.

On the 9th we sailed for Sabangyat to pick up the two cutters. We arrived there the next day, and were joined by the master. We received every attention from the hospitable and inoffensive natives, who supplied us with pigs, fowls, and vegetables, refusing to accept any thing in return. We returned to Pa-tchu-san to rate our chronometers, and sailed on the same day. The next morning we landed on Hoa-pen, an island, but the cloudy weather prevented us from obtaining the latitude. We landed during the day, and remained on shore the whole night to obtain our objects, and, I may add, were most cruelly bitten by the mosquitoes as a reward for our zeal.

When we were returning to the ship on the following morning, a large albatross alighted on the water close to the boat. As we passed it, it made several futile attempts to rise again on the wing. It is well known that this bird cannot fly while under the influence of fear, and so it appeared in this instance, for, while we were passing it, a[174] shark thrust its head out of the water and took the unfortunate bird down with him.

On the 16th we landed at Tea-qua-san, where we captured great numbers of albatrosses, ferns, and boobies. They actually refused to move at our approach. This island is very small and uninhabited, but it was evident that people had landed on it lately, for in a cave we discovered several grass beds, remains of game, and remnants of cooking. The weather prevented us from making any observations, but it did not prevent us from collecting several hundreds of eggs, which we took on board with us. The next day we saw a large rock, marked doubtful on the charts. A heavy squall, which forced us to run before it for several hours, prevented us from ascertaining its position.

June 19. We found ourselves close to the southern extremity of Loo-choo, the land of which is low. About noon we anchored in the harbour of Napa-kiang, and were boarded by several mandarins, one of whom the captain recognised as the interpreter of the Blossom, whose interesting cruise has been published by Captain Beechey. The natives of Loo-choo are so similar to those of the Madjicosima group that it would be useless describing their manners and customs, the more so as we have already the works of Captain Hall and Captain Beechey, in which they are described most accurately. A great many junks were anchored in the inner harbour, their enormous masts towering far above the highest buildings.

The burial ground is a large tract of land to the left of the town; the tombs are large, and in shape resemble the last letter in the Greek alphabet (Ω). Strange that it should be the last letter. Most of them are painted white, and they have from the anchorage a very picturesque appearance.

It was the captain's intention to have sailed on the day after our[175] arrival, but the weather proving unfavourable for astronomical observations, our departure was postponed for another day, when, having obtained sights, some live stock, and vegetables, we sailed for Guilpat, a large island off the southern extremity of Corea. Previous to our sailing, a French missionary called on the captain. He had been left at Loo-choo by the Alcimene frigate, with a view of introducing Christianity into the island, but the chiefs did not appear to relish his sojourn there, and were anxious to get rid of him. He offered to accompany us to Corea and Japan; at the latter place he would have been of great service, as he was acquainted with the Japanese language.

June 24. Sighted the Goth island, a portion of the Japanese empire. The next morning the wind had increased to a heavy gale, and we were compelled to reduce our canvass to a close-reefed main topsail, staysail, and trysail. We rounded Cape Goth within a quarter of a mile, and lay to under the lee of the island, where the sea was comparatively smooth. Towards the evening the wind subsided, and we again made sail. Saw the island of Guilpat, and the next morning anchored off the north-east side of it, in a channel between Guilpat and a small island. We landed on the small island, where we were received by about sixty natives, who did not appear well pleased at our intrusion, but knew that resistance to us would be useless.

In the course of the day several thousand natives had assembled on the opposite shore. By the aid of good telescopes we could discern forts and flags. The natives informed us that Guilpat had a standing army, well supplied with matchlocks, swords, and bows and arrows. They added that guns are not wanted to defend the island in case of need. This assertion we afterwards found, making allowance for a little exaggeration, to be quite correct.

[176]The island of Guilpat is subject to the kingdom of Corea, and is the largest in that archipelago, being about thirty miles in length and fifteen in breadth. It is composed of innumerable hills in every variety of form, such as cones, saddles, and tables. Most of these hills have forts built on their summits. From these, lights were displayed every evening, and it was astonishing the rapidity with which these signals were answered. I have seen the whole coast illuminated in less than five minutes, each hill appearing like a little volcano, suddenly bursting out. As soon as the boats had surveyed this part of the island, we shifted the ship to where the survey was being carried on; and this we continued to do during the whole time that we were employed in the survey, the boats returning on board every night. Good anchorage is to be obtained all round the island. Innumerable forts and batteries are built along the coast; every rising ground being surmounted with one, although the major portion of them were not supplied with guns. We found as we coasted along that all the forts were manned, the people being armed with matchlocks, spears, and arrows. On several occasions they fired their matchlocks, and the salute was returned by the 6-pounders in the barges, which never failed of putting them to flight. In the centre of the island the land runs to an enormous height, and terminates in a sharp peak, which, in consequence of its always having been enveloped with clouds, we did not see till several days after our arrival.

At last we arrived at the principal town, which is situated on the western side of the island. The town was inclosed with thick walls, higher than we had observed before as we coasted along. These walls form a square, each side of which is about half a mile in length, and has batteries, parapets, and embrasures. In some of the latter there were guns, which were occasionally fired. The whole ground before[177] the town, for the distance of a mile and a half, was crowded with people; but if they waited for our landing they were disappointed, as the captain would not land. They gave us two bullocks, which were put into the barge, as the ship was then ten or twelve miles off. The mandarins used every argument to persuade the captain to come on shore and visit the chiefs of the island; but, as we had but twenty men in the boats, he refused to trust himself among eight or ten thousand whose intentions were any thing but satisfactory. However, he promised that he would come on shore on the following day, but that at present he was obliged to visit a point of the bay to obtain observations before sunset. We now prepared to move in the barge, but found ourselves encompassed by twelve or fourteen large boats, fastened to each other by strong ropes. We desired them to make a passage, but they either did not, or would not, understand us. This looked very much like treachery, and decided measures were become requisite: the nearest boats were boarded, and the crews made to cut their ropes. Some of them appeared inclined to resist, but a smart stroke of the cutlass put their courage to flight. This affair took place within twenty yards of the beach, and in sight of 10,000 people on the shore. We now being clear, pulled for the point and secured our station. A great crowd collected around us while we were observing; the chiefs expressed a wish, in a peremptory sort of way, that the officers should partake of some refreshment at a short distance from the beach. This the captain, who suspected treachery, refused, and as we were going near to our boats, some of the natives laid violent hands upon our men, but having received from them a few specimens of our method of boxing, they soon quitted their hold. The Chinese interpreter was now missing; our men in consequence procured their arms, and landing, a strict search was made for him. He was found some little distance on land, having been enticed away[178] by one of the chiefs, who was plying him with sam-schoo. On his way to return they forcibly detained him, and were in the act of conveying him away, when the appearance of the armed party from the boat surprised them, and they hastened to convey their own persons out of reach of our bayonets. It was not, however, our intention, or our policy, to commence hostilities, only to show them that we would not be trifled with.

We returned from the point to the beach before the town, when the boat's guns were loaded with round and grape, and pointed at the crowd assembled, in case of any further treachery. The captain then landed with the small armed party, all ready for resistance.

Music was now heard in the distance, and soon afterwards one of the principal chiefs arrived, walking beneath a silken canopy. He was attended by two young lads and a band of spearmen, who prevented the mob from approaching too close to his highness's person. The multitude shouted, and bowed their heads to the ground as the chief passed them; the latter took no notice of their acclamations, but advanced in a very stately dignified manner towards the captain, apparently keeping time to the music, which was played by a band of men, dressed in a very fantastic manner, on cymbals and instruments resembling our clarionets.

The negotiations were now opened: the captain expressed his surprise and disgust at the treatment he had experienced at the point, where he had been taking observations. The chief inquired of the captain, in reply, why he did not shoot the offenders? and assured him that, if the next time he was annoyed by the rabble he would shoot a few of them, it would have a very salutary effect upon the remainder. In the course of conversation, the captain informed the mandarin that England possessed ships carrying 120 guns of larger caliber than those on board of the vessel he commanded; and that[179] altogether, including large and small, the Queen of England had 800 vessels. This account was evidently discredited, as it always was when such an assertion was made in those seas, for looking round him and explaining the nature of the communication to his followers, they all laughed. Asang, the interpreter, then gave them a history of the Chinese war, on which he dwelt upon our immense resources, the size and number of our vessels, and the fire ships (steamers) which we had employed; but it was evident that the Quelpartians did not believe one word of his assertions. Before the conference was over, rice, cakes, and sam-schoo were handed round, and the captain promised that he would visit the chief mandarin on the following day. By this time, the ship had come to an anchor in the bay, and we returned on board.

The next morning we got the ship under weigh, and brought her nearer to the town, so that her guns could be brought to bear in case of need; but when within 100 yards of the shore, and in the act of going about, the ship struck with great violence against a rock. Hawsers were laid out, and with our usual good fortune, we again got into deep water, and in half an hour anchored off the town in a favourable position for cannonading it. We then landed our force, consisting of all the marines, with the drummer and fiddler, besides a party of small-arm men from the blue jackets, all armed with muskets, bayonets, and cutlasses. The officers, in addition to their swords, carried pistols in their belts. A feu-de-joie was now fired, for the double purpose of creating an awe among the crowd, and ascertaining that all the muskets were in good order; for the mandarin resided some miles from the beach, and in case of attack we must have fought hard to regain our boats and the protection of the ship's guns. All being ready, the drummer and fiddler struck up a lively air, and we commenced our march towards the mandarin's house, the officers[180] being accommodated with horses. After passing over a morass, the waters of which ran sluggishly through the arches of a bridge, connecting the suburbs with the city, we ascended a rocky eminence, from the summit of which we had a bird's eye view of the city, and some portion of the interior. We observed that the ramparts of the city were lined with people. Our train was nearly a mile in length, although the natives were walking ten or twelve abreast. Immediately after our party came the band of the natives, dressed in russet-coloured cloth, with shawls of the same material; after them the mandarin, followed by above 200 soldiers, a dense mob bringing up the rear, with flags and banners displayed.

On the inland side of us was an immense plain, bounded in the distance by high mountains, whose tops were enveloped in clouds. This plain was mostly cultivated; that portion of it which was barren had been appropriated to burial grounds, several of which we passed through. At the head of the graves were stone figures intending to represent human beings, but Chantry had not been employed. At length, having walked round two-thirds of the walls, we entered a defile, leading to one of the gates of the city, but to our surprise, when we arrived at the gate, we found that it was locked, and when the cause was demanded, we were informed that the mandarin refused to allow the soldiers to enter, but that the officers would be admitted alone. This communication greatly irritated the captain, and our position caused us some uneasiness. We were inclosed within two high walls in a narrow lane, our advance prevented by the locked up gate, and our retreat must be through thousands who had formed the cavalcade, and were now in our rear. Our only passage was through this multitude, and I hardly need say that we were convinced of the treachery of the people. However, there was no time to be lost: the word was given, the marines formed a front line,[181] cocked their muskets, and then brought them to the charge bayonets; and in this way, the crowd retreating before us, we forced our way back, until we were again clear of the high walls which had flanked us; but our position even then was not pleasant. We had to pass the fort and several encampments before we could arrive at the beach, which was at least four miles distant. However, we put a good face on the matter, and forcibly detaining one of the mandarins upon the pretence that he must show us the way back, with the threat, that upon the slightest molestation on the part of his countrymen, we would blow his brains out, we commenced our march back to the beach, our two musicians playing with great energy, "Go to the devil and shake yourselves," which tune, struck up upon their own suggestion, was the occasion of great laughter among our party. At last we reached the beach without opposition, and the mandarin, who was terribly alarmed, was released.

When we arrived, the chiefs attempted to throw all the blame upon the head mandarin, but the captain would no longer stand their humbug. He replied to them, that if any of their principal men had visited the ship they would have been treated with respect and kindness, and that the number of their armed retainers would have made no difference in their reception; that he considered them as faithless in all their protestations of good-will, and from thenceforth he should place no reliance on any thing that they said; that for the future he would act as he thought proper without consulting them, and that he would shoot any one who attempted to interfere with him. We then got into the boats and returned on board, where we heard that the cutter's crew had been compelled to kill or wound some of the natives, who had come down in a body and attacked one of the men with fire-brands. The cutter was at anchor a short distance from the shore; on the natives approaching they seized their muskets, but did not fire[182] until their shipmate was in danger of his life. Two of the natives had fallen and had been carried off by their comrades.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

QUELPARTIANS.

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

The Quelpartians cultivate paddy (from which they distil their sam-schoo), sweet potatoes, and radishes, which, with shell-fish, form the principal articles of food with the lower classes. Pigs, bullocks, and fowls appeared to be plentiful, although we obtained but few. All their towns are enclosed with a stone wall; the houses are also built of stone, and mostly tiled with a species of red slate; but we had few opportunities of inspecting them, as the natives kept so strict a watch upon us, and so outnumbered us. These Coreans presented a strong contrast to the Loo Chooans, who are so polite in their manner and kind in their demeanour. These Quelpartians, on the contrary, are very unprepossessing in their appearance, rude and boisterous in their manner, and of very gross habits. They insisted upon feeling and inspecting every article of our clothing, even baring our breasts to ascertain their colour, and in many other respects proving themselves very annoying. This was submitted to at first, with the hope of securing their good-will, but afterwards very decided measures were taken to repulse these dirty wretches, whose clothes smelt most offensively. They have the high cheek bone and elongated eye of the Tartar, or northern Chinese, from whom I am inclined to think they are descended. The crown of the head is closely shaved, leaving a circle of long hair, which is tied in a knot on the top of the skull (similar to the people of Loo Choo), but without any ornament. Round the forehead is fastened a bandanna, about four inches in width, resembling fine net-work in texture, but it is made with horsehair. This is used to keep the hair in its proper position. But the most singular part of their costume is the hat, which is made of the same materials as the fillets: the brim is about four feet in width, and this gives to the wearer a very grotesque appearance. The crown in [183]shape resembles a sugar-loaf with the top cut off, and is very small in diameter. It admits the top-knot of hair, and nothing more.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

MANDARIN OF QUELPART.
(COREA.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

The lower orders generally wear a felt hat, but of the same dimensions and shape. The hats of the mandarins are secured on their heads by strings of amber beads and large ivory balls, and then passed under the chin. Rank is denoted by the peacock's feather in the hat. The army are distinguished by a tuft of red horsehair stuck in the crown. The respectable part of the inhabitants have several garments; the outer ones are of various colours, but the cut of them extends to all ranks. I can liken it to nothing but a long pinbefore, slit up in front, behind, and at the two sides. Under this they wear other garments, the texture and quality of which, as well as quantity, depend upon the wealth of the wearer. The sleeves of their dresses are wide and long. In spite of their thick mustachios and long flowing beards, they have the appearance of a very effeminate people.

One evening we saw a large turtle asleep as we pulled along the coast. A Sandwich Islander, belonging to the gig's crew, went in the water and turned him, holding him in this position till a rope was made fast to him, and he was secured. At night we landed on a small island, and we cooked our prize for our supper. I mention it as a proof of the man's dexterity.

Completed our survey of the Quelpart, and stood to the N. E. The next morning we found ourselves close to a labyrinth of islands, not laid down on any chart. The captain named the group after the ship; and, having in three days completed the survey of them, we stood further to the northward and eastward. It would be tedious to detail our surveying operations. We saw the main land of Corea, but did not go on shore; and our provisions getting low, we bore all for the southward. After calling again at Quelpart, where we remained a[184] few days, we made sail for Nangasaki, a seaport town in the empire of Japan.

We were some distance in the offing in sight of the town of Nangasaki, when several boats, gaily decorated with flags of various shades and colours, came out to meet the ship and accompany us to the anchorage. One of them brought a letter, written in mingled Dutch and French, inquiring from whence and why we came. The bearer, who was a great man in authority, desired the captain to anchor immediately; but this the captain refused, telling him that he should anchor his ship when and where he pleased. We afterwards discovered that these were all government boats, and that they were always placed as a guard upon any ship which visited Nangasaki.

JAPANESE BOAT.

The crews were all dressed alike, in chequered blue and white cotton dresses; the boats are propelled with sculls used as oars, the men keeping time to a monotonous song. Forts, or rather the ghosts of [185]forts, appeared as if raised by magic; they were easily distinguished to be formed out of immense screens of coloured cotton, and they were surrounded by flags and pennons. Although not effective, their effect was good at a distance.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

JAPANESE.

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

In the evening, a large assembly of the principal men visited the ship; they wore very loose jackets and trowsers. The jackets reached no lower than the hips, where they were confined by a silk or silver girdle, containing two swords, one somewhat larger than the other. The handles and sheaths of their swords were beautifully inlaid with copper, and japanned in a very peculiar manner. They were very curious to know the name and use of every article which excited their attention, and we were much surprised at their display of so much theoretical knowledge. They particularly admired the touch-hole of our guns, which are fired with the detonating tube. The properties of the elevating screws were minutely examined; and we were inclined to believe that many of our visitors were artificers, sent on board to examine and make notes of every thing new.

The Samarang was the first British man-of-war which had visited Nagasaki since the Phaeton, in 1808. The day after our arrival the chiefs sent off a present of pigs, fowls, and vegetables, but would receive nothing in return.

I accompanied the master to a small island, to make observations. Several of the great men desired us to return to the ship, but we refused. They appeared greatly annoyed, and drew their hands across their throats, intimating that their heads would be forfeited for their breach of duty. However, seeing that we were determined to remain, they made a virtue of necessity, and consoled themselves by examining our instruments. A laughable occurrence took place while we were on shore. The cutter was at anchor about ten yards from the beach. Two of the crew having an argument, one of them drew his bayonet,[186] and made a lunge at the other in jest. Observing the natives looking on with amazement, and fancying that the men were engaged in deadly fray, it drew our attention to the scene. They no doubt came to the conclusion that we must be a desperate set of fellows, and killed one another upon the slightest provocation. At all events, this little incident appeared to have a very good effect, as the natives, who had continually been interfering with our observations, now left us, not wishing to be so near to people who were so prone to mischief.

During the whole night we were surrounded by a squadron of boats, which, with lanterns lighted, and drums beating, continually moved round the ship, to intercept any boat leaving it. The captain, finding that the suspicious character of the Japanese would prevent any thing like correct surveying, which was the principal object of his visit to Nagasaki, determined upon leaving this inhospitable shore of Japan as soon as possible.

On Sunday the 6th, we weighed, and although the weather was unfavourable, contrived to work out of soundings until 3 P. M., when we made sail for Loo-Choo. At daylight we found ourselves abreast of a burning volcano. Dense clouds of smoke were issuing from a peaked island, about three miles distant. We soon afterwards landed upon an adjacent island, which, to our surprise, also began to smoke.

The day was sultry, and without a breath of air, so that in a short time, the atmosphere we were in became overpowering; at last a fresh breeze sprang up, and the disagreeable sensation wore off. The whole of the islands between Loo-Choo and Japan appear to be volcanic, and at certain seasons of the year they break out in a similar manner to those which we saw. At noon the smoke from the large volcano became lurid; but whether this was the breaking out into flame, or from the rays of the sun pouring down upon the smoke, it was impossible[187] to say, as we were then several miles off. During the whole of the following night we were becalmed, and during that time impelled, by a strong current, towards the volcanic island. Strange noises were heard, and large columns of smoke ascended from the crater, which, from there not being a breath of air, soon enveloped it from our sight. On the following day we again landed upon an island, some little distance to the southward of the volcano, which now vomited flames, ashes, and smoke, during the whole day. The master landed on another of these volcanic islands, but the showers of ashes and suffocating atmosphere soon drove him away.

The captain had finished his observations on the first island where we landed, and we prepared to return on board. Since the morning the swell had got up considerably, causing the surf to break heavily on the rocks. However, the instruments were safely embarked in the boat; but while the captain was waiting for an opportunity to get in, a surf drove the boat on a shelving rock, and suddenly receding, her stern was dropped so low, while her bow remained fast, that she capsized. Although the officer and men in the boat had to swim for their lives, and were much bruised by being dashed against the rocks by the succeeding surf, fortunately no lives were lost; but all the instruments, to the value of about 150l., went to the bottom, and, no doubt, have since the accident very much puzzled the sharks as to their use, as they often had done the natives of those seas. A signal was hoisted on the summit of the island for the ship to send boats to assist, and, on their arrival, the gig was baled out, and by sunset we were again on board.

August 18th.—Exchanged numbers with her Majesty's ship Royalist, which was anchored in Napa Kiang harbour (Loo-Choo). At 3 P. M., we anchored alongside of her, impatiently expecting letters by her, and we were not a little depressed at being disappointed. Still[188] we had one comfort, which was that, instead of having brought us, as we expected, three months' provisions, to enable us to continue our survey, she had only fourteen days' provisions for us, which was not more than sufficient to carry us back to Hong Kong. Many and various were the surmises that this recall and alteration of our planned employment gave us; the most prevailing one was that our orders from England were at Hong Kong. Others supposed that the ship would be hove down, and subsequently condemned; but the rejoicing was universal at the idea that there would be some speedy end to our hardships and vexations.

A day or two after our arrival the captain and senior officers landed, to partake of a dinner given by one of the principal mandarins. They were well plied with soup, fish, fowls, and sam-schoo, being attended on by minor mandarins. After dinner they were escorted through the town, accompanied by a large concourse of natives, who were kept by the police at a respectful distance. One of the multitude forced his way to join the captain's party, but was forcibly ejected, and preparations made to bamboo him, when, to the captain's surprise, he discovered that the unfortunate culprit was our greatest friend and ally during our visit to the Madjicosima islands. He had been christened Beaufort by our officers, in consequence of his accurate knowledge of all the shoals, bays, deeps, &c. A word from the captain released him, and to the astonishment of the mob, the captain and officers shook him cordially by the hand, and made him walk in their company during the remainder of the day. We did not find out why Beaufort left Pa-tchsu-san, where he appeared to be one of the principal chiefs; while at Loo-Choo he appeared to have no rank whatever. August 21st.—Sailed for Loo-Choo, the Royalist in Company. After looking in at Pa-tschu-san, we made all sail for Hong Kong; but arriving off the island of Botel Tobago, we were annoyed with light[189] airs and calms, varied with squalls and heavy rain. For several days we were at the mercy of the current, until, at length, we sighted Batan, and steered towards it. The wind still continuing light, the captain went in the gig, which was my boat, on board of the Royalist; and we soon left the Samarang far behind. We landed about three o'clock, and were received by the padre, the governor and his lady being at San Carlos. The commander of the Royalist and two of his officers landed with us, and were much pleased with the hospitality of the old priest. In the course of the evening the governor and his lady returned from San Carlos; we adjourned to his house, where we passed the evening. Several dances were performed by the native women; but we did not admire them—they shuffled with their feet, and threw their bodies into anything but graceful postures. At midnight we sat down to an excellent supper, and then returned on board of the Royalist. The following morning the ship was about three miles from the anchorage. Bidding adieu to our hosts, we pulled on board, and made sail for Hong Kong.

September 8th.—It being calm, the ship's company were permitted to bathe. In a minute all those who could swim were in the water, playing about in every direction round the ship, and enjoying the luxury. While this continued, the man at the mast-head reported a shark close at hand. The word to come in quickly was given by the first lieutenant and all the officers. It required no second call—every one knew why, and swam to the ropes, which were thrown out in every direction. It was touch and go, as the saying is—one of the marines, who was last, was actually touched by the shark, who made at him; but before he could turn to bite, the fellow had jerked himself up out of his reach. It was very fortunate that the man at the mast-head kept so good a look-out, for generally they are more occupied with the gambols of the bathers than looking out for sharks.[190] As it was, many of the swimmers were so unnerved that it was with difficulty they could get out of the danger. After the men were on board again, the great object was to have revenge upon the animal who had thus put an end to the enjoyment. The shark-hook was baited with a piece of bull's hide, and the animal, who was still working up and down alongside the ship, hoping that he would still pick up a marine I presume, took the bait greedily, and was hauled on board. The axe was immediately at work at his tail, which was dismembered, and a score of knives plunged into his body, ripping him up in all directions. His eyes were picked out with fish-hooks and knives, and every indignity offered to him. He was then cut to pieces, and the quivering flesh thrown into the frying-pans, and eaten with a savage pleasure which we can imagine only to be felt by cannibals when devouring the flesh of their enemies. Certainly, if the cannibal nations have the same feeling towards their enemies which sailors have against sharks, I do not wonder at their adhering to this custom, for there was a savage delight in the eyes of every seaman in the ship as they assisted to cut to pieces and then devour the brute who would have devoured them. It was the madness of retaliation—an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth.

September 14th.—Arrived at Hong Kong, where we found the Castor, Vixen, and Espiègle. The next day the Agincourt, Dædalus, Vestal, and Wolverine, arrived from Borneo, having been engaged with the pirates of Maludu Bay. The squadron had suffered a loss of one officer and eighteen men killed, and about double the number wounded. This heavy loss was occasioned by their having to cut through a large boom which the pirates had thrown across the creek within half pistol shot of their forts. But the official reports of Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane have already been published, and I need not, therefore, enter into further particulars. One incident is,[191] perhaps, worthy of notice, as it shows the respect invariably paid by the British officers and seamen to a brave enemy, although a pirate. The colours from the pirates' fort had been twice shot away, when, to the surprise of the boat squadron, a native was seen to ascend, without regard to our fire, and nail the colours to the flagstaff. Instead of taking aim at him, he was enthusiastically cheered by the seamen; and, as if with one consent, the muskets were all dropped, and the firing discontinued until he had again got down under cover, and was safe. The boom being at length severed, the fort in a few minutes was in our possession. Our late first lieutenant, Mr. Heard, who had left our ship, in consequence of the treatment he received from the captain, was wounded in this attack. Mr. Wade was the first lieutenant who sailed from England in the Samarang, and who also left us, not being able to put up with the treatment he received. It is singular that poor Mr. Wade should be killed so soon after he left the ship, and that his successor, Mr. Heard, as soon as he also left us, should have been wounded. But these were not the only officers who had quitted the ship: Lieutenant Inglefield, who joined the ship as assistant-surveyor, was, like most of the other officers, soon under an arrest; and after having had a report spread against him that he was mad, he determined to leave the ship, and obtained his Admiralty discharge. The second master, appointed by the Admiralty as one of the assistant-surveyors, also left the ship, but was compelled to join again.

A court-martial was now held on board of the Castor, to inquire into the conduct of Lieutenant Heard (our late first lieutenant), during the time that he served under Sir Edward Belcher. The court-martial had been demanded by Lieutenant Heard, in consequence of Sir Edward Belcher having written a private letter to Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, accusing Mr. Heard of conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman. The whole of the officers of the Samarang[192] were subpoenaed, and there is no doubt what the result of the court-martial would have been; but the court was broken up on the plea that the charges were not sufficiently specific, as neither date nor circumstances were specified. Before the court broke up, however, they did so far justice to Lieutenant Heard, as to return his sword, and state that there was not the slightest stain upon his character, and that he was honourably acquitted. The reader may perhaps ask, why the court was dissolved? It was to save the honour of the cloth, that the court, composed of captains, came to that decision. Had the court-martial proceeded, what would it have proved?—that a superior officer had been guilty of slander, and had attempted by this means to ruin a most excellent officer. The court declared that the charges were not sufficiently specific. Surely, they were plain enough. Lieutenant Heard was charged with conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman—a charge sufficient to dismiss him the service, if it could have been proved. But let us reverse this case: suppose that Lieutenant Heard had thus slandered Sir Edward Belcher. Would the court of captains then have discovered that the charges were not sufficiently specific? Most certainly not. The trial would have proceeded, and the lieutenant, for making such false charges in a private letter, would have been dismissed with ignominy from the service.

November 1st.—Sailed from Hong Kong, after a detention of some days, in consequence of a row between Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane and our gallant captain; the admiral, as we understood, refusing to allow the Samarang to leave the port until Sir Edward Belcher had apologised for his insubordination towards him. After a detention of a few days, the apology was forced from Sir Edward Belcher, and we were permitted to get under weigh. Of course, I cannot exactly vouch for the correctness of this statement, but such was the on dit of the day. On the second we experienced a heavy gale, and the Royalist, who was with us as a tender, parted company. After a weary beat of nineteen days, we arrived at Batan, the capital of the Bashee islands; but I have already described this place. We remained here eight days, anxiously expecting the Royalist, but she did not make her appearance, and we concluded that she must have received some injury in the gale, and had borne up for Manilla. We sailed for that place, and arrived there on the 2d of December. Our conjectures relative to the Royalist were correct: she was here at anchor, having crippled her foremast in the gale, so as to render it necessary for her to bear up for this port.

[193]

SALT SMUGGLERS.

[194]

We had always enjoyed ourselves at this place. During our repeated visits we had made many acquaintances and friends, and it was with no small pleasure that we found that we were to remain here till the first day of the new year.

It is the custom at Manilla for the inhabitants to throw most of their houses open on that day: any one may enter, and be sure of a hearty welcome from the hospitable Spaniards. We anticipated great pleasure,-and we did nothing but talk about it, as our last Christmas Day had been a most dreary one, and we were delighted at the idea of passing this one among hospitable and civilised people. The reader may therefore imagine our disgust and vexation when, on the 23d, without our having the least notice of his intention, the captain gave orders for the anchor to be weighed, and ran the ship down to Caviti, a town about seven miles distant. Caviti was deserted; all the inhabitants had gone to Manilla to enjoy the holidays; not a soul remained to welcome us; but if they had, it would have been of no good to us, as, on Christmas morning, about two o'clock, we were almost all of us sent on shore to take a set of magnetic observations, which were not completed until the same hour on the following day. At the same[195] time, to make "assurance doubly sure" that we should have no pleasure on that day, leave was stopped to all those remaining on board of the ship. I will not enter further into this affair. All I shall say is, that Christmas Day, the day of rejoicing, the day of good-will, was turned into one in which the worst passions were roused, and in which "curses not loud but deep" were levelled at the head of the man who, "dressed in a little brief authority," took this opportunity of exercising the power entrusted to him. After completing the observations, we moved further down the Bay, and surveyed the shoals of St. Nicholas; after which we returned to Manilla, where all gaiety had ceased.

Caviti was once a place of great importance, having been the capital of Luzon, from whence the galleons conveyed the treasure to Spain. The arsenal still remains, but in a very dilapidated state: we found the artificers busily employed completing some gun-boats and small schooners, which were intended to accompany the Esperanza, Spanish frigate, in an expedition to an island off Borneo, where the Esperanza had latterly sustained a defeat from the pirates who inhabited the island.

At Caviti lie the remains of an old Spanish galleon, one of the few which had the good fortune to escape Commodore Anson. The whole of one side of the vessel is gone, and she is now fast falling to pieces, but the Spaniards look upon her with great reverence. She is a relic of their former grandeur; and I was informed by a Spanish gentleman that she never would be broken up. I looked upon her, if not with reverence, at least with sympathy; and as I made a sketch of her my thoughts naturally turned to the rise and fall of empires, and I communed with myself as to what would be the date in which England would be in the same position as modern Spain, and fall back upon her former glories by way of consolation for her actual decay.

SPANISH GALLEON.

[196]On our arrival at Manilla, whether it was that the captain thought that we might too readily console ourselves for our Christmas disappointment, or that he had heard (which I doubt not was the case) the expressions of disgust which had been so universal, we found that all leave was stopped. A few of us, not relishing this confinement without just cause, made our appearance on shore in plain clothes; for we had become reckless. We could but be turned out of the ship and out of the service: we longed for the first most especially, and were[197] not alarmed at the prospect of the second. But although the captain was very willing to oblige us with the latter as soon as he had done with us, upon the paying off of the ship, he was not at all inclined to enter into our views as to the former; for he knew that he never would get another officer to join him. He therefore took all the work he could out of us for the present, bottling up his indignation for a future opportunity.

We visited the cigar manufactory. About three thousand women are daily employed in making and packing up the cigars. One party selects, cleans, and moistens the leaf; a second cuts; a third rolls; another packs them; and thus they are passed through a variety of hands before they are completed. The best cheroots made here are sent to the royal family, and are called Finas. No. 3. are the next best: of these there are two kinds—one for consumption, another for exportation. The cheroots sold in England under the name of Government Manillas are of inferior quality. In consequence of the failure in the preceding tobacco crop, cheroots were very scarce during the time we were at Manilla.

There is a fine lace sold at Manilla, called Pina-work. It is made by the women of an island bearing that name, which is close to Luzon. Although not so fine as some of the European manufactures, it fetches very high prices in this country. There is not sufficient made for exportation.

The night on which we went on shore contrary to orders proved to be a festival, and the city was illuminated. There is a variety in illuminations all over the world, as those who have been to various countries well know. The lower classes of Manilla construct animals of all sorts, ships, &c. out of coloured paper—very good imitations of the reality—and these they illuminate by putting candles within them. We had amused ourselves with looking at the variety of objects[198] exhibited by the various whims of the illuminating parties, when, on passing through a street, we observed a large illuminated pig—such a beauty! He was standing at the door of a shop, and the owner was quite proud of our unqualified admiration. We examined him very carefully, and at last we unfortunately discovered that he was fixed on a board with four wheels. Wheels naturally reminded us that they were vehicles of locomotion; the pig could move—that was certain—and we decided that, if possible, pig must go on board of the Samarang. This was agreed to, nem. con., by all parties, with the exception of the owner, who was not summoned to the consultation, which, I grant, was an omission. A ball of twine, some fifty fathoms long, was purchased, and stretched along the street, so as to give us a good start in case of a rescue. We manned it with all hands except one, who was appointed to make it fast to the pig, which he effected with great dexterity, and without being perceived. As soon as he rejoined us, off we set, followed by pig, who galloped and capered down the streets in capital style, preserving his equilibrium in a most astonishing manner.

But the owner of the pig soon discovered his loss, and gave the signal for the chase. As we passed the gates, the soldiers joined in the pursuit, and a large mob followed; but pig beat them all, and arrived safely at the hotel where we resided. Of course, the owner soon came in to claim his property; but he was so nobly remunerated for his animal, which became ours by purchase, that he went away jingling the money, and agreeing with us that it was an excellent joke. We placed our pig in the centre of the table, and passed our last night at Manilla in a most agreeable manner.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

NATIVES OF LUZON.

We then sailed again for Caviti, which was now again inhabited. The society is confined to the families of the civil and military officers who are stationed there. Some of the villages in the vicinity of[199] Caviti are very picturesque: the bamboos planted on each side of the road meet over head, and form shady lanes. The women at these villages were handsomer than any I had seen at Luzon, and were dressed very tastefully. A petticoat, reaching from the hips to between the knees and ankles, a not too jealous boddice of light muslin, their long hair flowing down their backs, and a neat straw hat, composed as graceful a costume as I have ever witnessed. See two of these girls, both riding one pony, taking eggs to Caviti, as they pass through the shady lanes, and you cannot desire a more agreeable picture.

WATER CARRIERS—MANILLA.

January 3rd.—From this day till the 20th of February we were surveying various portions of the Phillippine group; but as there is nothing[200] to interest the reader, I shall pass over a dry catalogue of mostly uninhabited islands. One of the islands was covered with cocoa-nut trees. We found on it some Malays, who had come there on an annual visit, and were loading their boats with the nuts. They were the rudest of the Malay tribe we had yet seen. Every article in our possession excited their cupidity, and they expressed their wonder and admiration by clacking their tongues against the roofs of their mouths, and emitting a very strange sound. A needle was valued by them at ten cocoa-nuts, a button at five. For the value of a few shillings we filled the ship with those highly esteemed fruit. On the 21st of February we proceeded to Samboangan, a Spanish penal settlement at the south extremity of Mindanao. The town, which is insignificant, is built on a plain. Most of the houses are constructed of leaves and bamboo, supported by stakes. The governor, however, and some of the most respectable of the inhabitants, occupy neat little white-washed cottages. There is a fine fort, in good condition, and mounting several guns, which is garrisoned by about 400 Manilla troops.

The town is surrounded nearly by groves of cocoa-nut trees and bananas, and the roads cut through them form pleasant shady walks. The plain on which the town is built is well cultivated, and watered by a fine river. It is bounded by a range of mountains, which separate the Spanish possessions from the country inhabited by the warlike natives of the interior. The people appear well-conditioned and industrious, and are remarkably neat in their dress and persons. There are several gun boats stationed here, which are employed to scour the coast of the pirates, who are very numerous and formidable.

Horses can be obtained here in any quantity, but saddles and bridles are scarce. Unfortunately, there is nothing so civilised here as an hotel, so few vessels visiting the port. The little commerce that[201] exists is carried on by small schooners which run between this island and Manilla.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

VIEW IN SAMBOANGAN.
(MINDANAO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

I have mentioned that this is the penal settlement of the Spanish colonies. The prisoners are confined within the fort, and there is none of that awe of restraint and doubtful position which you find in a place where half the population consists of liberated convicts. It is a flourishing and happy little colony. Many officers of an inferior grade reside here, holding appointments either in the fort, gaol, or the gun boats. These people and their wives are Mestichas (or half-breed), and it is among them and their families that some of the prettiest women in the Asiatic archipelago may be found.

Our first object after we were on shore was to procure horses, that we might have a view of the country, as far as prudence would admit. We were surprised at starting to find such fine roads, lined with gardens and cottages, embowered in groves of cocoa-nut, bananas, and bamboos. Where the road was not shaded, arches of wood were raised to protect passengers from the heat of the sun. The whole country was alive with natives, dressed in every variety of colour, and sledges drawn by water buffaloes, carrying fruit, vegetables, and Indian corn. We put our horses to a swift canter, and passed through many villages, all in appearance as populous, as thriving, and as happy as Samboangan. At last we arrived at an open plain, covered with cattle, and bounded by the mountains in the distance. We remained some time admiring and sketching; the inhabitants showed us every kindness, and were more courteous in their demeanour than might be expected from their isolation from the rest of the world.

On our return, we stopped at a little shop by the road side, close to the town. It contained fruit, grain, and tobacco; but ascertaining that coffee and chocolate could be had here, we ordered some of the latter, which proved to be excellent, and moderate in price. This[202] little shop, for want of an hotel, became our principal rendezvous during our stay here.

About nightfall, as we were strolling through the town, we were attracted by the sounds of music in an adjoining street. We altered our course accordingly, and on arrival at a large thatched house, perceived through the open windows that it was filled with musicians and dancers. We were immediately observed, and the owner of the house, in the most courteous manner, and in tolerable English, requested us to enter, which request we immediately complied with. We imagined that it was a ball, perhaps a wedding; but what was our surprise on entering to see a table in the middle of the room, on which was placed a dead child! It was neatly dressed, and ornamented with flowers, looking more like a wax doll than a corpse. The ball, we were informed, was given in honour of its funeral. The dancing had not yet commenced, so we were in excellent time. The master of the house was extremely polite, and requested that we would consider ourselves at home. We took his advice, and immediately separated, and paid our addresses to the ladies which most interested us by their appearance. A great many of them were exceedingly pretty, and they were dressed enchantingly. Their hair was drawn back, and collected in a knot behind, their bosoms covered by a light muslin jacket with short sleeves. A petticoat of many colours was sufficiently short to disclose their naked feet, on which was a slipper of velvet, embroidered with gold or silver lace. Two or three great gold ornaments completed their costume. Add to this their sparkling black eyes, regular features, and an air of naiveté—inseparable from Spanish girls, and you have some idea of the witchery of the belles of Samboangan.

We were very soon on excellent terms, and the table with the dead child being removed to a corner, the father and mother of the deceased opened the ball with a slow waltz. This being concluded, we selected[203] our partners, and a livelier air being struck up, off we all went at a splendid pace. The women waltzed well. The music was excellent. In the first round all the ladies lost their slippers, which were without heels; and in the second the pace became fearful, and the old house shook under the active bounds and springs of some twenty or thirty couples.

Spanish quadrilles succeeded the waltz, and then we had the country dance. This latter is complicated, but very pretty, and, with the assistance of our partners, in a short time we were quite au fait to its mysteries.

The music, which consisted of violins and guitars, bore up indefatigably. About twelve o'clock we ceased dancing, and preparations were made for supper. This was laid on the floor, clean grass mats serving as table cloths. The contents of the dishes were of the most novel description, and rice was the only article which I could recognise as unmixed. The repast spread, the host requested us to place ourselves. I followed my pretty partner's example, and came to an anchor on the floor alongside of her. I was most assiduous in helping her to whatever she pointed out; and, as nearly as I can recollect, the plate contained a curious medley of rice, prawns, fowls' legs, apples, besides other articles unknown, at least to me. I had observed a total want of knives, forks, and spoons, but this was explained when I saw that all ate with their fingers. Seeing no objection to this primitive plan, I was about getting a plate for myself, when I was informed by my partner, in the most insinuating way, that I was to consider her plate as my own. I fully appreciated the compliment, and at once commenced, assisting her to demolish the pile that I had collected, as I thought, for her use alone. On looking round I found that we were not singular, and that every couple were, like us, dipping into one dish. Never was there a more merry and delightful[204] supper. As soon as it was over, which was not very soon, for I could have gone on eating a long while for the very pleasure of meeting the pretty little fingers in the plate, we rose, the mats and dishes were cleared away, and we resumed the dancing, and it was at a late hour that we made our buenas nochas to the fair girls of Samboangan.

We remained in this delightful little place for two days. Many of us were inclined to remain there for life, if we could have escaped. We made several excursions into the interior, and the more we saw the more we were convinced that no place was so pretty as Samboangan.

March 3d.—Anchored in a port at Baselan, where the Spaniards had very lately founded a colony. We found them very busy felling trees, clearing backwood, and completing the stockade or fort. The natives of Baselan are a courageous race, and were continually attacking the Spaniards, occasionally with success. Two gun boats were lying off the town, but the Spanish force is not sufficient to meet the attacks of the natives, who continually surprise their outposts and decapitate their prisoners. On our arrival a discharge of guns and fire-arms was kept up during the whole night, fully proving the trouble which the Spaniards would have in establishing and retaining their settlement here. It was a few miles from this that the French were beaten off by the Malays or pirates, for the terms are at Baselan synonymous.

March 5th.—Having completed the survey of this port, we made sail for Balam-bangan. On our route we stopped at Cagayan Sooloo, where we fell in with two piratical prahus. For reasons, not explained, these vessels were not interfered with, although there was not the least doubt of their occupation.

March 9.—The ship struck several times while threading her way[205] through a line of dangerous shoals to the eastward of Bangay; and on the same evening we arrived at Balam-bangan.

The Royalist had been despatched about a month before to Sincapore, to obtain provisions to enable us to survey the coast of Borneo. Balam-bangan was the rendezvous appointed, and we expected to have found her anchored there; but in this we were disappointed. The survey of Balam-bangan was now commenced, and during our survey we discovered the remains of the old English settlement. It may be as well here to concisely narrate the history of its rise and fall. About the year 1766, four ships, filled with troops and every thing requisite for the formation of a colony, arrived at Balam-bangan, which was formally taken possession of in the name of his Britannic Majesty. But unexpected difficulties arose one after the other. The natives of Bangay, about three miles distant, were hostile, and made repeated attacks upon them. The soil was discovered not to be of that fertile nature which had been represented; and unfortunately two of the ships were thrown on shore in a gale, and every soul on board perished. These several disasters damped their energies, and created a feeling of distrust among the settlers, but still the original intention was not abandoned. The forts were completed, a few houses rose, and as their comfort and security increased, so did their hopes arise, and they worked with renewed vigour. But their prosperous state excited the jealousy of the people of Sooloo, which island is the emporium of the commerce between Borneo and the other islands. The ruling powers of Sooloo considered that this commerce must fall off if the English established themselves on an island so well adapted for it in every respect as Balam-bangan, and they resolved to attack the colony in its infant state. Perhaps they had another reason, which was that they anticipated a rich booty, if successful, and no doubt they were not disappointed. The attack was made with an overwhelming[206] force, and the English, although they bore themselves bravely, could not resist it. Most of the colonists were butchered, some few gained the ships in the harbour and sailed away to the port from which the expedition was fitted out. Since that time no further attempt to colonise this island has been made, nor, indeed, is it likely that there will be, as Labuan is much more advantageously situated in every respect.

The Royalist at last arrived: she had but few letters, but, valuable and dear to us as letters always were, she brought intelligence that made every heart, except one, beat with delight. Was it possible? Yes, it was true—true! We were ordered home. Oh, the delight, the frantic joy, which was diffused through the whole ship. To have witnessed the scene we should have been considered as mad. Every one embracing one another, shaking hands, animosities reconciled at once, all heart-burnings forgotten: we could have hugged every thing we met—dogs, monkeys, pigs—except the captain. All our sufferings and privations were forgotten in the general ecstasy, and, although thousands of leagues were still to be run before we could arrive at the desired goal, and months must pass away, time and space were for the time annihilated, and, in our rapture, we fancied and we spoke as if we were within reach of our kindred and our homes. Could it be the Samarang that we were on board of?—the same ship that we were in not one hour ago?—the silent, melancholy vessel, now all hands laughing, screaming, huzzaing, dancing, and polkaing up and down the deck like maniacs? And then when the excitement was a little over, and we became more rational, Why were we ordered home? was the first surmise. We had been sent out on a seven years' expedition, and we had not yet been out four. The surveys were not half finished. Was it the row that the captain had had with the admiral, and the reports of many officers who had quitted [207]the ship? We made up our minds at last that it must have been upon the representations of the admiral to the Admiralty that we had been ordered home. There could be no other reason. We drank his health in nine times nine.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

ILLANOAN PIRATE.
(TAMPASSOOK, BORNEO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

On the 24th of March we sailed from Balam-bangan, with the intention of making a flying survey of the coast of Borneo, as far as the island of Labuan and the country at Sarawak, to make the best of our way to Sincapore, at which place we hoped to arrive about the 1st of May, there to receive our final orders and start for England. It would be tedious, and it is not necessary, to give a description of the survey which we afterwards made. We went over the same ground as before, and we surveyed with a musket in one hand and a sextant in the other, for the natives were not to be trusted. Our warlike friends at Tampassook did not much relish our re-appearance on their coast. A Spanish slave made his escape from them and came on board, begging a passage to any where. He had been taken prisoner, with six or seven others, in an engagement between the Manilla gun boats and the Illanoan pirates, and had been very cruelly treated. We learnt from this man that the pirates of Tampassook are very rich, and possessed a large number of fine prahus. They had also plenty of fire-arms, but were afraid of them, preferring their own weapons.

[208]

ILLANOAN PIRATES.

It was here that we heard the news of the murder of our old friends Rajah Muda and Bud-ruddeen. It appeared that they had been accused of being privy to the attack of the English on Maludu, and supporting our claims to the island of Labuan. Bud-ruddeen died as he had lived, a brave man, and worthy of a better fate. On the approach of his enemies he retired to his house with his sister and favourite wife, both of whom insisted upon sharing his destiny. For some time he fought like a lion against a superior force, until his [209] servants one by one fell dead. He then retired dangerously wounded to an inner chamber, with his wife and sister, and, allowing his enemies to follow him till the house was filled with them, he fired his pistol into a barrel of gunpowder, which had been placed in readiness, and at once destroyed himself, his friends, and his enemies. But this barbarous murder on the part of the sultan of Borneo and his advisers was not left unpunished. Sir Thomas Cochrane went to Bruni with his squadron, and reduced the sultan to submission and a proper respect for the English, and those who were friendly with them.

As we approached Labuan we found it necessary to be on the qui vive, as all the natives were hostile to us, and would have cut off our surveying parties if they had had a chance. In the bay of Gaya, we met a brother of Bud-ruddeen. He was the Rajah of the small province of Kalabutan. Both he and his followers burned to revenge the death of a man so universally beloved as Rajah Muda, and offered to accompany us with their whole force to attack the city of Bruni. They came on board of us with fowls, eggs, and fruits. They placed little value on dollars, preferring white linen, handkerchiefs, and bottles, to any other article in the way of traffic. We, therefore, as we were so soon going to England, made no ceremony of parting with our old clothes in exchange for stock; and the next vessel that visits the river will be surprised at the quantity of midshipmen's jackets, sailors' hats, and marines' boots, which will be worn by the inhabitants, in addition to their own costume. Mr. Adams, the assistant surgeon, had obtained permission to accept the Rajah's invitation to visit the town, which was some five or six miles up the river. He saw nothing worthy of remark except some of a tribe of aborigines (Dusums). Their only covering consisted of large metal rings worn round the neck and hips.

NATIVES OF N. E. COAST OF BORNEO.

[210]While a party were observing on shore, a short distance to the northward of Kalabutan, they were fired at by a party of natives concealed in the jungle. The only person who was wounded was the Spaniard, whom we had rescued at Tampassook, who was standing by the captain. The ball passed through his arm, and grazed his body. The arms were handed out of the gig, which was close at hand, and the enemy retreated into the wood. The cutter then joined, and having a three-pounder on her bows, opened fire upon the natives, who had re-assembled.. The first two or three shots passed over their heads, and encouraged by no injury being done to them, they came forward dancing, yelling, drawing their knives and spears in defiance. But a shot passing through the body of the chief set them all off. [211]They bore him away on their shoulders, and did not afterwards make their appearance. After cannonading the village for an hour, and doing them all the mischief that we could, by destroying their fortifications, burning one and carrying off another prahu, we returned on board, and then made sail for the island of Labuan, where we arrived on the 25th of April, 1846. Here our surveying was completed, and we made the best of our way to Sarawak, where we arrived on the 30th of April. We learnt all the news of the little colony from Dr. Treecher, who came to visit us.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

DUSUM.
(N. COAST OF BORNEO.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

We found that Mr. Brooke had been recognised by Government, and that Captain Bethune had been testing the capability of making Labuan a coal dépot. Poor Williamson, the interpreter, and a great friend of ours, had been drowned some months previous, while crossing the river at night in a small canoe, and no doubt fell a prey to the alligators. He was not only a very amiable, but a very clever fellow, and his loss was deeply felt by every body.

Mr. Brooke was absent from Kuchin on an expedition to the Sakarran river, in the Phlegethon steamer, to inquire into the particulars, and punish, if necessary, an attack upon his Dyak allies by the natives of Sakarran. Two Sakarran chiefs, accompanied by a great many war prahus, had paid a visit to Mr. Brooke, and had been entertained by him in his usual hospitable manner. At their departure he loaded the chiefs with presents, for which they appeared to be extremely grateful. As a return for this kindness, and to prove their sincerity as allies, the principal chief left his son, a boy of twelve years of age, with Mr. Brooke. But notwithstanding that this boy was as a hostage, they could not resist an opportunity of plunder, and that very evening they ascended one of the tributary streams of the Sarawak, attacked a village, and brought off with them twenty-seven heads of the unfortunate Dyaks. When the news[212] arrived, Mr. Brooke was so much enraged at their treachery, that he almost determined upon sacrificing the boy chief, as the natives expected; but not wishing to visit the sins of the father upon the lad, who was innocent, and fearful that his own people would not be so forbearing, he returned the boy to his parents. We all felt annoyed that we had not an opportunity of bidding farewell to Mr. Brooke, and thanking him for his kindness to us whenever he had an opportunity of showing it. He was, indeed, beloved by every body who had the pleasure of his acquaintance.

Sailed for Sincapore. The next night we communicated with the Julia (Mr. Brooke's vessel). She had on board Captain Elliott, and twenty-five sepoys[3], who were to be stationed as a garrison at Kuchin. We were much pleased to find that Government had taken up this cause so warmly, and that Mr. Brooke was likely to be recognised by it, after all his individual exertions. Our passage to Sincapore proved very tedious, all hands upon short allowance, and no grog. We touched at Barren Island, and obtained a large quantity of sea birds' eggs, but they were mostly rotten; but this did not prevent our making omelets of them, for we were now with only three days' provisions on board at half allowance, and the calm still continued. Three days we were in sight of the island, the sails flapped idly against the masts, and not a breath disturbed the surface of the ocean wave. We thought of the tale of the Ancient Mariner, and there were not wanting those on board who declared that this continued calm was a judgment upon us, not for shooting an albatross, but for robbing the nests of the eggs.

Our barges were sent to Sincapore for provisions, for famine was staring us in the face, but that same night a breeze sprang up, and [213]on the 20th of May we dropped our anchor in the roads. At Sincapore we found the Hazard, 18, whose crew suffered so much at New Zealand; and here also we found, to our inexpressible delight, our orders for England, of which we had begun to have some doubts. On the 14th of June arrived the Admiral, in H. M. S. Agincourt, towed by the Spitfire steamer. As soon as he was joined by the rest of the squadron, it was the intention of Sir T. Cochrane to make sail for Bruni, and punish the six-fingered sultan and his piratical advisers.

Sincapore, like all new settlements, is composed of so mixed a community, that there is but little hospitality, and less gaiety. Every one is waiting to ascertain what is to be his position in society, and till then is afraid of committing himself by friendly intercourse; moreover, every body is too busy making money. The consequence is, but few parties are given, and a ball is so rare that it becomes the subject of conversation for months. There are some good-looking girls at Sincapore, but it is only at church or on parade that a stranger obtains a glimpse of them. Prudery is at present the order of the day, and this is carried to such an extent from non-intercourse, that at a farewell ball given to the Cambrians, the women would only polka and waltz with each other.

The country immediately outside the town of Sincapore is spotted with little bungaloes, the retreat of the merchants from the monotonous business-life which they are compelled to lead. The plantations of nutmegs and beetle-nut which surround these country residences are very luxuriant; and at this time the fruit was on the trees, and the odour quite delightful. One male tree is planted for every ten females. Very little cloves or cinnamon are grown at this settlement, but I saw some specimens. A nutmeg tree is valued, when it once arrives to full bearing, at a guinea a year. The Areca-palm is a very[214] beautiful tree, and requires but little attention: these and cocoa-nut are valued at a dollar per year. Large quantities of sugar-cane are now grown here, and some fine sugar-mills are built in the vicinity of the town. The roads are kept in good repair by the convicts, and are now really very respectable.

The Chinese joss-house here is considered very fine, and I made a drawing of it. It has some good stone carving and figures, but is very inferior to that of Ningpo. During the time that I was drawing it was filled with Chinese, who were very inquisitive and troublesome: the only method I could devise for keeping them off was by filling a bowl full of vermilion, and when their curiosity overcame their prudence, and they came rubbing up against me, daubing their faces with the colour—this plan, accompanied with a kick, proved effectual.

CONVICT.

Sincapore being the penal settlement of India, there are a large number of convicts here, who are chained, and work at the roads and bridges. One night I visited the gaol, and was taken over it by an overseer. We first visited the Chinese department. Two long benches ran along the room, on which were stretched some thirty men. As the overseer passed he struck each man with his rattan, and in a moment they were all sitting up, rubbing their eyes, and looking as innocent as possible. They were all confined for murder, and were a most rascally-looking set. From this room we proceeded to another, fitted in the same manner, and filled with Indians. Many of them were branded on the forehead with "Doomga," which signifies murder; and in some cases the brand was both in Hindostanee and English. Leaving them, we entered a small room close to the gates of the gaol, and guarded by a sentry. In this room were confined the most reckless characters. They were but eight in number. Parallel to the bench ran a long iron rod, and to this they were shackled, both[215] hands and feet. The first man among them pointed out to me by the overseer was a fine-looking grey-bearded Indian, of great stature, and with the eyes of a tiger. He had been formerly a rich shipowner at Bombay; but having been convicted of insuring his vessels to a large amount, and then setting fire to them, his property was confiscated by the government, and he was sentenced to work for life in chains. It is said that he has offered a million rupees to any man who will knock off his irons. His son carries on the business at Bombay, and it was reported that a vessel was always lying at Sincapore ready to receive him in case he should effect his escape; but of this there does not appear to be the slightest chance, as he is particularly watched and guarded.

KLING WOMAN.

The next culprits pointed out to us were two of the heads of the[216] secret society of India. So much has already been said of this extraordinary association, that I need not discuss it here. There is, however, a society in Sincapore of a similar nature, composed of all the lower orders of the Chinese. It is said to amount to 15,000; and the police is much too weak to prevent the robberies, although some check is put to them by the presence of the military. It must not be supposed that because there are 15,000 in the society, that there are that quantity of robbers: such is not the case. Of course it is difficult to arrive at the regulations of any secret society, but as far as can be collected, they are as follows. A certain portion of the society are regular thieves, and these in a body compel those who are inoffensive to join the society, by threats of destruction of property, &c. If the party joins the society, all that is expected of him is, that he will aid and assist to prevent the capture, and give an asylum to any one of the society who may be in danger. The richest Chinese merchants[217] have been compelled to join, and lend their countenance to this society, upon pain of destruction of their property, and even assassination, if they refuse; and as they have more than once put their threats into execution, the merchants have not the courage to resist. Shortly after our arrival at Sincapore, the burial of one of the chiefs of the society took place; and such was the concourse assembled to witness the funeral, that it was thought advisable to call out the troops, as a skirmish was expected to take place. However, every thing passed off quietly.

The richest Chinaman at Sincapore is Whampoa: he supplies the navy with stores, and has a thriving business. His country house is a favourite resort of the naval officers, and he gives excellent dinners, and very agreeable parties. His champagne is particularly approved of.

There is little or no amusement at Sincapore. During the afternoon every body is asleep. In the cool of the evening half a dozen palanquins, and perhaps a few gigs, may be seen driving on the parade: these proceed at a steady pace round the grass-plot for about an hour; and this is the only exercise taken. Fashion is very drowsy here, and only wakes up occasionally, that she may sleep the longer afterwards. From the want of hospitality, the evenings are passed by strangers at the hotels, playing billiards, smoking, and drinking. The hotels are very good, in consequence of the steamers from Bombay to Hong Kong touching here; they are fitted up with an unusual degree of comfort; and the charges are, of course, not very moderate. The markets are well supplied with fruit, vegetables, and stock of all kinds. Among the fruits must be mentioned the mangostein, which is brought from Malacca; and the pine-apples from the island of St. John's. The opposite side of the island upon which Sincapore is built is well wooded. A great many tigers swim over from the main, and[218] pits are dug for their destruction, 100 dollars being given by government for every tiger killed.

On the 18th we received our final orders, and took our farewell of Eastern India; but it must not be supposed that we made the best of our passage to England. On the contrary, the captain was as anxious to remain out as we were to get home; and we were six months and twelve days from the time that we left Sincapore till our arrival at Portsmouth. The fact was, that the pay and emoluments of a surveying captain are such, that our captain felt no inclination to be paid off; and as he never spent any money, he was laying up a nice provision for his retirement; besides which he hoped that, upon his representations to the Admiralty, the order for his recall would be cancelled, and that he would find a letter to that effect at the Cape of Good Hope. His object, therefore, was to spin out the time as much as possible, so as to allow the answer of the Admiralty to arrive at the Cape before we did. We were ordered to survey some shoals, the Cagardos Carahos, on our passage home; but I believe nothing more.

On Sunday, the 22d, we anchored off a small island near to the isle of Billaton. At two A. M. we weighed, and ten minutes afterwards the ship struck on a shoal. All our exertions to get her off proved abortive, and in this uncomfortable position we remained till the following Thursday, when she again floated, after throwing overboard the guns, and landing such stores as we could on the island. This accident and light winds lengthened our passage to Anger (the Dutch settlement in Java) to twenty-one days; and there we remained five days, to ascertain the rate of our chronometers. This Dutch settlement at Anger, although slightly fortified, might be made a place of great consequence: both outward and homeward bound vessels touch here for water and stock; and were it properly supported and improved by the Dutch, as it should be, it would command a great deal of trade,[219] and during war be of great consequence. It is governed by a Dutch military officer, and is garrisoned with about fifty soldiers. The country is remarkably fine here, the plains richly cultivated and covered with cattle. The farmers complain bitterly of the taxes imposed upon them by the Dutch, taxes so onerous that no native has a chance of realising any profits of consequence; but this is Dutch policy, and very unwise policy it is. We now thought that we were about to proceed to the isle of France direct, but we were mistaken: we weighed anchor, and proceeded to the Cocoa islands. This is a low group of islands literally covered with cocoa-nut trees. These islands are possessed by a Mr. Ross, formerly mate of a merchant vessel. His family consisted of two sons and two daughters, and are the only Europeans who reside there. We could not help thinking that the Misses Ross had very little chance of getting husbands. The remainder of the population, amounting to about 120 souls, are all black. They extract the oil from the cocoa-nut, and trade with it to Java, from whence they procure the necessary supplies. Whalers occasionally call here to obtain fresh provisions; but the visit of a man-of-war was quite an event.

From the Cocoas we steered for the Cagardos Carahos shoals, where we remained for more than a fortnight, surveying. There are several islands close to these shoals, which are in the shape of a crescent. They are very dangerous, being in the direct track of ships from China and the Indies.

Indeed, we had ocular proof of their dangerous position, for there were seven or eight wrecks upon them, and the small islands of sand were crowded with masts, spars, chests, interspersed with human bones bleaching in the powerful sun. On one of the islands we discovered the remains of the British ship Letitia, which was wrecked in September, 1845. At a short distance from the beach was the grave[220] of the captain, who was drowned in attempting to reach the shore with a bag of dollars. Had he not held on so tight to the bag, he would in all probability have been saved, as were all the rest on board of her. It certainly would be very advisable to build a lighthouse upon these shoals; the expense would be nothing compared to the loss of property and life which they occasion every year. From the Cagardos Carahos we proceeded to the Mauritius. Here we found the President, bearing the flag of Admiral Dacres, and the Snake brig just arrived from England.

Port Louis has been too often described to be mentioned here. Behind it rose a range of mountains, the highest of which are about 1400 feet above the level of the sea, and completely shelter the town from the S. E. gales, which at this period of the year blow with great violence. Among these mountains is the famous Peter-Botte, and we looked upon it with great interest, in consequence of the daring and successful attempt made a few years since by some Englishmen to attain the summit of it. Even now, although we know that it has been done, it appears to be impossible. One of the leaders of this expedition was Lieutenant Thomas Keppel, the brother of our favourite Captain Henry Keppel, and this circumstance gave it more interest to us; but T. Keppel has since left the service, and is now a Reverend, moored in a snug Creek, and has quite given over climbing up Peter-Bottes. During the short time that we remained at this delightful island, we received every kindness and attention from the governor and his lady, and the officers of the two regiments stationed there.

F. M. DELT.

M. N. HANHART LITH. PRINTERS

PORT LOUIS.
(MAURITIUS.)

LONDON; LONGMAN & CO. 1848

From the Mauritius we proceeded to the Cape of Good Hope. On the morning of the 24th of September we hove in sight of the Table Mountain, but it was not until the 26th that we cast anchor in Simon's Bay. Here we remained for a month, waiting for the arrival[221] of the mail from England. At last it arrived, but not bringing us, as our captain hoped, the order for his return to India, on the 24th of October we made sail for England, and, calling at St. Helena and Ascension en route, on the last day of the year we dropped our anchor at Spithead. We were not, however, emancipated till the 18th day of January, on which day the ship was paid off, for which, and all other mercies, may the Lord be praised!

[222]

## OBSERVATIONS

UPON

THE EASTERN ARCHIPELAGO.

It is with diffidence that I take up my pen to offer a few remarks upon the prospects afforded to our commerce and manufactures by the opening of the Eastern Archipelago. Hitherto I have done little more than narrate what I have seen, and have seldom made any attempt to express what I have thought. However, as my thoughts have been generated from what I have observed, whether I am correct or not in my opinions, I shall venture to lay them before my readers.

How it is that until lately we have never taken any notice of this immense archipelago it is difficult to say, unless we are to suppose that, up to the present, the other portions of the inhabited globe have been found sufficient to consume our manufactures as fast as they could be produced. It does appear strange that an assemblage of islands, which, large and small, amounting to about 12,000 in number, equal in territory to any continent, and so populous, for the inhabitants, including the more northern islands, are estimated at fifty millions, should have hitherto been unnoticed, and, at all events, have not attracted the attention of our government. Moreover, there are such facilities of communication, not being compelled, as with the Chinese,[223] to confine ourselves to five or six ports, at which the whole trade is centred in the hands of a monopoly, taxed with the expences of land-carriage, port duties, and other exactions. Here, on the contrary, from the division of the territory into so many portions, we possess all the advantages of inland navigation, if I may use such a term, for the straits and channels between them serve as large rivers do on the continents to render the communication with the interior easy and accessible. And yet, although we have had possession of the East Indies for so many years, this archipelago has been wholly neglected. At all events, the discovery of it, for it is really such, has come in good time, and will give a stimulus to our manufactures, most opportune, now that we have so much increased them, that we are in want of customers. Still we have, almost unknown to ourselves, been advancing towards it step by step. The taking possession of the island of Sincapore was the first and greatest stride towards it. Had it not been that we had founded that settlement, we probably should not have been nearer to Borneo now, than we were fifty years ago. Sir T. Raffles conferred a great boon upon this country, and is entitled to its gratitude for pointing out the advantages which would accrue from this possession. Till we had made a settlement there, we knew no more of the eastern archipelago, than what had been obtained by our circumnavigators, or of the produce of it, further than that Borneo was the country from which could be obtained the orang-outang.

Latterly we have been at some trouble and expence in forcing our trade with China, little aware that almost in the route to China we had an opening for commerce, which, in a few years, judiciously managed, will become by far the most lucrative of the two, and what perhaps is still more important, may be the means of a most extended trade with China, as we can drive the Chinese from the archipelago, and supply China from them ourselves; but of that hereafter.

[224]One cause, perhaps, which has prevented us from turning our attention in this direction has been, an unwillingness to interfere with the Dutch, who have been supposed to have been in possession of all the valuable islands in the archipelago, and from long-standing to have a prior right to this portion of the East; but, although the Dutch have not been idle, and are gradually adding to their possessions, there is little chance of our interfering with them, as there is room, and more, for the Dutch, ourselves, and every other nation which may feel inclined to compete with us. The possessions of the Dutch are but a mere strip in this immense field; and, although it is true that they have settlements on the Spice Islands, so named, yet we now know that every one of these islands may be made spice islands, if the inhabitants are stimulated by commerce to produce these articles of trade.

It was the settlement at Sincapore which first gave us a notion of the trade which might be carried on with this archipelago. Every year large fleets of prahus have come up to Sincapore laden with commodities for barter, and have taken in exchange European goods to a certain extent; but their chief object has been to obtain gunpowder and shot, to carry on their piratical expeditions. In fact, they are traders when they can only obtain what they want by exchange; but when they can obtain it by force, they then change their character, and become pirates. But our possession of Labuan has brought us about eight hundred miles nearer to these people, and enables us to take more effectual steps towards the suppression of piracy than we have hitherto done; for this we may lay down as an axiom, that we never shall reap the advantages promised to us by commerce in this archipelago till we have most effectually put an end to the piracy which has existed in these quarters for centuries. Before I go on, I cannot help here observing how much this country is indebted[225] to Mr. Brooke for his unwearied exertions in the cause of humanity, and his skilful arrangements. It is to be hoped, that our gratitude to him will be in proportion, and that Her Majesty's ministers will, in their distribution of honour and emoluments among those who have served them, not forget to bestow some upon one who has so well served his country.

The largest, and perhaps the most important of the islands in this archipelago, although at present the most barbarous, and the most hostile to us, is that of Papua, or New Guinea. The inhabitants are as well inclined to commerce as the other natives of the archipelago, and do at present carry on a considerable trade with the Chinese, who repair there every year in their junks, which they fill with valuable cargoes adapted for the Chinese market. The Chinese have found the trade with New Guinea so lucrative, that they are doing all that they can to secure the monopoly of it, and with this view take every occasion, and do all that they possibly can, to blacken the character of the Europeans in the minds of the inhabitants. It is to this cause that the Papuan's hostility to Europeans, and especially to the English, is to be ascribed; and before we have any chance of commerce with this people, it is necessary that the Chinese should be driven away from the island, that they may no longer injure us by their malicious fabrications. This will be but a just retribution for the falsehoods and lies which they have circulated to our disadvantage. And there is another reason why we should be little scrupulous in taking this measure, which is, that one of their principal articles of commerce with the Papuans consists in slaves, which are taken on board by the Chinese, and sold at Borneo, and the adjacent islands of the archipelago, at a great profit. To obtain these slaves, the Chinese stimulate the Papuan tribes to war with each other, as is done for the same purpose in Africa. As this traffic is very considerable, and we are as[226] much bound to put down the slave trade in the east as in the west, we have full warrant for driving their junks away, and, by so doing, there is little doubt but that in a few years we shall secure all the valuable trade of this island to ourselves.

Borneo is, however, the island (or continent) to which our first attention will be particularly devoted. Up to the present we know little of it except its coasts and a portion of its rivers; but it is here that our principal attention must be given, as in its rivers and the island of Sooloo the chief piratical hordes exist. We have already had some sharp conflicts with them, and have given them some severe lessons; but although we have given them a momentary check, and some idea of our immense superiority, we must not imagine that two or three successful conflicts are sufficient to put an end to a system which has been carried on for centuries, and which is so universal, that the whole of the present generation may be said to have been "born pirates." In fact, we shall be compelled to subdue them wholly, to destroy them in all their fastnesses, to leave them without a prahu in their possession, to depose or confine their chiefs, to destroy their forts, and to carry on a war of extermination for some years, before we shall put down the piratical system which at present exists. It is not quite so easy a task as may be imagined to reform so many millions of people: for it must be remembered that it is not only at Borneo that we shall have to act, but that we must destroy the power of the sultan of Sooloo, and other tribes who frequent other islands, and who follow the same profession. It must not be forgotten that one of the principal objects of these piratical excursions is to procure slaves for sale at other ports; and perhaps this is by far the most profitable part of the speculation. As long as there is no security for the person, commerce must languish, and be proportionably checked. In putting down these marauders, we are, therefore, putting down the slave trade[227] as with the Chinese at New Guinea. The sooner that this is effected the better; and to do it effectually we should have a large force at Labuan, ready to act with decision. Let it be remembered that, with people so crafty and so cruel as the Malays and descendants of the Arabs, lenity is misplaced, and is ascribed to cowardice. No half measures will succeed with them. Indeed, I have my doubts whether it will not be necessary to destroy almost every prahu in the archipelago, and compel the natives to remain on their territory, to cultivate or collect articles for barter, before we shall effect our purpose; for the prahu that sails as a trader is changed into a pirate as soon as temptation rises on her way. Indeed, if Labuan becomes, as it will probably be, an emporium and dépôt for European commerce, without such stringent measures a great stimulus would be given to piracy. The peaceable trading parties, on their return, would be laid in wait for by the piratical prahus, and the English manufactures on board would be so tempting, and such a source of wealth, that they would be irresistible. Neither should we be able to afford any protection to the traders, as they would be laid in wait for at the mouths or up the rivers, and would be captured without our knowledge; with this difference, perhaps, that the fear of detection would induce them to murder all the prisoners, instead of selling them as slaves, as they do at present. Unless, therefore, the most stringent measures are resorted to on our parts, an increase of commerce with this archipelago would only occasion in a reciprocal ratio an increase of piracy.

The occupation of Labuan and Sarawak will, I should imagine, prove hardly sufficient to effect the important change to be desired, i. e. that of the total suppression of piracy. Stations, with forts, must be established at the mouths of the principal rivers, that we may have a constant watch upon the movements of the occupants. In so doing[228] we should be only encroaching upon those who have encroached upon others: these rivers have been taken forcible possession of by the Malays and Arabs, who have driven away the proprietors of the soil, which are the Dyaks, the aborigines of the island; and they have no more right to the possessions which they hold, than their chiefs have to the high-sounding titles which they have assumed. That in taking this step we shall interfere with no vested rights is certain: we shall merely be dispossessing these piratical marauders of their strongholds; and the cause of humanity will sufficiently warrant such interference on our parts.

In our first attempts to establish, a peaceful and secure commerce with this archipelago, it appears to me that it would be advisable for the Government to take some share in the venture. Ten or twelve schooners, well manned, confided to intelligent officers, and armed with one heavy gun, and swivels in the gunwales, should sail for Labuan, with assorted cargoes, with the view of both trading and checking piracy. Much depends upon the way in which the barter is first commenced, and it would be as well that it should not be left in the hands of adventurers, whose mercenary feelings might induce them to excite doubt or irritation in the minds of the natives, and, by such means, do great mischief, and impede the trade. The constant appearance of these vessels in the archipelago, the knowledge that they were sent, not only to barter, but also to protect the well-disposed against violence and rapine, would soon produce most beneficial effects, and would impose confidence. Merchant vessels which entered the trade should be empowered, by letters of marque, to put down piracy, and should be armed in a similar way. Although there is little doubt but that in a short time vessels would sail from Labuan with full cargoes for Europe, still it is more than probable that the most important part of the trade, and which would employ most vessels, would[229] be the colonial trade, or rather, country trade, to the several marts in the Indus and China. There are many productions of the archipelago which are only valued in the East, such as bêche-de-mer, or trepang; edible birds' nests, &c. This trade we might very soon monopolise to ourselves, and a most lucrative one it would prove. The following are the articles to be found in more or less quantities over the whole of the Indian archipelago:—Antimony, tin, gold, diamonds, pearls, sapphires, ivory, gums, camphor, sago, pepper, tortoise-shell, mother-of-pearl, skins, wax, honey, cocoa-nut oil, coffee, rice, and coal, edible birds' nests and trepang; all the varieties of spices, as cinnamon, cloves, nutmegs, can be grown as soon as there is a market for them; the cotton tree nourishes; and, although not yet worked, it is proved that there is abundance of copper and lead. An archipelago containing such rich productions, and which we may, with some little trouble, receive in exchange for our manufactures, becomes a national concern, and it is the paramount duty of the Government to take every measure to facilitate the communication with it.

The expedition of Mr. Murray to the river Coti, on the south side of Borneo, although, from imprudence, it ended not only unsuccessfully but tragically, fully establishes that an opening for commerce is to be established. In this expedition Mr. Murray, by his imprudence and unguarded conduct, brought upon himself the attack of the natives, in which he lost his own life, and the vessels with great difficulty escaped. Since that failure, no English vessels have attempted to trade to the south of Borneo; but we discovered that the Macassar boats paid the coast an occasional visit, under Dutch colours, exchanging beads and other trumpery for rich cargoes of ivory and skins. We also discovered that commercial negotiations with this country would not be attended with any risk, provided that the vessels employed were well armed, and the arrangements[230] were so made as not to excite the jealousy and suspicion of the natives.

European manufactures would be eagerly purchased by the natives, and would be paid for in ivory, rough ores, or dollars. Mr. Wyndham, who has settled at Sooloo, has already sent a vessel to trade on the south-east side of the island, near Gonong Tabor.

So much for the southern portion of this immense archipelago. We have still to examine the more northern. Indeed, when we look upon the map, and see the quantity of territory with which we may eventually find the means of trading,—the millions who, but for the jealousy of the governments, would be glad to receive our manufactures,—we are lost in conjecture as to what extent it might eventually be driven. In the north we should certainly have more difficulties to contend with; and it will require that the whole of the naval force in India should be, for a time, devoted to this object. I believe it is as much from their utter ignorance of our power, as from any other cause, that we have hitherto been so unsuccessful at Japan; but the object we have in view may be effected, provided that a certain degree of the fortiter in re be combined with the suaviter in modo. The Japanese now carry on a large trade with China, and also a confined trade with the Dutch, to whom they have allowed a factory upon a small island; but they treat the Dutch with the greatest indignity, and the Dutch submit to it, and, in so doing, have rendered the Europeans vile in the estimation of the Japanese. This is the error which must be destroyed by some means or other, even if it should be necessary to pick a quarrel with them, as we have already done with the Chinese. At the same time that I admit the expediency of so doing, I by no means assert that we shall be altogether justified.

There is another point worthy of consideration, which is, that a whale fishery dépôt might be made with great success in this archipelago,[231] any where to the southward and eastward; and we might recover a large portion of that lucrative employment, which, by the means of British seamen employed in American vessels, has been wrested from us; for although, at the commencement, the whale fishery from the States was carried on by Americans only, since it has so enormously increased, at least two-thirds of the people employed in the vessels are English seamen, who have become expert in the profession. It is much to be lamented that the laudable exertions of Mr. Enderby and others to revive this lucrative employment for our vessels and seamen has hitherto failed, and that some part of our surplus capital has not been devoted to an object so important to us as a maritime country.

I shall conclude with a reflection which I made while I was on the coast, leaving the reader to agree with me or not, as he may be disposed. How is it, as I have already observed, that all the colonies founded by other nations, either languish or have been swept away,—not all, perhaps, as yet, but the major portion of them; while every colony founded by our little island appears to flourish, till it becomes so powerful as not only no longer to require the nursing of the mother country, but to throw off its dependence, and become a nation of itself? How is it that it can so truly be said that the sun never sets upon the English flag? It cannot be from any want of energy, or activity, or intelligence, or judgment in other nations; for surely in these qualifications we are not superior to the French or to the Dutch, although we may be to the present race of Spaniards and Portuguese. Our colonies have not been more carefully fostered than theirs: on the contrary, they have been neglected, and, if not neglected, they have been but too often oppressed. Why, then, should this be? Can religion have any thing to do with this? Can it be that Providence has imperceptibly interfered, and has decided that England[232] shall perform the high mission; that she has been selected, as a chosen country, to fill the whole world with the true faith, with the pure worship of the Almighty? Has it been for this object that we have been supported in our maritime superiority? Has it been with this view that we have been permitted to discomfit the navies of the whole world? May it not be that when our naval commanders, with a due regard to propriety, have commenced their despatches with "It has pleased the Almighty to grant us a splendid victory," at the same time that they were trusting to the arms of flesh and blood which have so well supported their endeavours, and in their hearts ascribed their successes to the prowess of man,—may it not be, I say, that the Almighty has, for his own good reasons, fought on our side, and has given us victory upon victory, until we have swept the seas, and made the name of England known to the uttermost corners of the globe? Has this been granted us, and have we really been selected as a favoured nation to spread the pure light of the gospel over the universe? Who can say? "His ways are not our ways;" but if so, it is a high destiny, which we must act up to at every sacrifice and at every expence.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The account of this transaction is taken from the private log of one of the officers who was present in the barge during the whole time. I was not there myself. In his narrative it will be observed that he makes no mention of the natives who came down upon them having thrown spears at them, although in the extract from the "Times" it is so stated. It would appear also that there was some mistake as to the number of men on board of the prahus and the number killed. A war prahu generally contains from fifty to eighty men. Some are smaller, and occasionally they are larger, but not often. Capt. Keppell states fifty men to be the usual number in his work; and, in his conflict with the pirates, estimates the force accordingly. Now the first day there was one war prahu, which ran up a creek; and, on being fired at, the crew deserted her. On the second day there were five prahus, all captured. On the third day the five prahus engaged were not captured, the boat returning to the ship after the captain was wounded; so that in all it appears that there were nine prahus; and, allowing eighty men to each, the force would only amount to 720 men, or about one half of the number stated, viz. 1330. How the killed, amounting to 350, or about half the number, were arrived at and estimated, it is impossible to say; but in the narrative of the officer, which I have given, the major portion of the crews deserted the prahus and got on shore.

[2] These rascally nurses have all been discharged. When enlisted as nurses in England, they signed for three years' service. When their time was expired, they applied to Admiral Cochrane for their discharge. After some demur their request was complied with; but their conduct had been so disgraceful, that, as it was not in the agreement, they were refused a passage home in a man-of-war. I met some of them ashore at Hong Kong, looking in vain for employment, and at a distance of 20,000 miles from their own country. The retribution was just.

[3] These sepoys were raised and paid by Mr. Brooke.

THE END.

London:
Spottiswoode and Shaw,
New-street-Square.

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES:

The author's original (and inconsistent) spelling of place and person names has been preserved, although in some cases, the modern equivalents are substantially different.

In the original text, most illustration captions had terminating punctuation but a few did not. In this transcription, terminating punctuation has been added to those captions which did not have them in order to remain consistent with the style most commonly seen in the text.

Lithographs facing pages 85, 142, 199 and 201 were missing a line specifying the publisher "Longman & Co" which is present in the other lithographs. It is possible that the pages used for this transcription had been physically truncated. The original appearance of the physical page has been preserved and the publisher line, if missing, has not been added.

Inconsistencies in hyphenation of words preserved. (orang outang, orang-outang; blowpipe, blow-pipe; bow-man, bowman; daylight, day-light; flagstaff, flag-staff; goodwill, good-will; gunshot, gun-shot; lighthouse, light-house; parang, pa-rang; pineapples, pine-apples; tomtoms, tom-toms; whitewashed, white-washed; pic nic, pic-nic; Nepa palm, nepa-palms)

In the original text, the characters in abbreviations were separated by either a half-space or a full-space. This has been standardized to a full-space in all cases for this transcription.

Pg. 19, unusual or archaic spelling of "musquitos" retained. (musquitos, scorpions, lizards, and centipedes)

Pg. 20, there is a reference to date 27th May. Context suggests it should probably be 27th July. The original text has been preserved. (On the 27th May every thing had been prepared)

Pg. 21, "wth" changed to "with". (delightful bay studded with small)

Pg. 35, unusual or archaic spelling of "phrensy" retained. (The lovers were in a state of phrensy)

Pg. 90, unusual or archaic spelling of "segars" retained. (We had plenty of wine and segars)

Pg. 206, word after comma begins with uppercase, most probably it represents the start of an unspoken thought in the author's mind. Original text retained. (and we became more rational, Why were we ordered home?)

Pg. 211, "dépot". On Pgs. 227 and 230, it is spelled "dépôt". Original spelling preserved in all cases.

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